THE HISTORY OF POLYB …

THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS, THE MEGALOPOLITAN: CONTAINING A General Account OF THE Transactions of the World, AND Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE, During the First and Second Punick Wars.

Translated by Sir H. S.

To which is added, A Character of Polybius and his Writings. By Mr. Dryden.

The First Volume.

The Second Edition.

LONDON: Printed by W. Onley, for Sam. Briscoe, in Covent-garden; and R. Wellington, at the Lute, in St. Paul's Church-yard. MDCXCVIII.

A Mapp of Antient SICELE Mentioned in Polybious. by S r. H.S. Vol: I.

THE CHARACTER OF POLYBIUS, AND HIS WRITINGS.

THE worthy Author of this Translation, who is very much my Friend, was pleas'd to intrust it in my Hands, for many Months together, before he pub­lish'd it; desiring me to review the English, and to Correct what I found amiss; which he needed not have done, if his Modesty wou'd have given him leave, to have relied on his own Abilities; who is so great a Ma­ster of our Stile and Language, as the World will acknowledge him to be, after the Read­ing of this Excellent Version. 'Tis true, [Page ii]that Polybius has formerly appear'd in an English Dress; but under such a Cloud of Errours, in his first Translation, that his native Beauty, was not only hidden, but his Sence perverted, in many places; so that he appear'd unlike himself, and unworthy of that Esteem, which has always been paid him by Antiquity, as the most Sincere, the Clearest, and most Instructive of all Histo­rians. He is now not only redeem'd from those Mistakes, but also restor'd to the first purity of his Conceptions: And the Stile in which he now speaks is as plain and unaf­fected, as that he wrote. I had only the pleasure of Reading him, in a fair Manu­script, without the toil of Alteration: At least it was so very inconsiderable, that it on­ly cost me the dash of a Pen in some few pla­ces, and those of very small importance; so much had the Care, the Diligence, and Ex­actness of my Friend prevented my Trou­ble, that he left me not the occasion of serving him in a Work which was already finish'd to my Hands: I doubt not but the Reader will approve my Judgment. So happy it is for a good Author, to fall into the hands of a Translator, who is of a Genius like his own; who has added Experience to his natural A­bilities; who has been Educated in Business, of several kinds; has Travell'd, like his Au­thor, into many Parts of the World, and some of them the same with the present [Page iii]Scene of History; has been employed in Bu­siness of the like nature, with Polybius; and like him is perfectly acquainted, not only with the Terms of the Mathematicks, but has search'd into the bottom of that admi­rable Science, and reduc'd into Practice the most useful Rules of it, to his own Honour, and the Benefit of his Native Country; who, besides these Advantages, possesses the know­ledge of Shipping and Navigation; and, in few Words, is not ignorant of any thing that concerns the Tacticks: So that here, from the beginning, we are sure of finding nothing that is not throughly Understood. The Ex­pression is clear, and the Words adequate to the Subject. Nothing in the Matter will be mistaken; nothing of the Terms will be misapplied: All is natural, and proper; and he who understands good Sence and Eng­lish, will be profited by the first, and de­lighted with the latter. This is what may be justly said in Commendation of the Tran­slator, and without the note of Flattery to a Friend.

As for his Author, I shall not be asham'd to Copy from the Learned Casaubon, (who has Translated him into Latine,) many things which I had not from my own small Reading, and which I cou'd not, without great diffi­culty, have drawn but from his Fountain, not omitting some, which came casually in my way, by reading the Preface of the Ab­bot [Page iv] Pichon, to the Dauphin's Tacitus, an ad­mirable and most useful Work; which Helps, I ingeniously profess, to have receiv'd from them, both to clear my self from being a Plagiary of their Writings, and to give Au­thority by their Names, to the weakness of my own Performance.

The taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Great, fell into the latter times of Pope Nicholas the Fifth; a Pope not only studi­ous of good Letters, and particularly of Hi­story, but also a great Encourager of it in others. From the dreadful Overthrow of that City, and final Subversion of the Greek Empire, many Learned Men escap'd, and brought over with them into Italy, that Treasure of ancient Authors, which by their unhappiness we now possess. And amongst the rest, some of these remaining Fragments of Polybius. The Body of this History, as he left it finish'd, was consisting of Forty Books, of which the eighth Part is only re­maining to us, entire. As for his Negotia­tions, when he was sent Ambassador, either from his own Counttry-men, the Common­wealth of the Achaians, or afterwards was employed by the Romans, on their Business with other Nations, we are obliged to Con­stantine the Great, for their Preservation; for that Emperour was so much in Love with the dexterous Management, and Wis­dom of our Author, that he caus'd them all [Page v]to be faithfully Transcrib'd, and made fre­quent Use of them in his own Dispatches and Affairs with Foreign Princes, as his best Guides in his Concernments with them. Po­lybius, as you will find in reading of him, though he principally intended the History of the Romans, and the Establishment of their Empire, over the greatest part of the World, which was then known; yet had in his Eye the general History of the Times in which he liv'd, not forgetting either the Wars of his own Country, with their Neighbours of Etolia, or the concurrent Affairs of Ma­cedonia, and the Provinces of Greece, (which is properly so call'd;) nor the Monarchies of Asia and Egypt, nor the Republick of the Carthaginians, with the several Traverses of their Fortunes, either in relation to the Ro­mans, or independent to the Wars, which they wag'd with them, besides what hap­pen'd in Spain and Sicily, and other Europe­an Countries. The Time which is taken up in this History consists of Three and Fifty Years, and the greast part of it is employ'd in the description of those Events, of which the Author was an Eye-witness, or bore a considerable part in the Conduct of them. But in what particular Time or Age it was, when Mankind receiv'd that irrecoverable Loss of this Noble History, is not certainly deliver'd to us. It appears to have been per­fect in the Reign of Constantine, by what I [Page vi]have already noted; and neither Casaubon, nor any other, can give us any further Account concerning it. The first Attempt towards a Translation of him, was by Command of the same Pope Nicholas the Fifth, already mention'd, who esteem'd him the Prince of Greek Historians: Wou'd have him con­tinually in his Hands; and us'd to make this Judgment of him; That, if he yielded to one or two, in the Praise of Eloquence, yet in Wisdom, and all other Accomplishments belonging to a perfect Historian, he was at least equal to any other Writer, Greek or Roman, and perhaps excell'd them all. This is the Author, who is now offer'd to us in our Mother Tongue, recommended by the Nobility of his Birth, by his Institution in Arts and Sciences, by his Knowledge in Na­tural and Moral Philosophy, and particularly the Politicks; by his being conversant both in the Arts of Peace and War; by his Education under his Father Lycortas, who voluntarily depos'd himself from his Soveraignty of Me­galopolis, to become a principal Member of the Achaian Commonwealth, which then flou­rish'd under the management of Aratus, by his friendship with Scipio Affricanus, who subdued Carthage, to whom he was both a Companion and a Consellour; and by the Good-will, Esteem, and Intimacy which he had with several Princes of Asia, Greece and Egypt, during his Life; and after his De­cease, [Page vii]by deserving the Applause and Ap­probation of all succeeding Ages. This Au­thor so long neglected in the barbarous times of Christianity, and so little known in Eu­rope, (according to the Fate which com­monly follows the best of Writers) was pull'd from under the Rubbish which co­ver'd him, by the Learned Bishop, Nicho­las the Fifth. And some parts of his Hi­story, (for, with all his Diligence, he was not able to recover the whole) were by him recommended to a Person (knowing both in the Greek and Roman Tongues, and learn'd for the Times in which he liv'd) to be Translated into Latin: And, to the Ho­nour of our Polybius, he was amongst the first of the Greek Writers, who deserv'd to have this Care bestow'd on him. Which notwithstanding, so many Hindrances oc­cur'd in this Attempt, that the Work was not perfected in his Popedome, neither was any more than a third Part of what is now recover'd in his Hands; neither did that learn'd Italian, who had undertaken him, succeed very happily in that Endeavour; for the perfect Knowledge of the Greek Lan­guage was not yet restor'd; and that Tran­slator was but as a one-ey'd Man, amongst the Nation of the Blind, only suffer'd, till a bet­ter could be found, to do right to an Author, whose Excellence requir'd a more just In­terpreter, than the Ignorance of that Age [Page viii]afforded. And this gives me occasion to ad­mire, (says Casaubon,) that in following Times, when Eloquence was redeem'd, and the Knowledge of the Greek Language flou­rish'd, yet no Man thought of pursuing that Design, which was so worthily begun, in those first Rudiments of Learning. Some indeed, of almost every Nation in Europe, have been instrumental in the recovery of several lost Parts of our Polybius, and com­mented on them with good Success; but no Man before Casaubon, had review'd the first Translation, corrected its Errours, and put the last Hand to its Accomplishment. The World is therefore beholding to him for this great Work; for he has collected into one their seattered Fragments, has piec'd them together, according to the natural Order in which they were Written; made them in­telligible to Scholars, and render'd the French Translator's Task more easie to his Hands. Our Author is particularly mention'd, with great Honour, by Cicero, Strabo, Josephus, and Plutarch; and in what rank of Writers they are plac'd, none of the Learned need to be inform'd: He is copied in whole Books together by Livy, commonly esteem'd the Prince of the Roman History, and Tran­slated word for word: Tho' the Latin Histo­rian is not to be excus'd, for not mentioning the Man to whom he had been so much oblig'd, nor for taking as his own the wor­thy [Page ix]Labours of another. Marcus Brutus, who preferr'd the Freedom of his Country to the Obligations which he had to Julius Caesar, so priz'd Polybius, that he made a Compen­dium of his Works, and Read him not only for his Instruction, but for the Diversion of his Grief, when his noble Enterprise for the Restoration of the Commonwealth had not found the Success which it deserv'd. And this is not the least Commendation of our Au­thor, that he, who was not wholly satisfied with the Eloquence of Tully, shou'd Epitomize Polybius, with his own Hand. It was on the Consideration of Brutus, and the Venerati­on which he paid him, that Constantine the Great took so great a pleasure in Reading our Author, and collecting the several Treaties of his Embassies; of which, tho' many are now lost, yet those which remain are a suf­ficient Testimony of his Abilities; and I con­gratulate my Country, that a Prince of our Extraction, (as was Constantine) has the ho­nour of obliging the Christian World, by these Remainders of our great Historian. 'Tis now time to enter into the particular Praises of Polybius, which I have given you before, in gross; and the first of them, (fol­lowing the Method of Casaubon,) is his won­derful Skill in Political Affairs. I had Read him in English, with the pleasure of a Boy, before I was ten Years of Age; and yet, even then, had some dark Notions of the [Page x]Prudence with which he conducted his De­sign; particularly in making me known, and almost see the Places where such and such A­ctions were perform'd. This was the first di­stinction which I was then capable of making, betwixt him and other Historians, which I Read early. But when being of a riper Age, I took him again into my Hands; I must needs say, that I have profited more by read­ing him, than by Thucydides, Appian, Dion Cassius, and all the rest of the Greek Histo­rians together: And amongst all the Romans, none have reach'd him in this particular, but Tacitus, who is equal with him.

'Tis wonderful to consider, with how much care and application he Instructs, Counsels, Warns, Admonishes and Advises, whensoever he can find a fit occasion: He performs all these sometimes in the nature of a common Parent of Mankind; and sometimes also limits his Instructions to particular Nations, by a friendly Reproach of those Failings and Er­rours, to which they were most obnoxious. In this last manner, he gives Instructions to the Mantinaeans, the Elaeans, and several other Pro­vinces of Greece; by informing them of such things as were conducing to their Welfare. Thus he likewise warns the Romans of their Obstinacy and Wilfulness; Vices, which have often brought them to the brink of Ruine. And thus he frequently exhorts the Greeks in general, not to depart from their [Page xi]Dependence on the Romans; nor to take false Measures by embroiling themselves in Wars with that Victorious People, in whose Fate it was to be Masters of the Universe. But as his peculiar Concernment was for the Safe­ty of his own Country-men, the Achaians, he more than once insinuates to them, the care of their Preservation, which consisted in submitting to the Yoke of the Roman Peo­ple, which they could not possibly avoid; and to make it Easie to them, by a chearful compliance with their Commands, rather than unprofitably to Oppose them, with the hazard of those remaining Priviledges, which the Clemency of the Conquerours had left them. For this reason, in the whole Course of his History, he makes it his chiefest business to perswade the Grecians in general, that the growing Greatness and Fortune of the Ro­man Empire was not owing to meer Chance, but to the Conduct and invincible Courage of that People; to whom their own Virtue gave the Dominion of the World. And yet this Councellor of Patience and Submission, as long as there was any probability of hope re­maining, to withstand the progress of the Roman Fortune; was not wanting to the ut­most of his power to resist them, at least to deferr the Bondage of his Country, which he had long foreseen: But the Fates inevita­bly drawing all things into subjection to Rome, this well-deserving Citizen was com­manded [Page xii]to appear in that City, where he suffer'd the Imprisonment of many Years: Yet even then his Virtue was beneficial to him; the knowledge of his Learning and his Wisdom, procuring him the friendship of the most Potent in the Senate; so that it may be said, with Casaubon, that the same Virtue which had brought him into distress, was the very means of his relief, and of his exaltation to greater Dignities than those which he lost: For by the intercession of Cato the Censor, Scipio Emilianus, who af­terwards destroy'd Carthage, and some other principal Noblemen, our Polybius was re­stor'd to Liberty. After which, having set it down as a Maxim, that the Welfare of the Achaians consisted, as I have said, in break­ing their own stubborn Inclinations, and yielding up that Freedom which they no longer could maintain, he made it the utmost aim of his Endeavours, to bring over his Countrymen to that Perswasion: in which, though to their Misfortunes, his Counsels were not prevalent, yet thereby he not only prov'd himself a good Patriot, but also made his Fortunes with the Romans. For his Coun­trymen, by their own unpardonable Fault, not long afterwards, drew on themselves their own Destruction: For when Mummius, in the Achaian War, made a final Conquest of that Country; he dissolv'd the great Coun­cil of their Commonwealth. But in the [Page xiii]mean time, Polybius enjoy'd that tranquility of Fortune, which he had purchas'd by his Wisdom. In that private State, being par­ticularly dear to Scipio and Lelius, and some of the rest who were then in the Administra­tion of the Roman Government: And that Favour which he had gain'd amongst them, he employed not in heaping Riches to him­self; but as a means of performing many con­siderable Actions; as particularly, when Sci­pio was sent to demolish Carthage, he went along with him, in the nature of a Counsel­lor, and Companion of his Enterprise. At which time, receiving the Command of a Fleet from him, he made Discoveries in ma­ny parts of the Atlantick Ocean; and especi­ally on the Shores of Africa: And doing ma­ny good Offices to all sorts of People, whom he had power to Oblige, especially to the Grecians, who in Honour of their Benefactor, caus'd many Statues of him to be erected; as Pausanias has Written. The particular Gra­titude of the Locrians in Italy, is also an un­deniable Witness of this Truth; who, by his Mediation being discharg'd from the bur­den of Taxes, which oppress'd them, through the hardship of those Conditions which the Romans had impos'd on them in the Treaty of Peace; profess'd themselves to be owing for their Lives and Fortunes, to the only In­terest and good Nature of Polybius; which they took care to Express, by all manner of [Page xiv]Acknowledgment. Yet as beneficent as he was, the greatest obligement which he could lay on Humane-kind, was the Writing of this present History: Wherein he has left a perpetual Monument of his publick Love to all the World, in every succeeding Age of it, by giving us such Precepts as are most condu­cing to our common Safety, and our Benefit. This Philanthropy (which we have not a proper Word in English to express) is every where manifest in our Author. And from hence proceeded that divine Rule which he gave to Scipio, that whensoever he went a­broad, he should take care not to return to his own House, before he had acquir'd a Friend, by some new Obligement. To this Excellency of Nature we owe the Treasure which is contain'd in this most useful Work: This is the Standard by which all good and prudent Princes ought to regulate their Acti­ons: None have more need of Friends than Monarchs. And though Ingratitude is too frequent, in the most of those who are Oblig'd; yet Incouragement will work on generous Minds; and if the Experiment be lost on Thousands, yet it never fails on All. And one vertuous Man in a whole Nation is worth the buying; as one Diamond is worth the search in a heap of Rubbish. But a narrow-licarted Prince, who thinks that Mankind is made for him alone, puts his Subjects in a way of deserting him on the first Occasion; [Page xv]and teaches them to be as sparing of their Du­ty, as he is of his Bounty. He is sure of ma­king Enemies, who will not be at the cost of rewarding his Friends and Servants. And by letting his People see he loves them not, instructs them to live upon the square with him, and to make him sensible in his turn, that Prerogatives are given, but Priviledges are inherent. As for Tricking, Cunning, and that which in Soveraigns they call King-craft, and Reason of State in Commonwealths: To them and their Proceedings Polybius is an open Enemy. He severely repoves all faith­less Practices, and that [...], or vi­cious Policy, which is too frequent in the management of the Publick. He commends nothing but Plainness, Sincerity, and the Common-good, undisguis'd, and set in a true Light, before the People: Not but that there may be a Necessity of saving a Nation, by going beyond the Letter of the Law, or even sometimes by superseding it; but then that Necessity must not be Artificial, it must be Visible, it must be strong enough to make the Remedy not only pardon'd, but desir'd, to the major part of the People: Not for the Interest only of some few Men, but for the Publick-safety, for otherwise, one Infringe­ment of a Law, draws after it the practice of subverting all the Liberties of a Nation, which are only intrusted with any Government; but can never be given up to it. The best [Page xvi]way to distinguish betwixt a pretended Ne­cessity and a true, is to observe if the Reme­dy be rarely apply'd, or frequently. In times of Peace, or times of War and publick Di­stractions, which are the most usual Causes of suddain Necessities. From hence Casau­bon infers, That this our Author, who preach­es Vertue, and Probity, and Plain-dealing, ought to be studied principally by Kings and Ministers of State: And that Youth, which are bred up to succeed in the management of Business, should read him carefully, and im­bibe him throughly, detesting the Maxims that are given by Machiavel and others, which are only the Instruments of Tyranny, Further-more, (continues he) the study of Truth is perpetually joyn'd with the love of Virtue: For there is no Virtue which derives not its original from Truth: As on the con­trary, there is no Vice which has not its be­ginning from a Lye. Truth is the foundati­on of all Knowledge, and the cement of all Societies. And this is one of the most shi­ning Qualities in our Author. I was so strong­ly perswaded of this myself, in the perusual of the present History, that I confess, amongst all the Ancients, I never found any who had the Air of it so much; and amongst the Mo­derns, none but Philip de Commines. They had this common to them, that they both chang'd their Masters: But Polybius chang'd not his side, as Philip did: He was not [Page xvii]bought off to another Party; but pursu'd the true Interest of his Country, even when he serv'd the Romans. Yet since Truth, (as one of the Philosophers has told me) lies in the bottom of a Well; so 'tis hard to draw it up: much Pains, much Diligence, much Judgment is necessary to hand it to us, even Cost is oftentimes requir'd; and Polybius was wanting in none of these. We find but few Hi­storians of all Ages, who have been diligent e­nough in their search for Truth: 'tis their common method to take on trust what they di­stribute to the Publick; by which means a Falshood once receiv'd from a fam'd Writer, becomes traditional to Posterity. But Polybius weigh'd the Authors from whom he was forc'd to borrow the History of the Times immedi­ately preceding his; and oftentimes corrected them, either by comparing them each with other, or by the Lights which he had receiv'd from ancient Men of known Integrity amongst the Romans, who had been conversant in those Affairs, which were then manag'd, and were yet living to Instruct him. He also learn'd the Roman Tongue, and attain'd to that knowledge of their Laws, their Rights, their Customs and Antiquities, that few of their own Citizens understood them better; ha­ving gain'd permission from the Senate, to search the Capitol, he made himself familiar with their Records, and afterwards transla­ted them into his Mother-tongue. So that he [Page xviii]taught the Noblemen of Rome their own Municipal Laws, and was accounted more skilful in them than Fabius Pictor, a Man of the Senatorian Order, who wrote the Transactions of the Punick Wars. He who neglected none of the Laws of History, was so careful of Truth, (which is the principal,) that he made it his whole Business to deliver nothing to Posterity, which might deceive them; and by that Diligence and Exactness may easily be known to be studious of Truth, and a lover of it. What therefore Brutus thought worthy to Transcribe with his own Hand out of him, I need not be asham'd to Copy after him. I believe, says Polybius, That Nature herself has constituted Truth as the su­pream Deity, which is to be ador'd by Mankind; and that she has given it greater Force than any of the rest: For being oppos'd, as she is on all sides, and appearances of Truth so often passing for the thing itself, in behalf of plausible Fal­shoods; yet, by her wonderful Operation, she in­sinuates herself into the Minds of Men; some­times exerting her Strength immediately, and sometimes lying hid in Darkness for length of time; but at last she struggles through it, and appears Triumphant over Falshood. This sin­cerity Polybius preferr'd to all his Friends, and even to his Father; In all other Offices of Life, says he, I praise a lover of his Friends, and of his Native Country; but in writing History, I am oblig'd to divest myself of all o­ther [Page xix]Obligations, and sacrifice them all to Truth. Aratus, the Sicyonian, in the Childhood of our Author, was chief of the Achaian Common­wealth; a Man in principal Esteem, both in his own Country, and all the Provinces of Greece; admir'd universally for his Probity, his Wisdom, his just Administration, and his Conduct: In remembrance of all which his grateful Country-men, after his Decease, or­dain'd him those Honours which are only due to Heroes. Him our Polybius had in Veneration, and form'd himself by imitation of his Vertues; and is never wanting in his Commendations through the course of his History. Yet, even this Man, when the cause of Truth requir'd it, is many times reprov'd by him, for his slowness in Counsel, his tar­diness in the beginning of his Enterprises, his tedious, and more than Spanish Deliberati­ons; and his heavy and cowardly Proceed­ings are as freely blam'd by our Polybius, as they were afterwards by Plutarch, who que­stionless drew his Character from this Histo­ry. In plain Terms, that wise General scarce ever perform'd any great Action but by Night. The glittering of a Sword before his Face was offensive to his Eyes: Our Au­thor therefore boldly accuses him of his Faint-heartedness; attributes the Defeat at Caphiae wholly to him, and is not sparing to affirm, That all Peloponnesus was fill'd with Tro­phies, which were set up, as the Monuments [Page xx]of his Losses. He sometimes Praises, and at other times Condemns the Proceedings of Philip King of Macedon, the Son of Demetri­us, according to the Occasions which he gave him, by the variety and inequality of his Con­duct; and this most exquisite on either side.

