§. I. AMong the many causes which have cherished and height­ned our late and present distempers, there is none have been more powerfull then the audacious liberty, and carelesse permission of printed Pamphlets, which seem­ing inconsiderable, have better familiarity with the vulgar, and being fraught with reasons fit for their capacity, do not onely confirm those malignant whom they finde so; but by their tart aspersions laid on the best Persons, and their bold misinterpretations put upon the sin­cerest actions, corrupt and poyson many times the best and purest inte­grities; while they of the adverse Party laugh in their sleeves to see so many good fames sullied, and so little opposition to be made against them.

§. II. Nor hath the Parliament been awanting to take notice at se­verall times of this inconvenience; witnesse their many Votes and Or­ders, and appointing of Committees to this purpose, which as yet have effected nothing: For which, some have given these reasons: First, That no particular person of sufficient abilities, armed with sufficient authority, and encouraged by a competent Salary, hath been deputed to this employment; but the businesse hanging on many shoulders, hath through carelesnesse of the Superiours, the treachery and cunning of the Underlings (who are known to receive fees from the Hawkers and Printers for their connivance) fall'n to the ground. Another cause is given, That the Mercuries and Hawkers (so they call the men and women that carry these papers up and down) are grown into a kinde of a Corporation, and finding the sweet of it, will not be deterred by these empty threats of Bedlam and Bridewell, for needy people are in a manner lawlesse. A third cause is assigned, which indeed is the neer­est from the truth, That a wrong course is taken to endeavour to sup­presse Libels in the hands of these people, when they ought to be ori­ginally supprest at the Presses; which till it be done, they take but the same course, as if a Physitian should endeavour to remove an internall fixed Disease, by the cutting off of some outward member.

§. III. But the troth is this, and which till it be remedied, all at­tempts in this kind will be vain: the permission of Bibles printed be­yond Sea, and some others of the most saleable Books to be common­ly vended, hath so discouraged the mystery of Printing here, that ma­ny [Page 2] Printers are necessitated to undertakings of this nature, though ne­ver so hazardous, so they bring them in some little profit: and their Brethren knowing not how soon the case may be their own, out of in­terest dissemble it. This once remedied, there would not a Pamphlet peep out, but it would be track'd to its first rise, and discovered: And I beleeve, this wholsome policy put in execution, would of it self prove effectuall, without that tyrannicall passe-port of an Imprimatur; first spawned by the Inquisition, fostered by the Bishops and their Trencher-chaplains, and at last catcht by the turbulent Presbyterians.

§. IIII. I must adde, as a branch of this cause, that although Printing be decayed, Printers are encreased, whereas the Presses were before of a set number, which must needs infer, there is danger in the multitude of them; whereas if they were limited as I said before, there might scarce be a Ballad done, but it would be accompted for, and the State might be satisfied, if it were injured by a piece, without need, to curb it by a License; which commonly rather defaces good pieces (ac­cording to the humour of the Licenser) then expunges bad ones. We shall not at this time insist any thing upon these excellent advantages, and horrible inconveniences, which may proceed from the good or bad managing of Printing, the wisdome of any State, though never so weak will finde it out. But to the purpose, if this be beside it.

§. V. Among the many Pamphlets that have infected our Com­mon-weal, two, in respect of their continuance and audacious impu­dence, have not been of the least note, Pragmaticus and Elencticus; the former for a watry and sleight kind of bitternesse, seasoned for the most, with prophaned sentences of holy writ, whose abuse is all the ingenuity it can claim: The other (which occasioned this present task) by a malicious ribauldry, and desperate reviling of what per­sons it pleased, and upon what grounds he cared not, which being al­so followed with a frontlesse assertion of whatsoever might advance the cause he undertook, hath made it self the companion of its friends, to see what a stout and daring champion they had got, and the enter­tainment of many of his enemies, to see how unjustly and frowardly he struck at them.

§. VI. With these degrees hath this sheet of paper, in despight of the obscurity of its birth and Author, made it self the censor of most of the actions and passages of the Kingdom; insomuch, that having in late weeks foulely fallen on my Lord of Warwick, my Lord Wharton, Master Speaker, Master Soliciter, Master Corbet, Master Bradshaw, Master Hall, Master Lilly, with others of lesse note and quality; it struck in it [Page 3] its thirtieth sheet at the Parliament it self, and with a rascally com­parison, endeavoured to make all the bitternesse that could be emptied against them, to serve as a foil to set of the King, whom it doth rather injure, by how much he layes to his charge those vertues, which either are not found, or are awanting in him, and paints him with those co­lours, which any body that is not byassed, may see are adulterate, and belong not to him; so that on the one side, his dispraises being scur­rilously libellous, and not to be beleeved, his encomions on the other side are meerly petitionary, and not to be granted by any one that hath the least notice of the actions and carriage of this King.