He more than once Arraigns him for the inconstancy of his Judgment: And chapters even his own Aratus, on the same Head; shewing by many Examples, produc'd from their Actions, how many Miseries they had both occasion'd to the Grecians. And attri­buting it to the weakness of humane Nature, which can make nothing perfect. But some Men are brave in Battel, who are weak in Counsel, which daily Experience sets before our Eyes, others deliberate wisely, but are weak in the performing part; and even no Man is the same to Day which he was Ye­sterday, or may be to Morrow. On this ac­count. says our Author, a good Man is some­times liable to Blame, and a bad Man, though not often, may possibly deserve to be Commend­ed. And for this very reason he severely tax­es Timaeus, a malicious Historian, who will allow no kind of Vertue to Agathocles the Tyrant of Sicily; but detracts from all his Actions, even the most Glorious, because in general he was a vicious Man. Is it to be thought, says Casaubon, that Polybius loved the Memory of Agathocles the Tyrant, or hated that of the Vertuous Aratus? But 'tis one thing [Page xxi]to commend a Tyrant, and another thing to overpass in silence, those laudable Actions which are perform'd by him: Because it ar­gues an Author of the same Falshood, to pretermit, what has actually been done, as to feign those Actions which have never been. It will not be unprofitable in this place, to give another famous Instance of the Candour and Integrity of our Historian. There had been an ancient League betwixt the Repub­lick of Achaia and the Kings of Egypt, which was entertain'd by both Parties, sometimes on the same Conditions, and sometimes also the Confederacy was renew'd on other Terms. It happen'd in the 148th Olympi­ad, that Ptolomy Epiphanes, on this Occasi­on, sent one Demetrius his Ambassadour to the Common-wealth of Achaia. That Re­publick was then ruinously divided into two Factions: whereof the Heads on one side, were Philopoemen, and Lycortas the Father of our Author; of the adverse Party, the Chief was Aristaenus, with some other principal Achaians. The Faction of Philopoemen was prevalent in the Council, for renewing the Confederacy with the King of Egypt: In or­der to which, Lycortas receiv'd a Commissi­on to go to that Court, and treat the Articles of Alliance. Accordingly he goes, and after­wards returns, and gives Account to his Su­periors, that the Treaty was concluded. Aristaenus, hearing nothing but a bare Relati­on [Page xxii]of a League that was made, without any thing belonging to the Conditions of it, and well knowing that several forms of those Alli­ances had been us'd in the former Negotiati­ons, ask'd Lycortas in the Concil, according to which of them this present Confederacy was made? To this Question of his Enemy, Lycortas had not a word to answer. For it had so happen'd by the wonderful neglect of Philopoemen and his own, and also that of Pto­lomy's Counsellors; or, as I rather believe, by their Craft contriv'd, that the whole Trans­action had been loosly and confusedly ma­nag'd, which, in a Matter of so great import­ance, redounded to the Scandal and Ignominy of Philopoemen and Lycortas, in the Face of that grave Assembly. Now these Proceedings our Author so relates, as if he had been speak­ing of Persons to whom he had no manner of relation, tho' one of them was his own Father, and the other always esteem'd by him in the place of a better Father. But be­ing mindful of the Law which himself had instituted, concerning the indispensible Duty of an Historian, (which is Truth) he chose rather to be thought a lover of it, than of either of his Parents. 'Tis true, Lycortas in all probability was dead, when Polybius wrote this History; but had he been then living, we may safely think that his Son wou'd have assum'd the same Liberty, and not fear'd to have offended him in behalf of Truth. [Page xxiii]Another part of this Veracity is also deser­ving the notice of the Reader, tho', at the same time, we must conclude, that it was also an effect of a sound Judgment; that he perpetually explodes the Legends of Prodi­gies and Miracles, and instead of them, most accurately searches into the natural Causes, of those Actions which he describes; for, from the first of these, the latter follows of direct consequence. And for this reason he profes­ses an immortal Enmity to those Tricks and Jugglings, which the Common-people be­lieve as real Miracles, because they are igno­rant of the Causes which produc'd them. But he had made a diligent Search into them, and found out that they preceeded either from the fond Credulity of the People, or were im­pos'd on them by the Craft of those whose Interest it was that they should be believ'd. You hear not in Polybius, that it Rain'd Blood, or Stones; that a Bull had Spoken, or a thousand such Impossibilities, with which Livy perpetually crowds the Calends of al­most every Consulship. His New Years could no more begin without them, during his De­scription of the Punick Wars, than our Prog­nosticating Almanacks without the Effects of the present Oppositions betwixt Saturn and Jupiter, the foretelling of Comets and Co­ruscations in the Air, which seldom happen at the times assign'd by our Astrologers, and almost always fail in their Events. If you [Page xxiv]will give Credit to some other Authors, some God was always present with Hannibal, or Scipio, to direct their Actions: That a visi­ble Deity wrought Journey-work under Han­nibal, to conduct him through the difficult Passages of the Alpes; and another did the same Office of Drudgery for Scipio, when he Besieg'd New Carthage, by draining the Wa­ters, which otherwise wou'd have drown'd his Army, in their rash Approaches. Which Polybius observing, says wittily and truly, That the Authors of such fabulous kind of Stuff, write Tragedies, not Histories. For, as the Poets, when they are at a loss for the Solution of a Plot, bungle up their Catastro­phe, with a God descending in a Machine: So these inconsiderate Historians, when they have brought their Heroes into a Plunge, by some rash and headlong Undertaking, having no Humane way remaining to disingage them with their Honour, are forc'd to have recourse to Miracle; and introduce a God for their Deliverance. 'Tis a common Frenzy of the ignorant Multitude, says Casaubon, to be al­ways ingaging Heaven on their side; and in­deed it is a successful Stratagem of any Ge­neral, to gain Authority among his Souldi­ers, if he can perswade them, that he is the Man by Fate appointed for such, or such an Action, though most impracticable. To be favour'd of God, and command, (if it may be permitted so to say,) the extraordinary [Page xxv]concourse of Providence, sets off a Heroe, and makes more specious the Cause for which he Fights, without any consideration of Mo­rality, which ought to be the beginning and end of all our Actions. For where that is violated, God is only present in permission; and suffers a Wrong to be done, but not Commands it. Light Historians, and such as are Superstitious in their Natures, by the ar­tifice of feign'd Miracles, captivate the gross Understandings of their Readers, and please their Fancies by Relations of things which are rather Wonderful than True: But such as are of a more profound and solid Judgment, (which is the Character of our Polybius,) have recourse only to their own natural Lights, and by them pursue the Methods at least of Probability, if they cannot arrive to a set­tled Certainty. He was satisfi'd that Hanni­bal was not the first, who had made a Pas­sage through the Alpes, but that the Gauls had been before him in their Descent on Italy; and also knew, that this most prudent Gene­ral, when he laid his Design of Invading that Country, had made an Alliance with the Gauls, and prepossess'd them in his Favour, and before he stirr'd a foot from Spain, had provided against all those Difficulties which he foresaw in his Attempt, and compass'd his Undertaking, which indeed was void of Mi­racles, but full of Conduct, and Military Ex­perience. In the same manner Scipio, before [Page xxvi]he departed from Rome, to take his Voyage into Spain, had carefully consider'd every par­ticular Circumstance which might cross his Purpose, and made his Enterprise as easie to him as humane Prudence could provide; so that he was Victorious over that Nation, not by vertue of any Miracle, but by his admi­rable Forecast, and wise Conduct in the exe­cution of his Design. Of which, tho' Polybi­us was not an Eye-witness, he yet had it from the best Testimony, which was that of Leli­us, the Friend of Scipio, who accompanied him in that Expedition, of whom our Au­thor with great Diligence enquir'd concern­ing every thing of Moment, which happen'd in that War, and with whom he commends for hi [...] sincerity in that Relation. Whensoe­ver h [...] gives us the Account of any considera­ble Action, he never fails to tell us why it succeeded, or for what reason it miscarried; together with all the antecedent Causes of its Undertaking, and the manner of its perform­ance; all which he accurately Explains. Of which I will select but some few Instances, because I want Leisure to expatiate on many. In the Fragments of the 17th Book he makes a learned Dissertation concerning the Macedo­nian Phalanx, or gross Body of Foot, which was formerly believ'd to be Invincible, till Experience taught the contrary, by the suc­cess of the Battle, which Philip lost to the Commonwealth of Rome; and the manifest [Page xxvii]and most certain Causes are therein related, which prove it to be inferior to the Roman Legions. When also he had told us in his former Books, of the three great Battles, wherein Hannibal had Overthrown the Ro­mans, and the last at Cannae, wherein he had in a manner Conquer'd that Republick, he gives the Reasons of every Defeat, either from the Choice of Ground, or the Strength of the Foreign Horse in Hannibal's Ar­my, or the ill-timing of the Fight on the vanquish'd side. After this, when he de­scribes the turn of Fortune on the Part of the Romans, you are visibly conducted upwards to the Causes of that Change; and the rea­sonableness of the Method which was after­ward pursu'd by that Commonwealth, which rais'd it to the Empire of the World. In these and many other Examples, which for brevity are omitted, there is nothing more plain, than that Polybius denies all Power to Fortune, and places the Sum of Success in Providence. [...], in­deed are his Words. 'Tis a Madness to make Fortune the Mistress of Events, be­cause in herself she is nothing, can Rule no­thing, but is rul'd by Prudence. So that whenever our Author seems to attribute any thing to Chance, he speaks only with the Vulgar, and desires so to be understood: But here I must make bold to part Company with Casaubon for a Moment. He is a ve­hement [Page xxviii]Friend to any Author with whom he has taken any Pains; and his Partialily to Persius, in opposition to Juvenal, is too fresh in my Memory to be forgotten. Because Polybius will allow nothing to the Power of Chance, he takes an occasion to infer, that he believ'd a Providence, sharply inveigh­ing against those who have accus'd him of Atheism. He makes Suidas his Second in this Quarrel, and produces his single Evi­dence, and that but a bare Assertion neither without Proof, that Polybius believ'd, with us Christians, God administer'd all humane Actions and Affairs. But our Author will not be defended in this case, his whole Hi­story reclaims to that Opinion. When he speaks of Providence, or of any Divine Ad­monition, he is as much in jest, as when he speaks of Fortune; 'tis all to the Capacity of the Vulgar. Prudence was the only Di­vinity which he Worshipp'd; and the pos­session of Vertue the only End which he Pro­pos'd. If I would have disguis'd this to the Reader, it was not in my Power. The Pas­sages which manifestly prove his Irreligion, are so obvious, that I need not quote them. Neither do I know any reason, why Casau­bon shou'd in large so much in his Justificati­on, since to believe false Gods, and to believe none, are Errors of the same Importance. He who knew not our God, saw through the ridiculous Opinions of the Heathens concern­ing [Page xix]theirs; and not being able without Re­velation, to go farther, stopp'd at home in his own Breast, and made Prudence his God­dess, Truth his Search, and Vertue his Re­ward. If Casaubon, like him, had follow'd Truth, he would have sav'd me the Ungrate­ful Pains of contradicting him: But even the Reputation of Polybius, if there were occasion, is to be sacrific'd to Truth, accord­ing to his own Maxim. As for the Wisdom of our Author, whereby he wonderfully fore­saw the Decay of the Roman Empire, and those Civil Wars which turn'd it down from a Commonwealth, to an absolute Monar­chy: He who will take the Pains to review this History will easily perceive, that Poly­bius was of the best sort of Prophets, who predict from Natural Causes those Events, which must naturally proceed from them.

And these things were not to succeed even in the compass of the next Century to that wherein he liv'd. But the Person was then living, who was the first mover towards them; and that was that great Scipio Afri­canus, who by cajolling the People, to break the Fundamental Constitutions of the Go­vernment, in his Favour, by bringing him too early to the Consulship, and afterwards by making their Discipline of War precari­ous, First taught them to devolve the Power and Authority of the Senate, into the hands of one, and then to make that one to be at [Page xxx]the Disposition of the Souldiery; which though he practis'd at a time, when it was necessary for the safety of the Common­wealth, yet it drew after it those fatal Con­sequences, which not only ruin'd the Repub­lick, but also, in process of time, the Mo­narchy it self. But the Author was too much in the Interests of that Family, to Name Scipio; and therefore he gives other Reasons, to which I refer the Reader, that I may a­void prolixity. By what degrees Polybius ar­riv'd to this heighth of Knowledge, and con­summate Judgment in Affairs, it will not be hard to make the Reader comprehend; for presupposing in him, all that Birth or Na­ture could give a Man, who was form'd for the Management of great Affairs, and capa­ble of Recording them; he was likewise en­ter'd from his Youth into those Employments which add Experience to Natural Endow­ments. Being joyn'd in Commission with his Father Lycortas, and the Younger Ara­tus, before the Age of Twenty, in an Em­bassy to Egypt. After which he was perpe­tually in the Business of his own Common­wealth, or that of Rome. So that it seems to be one Part of the Roman Felicity, that he was Born in an Age, when their Common­weath was growing to the heighth, that he might be the Historian of those great Acti­ons, which were perform'd not only in his Life-time, but the chief of them even in his [Page xxxi]Sight. I must confess that the Preparations to his History, (or the Prolegomena, as they are call'd) are very large, and the Digressi­ons in it, are exceeding frequent. But as to his Preparatives, they were but necessary, to make the Reader comprehend the Drift and Design of his Undertaking. And the Di­gressions are also so Instructive, that we may truly say, They Transcend the Profit which we receive from the Matter of Fact. Upon the whole we may conclude him to be a great Talker; but we must grant him to be a Prudent Man. We can spare nothing of all he says, 'tis so much to our Improve­ment: and if the rest of his History had re­main'd to us, in all probability it wou'd have been more close; for we can scarce con­ceive what was left in nature for him to add, he has so emptied almost all the Com­mon-places of Digressions already; or if he could have added any thing, those Observa­tions might have been as Useful, and as Ne­cessary, as the rest which he has given us, and that are descended to our Hands. I will say nothing farther of the Excerpta, which (as Casaubon thinks) are part of that Epitome, which was begun to be made by Marcus Brutus, but never finish'd; nor of those Embassies which are collected and compil'd by the command of Constantine the Great: Because neither of them are tran­slated in this Work. And whether or no [Page xxxii]they will be added in another Impression, I am not certain. The Translator of these Five Books having carried his Work no far­ther, than it was Perfect. He, I suppose, will acquaint you with his own Purpose in the Preface, which I hear he intends to pre­fix before Polybius.

Let us now hear Polybius himself descri­bing an accomplished Historian, wherein we shall see his own Picture, as in a Glass, reflected to him, and given us afterwards to behold, in the Writing of this History.

Plato said of old, That it would be happy for Mankind, if either Philosophers admini­stred the Government, or that Governours applied themselves to the study of Philoso­phy. I may also say, That it would be hap­py for History, if those who undertake, to Write it, were Men conversant in Political Affairs, who applied themselves seriously to their Undertaking; not negligently, but as such, who were fully perswaded, that they undertook a Work of the greatest Moment, of the greatest Excellency, and the most ne­cessary for Mankind: Establishing this, as the Foundation whereon they are to Build, that they can never be capable of perform­ing their Duty, as they ought, unless they have form'd themselves before-hand to their Undertaking, by Prudence, and long Expe­rience of Affairs; without which Endow­ments and Advantages, if they attempt to [Page xxxiii]Write a History, they will fall into a various and endless Labyrinth of Errors.

When we hear this Author Speaking, we are ready to think our selves engag'd in a Conversation with Cato, the Censor, with Lelius, with Massinissa, and with the two Scipio's, that is, with the greatest Heroes, and most prudent Men of the greatest Age, in the Roman Common-wealth. This sets me so on Fire, when I am Reading either here, or in any ancient Author, their Lives and Actions that I cannot hold from breaking out with Montaign, into this Expression: ‘'Tis just, says he, for every honest Man to be Content with the Government, and Laws of his Native Country, without en­deavouring to alter or subvert them: But if I were to choose where I would have been Born, it shou'd have been in a Com­monwealth.’ He indeed names Venice; which, for many Reasons, shou'd not be my Wish: But, rather Rome in such an Age, if it were possible, as that wherein Polybius liv'd; or that of Sparta, whose Constitution for a Republick, is by our Author, compar'd with Rome; to which he justly gives the Pre­ference.

I will not undertake to compare Polybius and Tacitus; tho', if I shou'd attempt it, up­on the whole Merits of the Cause, I must al­low to Polybius the greater Comprehension, and the larger Soul; to Tacitus the greater [Page xxxiv]Eloquence, and the more close Connection of his Thoughts. The Manner of Tacitus in Writing, is more like the Force and Gra­vity of Demosthenes; that of Polybius more like the Copiousness, and diffusive Character of Cicero. Amongst Historians, Tacitus imi­tated Thucidydes, and Polybius, Herodotus. Polybius foresaw the Ruin of the Roman Commonwealth, by Luxury, Lust, and Cru­elty; Tacitus foresaw in the Causes, those Events which shou'd Destroy the Monarchy. They are both of them, without dispute, the best Historians in their several kinds. In this they are alike, that both of them suffer'd un­der the Iniquity of the Times in which they liv'd: both their Histories are dismember'd, the greatest part of them lost, and they are interpolated in many places. Had their Works been perfect, we might have had longer Histories, but not better. Casaubon, according to his usual Partiality, condemns Tacitus, that he may raise Polybius, who needs not any sinister Artifice, to make him appear equal to the best. Tacitus describ'd the Times of Tyranny; but he always Writes with some kind of Indignation a­gainst them. 'Tis not his fault, that Tibe­rius, Caligula, Nero, and Domitian, were bad Princes. He is accus'd of Malevolence, and of taking Actions in the worst Sence; but we are still to remember, that those were the Actions of Tyrants. Had the rest of [Page xxxv]his History remain'd to us, we had certainly found a better Account of Vespasian, Titus, Nerva, and Trajan, who were vertuous Em­perors; and he wou'd have given the Princi­ples of their Actions a contrary turn. But it is not my Business to defend Tacitus; neither dare I deeide the Preserence betwixt him and our Polybius. They are equally profitable, and instructive to the Reader; but Tacitus more useful to those who are Born under a Monarchy; Polybius, to those who live in a Republick. What may farther be added concerning the History of this Author, I leave to be perform'd, by the Elegant Tran­slator of his Work.

John Dryden.

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLATOR.

MY Attempt to render this Excellent Author into English, puts me under a necessity of making my Excuse to the World for ingageing in so nice and difficult a Work; And I frankly, first, confess, That I had no Warrant from my Depth of Learn­ing, whereof to make Ostentation, and where­in indeed, he who most abounds, ever finds least cause of boasting. This I own to prevent the Criticks, who, for the most part, while they amuse and busie themselves about the Interpreta­tion of Words, shew but little Insight in the Mat­ter whereof their Authors treat; which is the solid and useful part of Knowledge. Nor was it a Desire to be seen in Print, it being never my Purpose to appear in Publick. For who of but to­lerable Sence would take pleasure to be found a­mong a Crowd of Fools, who in these our Days so much pester the Press? My Motive then, in a word, was principally to comply with the Injun­ctions [Page ii]of a Great Man, and a Friend, whose Commands to me while he liv'd were Sacred, as his Memory must be now he is remov'd from a­mong us. To this Gentleman interpreting now and then some Select Passages out of Polybius, to entertain his Retirement, he grew so far in love with our Author, and so charm'd with the Force and Perfection of the Roman Discipline, that no Excuse I could make of my Insufficiency avail'd, but I must render him into English. This Command, I say, which could not be decent­ly excus'd, begat the Attempt, which, by new Importunity, is permitted to visit the World; when he, for whose sake it was done, has left it, to enjoy that Repose in a better, which his Ene­mies (jealous of his Vertue) maliciously refus'd him. And he who would have gloried to Die in the Service of his Country, who was the best Friend and every way one of the best Men of the Age, had the mortification to be a Sacrifice to Slander, and the restless Persecution of those who thought, and perhaps justly, that they could not shine till he shou'd be extinguish'd. My diffi­dence then, to do right to my Author, being van­quish'd by the Importunity of my Friend, I took assurance to think, that my Defects on the one hand might in some degree be supply'd by the long Acquaintance and Conversation I have had in those Matters which are principally treated by Polybius: who himself and most others of that sort, who have been interpreted to us by meer Scholars and Book-learned Men, have been so [Page iii]misus'd, that it may be said, They are rather Tradue'd than Translated: And I dare appeal to the discernment of the knowing World, Whe­ther the great Genius of one of the most extra­ordinary Men of the last Age, Mr. Hobbs, ap­pears like himself in his Translation of Thucy­dides! And if he, who when he writes his own Thoughts and Matter, is so admirable both for Purity of Language, and Strength of Reason, does not there, for the most part, disappoint the Expectation of the Reader? 'Tis no wonder then if Ʋndertakers of so much a lower Form, as most are who ingage in these Works, so seldom suc­ceed, notwithstanding their Knowledge in Let­ters and Skill in Tongues, when in their own Mother-language, I will be hold to affirm, they will be often found at a loss to conceive rightly of the S [...]nce of many Passages in History, where Military, Naval or the like Occurrences are handled. So necessary it will be found to be a Man of the World; of Business, Science, and Conversation, who wou'd ingage with any pro­spect of doing well in such Enterprizes. How it may happen to me in this Essay, is left to the Can­dor of the knowing Reader: And if it shall ap­pear I have play'd the Fool, it chances to be in so very good Company, that I shall be content with my share of Shame. It is an Imployment wherein he who performs best, Trafficks for small Gain, and it would be unfair and unconscionable to make the Loss more than the Advent [...] and, at the worst, it having been rather a D [...] ­version [Page iv]than a Task, helping me to while away a few long Winter Hours, which is some Recrea­tion to one who has led a Life of Action and Business, and whose Humour and Fortune suit not with the Pleasures of the Town. Wherefore I shall have little cause of complaint, if my well-meaning in consenting to its Publication be not so well receiv'd: I have been worse treated by the World, to which I am as little ind [...]bted as most Men, who have spent near Thirty Years in Publick Trusts; wherein I labour'd and wasted my Youth and the Vigor of my Days, more to the Service of my Country and the Impairment of my Health than the Improvement of my For­tune, having stood the Mark of Envy, Slander, and hard Ʋsage, without gleaning the least of those Advantages which use to be the Anchor­hold and Refuge of such as whether wrongfully or otherwise suffer the Stroaks of Censure.

I was saying how difficult I thought it was to Translate a good Author well: there is no way more beaten and travell'd, yet none more hard to find; Xenophon and Thucydides have the Voice of the Learn'd, in favour of their Elo­quence, and other Advantages of Style and Man­ner in their Writings: But where, I say, do these Excellencies shine in their Interpreters, who I take for granted wanted not competent Furniture of Knowledge in the Greek Tongue? For my self, I can own, without scruple, that I am not touch'd nor edify'd by what I there read; their Charms are not by their Spokesmen con­vey'd [Page v]to my Ʋnderstanding. Let us, for trial, consult an Example out of Thucydides, and make choice of Pericles's Funeral Oration, so much applauded by Learned Men; what I pray does it speak in English? The Substance and Materials I confess are seen, but the Composition, the Style and Structure, are slight and Gothick: And, for my own particular, I can ingenuously say, that I have no Bowels, no Tears for those poor Men; I neither hear their Groans, nor see their Merits, as they are render'd in our Lan­guage. And this will always happen to Transla­tors, who are but plain meer Scholars, and even to others who with over anctious scrupulosity walk so timorously in the Track of their Authors, that they cannot hold pace with them; and think they do enough, if they but keep them in view, tho' at never so great a distance. For 'tis not Transcribing his Words, but Transfusing his Mind, that does an Author justice; if the Spi­rit and the Genius do not in some degree every where appear, we do but slammer out his Mean­ing, and so draw his Picture, that but for the Title, no body could know it. Yet I am in no doubt, that Mr. Hobbs cou'd have abundantly shown and displayed all the Beauties, and justly express'd the Energy of the Style, and the Gra­ces and Perfections of that Oration; and given us another kind of Version of Thucydides, had not his fear of falling into the Hands of merci­less Criticks withheld him. But while I study to conceive aright, and explain my Sence of the [Page vi]Duty of a Translator, I am at the same moment deeply conscious of my own weak Performance; so much easier it is to think justly, than to do well; and under this Self-sentence I trust I may find some shelter against Censure. I know, that to have done Polybius exact justice, I ought to have study'd him longer; I shou'd have been better acquainted with his Life and Manners, and as familiar with him, if possible, as his Friends Scipio and Lelius; for so I might in many places, obscure in words, have penetrated his Meaning by my knowledge of the Man: But what shall I say? I have dealt him the fairest measure I was able, I have made him speak the best English I cou'd, without hurting his Sense, while I have neither setter'd my self to his Words, nor been ty'd so much as to his Expres­sion: But when I thought I knew his Mind, I utter'd it in the best manner I cou'd. Thus I have proceeded in the Narrative-part, and his Accounts of Matter of Fact; but where he Mo­ralizes, Instructs and Acts the Orator, which are the most difficult to be handl'd, I have there dealt more tenderly and shown the best care I was able to approach his manner. Polybius was, without all question, a very great Man, he was Noble, and of the first Rank of his Country, a Souldier, a States-man and a Philosopher, and withal of an excellent Ʋnderstanding; Polish'd and Cultivated by Business and eminent Trusts, and Temper'd and Balasted by his own and his Country's Afflictions. So that it may be said, [Page vii]No Man ever ingag'd in a Work of this sort better furnish'd with Requisites; and he seems to fill the Chair, when he treats distinctly on any of the above-nam'd Subjects: But when he talks of War, which is the Favourite, Subject and Darling of History; How like a General and perfect Master in that Trade does he acquit him­self! How exact and painful is he in his De­scriptions of Battles by Land and Sea, descend­ing to every particular that may afford light to his Reader! How finely, fruitfully, justly, and morally does he Instruct and Reason on Events of Councils, Battles and all kind of Trans­actions! How does Hannibal's Craft and Wis­dom, and Flaminius's Rashness and Folly appear in his Account of the Battle of Thrasymene, insomuch that from Readers we become Specta­tors of all those Exploits! How faithful is he to the Character of the Carthaginians, in their Naval Knowledge and Strength! And with what Frankness, Assurance and Impartiality does he shew the Romans Ignorance, and reprove their Rashness, when he compares those two People on the Subject of their Maritime Affairs and Adventures! All which we read with plea­sure, and approve with ease. So that, in a word, he will be found throughout to preserve his Character of a Grave, Able and Impartial Wri­ter. He is censur'd I know somewhere, for his little Religion, which Aspersion his own Words will best wipe off, where, in his Fifth Book, he so solemnly reprehends Philip, Son of Demetrius; [Page viii]and the Etolians for their impious Razing of Temples, and casting down of Statues, and the Altars of the Gods. But I should intrench on the Province of a much abler Ʋndertaker, should I further prosecute this Subject; the Character of Polybius being, as I am told, undertaken by One, who of all others, is best able to do him Justice. Wherefore leaving my Author in so good Hands, I proceed to the Subject, and observe that the Per­son, the Matter, and the Period of Time wherein he Wrote, seem'd to conspire to the Dignity and Perfection of the Work, which was a Body of General History, consisting of Forty Books; of which Number, to the unspeakable Loss of the World, Five only entire have descended down to us: But it has happily chanc'd, that they are the Five Books from the beginning in their Order; tho' the two first not being of the Body of his Hi­story, and rather a Proem to that great Ʋnder­taking; the Reader will not be Surpriz'd, nor take Offence to see the Preface, as I may say, to what is now publish'd, swell so much out of all Proportion to the Book, when he shall consider that properly Speaking, it is the Portico or Fron­tispiece of a so much statelier Edifice; and as it contains a Summary or Abstract of the entire Work, so does it not a little confer to Institution. The whole Work contain'd the History of the Ro­mans; their Transactions and Adventures with the Carthaginians, Greeks, the Princes of Asia, Aegypt, Spain, and all the most memo­rable Occurrences of the World, during the space [Page ix]of Three and Fifty Years, beginning with the second Punick War, which commenc'd in tho third Year of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, and of the World three thousand seven hundred eighty seven, and ending with those Affairs which gave a Period to the Macedonian Mo­narchy. Which Space of time, as it contains the Bulk of all the great Actions, Conquests, and Successes of the Roman People, so it seems to be the very Meridian of their Glory and Ver­tue; for they had now by their long practice in War and their conversation with the Greeks, and other polish'd Nations, resin'd their Man­ners, which before were course and rustick. They had scour'd off the Rust of their Old Iron Disci­pline, so Austere and Rigid, that it grew to an Idol, a Moloch; to which Generals sacrific'd even their Sons: No Citizens Blood, in civil Dissention, had yet slain'd their Concord: Po­verty, 'tis true, had began to cease to be a Vertue, and was not so venerable as when their Dictators went to Plough: But their Taste of Riches seem'd rather an Effect of their Ambition and Military Glory to adom their Triumphs, and replenish their Treasury with a Fund to enable them to pro­secute their Design of Subduing the World. They had yet no leisure for Luxury; and that eager Spirit of Conquest which spurr'd and inspir'd them, had preserv'd their Minds hitherto untainted with the Vices of Ease and a voluptuous Life. In a word, their good Discipline, which Industry, long Practice, and the Necessity and Danger of [Page x]the State had taught them, while they were yet but weak, and under the apprehension of dange­rous Rivals, became at length, when it had se­cur'd them against Invaders, to inspire them with the Spirit of Invasion; and conducted them to the acquisition of that stupendous Power and Dominion, which was the Subject of so many Triumphs, and compleated, in conclusion, their Subjection of the Ʋniverse. What their Disci­pline was, has been the Argument of many Pens, and wou'd not suit with this Work to enlarge on: But what Discipline is, in the Abstract, I may essay to deliver my Opinion in few words.

Good Discipline is the Substance and Sum-to­tal of Military Science, and he who would a­spire to the Command of Armies by Sea or Land, and is not himself duly Train'd, and a Master therein, and a Lover, Promoter, and Exacter of it in others, shall betray the Prince or State who Trusts him; and expose himself and Coun­try to manifold Perils and Disasters. The Principles of Discipline are partly collected and digested into a Body of standing Rules and In­structions; the Harvest of wise and long Expe­rience of the best Men, in the best Times; and partly Ʋnwritten and Traditional, infus'd by Practice, Conversation and diligent Application and Inquiry of those who would be Proficients therein. In short, 'tis an Art or Habit of prudential Fortitude, on the nicest and most perilous Adventures of Humane Life. Now the Fruit which is gather'd, is in the Practice of [Page xi]these Documents; and the hinge and center of Motion of this great Machine, on which it turns, is Obedience; which among the Romans was Sacred and Inviolable, as the Oracles of their Gods, the Breach whereof was more punishable when successful, than otherwise. For though Fortune was among them a Deity, Discipline was more Worshipp'd, and they would not allow her to justifie a rash Action. Thus Papirius, the Dictator, was hardly won to spare young Fabius, his Master of the Horse, for Fighting though successfully in his absence, against his Order; whose Life, with much Difficulty, was given to the Tears and Merits of his old Fa­ther. And the Story of Titus Manlius, who condemn'd his brave Son to Death, is a cruel Instance. Discipline is the Art of doing the hardest Things, the easiest and nearest way; her prime Element is Honour: She teaches us to Dye without Fear, when we cannot Live without Reproach; she absolves the most unfortunate Actions where she Conducts; she shews us how to be Savers when we cannot Win, and loses many a Battle without loss of Fame; she rallies and re­unites broken Troops, and has often snatch'd the Lawrel from the Brow of Victory her self; she is the brave Man's Motto, and the Coward's Shield. The one she Ʋrges, while she Animates the other; she sustains hunger-starv'd Armies, and makes them Obey, March, Fight and Vanquish with­out Clothes on their Backs, Meat in their Bel­lies, or Flesh on their Bones. To suffer pati­ently [Page xii]Hunger, Cold, and want of every needful Thing, is a lasie, feminine, and, as I may say, a vagabond Vertue: but to act bravely, to o­bey silently, and exactly, and to do worthily in every thing under such Straights and Tryals, belongs only to those whose Minds and Manners are imbu'd with this Soveraign Vertue of good Discipline. But that we may not Spin this Thread too fine, let us contract our Speculation, by say­ing in short, That Discipline is the Soul of Mi­litary Action; 'tis the Founder and Preserver of Kingdoms; she leads Fortune her self in Tri­umph, and by her (under Providence) Princes Reign, and their Thrones are Establish'd. Ʋnder her Banners did the Romans subdue the World, and vanquish in Battel more than double their number of Enemies, equal, if not superiour to them, in Strength and natural Courage; and the Glory of that great State ebb'd and slow'd with their Discipline, which, as it is the Parent of Success, so is it the Child of mighty Vertue and Industry: Vice and Luxury (which are her mortal Foes) have no Footing where she Go­verns; they are so incompatible, that the De­pression of the one, is ever the Advancement of the other; no State, but by Miracle, can sink under her Conduct, or be safe where she is not cherish'd. What has made our Neighbouring Prince so Formidable, but their excellent Form, and exact Observance of the Precepts of good Discipline, where Obedience, like the Key-stone in the Arch, binds and sustains the whole Fa­brick? [Page xiii]And if discerning Eyes would look near, and penetrate the ground and necessity of this Duty, in our Case, they would discover Reasons that are not visible to vulgar Eyes. Wherefore I will take leave of the Gentlemen of the Long-Robe, to allow this kind of Obedience, the pre­ference to all kinds of Submission, or Resignation whatsoever. The Ancients have painted Oc­casion only bald behind, but here we may add Wings too; For what is more sleeting and fugi­tive, when she's often hardly seen, but she's past? Crowns, Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and every thing Sacred and Valuable among Men, do, in our Case, often hang on a single Thread of a Moment; which by one bare Act of Disatten­tion, or Disobedience to Orders, may be lost: And History is thick set with Instances, (which I may here be excus'd from exemplifying) where what I say is abundantly prov'd. The Schools may amuse and intangle us with their Cobweb-learning, their Terms and Subtilties; but let them show me in sound Wisdom and safe Morals any Transgression of Obedience to whatsoever Humane Precept, that can bring a heavier Judg­ment on Mankind, where no Sacrifice, or Pe­nance can Attone, or Power Absolve. We shall not then (I trust) be thought in the wrong, in thus dignifying this Vertue of Obedience in Mi­litary Conduct.

I was almost ingag'd unawares to extend my Contemplation on this noble Theme, which, by applying it to Ourselves, with [Page xiv]respect especially to Our Naval Discipline, might perhaps have prov'd no Disservice to my Country. But as we never visit Persons of Quality by the bye, but obtain an Hour to perform our Respects with Decency: So I have concluded I ought to treat that Sub­ject, which as it wou'd swell beyond the due Bounds of a Preface; so it deserves to be handl'd with more Regard, than cou'd be ob­serv'd towards it in this Place.

H. S.

POLYBIUS's General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

VOL. I. BOOK I.