§. VI. But because a generall Answer is not enough to satisfie par­ticular instances, we will run over the Particulars, and see by what truth, nay discretion, they can be made good: yet must we professe to retain all reverence to the King's person, whom we do not in the least levell at, further then what may conduce to cleer the understanding of this present comparison.

§. VII. We shall onely premise, that there is a great difference be­tween the carriage of a Government a long time setled, and rooted in the opinions of the people, and one that is but new, and arises from a change: for mens expectations being in the later case raised, and not meeting per­haps with equall satisfaction, presently turn into disaffection, whereas in a setled government, mens thoughts are at a stand; and though they meet with some inconveniences, they are rather willing to suffer them, then run the hazard of an insurrection. To adde, that a Government of some standing, hath commonly observed and remedied those inconveni­ences, which a State of a lesser standing cannot, as either being em­ployed in other affairs, or else for the present not willing to note them: Withall in the former case, the Revenue is setled and certain, which is not so in the later, although there be much the more occasi­on, which may cause some unusuall levies, yet without the imputation of tyranny.

§. IX. So that were it true what the Pamphleteer sayes, that the people were weary of the oppression and slavery, which (he says) they now groan under; it might be rather their own inconsideracies then the mis-govern­ment of this Parliament, whom yet (as being but men, and walking in slippery times) I suppose no man is bound to justifie in every particu­lar: yet for setting up any arbitrary or tyrannicall Government, the best of them would as much loath the thought of it, as the worst would fear to at­tempt it.

§. X. But how do they oppose a gracious, &c. King? when all their [Page 4] endeavours have hitherto been to draw him from those Counsellours, which by the confession of his own party, have been too prevalent with him: and had we any leisure to make long reflections on the late war, it were no difficulty to demonstrate, that the stubbornnesse and aversnesse of Him and his Party, drew it out to that length, though the Pamphlet charges the People, that they embrace an unnaturall and bloody War.

§. XI. The people are also charged to abandon all Order Ecclesi­asticall, as if taking away of Bishops, whose grosse enormities became the outcry of the whole Nation, reduced us into an Anarchy, or the taking away of superstitious Ceremonies (not onely burdensome to tender consciences) innovated against Law, brought prophanenesse upon us, and shook the frame of all divine Worship: And whereas he sayes, that no government can suit with this Nation but Monarchy: 'Tis granted, onely we desire it may not be Muscovitish or Turkish; and we now come to the Paralell.

§. XII. We know (and the deadliest enemies he hath have acknowledged) that his Majesty conformeth himself unto the lawes of Nature, which these Ty­rants (at their pleasure) trample on. This fellow either not understood or explained not what he meant in that place by the lawes of Nature; nor can we, till we be as wise as he, make an answer to it: onely if he understand it as it is in the Schools, 'tis but a poor acknowledgment, every King having other Lawes whereby to govern. But why did he not instance wherein the Tyrants (as he cals them) did trample on them; for by generall criminations it is easie to overthrow the best in­tegrity.

§. XIII. The King respects Religion, Justice and Faith, whereas they regard nei­ther God, Faith nor Law. For the King's Religion, we refer it to that pow­er who best knows it. For his Justice, whether all the acts of his reign fall under that note or no, may be soon enquired. For his Faith (which we must interpret to be keeping of promise) 'tis well enough known how contrary his Declarations and Letters have been one to ano­ther. For the Parliaments regarding of God, his mercies to them, so ma­ny and so continued, shew them not unsincere. For their regarding of Faith, tax them if thou canst with any breach of Promise. For their regard of Law, to what end have they fought so long? but to rescue it from oppression; and how can they not regard that whereof they are the makers? but indeed there is a height of malice in this expression; and there can be no more said against the Devil himself.

§. XIIII. The King referreth all his actions to the good of the Common-wealth, and safety of his Subjects; whereas the other respect nothing more then [Page 5] their own particular profits, pleasure and revenge. If the King referred all his actions, &c. he were an Angel and no Man: But this is a meer hyper­bolicall common place of flattery. For the other, &c. That that there may be such ayms among some particulars, we wish we could deny; but for the generall, 'tis an imputation that a deadly enemy would hardly charge them withall.

§. XV. The King always endeavoured to enrich his Subjects; whereas these Tyrants seek after nothing more, then by impoverishing of them, to encrease their own wealth. If the King had such desires to enrich his Subjects, how came those unknown Taxes of Ship-money, Knighthood, Loan-mo­ney, &c. Not to note a kind of covetousnesse in the King, unsuitable to so great a Prince; though to charge the Parliament with such im­poverishment, Prejudice it self can hardly do it, although in particu­lar persons, it were to be wisht there were occasion of more just vin­dication.