IF other Authors, who have gone be­fore us, had omitted to speak in the Praise of History; it might perhaps have left an Engagement on us, to recommend principally, that sort of Study to the World, in as much as there is no Means or Method more short, or less difficult, whereby to cultivate the Mind, than the knowledge of Times past. But in regard it hath been the Business of many Writers, to shew, that the Fruit we gather from History, is the most mature and in­structive, and yields the properest Materi­als to form the Understanding for Publick [Page 2]Uses; and best arms and prepares us, against the shocks of adverse Fortune, by the know­lege and reflection on other Mens Crosses and Calamities; our silence therefore on that Subject, will be the more pardonable, while the best we should be able say, would be no other than what so many excellent Wits have said before us; and when we have done all, our Subject needs it not: For, in short, the Account of those surpri­zing Events, which we have undertaken to Publish, will suffice for its own Recommen­dation, and bespeak the Attention of Man­kind to what shall be related. For who is so stupid and incurious, that would not be glad to learn, by what wonderful means and force of Conduct, the People of Rome could within the space of three and fifty Years, be able to compass the Conquest and Do­minion of the greatest Part of the known World? A Felicity which never yet hap­pen'd to any People, at least it hath not any parallet in History. And indeed what Spe­ctacle, how magnificent and entertaining so­ever, to the most Curious; or what Specu­lation, tho' never so profitable to the most Studious, hath at any time been the Subject of our Contemplation, that ought not to give place and yield the Preference both in Pleasure and Instruction to the Knowledge of this Transcendent Story?

Nor will it be difficult to Exemplifie the [Page 3]Grandure and Singularity of the Work we have undertaken, by drawing Parallels be­tween the Roman Empire, and the most Flourishing States that have been recorded in Story. And those, which in my Judg­ment are most worthy to be consider'd, are namely these that follow: First, the Persian Empire; which was once Great and Formi­dable, yet so it happen'd, that they never attempted to extend their Conquests beyond the bounds of Asia, but they not only endan­ger'd the loss of their Armies, but hazarded the State it self. The Lacedaemonians strove long for the Dominion of Greece, and at length obtain'd it; but scarce held it Twelve Years in peaceable Possession. The Mace­donians acquir'd a good share of Territory in Europe, extending from the Adriatick Sea to the Danube; but who will not confess, that this was but a small Tract, compar'd with that vast Continent? Afterwards indeed, their Conquests and Dominion spread into Asia, and the Persian Monarchy compos'd a part of their Empire. But what People is there, how powerful and enterprizing soe­ver, of whom, it may not with Truth be said, That a very great part of this our World hath escap'd their Power and Ambition. In a word, the Macedonians never dream'd of attempting either Sicily or Sardinia, or of carrying their Arms into Africk; nor had they the least notice of many fierce and [Page 4]mighty Nations inhabiting the Western Parts of Europe. While of the Romans it will with Justice be granted, that they have not vanquish'd by parcels, here and there a Kingdom; but subdu'd and extended their Empire over almost the known World, and have exalted and establish'd the Glory of their Dominion, to that degree of Power and Perfection, that if the present Age can but wisely support the Excess of their Prosperi­ty, no future Times shall be able to produce the like.

The Sequel of this extraordinary Story, will prove with Evidence enough what we but now observ'd; namely, That of all Stu­dies, That of History yields the most solid and profitable Fruit, when it makes profes­sion of recounting Occurrences of past Ages with Candor and Fidelity. Ours with re­spect to Chronology, shall take beginning from the one hundred and fortieth Olym­piad: The Subject Matter shall be; First, with respect to the Greeks, the Confederate War which Phillip, the Son of Demetrius, and Father of Persius, did in Conjunction with the Achaians, wage against those of Aetolia. Touching the Asiaticks, we shall treat of the War in Syria, betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy Philopater: As to what con­cerns Italy and Asrick, we shall begin with the History of the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, commonly call'd the War [Page 5]of Hannibal. In brief, our History shall com­mence where Aratus the Sycionian gives a Period to his. For, in truth, the State in general of things to those Days, were (as one may say) scatter'd and confus'd, and without any common Relation; the Motives to their great Enterprises were divers, and also their Ends; and Times, and Places, were equally dark and distant. But here we have a Foundation and Body of History for our Guide; the Affairs of Italy, Greece, Asia and Africk, were now as it were incorporate, and conspiring to one and the same great End. And therefore I resolv'd, and thought it my best Method, here to begin what I have de­termin'd to write.

The Romans, proving Superior to the Car­thaginians in the War we mention'd, found Assurance to believe, that they had now ad­vanc'd far towards the Dominion of the World; and took resolution thence to pur­sue their good Fortune, and form'd thereup­on their first Project, for transporting their Arms into Greece, and so into Asia. Were we not for the most part in the dark, touch­ing the general State and Circumstances of those People, who from time to time con­tended for Soveraignty, we might perhaps spare the Pains we shall take, to enquire and shew, by what Means and Motives, the Ro­mans were incited to engage in so vast an Enterprise. But in regard the World for [Page 6]the most part is to learn by what stock of Strength and Military Conduct, the Cartha­ginians strove with their happier Rivals the Romans, and what Battels it cost to decide the Controversie; we have therefore thought it necessary, to conceive and digest our two first Books, into a form of Preface to the main Work; fearing lest if we should be en­gaged unawares, into the Narrative of such wonderful Adventures as will occur; we should with Astonishment look back on the mighty Progress, and be to seek for those Causes and Motives, that inspir'd the Ro­mans to Embark in so extraordinary a De­sign, as the Acquisition of the Universal Em­pire. At least it may suffice, to initiate the Reader, and instruct him in the feasibleness of the Enterprise, and shew, that their Power was not short of their Ambition, to attempt, and, in effect, to compass what they had projected. For what will be found singular and extraordinary in this Work, and those unparalell'd Examples of Events in this our Age, is, that Fortune leaning, and as it were with a strong Biass, bending all her Power one way, and Collecting and Confe­derating (as one may say) the Forces of the Universe, for the Accomplishment of one vast Design: We shall therefore labour to shew, and in one Draught, as in a Picture, gratifie the Reader with a Prospect of those Means and Steps, by which she conducted [Page 7]her Counsels to bring this mighty Work to pass. And this indeed was what principally incited me to adventure on this Work, joint­ly with the Reflection, That no Author in these our Days, hath yet engag'd in the like Enterprise, of Compiling and Publishing a General History; which under less Incou­ragement I should hardly have been drawn to undertake. But having observ'd, that albeit there are plenty of Writers, who have employ'd their Pens in Recording particular Wars, and some certain contemporary Tran­sactions and Occurrences; yet there is not One (that I remember) who hath given us any Light into the Notions of General Histo­ry; nor have those who have written, shewn any Care in adjusting the Chronology of the Affairs they have handled; nor the Causes and Reasons leading to any Revolution; nor the Progress and Management, nor the Manner of the Event of Things. I have then on these Reflections concluded it neces­sary, and that it would not be an ungrate­ful Present, to delineate and expose to Pub­lick View this most Magnificent, and of all others the most Instructive Instance of For­tune's Power; who, tho' we have daily and numerous Accounts of her extraordinary Ope­rations, and behold her constantly attempt­ing new Proofs of her Abilities, we must nevertheless conclude, without any diffi­culty, that she hath given such Evidences [Page 8]of her Strength in our Days, as surpasses all Example.

Nor would it be easie to obtain a right Knowledge of so many marvelous Transacti­ons, by any help that may be derived from the Study of particular History, any more than one can be enabled to give a true Ac­count of the Structure and Figure of the wide Universe, by having consulted the Map, or visited some few Towns or Provinces thereof. And we may fitly compare such as make that wrong Judgment, to those, who, beholding the dispers'd and single Members of some Bo­dy, which while it had Life and Motion, had Beauty and other Excellencies; would under­take to determine and distinguish of the Gra­ces and Perfections wherewith it was Adorn'd, when Living; while, in Truth, were it possible to give a perfect Image of them, by uniting the scatter'd Parts, restoring the Form, and giving it Spirit and Motion, he would be o­bliged to confess that all his Conjectures had been a Dream: And yet we maintain not, but that a sort of Judgment may be made of the whole, by consulting only the Parts, but the Certitude and entire Verity of Things cannot be so acquir'd. In like man­ner we conceive, that the bare Study of par­ticular and limited Occurences, can but little avail towards the Improvement of our Know­ledge in General History; which cannot be attain'd, but by sorting (as I may say) and [Page 9]comparing Counsels and Events, by the Re­semblances of Things we shall Observe, and the Difference we shall Remark; and thus we approach the Sanctuary, and penetrate the very Bosom of History, and the Fruit we gather will both profit and please. To con­clude, The first Naval Expedition the Romans ventur'd on, beyond the Bounds of Italy, shall be the beginning, and as it were the Ground­work of this our first Book; wherein the Story is continued, where Timaeus the Histo­rian ends, which fell out in the Hundred and Twenty Ninth Olympiad.

It behoves us then to instruct the Reader, first, in the Time when, and the Means and Manner how the Romans compos'd their Affairs in Italy; and then to observe what their Motives were to attempt crossing the Seas into Sicily, for that was their first Ex­ploit out of Italy. These things, I say, it will be necessary first to explain, to the end we may avoid all danger of Obscurity in the pursuit of our History, and preserve the Co­herence and Gradation of Causes and Things unbroken: It is likewise further necessary, that we should take our beginning from some certain and limited Period of Time, known and remarkable to all. And this will be found so very useful, that Matters will almost ex­plain themselves, when there should be oc­casion to look back, to renew in the Mind the Notices of what is past. For where Ac­counts [Page 10]are not founded on plain and uncon­troverted Testimony, we read without Faith, and determine of nothing; whereas, when the Understanding is once set right, and esta­blished on the Evidence of clear and unble­mish'd Grounds, we Study and Digest what we Read, with Pleasure and Assurance, and yield a ready Consent to the Candour and Authority of the Writer.

Nineteen Years after the Naval Battel that [...] [...]ought on the River Aegos, and sixteen [...] before the Field of Leuctra; about the [...] that the Lacedaemonians made Peace with the Persian King, by the procurement of An­talcidas; Dionysius the Elder having van­quish'd the Greeks, who inhabited Italy near the River Elleporas, laid Siege to the City of Rhegium. The Gauls were at that time Ma­sters of Rome, which they had taken all but the Capitol; and the Romans, having com­pounded with the Enemy, under such Capi­tulations as the Gauls themselves thought fit to impose, were rescu'd, as it were by Mira­cle, and restor'd to their Country beyond all Expectation: And having now laid in some Materials towards the Foundation of their growing Power; they began to wage War on the neighbouring States. And after they had well-nigh subdu'd the Latins, partly by their Courage, and partly by the Address they had acquir'd by their long Exercise in Arms, they advanc'd against the Tuscans, and [Page 11]had to do, almost at the same time, with the Gauls; and then warr'd on the Samnites, who were the Northern and Eastern Border­ers upon the Latins. Soon after, and about a Year before the Gauls invaded Greece, and the Remainder of that People who had rifled Delphos, and were almost all cut off, pass'd into Asia; Pyrrhus, King of the Epirots, ar­riv'd in Italy, invited thither by the Taren­tines, who began to apprehend the Conse­quences of their having violated the Roman Ambassadors. The Romans having subdu'd the Tuscans and Samnites, and often van­quish'd the Celtae, began to prosecute their Success against the rest of Italy; not so much to invade the Property of their Neighbours, as to ascertain and secure what they now reck­oned their own; having by their long and frequent Wars with the Samnites and Gauls greatly improv'd their Discipline and Expe­rience, so as to conduct their Armies with better prospect of Success. The Romans ha­ving then, greatly to their Reputation, su­stain'd the shock of so many hazardous Enter­prises, and expelled all Foreign Invaders, and even Pyrrhus himself out of Italy; they now proceed to shew their Resentment against those who had taken part with that Prince; whom, after they had subdu'd, and brought under their Power, together with what re­main'd unconquer'd of Italy, the Gauls only excepted; they made an Expedition against [Page 12] Rhegium, then possessed by certain of their own mutinous Subjects. One and the same Adventure befel two principal Places, situ­ate in the Streight of that Sea, namely, Rhe­gium and Messina. In short, some time before those things happen'd, which we have been relating, a Party of Campanian Mercenaries, who had serv'd under Agathocles in Sicily, tempted with the Beauty and Riches of Mes­sina, form'd a Conspiracy to surprise it, and keep the possession; which they did by Trea­chery, being receiv'd into the Town, and entertain'd as Friends. When they became Masters of the place, some of the Inhabitants they expell'd, and others they murther'd, re­taining to their own use the Wives and Chil­dren of that unfortunate People, as they chanc'd to fall into their hands during the dispute: Thus having without much hazard or trouble obtain'd a remarkable Victory, and become possess'd of an opulent City, they divided the Riches and Territory amongst themselves. This Action gave Example to another of the like barbarous Treachery. During Pyrrhus's Devastations in Italy, those of Rhegium, apprehensive of the danger of this new and formidable Enemy; and being on the other hand in dread of the Carthagini­ans, who were in those days Masters of the Sea, besought the Romans to lend them Suc­cours, and furnish them with a Garrison: Ac­cordingly they supply'd them with four thou­sand [Page 13]Men, giving the Command to one De­cius a Campanian, who for some time kept good Garrison, and demean'd themselves as they ought: But at length, in Imitation of the Mamertines, who supply'd them with Forces to effect their Treachery, they violated their Faith by the like villainous Act, tempted thereunto by the commodious Situation of the Place, and the Wealth of the Inhabitants; of whom, having possess'd the Town, some they expell'd, and some they cut off, tran­scribing the Treachery of that People exactly. The Romans had a just Sence of this wicked Act; but having at that time too much Busi­ness on their hands, by the Wars we but now related, were not in a Condition to express their Indignation in the Punishment of the Au­thors; but as soon as their Affairs permitted, they march'd against Rhegium, where they straitly besieg'd the Traitors, and in the end subdu'd them, who fought obstinately, as be­ing desperate of Pardon, not above three hun­dred of them being taken alive; who being sent to Rome, were by the Command of the Praetor, dragg'd to the common place of Exe­cution, where, as the manner is, they were first scourg'd with Rods, and then beheaded. The Romans, over and above the Equity, were not without Foresight, that the Conse­quences of this Act wou'd be to conciliate in their Neighbours, the Opinion of their Justice and Honour, which had been much ble­mished [Page 14]mished by this piece of Treachery; so the Rhegians were forthwith restor'd to their Town and their Possessions.

As to the Mamertines (for that Appellati­on those Campanians assum'd) who had so wrongfully possess'd Messina, they enjoy'd, without any Molestation, both the Town and Territory, so long as they cou'd derive Suc­cours from the Romans their Friends in Rhe­gium, and liv'd not only secure, and fearless of any danger, but were often the Aggressors on their Neighbours the Carthaginians, and those of Syracuse, and gave them work e­nough to defend the adjacent Country; put­ting many Towns and Villages under Con­tribution. But they were no sooner depriv'd of the Aids of Rhegium, which now could not defend itself, when the face of their Fortune chang'd; being attack'd by the Syracusians, and driven within their own Walls; that People having declar'd War against them for Reasons we shall briefly deliver.

Sometime before this, while the Army of the Syracusians encamped near Mergania, there happened a Dissention between the Souldiers and Citizens of Syracuse; the Souldiers there­upon made choice of new Leaders, namely, Artemidorus and Hieron, who was afterwards King of Syracuse, he was then indeed but young, howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wish'd in a Prince. He was no sooner advanc'd to this Power, [Page 15]but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends, he got possession of the City, where he soon suppress'd those of the contrary Faction; but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Huma­nity, that tho' the Syracusians would not ap­prove the Election made by the Army, he was nevertheless received as Praetor, without the least Contest. From the very beginning, by the manner of his Administration of that Authority, it plainly appear'd to those who could best discern, that he was Born to some­thing yet greater than the Praetorship. For having rightly inform'd himself of the Hu­mours and Manners of the Syracusians, that they were Seditious, and no sooner in Arms, but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Pra­ctices; and farther observing, that Leptines, one of the prime Citizens, Superiour to the rest both in Credit and Interest, and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity, would be very useful to him; with him he made an Alliance, by taking his Daughter to Wife, and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him, during his Expeditions with the Army abroad. Ha­ving compass'd these things, and observing the old Mercenary Souldiers to have lost their Discipline, to be quite spoil'd with Idleness and Debauchery, and to be over and above not very well affected to him, but were ban­dying and meditating some new Commoti­ons; [Page 16]he therefore forms a pretence of an Ex­pedition against the Barbarians, who were possess'd of Messina; and having march'd out his Forces, he Incamp'd near Centuripa, in sight of the Enemy, where, drawing up to ingage them, not far from the River Cyamo­soros, he so ordered his Battel, that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself, with shew of attacking the Enemy elsewhere, he by that means designedly expos'd the Merce­naries to the entire shock of the Mamertines, where they were all cut off; and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution, with­drew his own People in safety to Syracuse. By this Artifice he punish'd his Mercenaries, and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army. In brief, having form'd an Army to his own Mind, he govern'd and preserv'd his Authority in great Peace and Security; and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success, and that they made Inroads, and spoil'd the neighbouring Country, he march'd out of the City with his new Army, which he had now well Disciplin'd, and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus, near the River Longa­nus, he obtain'd an entire Victory, routing their Army, and taking their principal Offi­cers Prisoners: By which Success they were so humbled, that they lost all Courage for the future. Having perform'd these things a­gainst the Barbarians, he return'd with his [Page 17]Army to Syracuse, where he was proclaim'd King by the Souldiers.

As to the Mamertines, they being now de­priv'd of their wonted Succours from Rhegi­um, and their own strength being greatly di­minish'd by their late losses, one Party ap­ply'd to the Carthaginians, and deliver'd the Citadel into their Hands; another sent Am­bassadours to the Romans, praying their Assi­stance, and offering them the possession of the City, imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Origi­nal. The Romans were long debating what to determine herein, nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them, it being ap­parent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour, who, while they animadvert­ed on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium, should be found abetting and sup­porting the Mamertines, eminently guilty of the like Crime. But they saw too, that the Carthaginians had not only subdu'd Africa, but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain; and that Sardinia, and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy, were already in their possession; these Re­flections were weigh'd with apprehension e­nough, for the Romans already look'd on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousie, being, as it were, now surrounded by them; and knowing that they had de­signs on Italy it self; they foresaw how for­midable [Page 18]they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State; and perceiv'd too, that this Island, unless they interpos'd to prevent it, by assisting the Mamertines, would certainly fall into their Hands: For Messina would soon be theirs, and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them, the Territory of which two places contain'd a principal part of the Island. All this they clearly understood, and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina, and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post, that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy. These Points were long and solemnly debated, and yet the Senate could not be drawn to deter­mine without mighty difficulty, foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit. But the People, who had been greatly impoverish'd by their late Wars, and each Man propound­ing to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage, decreed to carry on the Enterprise; and the rather, for that those who were to have Command of the Ar­mies, manifested how profitable an Under­taking it wou'd be both for the State in gene­ral, and each Man in particular. The De­cree therefore pass'd, and was confirm'd by an Ordinance of the People; and Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls, was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily, to the Relief of Messina.

To him the Mamertines deliver'd up the City, after, either by Art or Force, they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who com­manded in the Citadel: But the Carthagini­ans suspecting Treachery or Cowardise, or­dered the said Governour to be Crucified. At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus, and encamp'd with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes, and besieg'd Messina with all their Forces. Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair pro­spect of exterminating the Barbarians, Pos­sessors of Messina, out of Sicily; enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians, and forthwith marches with an Army from Syra­cuse towards Messina, and encamp'd along the Mountain Chalcidicus, to cut off all Corre­spondence with the besieg'd on that side. But Appius Claudius, with unspeakable Bra­very, passing the Streight by Night, got at length into Messina. Howbeit, perceiving the Besiegers resolute, and the Town strait­ly press'd on both sides, and the Army supe­rior by Sea and Land, and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise, he dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Carthagini­ans and Hieron, to treat about an Accommo­dation, and obtain Peace for the Mamertines. But the Negotiation not taking effect, and finding there was now no Remedy but Fighting; he resolv'd first to attack the Syra­cusians; Accordingly he march'd out against [Page 20] Hieron, who oppos'd him with great Readi­ness and Gallantry, but after a long and ve­ry sharp Conflict the Romans had the day; beating and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp; and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina, loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy: And Hieron, who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War, march'd away immediately towards Syracuse. Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat, and being now full of assurance by his late Success, resolv'd to lose no time, but forthwith to Attack like­wise the Carthaginians. Pursuant to which Resolution, he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes, and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary; and sallying out by break of Day, he surpriz'd the Enemy, and routed them with great Slaughter; those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd, secu­ring themselves in the Neighbouring Towns. Having obtain'd these Victories, and rais'd the Siege from before Messina, he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country, and proceeded with­out impediment to plunder as far as the Ter­ritory of the Syracusians and their Confede­rates, whither at length-he march'd with his Army, and sate down before Syracusa. Thus have I related the Motives, and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy. And for as much as we have judg'd [Page 21]and chosen this Conjuncture, as the most pro­per and sure Basis, whereon to superstruct our whole Design; we have therefore concluded, that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows, than by setting out from hence. Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back, the better to open and ex­plain the Reasons of Things, to the end there may not remain the least doubt. For in my Judgment, whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State, should first be inform'd, when, and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause, for they had once lost their Country; and farther, to be well instructed in the Means by which, and the time when, they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Domi­nion, they began to form Designs of their re­moter Conquests. It will not therefore be thought strange, if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People, we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity, and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be, which is the course we have taken, that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Princi­ples, so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story, we shall endeavour to shew how, and when they began, and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness, wherein we shall be­hold them. And this is the Method we have [Page 22]been already pursuing, touching the Affairs of the Romans. But we will forbear farther Digressions, and proceed to our History, af­ter we have lightly touch'd on some Prelimi­nary Matters; and what falls in order princi­pally to be noted, is the Transactions be­tween the Romans and the Carthaginians, during their Contention about Sicily; next will be the War in Africk: To which is an­nex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain, mannag'd first by Hamilcar, and af­ter him by Asdrubal; about which time, the Romans invaded Illiria, and other remote Countries of Europe; then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy, and in course, we shall mention that in Greece, call'd the Cleomenick War, which gives a period to our Second Book: Of these in order, with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History; for we have not conceived it necessary, or in any manner profitable, to be over particular in those things, it not being our purpose to write their History, but so to touch them, as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate. In a word, it will be ea­sily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse, how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before, so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive, by an easier pas­sage to subsequent Occurrences: But above all, it behoves us to be punctual in setting [Page 23]down the Revolutions in Sicily, during the War there, between the Romans and Carthagi­nians, than which for duration, there is hard­ly any Example of the like in History, nor of the Provisions that were made to Prose­cute it, nor for the Greatness of Action, or im­portance and hazard of Enterprises, number of Battels, and extraordinary Adventures. For in short, those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws, their Diicipline was pure and unshaken, their Wealth not burthensome, and their Strength equal. Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively, will be better able to col­lect Matter, whereby to make a juster Com­parison by this War only, than by any sub­sequent Transactions whatsoever between them.

And now we have but one weighty Im­pediment to stay the Course of our History, which is, that Philinus and Fabius, the Hi­storians, who have the repute of excelling all others, in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story, have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them. And yet when I consider their man­ner of Life, I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood. I am there­fore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them, as it often does to Lovers, Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians, hath brib'd [Page 24]his Belief in favour of their great Conduct, Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations, and perverted his Judg­ment on the other hand, touching the Ro­mans. As to Fabius, he acts the same part for his Country-men, nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life, it being but just, that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends, and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies, and Love to their Friends, But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian, his Affections are no more his own, and he is to divest him­self of every Passion. For how often falls it out to b [...] the Duty of a Writer, to ap­plaud the Merits of an Enemy, and blame the Conduct of a Friend, when their Faults and Follies so require. For as a Horse that is become blind, is render'd almost useless, so History, if Truth be once wanting, ceaseth to be of any use or instruction. We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend, and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy. Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those, who but now had as just a Title to our Applause: It being im­possible, that such, who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs, should not sometimes miscarry, or that those who often err, should not be now and then in the right. We are not therefore to weigh the [Page 25]Rank or Fortune of those who are in Au­thority, but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions. And that this is a just Observation, will appear by what follows: Philinus, in the beginning of his Second Book, reports, that the Cartha­ginians and Syracusians besieg'd Messina; and that the Romans, who cross'd the Sea to their Assistance, made a Sally out of the Town, but were repulsed with great Slaughter of their People: That soon after they made a second Sally upon the Carthaginians, when they were not only beaten and forc'd to re­tire, but lost the greatest part of their Army, taken Prisoners by the Enemy. He likewise tells us, That after this, Hieron was seiz'd with a panick fear, and so violent an appre­hension of danger, that he deserted his Camp by Night, and march'd away to Syracuse; not only setting fire on his Tents, but with­drawing his Garrisons from all such places as he held in the Neighbourhood of the Ma­mertines. That the Carthaginians, in like manner quitted their Camp, soon after this Defeat of the Romans, and dispersing, quar­ter'd themselves in the Towns round about, without attempting to take the Field, or daring so much as to defend whatsoever they had without their Works; and that this Consternation seizing the Carthaginian Soul­diers, disheartned their Officers from giving Battel to the Romans. That the Romans [Page 26]keeping in their Rear, did not only spoil and pillage the Country round about, but laid Siege even to Syracuse. These, in my Judg­ment, are Absurdities too gross to be exa­min'd. For what is more inconsistent, than to make those, who but now besieg'd Mes­sina, and were in all things victorious, to fly without any apparent cause, and to consent to be themselves besieg'd. And as to the other Party, which he tells us, was besieg'd and vanquish'd, he gives them the Lawrel, makes them Masters of the Field, pursuing the Enemy, and leads them at length to the Siege of Syracuse: What Consistency now can be found in this Relation? We must de­termine therefore, that what he first delivers is false, or the sequel cannot be true. But the latter is true, for the Carthaginians and Syracusians were beaten and forc'd within their Works, and Syracuse and Echetla were both at one and the same time besieg'd by the Romans, as Philinus confesseth, the lat­ter being a Town on their Frontiers. We cannot help concluding then, that this his first Account was untrue, and the Defeat he mentions a Falshood of his own coining; since he allows the Romans to have remain'd superiour to the Enemy in those Encounters before Messina. But, in short, we shall find both Fabius and Philinus to be the same Men throughout, as we shall have occasion to observe in the pursuit of our Story; to which, [Page 27]after this Digression, let us now return, and with the best Connexion we can, labour briefly and truly to relate the Adventures and Issue of this War.

Upon the News, at Rome, of the Success of Appius and the Legions in Sicily, M. Octa­cilius and M. Valerius being chosen Consuls, it was decreed, they should both go with all the Legions to prosecute that War. The Romans, over and above the Supplies drawn from their Allies, had at that time a Stand­ing Force of Four Legions, out of which they form'd their yearly Levies, each Legion consisting of Four Thousand Foot, and Three Hundred Horse. Upon the arrival of the Consuls, most of the Towns and Places that had submitted to the Syracusians and Cartha­ginians, gave themselves up to the Romans; insomuch, that Hieron observing the Terror that was spread through the whole Island, on the one hand; and on the other, the Brave­ry and Number of the Legionaries, began to discern, that the Designs and Hopes of the Romans were founded on better Measures than those of the Carthaginians; which, after he had maturely weigh'd, he determin'd to endeavour to be reconcil'd to the Romans. Accordingly he dispatch'd Embassadors to treat with the Consuls about an Alliance, who without difficulty embrac'd the Overture; to which they were the more willingly di­spos'd, on account of the great difficulty [Page 28]they were under with their Convoys; be­ing justly apprehensive, lest the Carthagi­nians, who were Masters at Sea, would be able totally to debar them of all Supplies of Provision; and this Jealousie was so much the more reasonable, by how much their Troops, the last Year, were driven to great Straits.

The Romans then promising themselves good Fruit of this Alliance, readily yielded, and frankly embrac'd a Friendship with Hie­ron, on condition that all the Roman Pri­soners should be releas'd without Ransom, and that the King should pay them down a Hundred Talents in Silver, on which Sti­pulations the Syracusians should be held as Friends and Confederates of the People of Rome. Thus Hieron, secur'd by this Trea­ty, continu'd ever after a firm and profitable Friend to the Romans, and pass'd the rest of his Days in a peaceful enjoyment of the So­veraignty of that Kingdom, in very great esteem among the Greeks; and, in a word, according to my Opinion, was one of the most Eminent and Illustrious Princes that had ever held that Scepter, and few will be found to have reap'd a larger share of Fe­licity acquir'd by his own Vertue; whether we consider him in his Domestick or Publick Affairs.

This Treaty being sent to Rome, and ra­tify'd by an Ordinance of the People, it [Page 29]was now thought advisable to abate of the Number of their Troops in that Service, and to send only two Legions; making ac­count, that by this Alliance they should be eas'd of a great part of the Burthen of the War; and that their Army, through Hie­ron's Friendship, would now live in plenty of all things necessary. As to the Cartha­ginians, they considering, that Hieron of a Friend was become their Enemy, and that the Romans engag'd every day farther and farther in the Affairs of Sicily, and that they were become Superiour to them in Strength, deliberated about providing a greater Force to oppose them, and to preserve their own Acquisitions in Sicily. Accordingly they rais'd a great number of Mercenary Troops in the Transmarine Nations their Friends; as the Genoves, Gauls, and, principally, the Spaniards; and judging, that Agrigentum was the most commodiously situate for their purpose, which being besides the most emi­nent of all the Cities of their Dominion, they made it the Rendezvous of their Armies, re­solving it should be a place of Arms, and their chief Magazine. The Roman Con­suls, who had concluded the Treaty with Hieron, were now return'd to Rome, and the new ones, L. Posthumius, and Q. Mami­lius, arriv'd with the Legions, who, after they had been well instructed in the Designs of the Carthaginians, and of the Preparations [Page 30]they were making at Agrigentum, were re­solv'd to prosecute the War with all their might, and without taking any other Affair in hand, forthwith march'd with their whole Army and invested that place; and incamp­ing about eight Furlongs off, totally block'd up the Carthaginians. This happen'd about the time of Harvest, and the Siege being in all probability likely to last, the Souldiers on both sides were wont to disperse themselves carelesly abroad, farther than they ought, to Forage, and gather in their Corn. This the Carthaginians observing, and beholding the Fields full of Roman Souldiers, dispers'd in a disorderly manner, made a Sally upon them, as they were then busie in their Har­vest; and having scatter'd them, one Party attempted the pillaging the Camp, and a­nother attack'd their Guards. But here the Excellency of the Roman Discipline was e­minently seen, as it hath appear'd on many occasions, to their great Honour and the Be­nefit of their Affairs. For, as it is a most un­pardonable fault to desert their Post, or a­bandon their Corps of Guard; those who had thus carelesly neglected their Duty, re­solv'd to repair their Fault by some remark­able Behaviour; accordingly they rally'd, and bravely sustain'd the shock of the Ene­my, tho' superior in number; and albeit some of the Romans fell, the loss on the Enemies side was much greater. In short, they sur­rounded [Page 31]the Carthaginians, who had well-nigh forc'd their Retrenchment, and making a great slaughter among them, compell'd them at length to retreat to their Works. After this Action the Carthaginians were more cautious in their Sallies, and the Ro­mans became more wary in their Foraging. And now, seeing the Carthaginians made no more such adventurous Sallies, and their Fighting was reduc'd to Skirmishing and Picquering in small Parties, the Consuls thought it best to divide their Army into two Bodies; with one they possess'd the Ground where the Temple of Aesculapius stands, fa­cing the Town; and with the other, that on the side towards Heraclea, in which two places they encamp'd, and fortify'd their Leaguer with Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation, to prevent Attempts from the Town, and hinder Supplies and Corre­spondence from without, and to secure them­selves from Surprises: And in the Space be­tween their two Lines they appointed strong Guards, plac'd at convenient distances. Their Provisions and all Necessaries, were plenti­fully supply'd, and brought by their Allies to Erbessa; and from that Town, which was not far from their Camp, their Convoys pass'd without impediment. Affairs conti­nu'd in this posture for five Months, neither Party gaining upon the other any advantage that might augment eithers hopes; their [Page 32]Engagements being, for the most part, in slight Skirmishes. But, to be brief, there being not less than Fifty Thousand Souls in Agrigentum; this mighty Number soon re­duc'd them to great straits for Provision, and a Famine thereupon ensu'd. In the mean time, Hannibal, who commanded in chief, foreseeing he should not be able long to sustain the Siege, dispatch'd frequent Ad­vices to Carthage, remonstrating their ill Condition, and demanding speedy Succours. The Carthaginians thereupon took Order for the embarking Elephants, and all the Soul­diers and Succours they could put on Board their Fleet, consigning them to Hanno their other General in Sicily. Who assembling his Forces at Heraclea, march'd with all his Strength towards Erbessa; which place he surpris'd, being put into his Hands by Trea­chery; and, by this Success, having depriv'd the Enemy of all manner of Relief, the Ro­mans, who were but now the Besiegers be­came themselves besieg'd; and, in a word, were reduc'd to such Straits of all kinds, that they often deliberated about raising the Siege; and had put it in execution, had not Hieron afforded them what Help he was able, which, with great Parsimony, sustain'd them.

Hanno having Intelligence of the evil state of the Roman Army, that they were enfeebl'd by Want, and diminish'd by Diseases, the [Page 33]Plague being got among them, took Assu­rance to think he might be now a Match for them. He chose, therefore, about Fifty Ele­phants, and march'd with all his Troops in great haste from Heraclea, sending his Numi­dian-Horse before, who had Orders to charge up to the Enemies Retrenchments, with shew as if they would Engage them; and to Retreat towards the Army, in case the Romans Sallied out upon them. This Service they punctually perform'd, attacking one of the Roman Camps, who march'd out with their Horse against them, whilst they, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, retreated to the Army, and joyn'd Hanno; then the whole Army facing about, attack'd the Roman Horse, encompas­sing them round, and doing great Execution, pursu'd them to their Camp. Soon after, Hanno seiz'd on an Eminence, call'd Mount Torus, distant from the Romans about Ten Furlongs, and there Encamp'd his Army: Where two Months pass'd without any re­markable Action; he being unwilling yet to come to a pitch'd Battel, and entertaining the Enemy only with flight Rencounters in small Parties. But now Hannibal giving notice, as well by Signs from the Town, as by Ex­presses; That they were no longer able to sustain the Wants they were under, and that many were by Famine compell'd to Desert, and go over to the Romans; Hanno was at length drawn to come to a Decision, to which [Page 34]the Romans were equally dispos'd, for the Reasons already noted. So the two Armies were drawn out on the Ground between their two Camps, where they Fought, and the Success was long doubtful, till the Romans forc'd the Mercenaries, who had the Van­guard, to give back; who, as they retreated, falling in among the Elephants, those Ani­mals, being disorder'd, broke the Line that sustain'd their Rear, which Accident discom­pos'd the whole Army. Whereupon the Car­thaginians were put to flight, the Romans ma­king great slaughter among them. Many were Slain, and but a few got into Heraclea, the Conquerours taking most of the Elephants and all the Cathaginian Baggage. But what with the Joy of the Victory, and Weariness of the Souldiers after the Battel, the Roman Guards, the following Night, were not kept with their Customary Vigilance; which be­ing perceiv'd by Hannibal, who now despair­ing of Safety in the Town, took this Negli­gence of the Romans as an Invitation to him to attempt his Escape; he therefore, about Midnight, with the Forreign Troops that were in the Town, took his March, and fil­ling the Roman Trenches with Faggots, pass'd over their Works, and escap'd unhurt and unseen. The Romans, who saw not their Error till the Morning, contented themselves with a short Pursuit, Attacking them in the Rear, and at the same time possess'd them­selves [Page 35]of the Town without Resistance: Where they took many Slaves, and an inesti­mable Booty of all sorts of Riches. There was great Joy at Rome on the News of the ta­king of Agrigentum; every-body was pleas'd, and each Man's Courage and Hopes were rais'd, and they resolv'd to prosecute the Suc­cess of these their first Enterprises. They thought it not now enough to have Rescu'd Messina, and Enrich'd themselves by the War, but elevated their Purposes and Expectations to the entire expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and exalting the Roman Name and Power; for, indeed, that was the true Mark towards which all their Aims were levell'd. To proceed, it was now evident, that the Romans were Superiour by Land, and that their Hopes were not ill grounded, that L. Valerius, and L. Octacilius, the New Con­suls, Successours to those who took Agrigen­tum, would be able to go through with the Conquest of Sicily. But still the Carthagini­ans were Masters at Sea, and this Regard preserv'd them yet in equal Terms and Hopes with their Enemy. It is true, that upon the Success at Agrigentum, many Towns and Cities in the Inland Country of Sicily, terri­fy'd with the Roman Power by Land, sub­mitted to their Discretion, but many of those that were situate on the Coast, abandon'd the Romans, through an apprehension of the Car­shaginian Strength by Sea: These things be­ing [Page 36]well weigh'd, it appear'd, that the Suc­cess of the War stood yet doubtful; it was observ'd, that the Coast of Italy lay expos'd to the Depredations of the Carthaginian Fleet, who often made Descents upon them; that Asrich was in perfect Tranquility, and with­out any feeling of the Violences of the War: On these Motives the Romans determin'd to make Provision of a Naval Army, to match the Carthaginians on that side likewise: And this, indeed, was my Motive to enlarge, and be the more particular in setting down the Adventures of this War, and to treat di­stinctly about the Motives, and the Means, the Time when, and possess the Reader with the whole Series of Causes, that incited and inabled the Romans first to adventure on their Maritime Expeditions. After they had well consider'd, that the War was likely to last, they thought it concern'd them to be Masters of a Fleet, and accordingly proceeded on their Preparations, building at their first Es­say, no less than an Hundred Quinquereme Gallies, and Twenty Triremes, which could not but be a very difficult Undertaking, the Romans being totally ignorant in the Con­struction of this sort of Vessels, which were not yet come into use in Italy. Whence may with Admiration be gather'd, the extraordi­nary Virtue, and wonderful Bravery of that People, in Enterprises of the greatest Hazard and Moment, who in the Minority of their [Page 37]Fortune, destitute of all sorts of proper Means, having never till that time so much as dream'd of Navigation, could thus at once, and as one may say, at a Heat, determine on so Adventurous an Expedition; and make the first Proof of their Skill in a Naval Battel a­gainst the Carthaginians, who held uncontest­ed, the Dominion of the Sea, deriv'd from their Ancestors. And that I may give a far­ther Evidence of my Impartial Opinion of the Roman Resolution, it may be remark'd, That when they Shipp'd their Forces on their first Voyage to the Relief of Messina, where it imported so much to have cover'd Ships, they were not at that time so much as Ma­sters of one single Gally, no not a Brigantine; but by an intrepid Hardiness of Mind, waf­ted over their Troops in Vessels borrow'd of their Neighbours, the Tarentines, Locrians, Neapolitans, &c. But it happening, that the Carthaginians, about that time, Cruising to attack them, one of their Gallies venturing too near the Shore, chanc'd to be stranded, and before they could get her off, the Ro­mans, intercepting them, took her; and by the Model of this Galley they built their first Fleet. And, but for this Favour of Fortune, who had espous'd their Cause, it would have been almost impossible to have put their Pur­pose in Effect, so utterly Ignorant they were of the Art of Ship-building.