§. XVI. The King accounteth his own Goods to be the Goods of his people; they reckon not onely their goods, but even their bodies and their lives also their own. This is meer presumption, as a particular insistance on both par­ties would cleer, in reflecting onely on the intentions of either Party.

§. XVII. The King severely revenged the publick injuries done against the Kingdom, and easily pardon the wrongs done to himself; these men most cruelly revenge their own, and pardon what is done against others. For the King, the Isle of Rhee businesse, with that of Rochel, is not forgotten: and how sensible he is of particular injuries, they that know his disposition can best tell: nay, it is affirmed by some of his own Party, that the letting fall of some sharp speeches hath caused not a few to appear against him (as for example, he told Pembrook he was too long by the head, &c.) whereas all the Kingdom may know how mercifull the Parlia­ment have been to them whom they overcome; and let any indifferent man judge, whether such quarter would have been had, had the other side prevailed; nay, whether they have not suffered by their too much slacknesse.

§. XVIII. The King willingly would forgive the offences of other men, but is of his own failings a severe Judge; wheras these bloody villains sharply revenge even the least offences of others, but unto themselves are most favourable. This is in effect what was spoken of in the last Paragraph; yet has not the King been noted as any such severe Judge of himself, but rather of a stiffe nature, why complies he not else with the Parliament, while they by their severall contrary Votes, shew they are unvvilling to stand to that long, vvhich they suppose not so convenient. And for their ha­tred [Page 6] of Pamphlets (as Elencticus complains) let him speak if ever he knew one State in love with them: The truth is, they connive at them too much.

§. XIX. The King alwayes endeavoured to maintain his Subjects in Peace and unity; whereas they strive still to set them at oddes, and by that means to ru­ine one another, and with the confiscation of their Land, Goods, enrich them­selves. If it be so, why did the King desert the Parliament, and never yet return to it; and how much are they to blame when the frequent insurrections of the other Party, have set the Kingdom in a flame.

§. XX. The King advanced to the highest degree of honour the best and most vertuous men; but these men promote the greatest theeves and villains, whom they use as spunges to suck the wealth of the people. If the King advanced none but the best men, how came such a contamination of the Nobility? the King advanced many who since have adhered to the Common-wealth; either this assertion is false, or the men are good still: did all at Court enter the Temple of Honour through that of Vertue? you that re­member those times, call back your thoughts a little, &c. Are they all bad the Parliament employes? or are they employed to that purpose? it cannot be denied, but that some have been faithfull to their Char­ges, and must passe to Posterity, with the character of Honesty.

§. XXI. The King frankly bestowed the greatest and most gainfull Offices of the State upon men of best deserts, who free from bribery and corruption, might defend the people from all injury and oppression; whereas these Rebels set them to sale to those that will give most for them, and by their robberies and unreasonable exactions, keep the people under. Was bribery unknown at Court (far be it from me to charge the person of the King) or were all men that were advanced seraphicall? was there not severall and horrid corruptions? else, why were so many impeached and discharged of their Offices the very beginning of the Parliament? But can you charge the people with setting to sale any one Office, but rather disposed them into those hands who have been most active and constant in the Cause of the Common-wealth, which now groans as little under injustice as ever it did, say the adversary what he will.

§. XXII. The King was ever ready to expose his Life to any hazard for the good of his Subjects; they durst never stir their Arses in their defence, but re­quire it a duty to perish for them in their unjust quarrels. Instance us one eminent hazard and adventure of the King; the most of them (we know) had Military Commands and Offices, which they valiantly and faithfully executed from the beginning of the War, till a particular Ordinance proclaimed them, and ordered their services to Westminster.

§. XXIII. The King (notwithstanding all the malice and venome of scan­dalous and detracting tongues & pens) is still beloved & honoured of his Subjects; these envious tyrants hate them all, and are reciprocally of them hated. There is no body that as a Subject does not honour and love the King, yea hate them that any way unjustly asperse him; but if a malignant humour prevail in the Kingdom against the two Houses, that may be the fault of the people themselves, and not theirs; for if they hated the people, they had never done so much as they have done, and suffered for them.

§. XXIIII. The King in time of War had no other recourse but to his own loyall Subjects; when they have no other War then against them. How came it then that he had such assistances came over from Holland, and other places, to fight against his Subjects? why hath there been such solici­tations of forreign Princes? and why was there a peace made in Ireland and Rebels brought over? while the Parliament held off their hands from any such engagements, and were desirous (if it had been possible) not to have made use of the assistance of their Brethren of Scotland, whose coming in notwithstanding brought those undue aspersions upon them, of calling in forreign Force: but this was without reason as I have made it good in sundry other places; which whoso pleaseth may read.