And now while some were attending that Affair, others assembled their Sea-faring Peo­ple, to instruct them in the use of the Oar, wherein they proceeded after this manner; They caus'd Banks to be contriv'd on the Shore-side, in the same Fashion and Order as they were to be in their Gallies, and placing their Seamen with their Oars in like manner upon the Banks, they there Exercis'd them; an Officer for that purpose being plac'd in the midst, who, by Signs with his Hand, instru­cted them, how, at once and altogether they were to dip their Oars, and how, in like sort, to recover them out of the Water; by which means they became acquainted with the ma­nagement of the Oar; and as soon as their Vessels were built, they equipp'd them, and put to Sea; where, after they had spent some time in practising upon the Water, what they had been learning by Land, they were order'd by the Consul to adventure along the Coast; for at that time Caius Cornelius, who was General at Sea, was absent on an Expe­dition to Messina, with Seventeen Vessels un­der his Command, to give Directions there for the Reception and Security of the Fleet; leaving Orders with the Pilots to make the best of their way to the Streights, so soon as they could get ready. During Caius's abode at Messina, an occasion seem'd to present for the Surprising of Lipary, but he conceiving earlier hopes of succeeding in the Design, [Page 39]than in Prudence he ought, went with his Squadron thither, and drew up under the Walls of the Town: Of this Design, Han­nibal, who Commanded at Sea for the Car­thaginians, and was as that time at Palermo, receiv'd Intelligence, and immediately di­spatch'd away Twenty Gallies under the Command of one Boodes, a Senator; who arriving in the Night, block'd up Caius in the Harbour, and at break of Day, landing his Men, set upon the Romans: In this Surprise, Caias saw no Remedy, but to submit, and accordingly yielded himself up: So the Car­thaginian [...] possessing themselves of the Ves­sels, and the Principal Roman Officers, made the best of their way back to Hannibal. But not long after this Adventure of Caius, so much talk'd of, and applauded, it wanted but little that Hannibal himself had been ta­ken in the like Snare. He receiving Advice, that the Roman Fleet was at Sea, and Crui­sing on the Coast of Italy, not far off; takes with him Fifty Gallies, and went a Head of his Fleet, to view, and be himself a Witness of the Number, and Posture of the Enemy; and standing towards Italy, the Romans, it seems, happening to be nearer than he was aware of, surpris'd him with their whole Fleet in order of Battel. In this Rancounter he lost the greatest part of his Squadron, and es­cap'd narrowly himself, when every-body despair'd of his Safety.

The Romans, after this, made the best of their way for Sicily, and receiving Advice of the Defeat of Caias, sent an Express forth­with for Duilius, who then had the Com­mand of their Land-Forces in the Island: But while they attended his coming, recei­ving Advice, that the Enemies Fleer was at hand, they prepar'd to engage them. But, forasmuch as their Vessels were not built with extraordinary Art; and, consequently, were found somewhat unwieldy in working, it came into their Heads to recompence this defect, by contriving some new Inventi­on, that might be of use to them in Fight; and then was devis'd that Machine, which was afterwards call'd Corvus, which Engine was fram'd after the following manner: They erected on the Prow of their Vessels, a­round piece of Timber, of about a Foot and half Diameter, and about Twelve Foot long; on the top whereof they had a Block or Pul­ly; round this piece of Timber they fram'd a Stage or Platform of Boards, four Foot broad, and about eighteen Foot long, which was well fram'd, and fasten'd with Iron; the Entrance was longways, and it mov'd about the aforesaid upright piece of Timber, as on a Spindle, and cou'd be hoisted up within six Foot of the Top; about this was a sort of Pa­rapet, Knee high, which was defended with upright Bars of Iron, sharpen'd at the ends, towards the top whereof there was a Ring: [Page 41]This Machine, resembling, in some sort, our fashion'd Mills. To be short, it was slung by those Rings, which by the help of the Pully was hoisted and lower'd at pleasure. And with this they attack'd the Enemies Ves­sels, sometimes on their Bow, and sometimes on the Broadside, as occasion best serv'd: So when ever they grappel'd the Enemy with those Engines, if they happen'd to swing Broadside to Broadside, then they enter'd from all parts, but in case they attack'd them on the Bow, they enter'd two and two by the help of this Engine; the foremost defending the forepart, and those that follow'd the Flancks, keeping the Boss of their Bucklers level with the top of the Parapet. In this posture the Romans prepar'd for the Battel.

As soon as Caius Duilius had notice of the Adventure of their General by Sea, he left the Land-Army to the Conduct of the several Colonels, and hasten'd himself to the Fleet; where, upon his arrival, receiving Advice that the Enemy ravag'd the Country on the Coast of Mylas, he made the best of his way with the whole Fleet, to Encounter them. The Carthaginians, on their side, greatly re­joic'd when they descried the Romans, and forthwith detach'd a Squadron of an Hun­dred and Thirty of their Ships, and stood off to Sea towards them, whom they held in so great Contempt, that they advanc'd with their Prows directly upon them, careless of [Page 42]any Order of Battel, dreaming of nothing but certain Victory, and the Pillage of the Enemy. He who commanded the Carthagi­nian Fleet, was the same Hannibal who de­fended and made his escape with the Army by Night from Agrigentum. His own Ves­sel was a Galley of Seven Banks of Oars, be­longing formerly to Pyrrhus King of Epyrus: But as they approach'd, the Carthaginians became greatly surpris'd at the sight of those Engines we before mention'd, and stood sometime in suspence at the Novelty, never having before seen the like. Howbeit, this did not diminish their Contempt of the Ene­my; and the headmost, by the boldness of their attack, made it appear how little they valu'd them. But the Romans grappling with them, by the help of their Engines, en­tring by them with ease, came to fight hand to hand with them, upon Deck, as on firm Ground: Some of the Carthaginians were slain, others yielded upon Quarter, frighted at the extraordinary effect of this new and wonderful Invention. They lost in the Fight, of those that came first to engage, Thirty Ships, with their whole Company, of which number Hannibal's Gally we mention'd, was one, who escap'd himself in a small Boat, when he was by all given for lost, after ha­ving perform'd the Duty of a gallant and able Leader. At length the rest of the Fleet came up, but when they perceiv'd the Defeat of [Page 43]their first Squadron, they held it safer to shun tempting their Fortune too far, and were sur­pris'd too at the sight of those new Engines. They therefore having greatly the Advan­tage in the lightness of their Vessels, us'd their best skill by nimbly rowing round them, to attack them with most safety; but when they observ'd, that which way soever they approach'd, those Machines were still tra­vers'd and oppos'd to them, they were at length compell'd to yield the Honour of the Day to the Romans, retiring with the lost of Fifty of their Ships.

But the Romans Hopes were rais'd by this Success, who having against the Judgment of all the World, prov'd a Match for the Car­thaginians at Sea, resolv'd to prosecute the War with greater Application; and forthwith landing their Forces on the Island, march'd to the Relief of Aegesta, which was straitly press'd by the Enemy, where they rais'd the Siege, and from thence, in a breath, march'd to the Attack of Macella, which they took by Assault. After these Successes, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian General by Land, who was then at Palermo, receiving Intelligence of a Sedi­tion in the Roman Army, occasion'd by a Dispute between the Legions and Auxiliaries of the Allies about Precedency, which came to a Separation of the Army; the Strangers retiring from the Romans, and being about to Encamp by themselves between Paropus [Page 44]and Thermas; the Carthaginians surpris'd them, and slew to the number of Four Thou­sand.

Hannibal, upon his defeat at Sea, re­turn'd with the remainder of the Fleet to Carthage, and being reinforc'd with more Ships and able Officers, he put to Sea again for Sardinia; where he no sooner arriv'd, when he was surpriz'd in Harbour by the Romans, who took many of his Ships. These Misfortunes begat a Mutiny in the remain­der of the Army, who seiz'd on his Person, and Crucify'd him. And here in may be no­ted, that the Romans, as soon as they saw themselves Masters at Sea, form'd Designs likewise on Sardinia. The following Year produc'd little or nothing Memorable in Si­cily. But on the creating their new Consuls, Aulus Atilius and C. Sulpitius, these, on their arrival, march'd with the Army directly to­wards Palermo, which at that time was the Carthaginians Winter-Quarter; where, as soon as they had posted themselves, the Con­fuls drew out the Army in Battel, but the Enemy lay quiet within the Town, where­upon they march'd to Hippona, which they carry'd by assault. They likewise took My­tistratus, a strong place, which cost them Time and Trouble to reduce; and formally besieg'd Camarina, and attack'd it by Works and Engines, and, in the end, retook it, that place having before deserted their Party; [Page 45]and, after having taken Enna, and several other places of less importance belonging to the Carthaginians, they prepar'd to sit down before Lipara.

The following Year the Roman Consul, C. Atilius, being with the Fleet at Tyndaris, desery'd the Carthaginian Fleet standing a­long the Coast in a confus'd and careless man­ner, whereupon he order'd a Squadron of Ten Gallies to give them chace. But the Carthaginians observing them to Embark their Men, and that some were already put off, and got out of the Port, and that the headmost were a good distance from the reft; they thereupon tack'd, and standing toward them, quickly surrounded them, and sank, and destroy'd the greatest part of that Squa­dron, where the Admiral-Gally was in great danger of being taken, and, only by her light­ness, and the force of her Oars, escap'd, after she was given for lost. But the other part of the Roman Fleet that was order'd to follow, after they were got together, and had rang'd themselves into order of Battel, engag'd the Enemy, taking Ten of their Vessels, with their Equipage, and sinking Eight: Where­upon the Carthaginians retir'd with the re­mainder of their Fleet, to the Islands of Li­para. But, for as much as the Success of this Ba [...]tel stood doubtful, and either thought he had the better of the other in the Conflict, they therefore set themselves to work with [Page 46]all their might upon their Naval Prepara­tions, to prosecute their Contention for the Dominion of the Sea. In the mean while their Troops perform little by Land, inga­ging in no Action of importance; but ha­ving increas'd their Naval Power on both sides, they put to Sea the following Sum­mer. The Romans arriv'd at Messina with a Fleet of Three Hundred and Thirty Ves­sels, as well long as cover'd, from whence they stood along the Coast of Sicily to the Right-hand, and having doubl'd the Cape of Pachin, they stood towards E [...]nome, where their Land-Forces then were. The Cartha­ginians arriv'd first at Lilibaeum, their Fleet consisting of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail, fitted for Service; from thence they went to Heraclea Minoa, where they remain'd at Anchor.

The Romans had now form'd a Design to Transport the War into Africk, to the end the Carthaginians might find Employment in the Defence and Preservation of their own Coun­try, while they were sollicitous to contest for the Mastery in Sicily; but the Carthaginians, who knew full well how easie it was for an Army to march to Carthage; and that it would be no difficulty for an Enemy, who had once got footing in their Country, to make what Spoil he pleas'd; made appear by their eagerness to come to a Battel, that they were resolv'd to oppose this Design of the [Page 47] Romans with their utmost Power; so that the one Party having determin'd to Defend, and the other to Assault, it was not difficult to foresee, by the Obstinacy that appear'd in either, that they would soon come to a Battel. The Romans then took care, so to provide themselves of all things necessary, as to be in a Posture and Condition, either to make a Descent on the Enemies Coast, or to give them Battel by Sea. To this end, after they had first selected all the prime Men of their Land-Forces, they divided the Army, into four Divisions; to each of which they gave two Names; the first they call'd the First Legion, and the First Fleet, observing the like order in the rest; saving that the fourth Division had no other Name than Triarians, after the manner of their Land-Army. In this Fleet there were a Hundred and Forty Thousand Men that bore Arms; each Gally had Three Hundred Rowers, and One Hundred and Twenty Souldiers. As to the Carthaginians, who were most bent on a Sea-Ingagement, their Naval Prepara­tions were greater than that of the Romans; and as they exceeded them in the Number of their Ships, so their Army was propor­tionably greater, consisting of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Fighting Men. And who now could contemplate the mighty Ha­zard to which those two contending States were expos'd, and but hear the Account of [Page 48]the Preparations of such Fleets and Armies, without Astonishment, and taking part in the Peril with which they threaten'd each other? The Romans had resolv'd to keep the Sea, as concluding it to be their safest Course, the Carthaginians having the Advantage of them in the nimbleness and ready working of their Gallies; wherefore they endeavour'd, above all things, so to draw up, and form their Fleet, that by the good Order and Dispositi­on of their Battel, the Enemy might be the more cautious how they approach'd to attack them: which was, in a word, after this man­ner: The two Consuls, M. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius, were in the two Admiral-Gal­lies, in the Front of their two distinct Squa­drons, each of them just a-head of their own Divisions, and a-breast of each other; the First Fleet being posted on the Right, the Second on the Left, making two long Files, or Lines of Battel; and whereas it was ne­cessary to give a due space between each Gal­ly, to ply their Oars, and keep clear one of another, and to have their Heads or Prows looking somewhat outwards; this manner of drawing up did therefore naturally form an Angle, the point whereof was at the two Ad­miral-Gallies, which were near together; and as their two Lines were prolong'd, so the distance grew consequently wider and wider towards the Rear; in this manner was the First and Second Fleet dispos'd. The Third [Page 49]Legion was drawn up Frontways, in the Rear of the First and Second, and so stretch­ing along from Point to Point, compos'd a Triangle, whereof this Third Line was the Base. Their Vessels of Burden, that carried their Horses and Baggage were in the Rear of these, and were, by the help of small Boats provided for that purpose, towed or drawn after them. In the Rear of all was the Fourth Fleet, call'd the Triarians, drawn up like­wise in Rank or Frontways; parallel to the Third; but these made a longer Line, by which means the Extreamities stretch'd out and extended beyond the two Angles at the Base. The several Divisions of the Army, being thus dispos'd, form'd, as is said, a Tri­angle; the Area within was void, but the Base contain'd what we have already menti­on'd. In a word, the Roman Fleet being form'd into this Figure, was dispos'd for all that could happen; nor would it have been an easie matter to have broken them.

The Carthaginian Generals, in the mean time, animated their Souldiers all they could in few words, letting them know, That if they overcame the Romans in this Battel, the War would then be prosecuted in Sicily on­ly; but if they should be beaten, they would then be driven to fight for the Preservation of their Native Country, their own Inheritance, and their Wives and Children. In short, they gave order for the speedy imbarking [Page 50]their People, which the Souldiers chearfully obey'd, every one reflected on what their Officers had remonstrated; so they drew out of their Port, full of Hopes and Resolution. When the Carthaginians had observ'd how the Roman Army was drawn up, they then determin'd after what manner to form their Battel: Accordingly they dispos'd their Fleet into four Squadrons or Divisions, and drew it out into one long File; that part to the Right of this Line, stretch'd a great way out into the Sea, as if their Purpose had been to inclose and surround the Romans, their Prows pointing directly upon them; the Fourth Squadron, which was the Left of the Line, kept close under the Shoar, dispos'd in manner of a Tenail: Hanno, one of the Ge­nerals, he who had succeeded so ill at. Agri­gentum, was on the Right with the First Squa­dron, having with him all the nimble, and best rowing Vessels of the Fleet, being such as were proper to Attack and Retreat, and for their lightness could row round the Ro­mans. Hamilcar, the same that fought near Tindaris, commanded the Left-wing; who after they came to Engage, devis'd a Strata­gem, which shew'd him an Officer of Expe­rience.

The Romans having observ'd, that the Carthaginians, by stretching their Battel to so great a length, were by that means but thinly drawn up, they therefore attack'd them [Page 51]in the middle of their Line, where the Bat­tel began; but the Carthaginians, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, immediately retreated, with purpose to seperate and put the Romans in disorder to pursue them, who accordingly press'd warmly after them; The First and Second Fleets were those who in­gag'd in the Pursuit of the Carthaginians, who feign'd to fly: Thus their Army became disjoin'd, the third Fleet remaining with the Baggage in a Tow, and the Triarians keep­ing their Post in the Rear of all. Now when the Carthaginians judg'd the First and Second Fleets to be sufficiently distanc'd from the rest, the Signal was given from Hamilcar's Gally; whereupon that part of their Fleet which was chas'd by the Romans immediately tack'd, and made head against the Pursuers, who had follow'd them so eagerly; and now the Battel increas'd and grew warm every­where, and albeit the Carthaginians had the advantage in the lightness and ready working of their Vessels, whether it were to Advance or Retreat, as occasion requir'd, which they perform'd with great Promptitude and Facility; nevertheless the Romans lost not their assurance of Success in the end, they found themselves better Men when they came to the Swords Point, and they had great trust in their Engines wherewith they grap­pl'd and boarded the Enemy; besides the Souldiers were animated by the Presence of [Page 52]the Generals, in whose Eye they Fought, and who themselves ingag'd in equal Hazard with the rest.

Now Hanno, who commanded the Right of the Line, and was at a good distance off from the place where the Battel began, stood out farther to Sea, and attack'd the Triarians, where he succeeded so well, as to reduce them to the last Extremity; in the mean while, that Squadron of the Carthaginians that was posted on the Left, under the Shoar, rang'd themselves into a Front; and turning their Prows upon the Enemy, charg'd that part of their Fleet that had the Guard of the Baggage and Horse-ships; whereupon the Romans casting off the Ships which they had in a Tow receiv'd the Carthaginians, and fought them with great Bravery. And now might be seen, three Naval Battles fought at one and the same time, in three several Places; but forasmuch as the Parties ingaging, were of equal strength, it happen'd, as for the most part it doth in the like Adventures, where two contending Powers happen to be of e­qual Force, that Fortune gives the Victory to that side for whom she first began to declare. So Hamilcar, not being able to sustain the first Shock of the Romans, was beaten and fled with his Squadron out of the Battel; Lu­cius towing away such of their Ships as he had taken. In the mean while, Marcus per­ceiving the great Danger the Triarians were [Page 53]in, and the Vessels that carried their Equipage, advanc'd up to their Relief, taking with him the Second Fleet, which remain'd yet entire; whereupon the Triarians, now well-nigh van­quish'd, observing with what Bravery he at­tack'd Hanno, took Heart, and renew'd the Battel; insomuch that he seeing himself now assaulted from all Quarters both in Front and Rear, and that M. Atilius, contrary to all ex­pectation, was likewise come up, and join'd the Fleet, by which means they were in dan­ger of being quite surrounded; yielded the Day to the Romans, and flying, got off to Sea. At the same time Manlius, who was now re­turn'd from the Chace, observing that the Third Fleet of the Romans had been forc'd under the Shoar by the left point of the Ene­mies Battel, where they held them surround­ed, came up to their Relief, and was second­ed by Marcus, who had now rescu'd the Tri­arians and Baggage-vessels, and left them safe. In a word, this part of their Army was in great danger, and had been lost e'er this, if the Carthaginians, frighted at their new Engine, could have found Resolution to attack them, but they barely contented themselves to force them on upon the Shoar, and there to keep them beset, not daring to attempt or approach them; so great an ap­prehension they were under of being grappl'd by their Corvi. In short, the Carthaginians were now quickly beset by the Romans, who [Page 54]routing them, took Fifty of their Ships with their Equipage, very few either of Souldiers or Seamen escaping. Behold now the Suc­cess of these three Battels, in all which the Romans were Victors. They lost but twen­ty four of their own Vessels, and those perish'd against the Shoar; but of the Carthaginians, above Thirty were destroy'd. Of the Ro­mans not a Ship was taken, but of the Car­thaginians Threescore and three.

Sometime after this Success, the Romans making greater Preparations than ever, and having repair'd and enquipp'd the Ships they had taken from the Enemy, and well re­fresh'd their Army, set Sail for Africk. When the Van of their Fleet had gain'd Cape Mercury, which is a Point of Land running out from the Gulf of Carthage, a good way into the Sea towards Sicily; they there made a Halt, and attended the Coming up of the rest of the Fleet; and when they were joyn'd, they stood along the Coast till they came up with a Place call'd Aspis or Clupea, where they made their Descent, drawing up their Vessels in the Port where they secur'd them with a Ditch and Pallisade; and finding the Inhabitants resolv'd to stand on their Defence, they prepar'd to Besiege them. In the mean while, those who escap'd from the Battel, bringing News home of their Misfortune, the Carthaginians were then in no doubt, but that, encourag'd by this Success, the Romans [Page 55]would quickly Land, and make the best of their March up to their City. They there­fore dispatch'd Troops to oppose them and to keep Guard upon the Neighbouring Coast by Sea and Land; but when they receiv'd Ad­vice of their being Landed, and of their Be­sieging Aspis, that care was over: Where­fore they now proceed to reinforce their Ar­my with new Levies, which they perform'd with all possible Application, making due Provision for the Strengthning their City, and the Security of the Country. The Ro­mans, in the interim, became Masters of Aspis, where having left a good Garrison for Defence of the Town and Country about it, and dispatch'd Messengers to Rome to give an Account of their Successes, and to learn the Senate's Pleasure how to proceed; they march'd farther up with their whole Army to Forage and Spoil the Country. In this Ex­pedition they plunder'd and destroy'd a great many noble Buildings, took much Booty of all sorts of Cattel, and at least Twenty Thou­sand Prisoners; all which they perform'd without any Opposition, and brought all down to their Ships. And now they receiv'd the Senate's Answer by their Messengers, whose Pleasure was, That only one of the Consuls should remain in Africk, with a competent Strength to prosecute the War, and the other should return back to Rome with the rest of the Army. So M. Atilius [Page 56]remain'd with Forty Ships, Fifteen Thou­sand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; and L. Manlius return'd to Rome with the rest of the Army, carrying with him many Prisoners; who Sailing along the Coast of Sicily arriv'd in safety.

The Carthaginians foreseeing this War was like to last, consider'd on the Choice of their Generals; and first chose two, Hanno the Son of Asdrubal and Bostar. Then they sent their Orders to Hamilcar, who was now at Heraclea, to return Home with all expedition: Accordingly, he taking with him Five Thou­sand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse, came forthwith to Carthage; where, being chosen their Third General, he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Af­fairs; and concluded, That above all things they ought to Succour the Province, and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions, and such Spoil upon the Country. In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus pro­ceeds, and in a short space makes a mighty Progress; all such Towns as he attack'd, that had no Walls, he carry'd at the first Assault; and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd; and coming to Adda, which was a Place of Im­portance, he incamp'd not far from the Walls, and sat down before it. But the Carthagini­ans knowing the usefulness of that Place, and being resolv'd to defend the Country, march'd out forthwith against him; where arriving [Page 57]with their Army, they posted themselves on an Eminence, which, albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans, was never­theless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects; for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants, so abandoning the plain and proper Country, and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places; they pointed out as it were to the Enemy, the Methods of their own Destruction. And so in effect it prov'd, for the Roman Commanders, who were Men of Experience, saw well enough, that the main Strength, and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army, was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains, they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy, and not delaying till they should be better advis'd, improv'd the Occa­sion; and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill, where they were thus incamp'd, when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants. In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly, and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat; howbeit, being attack'd in the Rear by another Party, marching about the Hill, they were at length forc'd to give ground, and retire; and now being hard press'd, they forsook their Camp, with their Horse and Elephants, and gaining [Page 58]the plain Country, sav'd themselves, the Ro­mans pursuing their Foot for some space; so they took their Camp, and proceeded as be­fore to make Inroads, taking of Towns, and spoiling the Country round about, without any Impediment. Then they march'd to Tunes, and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls, which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand, and was of all Places, the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself, and the Country round about it.

The Carthaginians, who had so unfortu­nately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land, not so much thro' the Cowardise o [...] their Armies, as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs, began now to despair: For, over and above the Calamities we have related, the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles, had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman, and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion, a great deal more. Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City, whither they brought both Fear and Famine, a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once th [...] ­ther.

And now Regulus, having weigh'd, that they had been too hard for the Carthaginian [...] both by Sea and Land, and that Carthage itsel [...] [Page 59]was not likely to be able long to hold out, ad­monish'd them to treat about an Accomodati­on; fearing least his Successor that was ex­pected from Rome should (if he made not a Peace) deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War. The Carthaginians, on their part, gladly listen'd to the Proposal, and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens; who, after some time of Conference, were so far from yield­ing to the Propositions, that they had not Pa­tience so much as to hear them repeated, they were so Infamous. For Regulus, as if he had made a compleat Conquest, would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Be­nifit, to accord them a Peace upon whatsoe­ver Conditions he should think fit to pro­pound: But the Carthaginians were of a dif­ferent: Mind, and reckon'd, that nothing could befal them more shameful and calami­tous, than what was demanded; and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd, and brought under the Roman Yoke. So they return'd, not only full of Shame to be so treated, but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus. The Senate, likewise, after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated, which the Romans propos'd, withstood it with so much Cou­rage and Greatness of Mind, that albeit they were at the brink of Despair, the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst [Page 60]Fortune could bring on them, than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty.

About this time, there was return'd out of Greece, a Carthaginian, who had been sent thi­ther to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State; who brought a conside­rable number of Recruits with him, and a­mong the rest, a certain Lacedemonian, call'd Xantippus, who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline, and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs; he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians, and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength, and the Provision they had made for the War; their number of Horse, and of their Elephants; he concluded upon the whole Matter, and so publish'd among his Friends, That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians, but the Ig­norance of their Leaders. This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the Peo­ple, and came at length to the knowledge o [...] of the Magistrates, who forthwith command­ed he should be brought before them, when he reason'd the whole matter to them, and did endeavour to Demonstrate, that if by ta­king his Advice they would alter their man­ner of Fighting, and, descending from th [...] Hills, incamp and deal with the Enemy i [...] the Champain Country, he assur'd them, no only of Safety, but of Victory. The Souldi­ers [Page 61]who were edify'd by these Reasons, con­curr'd entirely with Xantippus; to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given; and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army, but they took Heart, and conceiv'd new Hopes: And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town, and disciplin'd, and form'd according to his Rules, the Abilities of this their new Leader, and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible, that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and gene­ral Acclamations, and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy; having con­ceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus. In a word, the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers, incourag'd them with their Exhortations to behave themselves bravely; and shortly after they march'd to find the Enemy, their Forces con­sisting of Twelve Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, and about an Hundred E­lephants. The Romans were a little sur­pris'd at the Novelty, to see their Enemy thus to change their manner of proceeding, by marching down, and incamping in the plain Country; but being assur'd of the Event, they march'd toward them with all Expe­dition, and incamp'd within Twelve Hun­dred and Fifty Paces of the Carthaginian Ar­my, who the next Morning held a Council [Page 62]of War how they should proceed, while the Souldiers assembling in great numbers, and proclaiming every-where the Name of Xan­tippus, demanded with great earnestness to be led against the Enemy. The Officers ob­serving this their Willingness, and being urg'd and conjur'd by Xantippus not to let this their Ardour cool without Action, the Army was directed to prepare for the Battel, and the Order and Manner of their drawing up intirely committed to Xantippus; who proceeded after this manner: He drew up all the Elephants in Front, advanc'd some di­stance beyond the Line of Battel: In the Rear of these, at a good distance, he appoint­ed the Carthaginian Battalions; in the Right Wing was dispos'd part of the Mercenaries, and some chosen out of them were mix'd with the Horse advanc'd before the two points of the Battel. The Romans, seeing the Enemy now ranging into Battalia, lost no time but readily advanc'd against them with their usu­al Courage: Nevertheless, in regard they had a just Apprehension of the Force of their Ele­phants, they appointed their light arm'd Souldiers to march advanc'd in the Front of their Battel; and to sustain them, were plac'd good Troops in firm and close order. Their Horse were drawn up on the Wings, not ex­tending in length so far as their manner usu­ally was, which was recompens'd by the ad­dition of Depth, whereby they justly compu­ted, [Page 63]that they should be the better able to su­stain the shock of the Elephants; but they were entirely in the wrong touching their Horse; those of the Enemy much out-num­bring them: In short, both Armies being drawn up, according to the Design of their respective Leaders, they remain'd some time in suspence, attending the Signal to ingage.

And now Xantippus commanded the Guides of the Elephants to advance, and at­tempt the breaking of the Romans Order, and to the Cavalry (which out-wing'd them) to surround and attack them in the Flank: And the Romans, after clashing their Arms, and giving a Shout, as their manner is, began the Battel; but their Horse percei­ving themselves out-numbred by those of the Enemy, soon abandon'd their Post in the Wings, and the Foot in the Left-point of their Battel, partly out of fear of the Ele­phants, and partly beleiving they should find less to do against the Mercenaries, attack'd them on the Right, and put them to flight, pursuing them to their Retrenchments. But it far'd otherwise with those who were op­pos'd to the Elephants, they being disorder'd by those Animals, broken, kill'd, and trod­den under foot: True it is, that the Body of that Battalian, by reason of its great depth and firm order, was not presently shaken; but when the Rear, which yet sustain'd them, perceiv'd the Enimies Horse in their [Page 64]Flank, and that they were in danger to be surrounded, they were forc'd to face about to receive them. On the other hand, such of the Roman Army as had charg'd though the Elephants, were no sooner escap'd that dan­ger, but they encounter'd with the Battalion of Carthaginians, fresh, and in good order, who charging them, cut them all off. And now the Romans being attack'd and worsted on all sides, many were destroy'd by the rage and force of those mighty Animals, the Ele­phants; many were kill'd on the spot by the Cavalry, and very few attempted to fly; those who did, were most of them, by rea­son it was an open Country, slain by the Hourse and the Elephants. Five hundred who follow'd Regulus in his flight, fell with him alive into the Enemies Hands. Of the Carthaginians were kill'd about Eight Hun­dred; most of them Mercenaries, who were oppos'd to the Left Wing of the Romans, [...] whose Army there did not escape above Two Thousand, and those were of the Party th [...] broke and pursu'd the Carthaginians, wh [...] the Battel first began, as was observ'd; th [...] rest were all slain, saving the Consul M. A [...] ­lius Regulus, and those taken with him; an the Cohorts that remain'd, escap'd as by M [...] ­racle to Aspis. As for the Carthaginians, [...] soon as they had pillag'd the Dead, th [...] [...]arch'd back to their City full of Glory an [...] Triumph, leading the Consul with them a­mong [Page 65]the rest of the Prisoners. Certainly, whosoever weighs with Judgment, the Suc­cess of this Adventure, may collect matter of much benefit for reforming the Errors of Mankind. For what is more easie to deter­mine in this case of Regulus, than that the flatteries of Fortune are of all others the most vain and trustless; and we may behold him, who but Yesterstay was triumphing in the Pride of his Success, refusing the Compassion due to a miserable People, to Day seeing him­self a Captive, and in a state to implore that Grace which he refus'd them. In short, the Event of this Action confirms that excellent saying of Euripides, That one wise Head is more worth than many strong Hands. For it is ma­nifest in the Case now before us, that the Counsel and Abilities of one single Person sub­du'd the Roman Legions, who by their Expe­rience and Bravery were esteem'd Invincible, rescu'd a sinking and despairing Common­wealth, and restor'd Courage to a beaten and spiritless Army, grown stupid by their Mis­fortunes. Let it not therefore be thought su­perfluous, that we add these our Reflections, while those who shall read what we have written, may chance to be edify'd, and im­prove their Minds in that laudable Vertue of Moderation; for as there are two ways to correct Men's manners; namely, by their own Misfortunes, and the Example of those of others; so, tho' the one be more sensible, the [Page 66]other is more safe. It is therefore the wisest way, by shunning the Perils and Difficulties of the one when without toil or hazard we may safely contemplate the other, and take out Lessons for our Instruction at other Men's Experience. So that, in sum, it will be found, that there is no Doctrine or Me­thod more likely to improve us in the Con­duct of our Life than the Experience we may extract from the Study of History, which fairly and candidly reports to us, the Tran­sactions of Times past; for by this means a­lone it is that we attain Wisdom and Experi­ence for the bare asking, which at all Times, and in all Events, will be found most prefer­able: but so much by way of Refiection.

The Carthaginians, whose Affairs had pro­sper'd to their Wish, express'd their Joy with all possible Piety towards the Gods, and mu­tual Congratulations and Festivals among themselves. As to Xantippus, who had so happy a share in the Advancement and Pro­sperity of their Affairs, he shortly after (an admirable Example of great Judgment and Wisdom) took his Leave, and departed from Carthage, foreseeing, as it were, that the Ser­vice he had done them, being a Stranger, as it was too great for a Reward, so it would soon contract him both Envy and Danger, which a Native, by the Power of Interest, Relations, and Friendship would be better able to avoid, while another would stand [Page 67]expos'd to Ruine. There are Authors who render a different Account of Xantippus's De­parture, whereof mention shall be made in a fitter place. And now the Romans having receiv'd an account of the posture of their Af­fairs in Africk, so contrary to their Expect­ations, apply'd themselves with all diligence to the repairing and equipping their Fleet, and to rescue out of danger those who had escap'd from the Battel; while the Carthagi­nians did their utmost to reduce them, and get them into their Power; to which End they march'd to Aspis, and besieg'd it; but the Garrison made so brave and obstinate a De­fence, that after the Enemy had attempted their utmost to gain it, they were forc'd to raise the Siege. When the Carthaginians had receiv'd Advice that the Romans were sitting out a fresh Fleet to attack them again, they apply'd themselves to the refitting such of their Vessels as were out of Repair, and to build new ones to re-inforce their Navy; and having equipp'd, and got together in a few days, a Fleet of about Two Hundred Sail, they resolv'd to put to Sea, and attempt to prevent the Enemies Descent. In the mean time, the Romans had made ready, early in the Spring, a Fleet of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail; and embarking their Army un­der the Command of their new Consuls, M. Aemilius, and Servius Fulvius, and standing along the Coast of Sicily towards Africa, they [Page 68]met and fought off of Cape Mercury with the Carthaginian Fleet, which was not able to sustain the first shock, but being entirely beat­en, lost in the Ingagement, and Hundred and Fourteen of their Vessels, and all that was in them, to the Romans; who afterwards prosecuting their Course, arriv'd at Aspis; where taking their Men on Board that re­main'd in Africa, they shap'd their Course back to Sicily. And being well advanc'd on their way, they were surpriz'd off of Camari­na with so dreadful a Tempest, that the Losses and Hardships they sustain'd were without Example, and beyond Expression: So terrible it was, that of Three Hundred and Seventy odd Vessels that compos'd their Fleet, Four­score only escap'd Shipwreck, the rest being either founder'd in the Sea, or were lost and broken against the Rocks, that whole Coast being cover'd with dead Bodies, and strew'd with the Ruines and Fragments of their Ships, insomuch as History affords no Example of the like dreadful Disaster. And yet it may be said, that this Calamity was not owing so much to Fortune, as to the Obstinacy of the Consuls: For the Pilots endeavour'd to ob­viate the Hazard they should be expos'd to by Navigating on that Coast of Sicily, which borders on the African Sea, there being there not only no Harbours to succour Vessels in distress; but the Season too of the Year was now improper; for by Observation of the ri­sing [Page 69]and setting of Orion and the Dog-Star, they compute and know the safe Seasons for Navigation. But the Consuls, contemning their Counsel, stood boldly out to Sea, in hopes that after this signal Victory, their ap­pearing suddenly on the Coast, might terrify many Towns, and awe them to Submission: But their Folly was chastis'd by this memo­rable Loss, which they sustain'd upon a Motive much too little for the Hazard. The Romans have indeed this inflexibility of Mind peculiar to them, believing that whatsoever they have resolv'd and determin'd to undertake, ought to be indispensably perform'd; and they have establish'd it into a Principle, That what they once had decreed to execute, cannot be impos­sible to bring to pass: The Effect, indeed of a generous Obstinacy, but the Cause often­times of their falling into pernicious Errors and Misfortunes, and their sustaining un­speakable Losses, especially in their Naval-Expeditions. As to their Exploits by Land, where the Encounter is only Man to Man, their Courage frequently conducts them to the Success they propose, by reason their Ad­ventures are with Men like themselves; and yet there want not Examples wherein their Measures and Forces have fail'd, and they have sunk and miscarry'd under the weight of their Enterprises. But whenever, by a te­merarious Audacity, they act against these raging Elements, and attempt to vanquish [Page 70]the Sea and Wind, they are sure to reap no other Fruit of their Obstinacy, than Loss and Calamity. This we have now mention'd, is an Instance, and they have heretofore smarted by the like Errors; and they shall always stand liable to the same Disasters, till they appear better advis'd and instruct­ed in the Weakness of that over weaning Presumption, which they are apt to enter­tain in all their Designs, vainly imagining, that both Sea and Land should on all occa­sions consent and open their way to Success in all their Enterprises.