§. XXV. The King had neither Garrison nor Guards but those of his own houshold; whereas they dare not shew their brazen faces without Garrisons and Guards, and Armies of the most dissolute and desperate Villains that the whole Kingdom affords, to protect them in their tyranny, and to keep the poor Subject in a continuall slavery. What Garrisons or Army were needfull for the King in time of peace, when all the Kingdom was under his onely beck, and all the Militia of the Kingdom in hands of his own? when the Par­liament were in a manner compelled to take in what they had by the dint of the sword; which if they should lay down (there being so ma­ny drawn every day about them) were meer folly and stupidity in them: but that which gals them most, is the keeping up of the Army, the next means under God of their safety, they being such as had be­fore got them the best Victories, yes, more then all their other Armies besides, that so suddenly to disperse them in the midst of so much need they could not have been excused from a breach of trust, which lyes, upon them from the Kingdom. But how desperate and dissolute villains are the Army? hath it not been confessed of them, that they kept as good order and civility as any have been known in the last Wars? what out­rages can they be taxed with at Whitehall? or whether doth the Coun­try man cry more out of them then the Cavalierish Army? but if you [Page 8] take desperate in such a sense, as to undergo any hazard or any danger, when they are directed by their Commanders, 'tis granted they are desperate, and that they have ad­ventured as much as could be required from men and Souldiers; and these sufferings hath been requited with as many Victories.

§. XXVI. The King lives securely in all quiet and tranquility of mind, for they con­fesse weekly in their ordinary Pamphlets, he is merry and pleasant (notwithstanding his close imprisonment, and most barbarous usage;) whilest these traytors are possessed and troubled with carefull and contrary thoughts, still languishing in a perpetuall horrour and fear, and gnawed to pieces by the worm of their bad consciences. If the King be in that quiet and tranquility, he may enjoy it, there is none envies it to him: But if you have no great­er authority for it then printed Pamphlets, we will not so easily beleeve it; there is none will scripturize them no more then they will the ungodly Pamphlets of your Party: yet let us know, what barbarours usage is that he is under, or wherein he is un­christianly dealt with; Happly he may be a little restrained, but that is onely to pre­vent the accesse of bad Counsell to him, and other inconveniences that might dog such a freedom: But wherein hath the Parliament dealt unmercifully with him, when their care and provision for him is so well known? And how is the Parliament gnawed with fear and horrour of a bad conscience? Verily for confutation of this, 'tis enough to say it came from Elencticus; for what other pen could inhumanely charge such desperation and horrour of conscience on so many select and worthy Patriots:

§. XXVII. The King is assured of a most blessed and eternall life in heaven; the other still expecting when they shall be swallowed up among the damned in hell. There are not a few of the King's Party that deny any particular assurance can be had of salvati­on, whether himself do or no, 'tis better known to him then Elencticus, who it seems hath been his Confessour, he is so well acquainted with him. But by what inspiration had he it, that the Parliament expected to be all damned; for first, many are damned whose consciences are so seared, that they cannot be sensible of it; next, them that are terrified with damnation, and do not endeavour to lay hold on God's mercy in Jesus Christ, offend in that the most of all; so did Cain, when he said, his sin would not be forgiven; thirdly, are there any such horrible sins to answer for? and fourthly, doth this impudent wretch know, but, if they were as base devils as ever were incarnate, God might give them a time of mercy before they dye; I am ashamed to insist on such base­nesses of a Christian pen.

§. XXVIII. The King hath the immortall God Author of all his actions; they have the Devil for president in all their consultations and councels. If God be so the author of his actions, he would have shewed some more visible mercies upon him, and will do, if the others be so diabolicall, as the Libell sayes they are; for none must expect to pros­per but the friends and servants of God.

§. XXIX And because the misconceit of the Parliaments doings, and the small satisfaction is to be had among the generality about the true ends and use of Govern­ment, we shall for thy better satisfaction (O Christian Reader) set down our thoughts concerning Government, and communicate them unto thee; in which Discourse (set­ting aside the impertinencies commonly used in Controversies) we shall observe this method: first, we shall consider the ends of Government: secondly, the severall Go­vernments themselves: thirdly, the right that people have to their Government: fourthly, how far we can perceive by Scripture light, that God entrusts every people with the right of Government: lastly, we shall say somewhat about change of Go­vernment, and upon what means and grounds it is to be admitted. And in this per­formance we shall neither be negligent nor slack, if we shall perceive this weak Dis­course to be gratefull unto thee; and the eternall Wisdom be pleased to make our La­bours as succesfull as they are honest.