The Carthaginians, upon Advice of this Misfortune of the Romans at Sea, were of Opinion, That they should now be a Match for them by Land, whereunto they were perswaded through the late Victory they had gain'd. That they should be equal to them likewise by Sea, they had no doubt, by reason of their late great Loss by Tempest; howbeit, they omitted not to re-inforce their Strength both by Sea and Land. They dispatch'd Asdrubal into Sicily, to whom, besides the Forces already there, they order'd a farther Supply of Troops out of those that were lately drawn out of Heraclea, together with an Hundred and Forty Elephants: He was no sooner departed, but they sent after him Two Hundred Vessels laden with all things necessary for the Service of the War Asdrubal, being safely arriv'd at Lilybaeum, [Page 71]apply'd himself with diligence to Exercise and Discipline his Troops and Elephants, intending to spread his Arms all over the Country, and to make himself entire Ma­ster of the Field. As for the Romans, they were not without a very sensible Sorrow, when by those who had escap'd Shipwreck, they receiv'd an Account of the mighty Loss they had sustain'd at Sea; nevertheless, be­ing determin'd not to yield the Advantage to the Enemy, they order'd a new Fleet to be speedily built, to consist of Two Hun­dred and Twenty Sail; which Fleet (a wonderful and incredible thing to relate) was compleatly built and finish'd in the space of three Months; on which the new Con­suls, Aulus Atilius, and C. Cornelius, speedi­ly embark'd; who, after having pass'd the Streight, and touch'd at Messina, to take with them the Vessels that had been sav'd in the late Storm, shap'd their Course for Paler­mo with a Naval-Army consisting of three Hundred Sail, and forthwith sat down and besieg'd that place, which then was the Capital City of the Carthaginians in Sicily. They made their Attacks in two several places, and when their Works were ad­vanc'd to their Minds, they approach'd with their Engines of Battery, by which, a Tower or Work standing near the Sea, was quickly, and without much trouble, demo­lish'd; at which Breach the Souldiers en­ter'd, [Page 72]and took by Assault, and kept Pos­session of that Quarter of the City call'd the New Town, whereby the place itself was put into manifest danger; but the Inhabi­tants coming seasonably in to the Relief, they advanc'd no farther; so the Consuls, after they had put a good Garrison into the place they had taken, return'd back to Rome. Early the next Summer the new Consuls, C. Servi­lius, and C. Sempronius, sail'd over to Sicily with all their Naval Power, and from thence, soon after, stood for the Coast of Africk, where they made several Descents, but per­form'd nothing of moment; at length ar­riving at the Island of the Letophagy, which is likewise call'd Meninx, not far distant from the Lesser Syrtis, or Flats; here, be­ing unacquainted with the Coast, their Fleet fell among the Sands, where their Vessels grounded, and stuck fast, as if they had been a-shoar, and there remain'd till the Flood fetch'd them off; when with great difficulty and hazard, throwing their Lumber over­board, they made a shift to escape. From thence, like People flying from an Enemy, they stood away for the Coast of Sicily; and after they had doubl'd the Cape of Lilybaeum they got into the Port of Palermo. But from thence, steering their Course home­ward, a Storm took them in the Phare of Messina, where, by a blind Obstinacy, they were imbay'd; which Storm attack'd them [Page 73]with such violence, that above an Hundred and Fifty of their Ships miscarry'd. Things happening thus adverse to them by Sea, tho' the Senate and People could not subdue their Thirst of Glory and Empire, nevertheless these Losses and Calamities, and the Straits to which they were now reduc'd, prevail'd with them to quit all farther Attemps of trying their Fortune by Sea; so they now totally abandon'd all thoughts of Naval Pre­parations. And determining to rely solely on their Land Armies, they dispatch'd the Consuls, L. Caecilius, and Cn. Furius to Si­cily with the Legions, alotting them only a­bout Threescore Vessels whereon securely to embark and waft over the Army, their Bag­gage and Ammunition. These Misfortunes of the Romans much augmented the Cartha­ginian Glory and Fame in the World, and gave a new face to their Affairs. In a word, as the Romans had now yielded them up the Dominion of the Sea, it was no difficulty for them to be entirely Masters there; nor were they without hopes of succeeding in their Af­fairs by Land; nor did they reckon very wide of the matter, for from the time of the Defeat of the Roman Army, by the Assistance of the Elephants, which discompos'd and broke their Ranks in the Battel fought in Africk, where those Animals made such Destruction of their People, the Soldiers became so terri­bly aw'd, that tho' they had been on several [Page 74]occasions drawn up in Battalia to ingage within five or six Furlongs of the Carthagini­an Army; sometimes in the Territory of Se­linunce, sometimes about Lilybaeum, yet for the space of Two Years together they wanted Resolution to ingage them, or to adventure to abide in the Champain Country, so great a Dread they had conceiv'd of the Fury and Shock of those stupendous Beasts: So that little or no Progress was made in their Affairs during all that space, saving the taking of Lipary and Thermes, the Army continuing coop'd up in the Mountains, and inaccessible Places. Wherefore the Romans, observing this Terrour among their Legions, took a Re­solution once more, to tempt their Fortune by Sea: Accordingly upon the Creation of C. Atelius, and L. Manlius Consuls, they or­der'd the Building of Fifty Vessels, and Le­vies of Men for that Service; and now they had a Navy once again establish'd.

Asdrubal having observ'd this Dread that possess'd the Roman Army, when ever he pre­sented them Battel, and having Intelligence that one of the Consuls was now return'd back to Rome, and one half of the Army with him; and that Caecilius with the rest of the Troops was at Palermo, assisting their Al­lies in gathering their Harvest, their Corn being now ripe; he march'd out of Lilybaeum with his Troops, and came and encamp'd on the Borders of the Territory of Palermo. Cae­cilius [Page 75]observing this weak Proceeding of the Carthaginian, kept his People within the Walls of the Town, thereby to ingage him to Advance nearer; which Asdrubal accord­ingly did, perswaded thereto by the shew of Fear the Romans were under, and imagining that Caecilius had not Resolution to appear in the Field, he rashly adventur'd his Army in­to a narrow Straight; and albeit he wasted the Country to the very Walls of Palermo, Caecilius nevertheless held his first Determi­nation, not to move till the Enemy had pass'd the River that runs close by the Town. When, in short, after the Elephants and the whole Army had got over, he order'd some of his light arm'd Souldiers, to advance out against them to Pickeer, and draw them the more boldly on. And observing all things to succeed as he had projected, he posted a Bo­dy of select and skilful Soldiers on the Counterscarp of the Town, with Orders, that if the Elephants advanc'd upon them, to Attack them with Darts and missive Wea­pons, and in case they should be press'd by those Animals, that they should then retire into the Ditch; and from thence gall and molest them all they could. He order'd the Towns People at the same time to furnish themselves with great quantities of Darts, and post themselves without the Town at the Foot of the Walls, and there abide in a Posture of Defence. Caecilius himself with [Page 76]all his Troops remain'd in readiness at a cer­tain Gate of the Town, that was oppos'd to the Right Wing of the Enemy, from whence he sustain'd the Troops with fresh Supplies of Men, who were already ingaged. In a word, the Battel began now to grow warm, and the Leaders of the Elephants being resolv'd to be Sharers with Asdrubal in the Honour of the Day, proceeding as if they design'd the Vi­ctory should be wholly owing to them, ad­vanc'd all in order upon the Romans, whom they soon forc'd to give Ground and retire in­to the Ditch. But now the Elephants smart­ing with the Wounds they had receiv'd, and vex'd with the Darts wherewith they were gall'd both from the Ditch and the Walls of the Town, began to grow unruly, fell upon their own People, and destroy'd many, and put their Troops in disorder. This being ob­serv'd by Caecilius, he forthwith sally'd out with his Troops fresh and in good order, and attacking the Enemy in Flank, who were al­ready in Confusion, flew many, and put the rest of the Army to flight. Ten Elephants were then taken with the Indians their Guides, and others who had lost their Lea­ders fell likewise into their Hands after the Battel. The happy Issue of this Action go [...] Caecilius the Reputation every-where of ha­ving restor'd the Roman Courage by Land to attempt incamping in the open and plai [...] Country, and to know how to behave them­selves [Page 77]well again out of their Retrenchments. There was great Joy at Rome on the arri­val of the News of this Defeat, not so much on account of the Elephants which had been taken, tho' it was a very sensible Blow to the Enemy, but because the taking of those Ani­mals, and the Victory obtain'd against them, had restor'd the Soldiers Resolution. Where­fore they determin'd once again, as had been propos'd (to the end they might at any rate put a Period to this War) to dispatch the Consuls away with a new Navy. And when all things were in readiness for the Expediti­on, they departed for Scicily with a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail, it being now the Four­teenth Year of the first Punic War: And be­ing arriv'd on the Coast of Lilybaeum, and their Troops already in Sicily being assem­bled thereabout, they resolv'd to sit down be­fore that City; concluding, that the possessi­on of such a Post, would greatly facilitate the transporting the War into Africk. The Carthaginians were of the same Opinion with the Romans in that Point, they therefore Post­poning all other matters for the present, em­ploy'd their utmost Counsels and Endeavours to succour and secure that Place, leaving no­thing undone whereby to compass it. Fore­seeing, that should it once fall into the Ene­mies Hands, the Island being now entirely theirs, Depranum only excepted, the Cartha­ginians would be without any Stake or Foot­ing. [Page 78]whereby to sustain or carry on the War. But that I may not talk obscurely to those who are not acquainted with the Geography of Sicily, I will here endeavour first to give some light into the Situation of that Island: The whole Island of Sicily is situate, with re­spect to the extream Parts of Italy, in a man­ner as Pelopennesus is to Greece, and the Fron­tiers thereof; with this difference only, that this latter is a Peninsula. In brief, one may arrive at Pelopennesus by Land by means of the Isthmus, but to Sicily we cannot go but by Sea. Sicily bears the form of a Triangle, at each Corner whereof is a certain Cape or Pro­montory: That which looks Southward, and runs out into the Sea of Sicily, is call'd Cape Pachine: That which regards the North, is call'd Pelorus, where the Sea is almost shut out, the Island being there not above Fifteen Hundred Paces distant from the Continent: The third Cape, which looks toward Africa, is call'd the Cape of Lilybaeum. This Island is commodiously situate, to Navigate from any of these Head-lands to Carthage, which hath been already noted; being distant about an Hundred and Twenty Five Miles; the Wester-most Coast winds somewhat with a Compass, and parts the African and Sardini­an Seas. There is a City near this foremen­tion'd Cape, bearing likewise the same Name, being that which we have already mention'd, which the Romans besieg'd; it was begirt [...] [Page 79]a strong Wall, and inviron'd with a good Ditch, which was fill'd with Water from the Sea, from whence likewise one might go to the Haven, which was extream difficult of access; unless to such, who by long Practice were perfectly acquainted with the way. This Town then the Romans besieg'd, ma­king their Attacks in two several places, in­vesting it with their two Camps, which held Communication by means of a Retrench­ment, fortify'd with a Ditch, a Rampart, and a Wall. They made their first Approach­es against a Tower, or Work, standing by the Sea-side, which looks towards Africk, and by their Diligence and incessant Application, adding something every Day, they soon de­molish'd that and Six other Towers standing near it, and then they made way to approach with their Ram to batter the other Works. And having now demolish'd a great part of the Wall, and many of their Towers being shaken, and some laid level with the Ground, the Besieg'd began to be hard press'd, the E­nemy having made a Lodgment even within their Works. Insomuch, that tho' they had a Garrison in the Town of Ten Thousand Men, Besides the Inhabitants, they could not conceal the Terrour they were under. Ne­vertheless, Hamilcar the Governour, per­form'd the part of a Diligent and Able Offi­cer, by Fortyfying and Rebuilding such Works as the Enemy had demolish'd, by [Page 80]making Countermines where it was found needful; and, in a word, by endeavouring to find Work enough for the Besiegers, where-ever they press'd him. His Diligence was such, as it might be said, He was present every-where; he was watchful of all Occa­sions of molesting the Enemy, sometimes by burning their Engines; sometimes, to the end to divert them Day and Night, he would make hazardous Sallies; insomuch, that it might be said, They lost more Men, than if they had fought rang'd Battles in the Field.

While Affairs stood in this Posture, a piece of Treachery was discover'd: Certain Of­ficers, of a principal Rank among the Mer­cenaries, who serv'd in the Town, confi­ding in the Soldiers readiness to follow them, conspir'd to deliver up the Place; and by Night, went over to the Roman Camp, to Negotiate their Purpose with the Consul; but it happen'd, that a certain Achaian, Alexo by Name, one who had done the like grate­ful piece of Service in the Preservation of A­grigentum, which the Mercenaries would have likewise betray'd to the Syracusians, dis­cover'd this Conspiracy to Hamilcar, who im­mediately thereupon, assembled the Com­manders of those Mercinaries that remain'd in the Town, to whom he imparted the Trea­son, conjuring them with Promises of great Rewards and Preferments to preserve their Fidelity, and not to be Partakers in the Vil­lany, [Page 81]wherein those who were now absent were engag'd. Whereupon, having frankly assur'd him of their Faith, he dispatch'd them to deal likewise with their Soldiers. He like­wise employ'd Hannibal to the Gauls, whom they both knew and lov'd, having serv'd a­mong them; observing by the way, that this Hannibal was Son of Him of the same Name who was murder'd in Sardinia. He likewise sent Alexo to the other Foreigners who was in great Esteem among them, and in whom they had great Confidence. In short, the Persons thus employ'd, having summon'd the several Nations with which they were to Treat, and Exhorting and Conjuring them to continue firm in their Obedience, and pro­mising them ample Rewards from their Ge­neral; they were easily won to give them sin­cere assurances of their Faith; insomuch, that when their Agents were return'd from the Roman Camp to render an Account of their Negotiation, they were so far from consent­ing or listening to them, that they drave them away with Darts and Stones. Thus by the Infidility of their Mercenaries, the Carthagi­nians had been reduc'd to great Straits, and their Enterprises defeated, had not Alexo, who had already by his singular Virtue pre­serv'd Agrigentum, both the Town and Coun­try, their Laws and Liberties, perform'd now the like eminent piece of Service for them, in detecting so dangerous a Conspiracy.

Altho' at Carthage they were yet without any account of the Pressure of Lilybaeum, they were not nevertheless unmindful of the Ne­cessities they concluded they must needs be in, who had undergone so long and strait a Siege. They therefore decreed them a Sup­ply of as many Soldiers as could be carry'd in Fifty Vessels, who were dispatch'd under the Command of Hannibal, the Son of Hamilcar, and Adherbal's intimate Friend; who, after he had been exhorted to govern and comport himself as their Affairs upon the place should counsel him, he was forthwith dispatch'd with Instructions however to attempt speedi­ly, by all ways possible, to succour the Town. Hannibal being now departed with a Supply of Ten Thousand Men, and arriving safely at the Isles of Aegusa, which lie in the way between Carthage and Lilybaeum; he there attended a fair Wind, to waft him to his Port, which no sooner presented, but he put to Sea, and came with a flown Sheet before the Mouth of the Harbour, ordering his Sol­diers to be rang'd in a fighting Posture on the Decks of his Vessels. In the mean while, the Roman Fleet, surpris'd at this unlook'd for arrival of the Cathaginians, and fearing, if they should attempt to hinder them, they might be forc'd into the Port, together with the Enemy, by the violence of the Wind, they therefore thought it adviseable not to attack them: So they kept their Station, having a [Page 83]good Offin, and contented themselves to a­bide there, and wonder at this hardy At­tempt of the Carthaginians. In the mean while, the Garrison being drawn together upon the Walls of the Town, stood expecting, with great Anxiety, the Success of the Ad­venture, and greatly incourag'd at the arri­val of this Succour, did, by their Cries and Acclamations, much animate their approach­ing Friends. Thus Hannibal, by an intrepid Assurance, compass'd his Design, getting safe into the Haven, where he speedily landed his Soldiers. The Town express'd great Joy by this Reinforcement of their Garrison; and tho' the Succour was great in effect, and much comforted and incourag'd them, howbeit they were less affected with the pleasure of their Relief, than to behold the Romans tame­ly consenting to their Passage, without daring to oppose them. And now Hamilcar the Go­vernour, observing the general Joy upon this their increase of Strength, and weighing far­ther, that they had not yet felt any extraordi­nary Hardships incident to a Town straiten'd by a Siege; wisely resolv'd not to permit the Inclination he observ'd in the Soldiers, to at­tempt something upon the Enemy, to cool without Exercise; he resolv'd therefore, that their first business should be to attack and burn the Roman Engines, while this warm Fit lasted; accordingly he assembled the Gar­rison and Townsmen, and increas'd this their [Page 84]Ardour by his Exhortations, which were suit­ed to the present occasion; promising mag­nificent Rewards to such as should signalize themselves in the Action; and farther assur'd them of grateful Largesses from the Repub­lick. And now all, as it were with one Voice, expressing their Willingness to ingage, he dismist them to take their Repose; letting them know, that this Chearfulness of theirs greatly pleas'd him, directing them carefully to obey their Leaders. Then he assembled his Officers, distributing their several Posts, and distinguishing them according to their Talents; some to succour and sustain, others to attack; giving the Word, and assigning the time when they should Sally, and direct­ing that all things should be in a readiness at the several Posts by break of Day: These Or­ders being punctually observ'd, as soon as they could see to march, Hamilcar order'd them to sally out and attack the Machines in several places at once. The Romans, who were well aware of what might happen, were not on their side to seek, being prepar'd for the utmost that could besal them; where­fore, with great readiness they advanc'd a­gainst the Enemy, resisting and disputing with a Courage worthy of the Roman Name; till at length, the access of fresh Supplies, as occasion press'd, it came to pass, that their whole Strength on both sides became ingag'd, and a Battel was fought under the Walls of [Page 85]the Town; for there sallied out of the Gar­rison no less than Two and Twenty Thou­sand Men, while those of the Romans much exceeded that number. But forasmuch as this Conflict was manag'd without any Or­der or formal drawing up, every Party en­gaging after their own Humour, the Action became by that means much more violent; for, in short, tho' the two Bodies that fought were numerous, yet the Ingagement was a kind of Combat Man to Man, but the heat of the Conflict was about the Engines; for those who were appointed to attack and de­fend, obey'd their Orders with such Gallan­try on both sides, that the Emulation became very bloody, neither Party giving place to the other, but obstinately dying on the spot where they were posted. In the mean while, those of the Carthaginians who brought Fire and combustible Matter wherewith to destroy the Engines, perform'd their part with so much Resolution, that the Romans despair­ing longer to sustain the Attack, were giving all for lost, when Hamilcar seeing many of his People slain, and observing that they were not yet Masters of the Enemies Works, which was a principal part of his Design; he order'd to sound a Retreat; so that the Romans, who were on the point of losing both their Ma­chines and their whole Equipage of War, having in the end preserv'd their Works, preserv'd in effect all, and might be said, in [Page 86]some sort, to have had the better of the Day. After this Hannibal passing in the Night by the Enemies Camp, went to Drepanum, there to Consult with Adherbal, who Commanded in that Place for the Carthaginians. This Town having a commodious Port, and be­ing within Fifteen Miles of Lilybaeum, was of that Consequence, that they thought it imported them to keep it by any means in their Possession. In the mean while, those of Drepanum having been some time without any Intelligence from Lilybaeum, and having an anxious Desire to know the state of their Condition; all Correspondence by Land be­ing cut off through the straitness of the Siege, and the vigilance of the Enemy; a certain Rhodian call'd Hannibal, a Man of Condi­tion among them, undertook to get into Li­lybaeum by Sea, and so bring them Intelli­gence how their Affairs stood. This Under­taking was very well receiv'd, but every bo­dy despair'd of the Success of the Enter­prise, in regard the Roman Fleet rid at An­chor, and kept a Guard at the Haven's Mouth, on the very Spot by which he was to pass, Nevertheless, the Rhodian, with a Vessel of his own, prepar'd for his Voyage, and go­ing off to Sea, got under covert of one of those Islands that lie opposite to Lilybaeum, and the next Morning with a fair Wind, and a fresh Gale, he stands away for the Port; and passing in view of the Enemy, got, by [Page 87]Ten a Clock, safely in, to their great Asto­nishment and Surpise, at the boldness of the Attempt; and the next Day he prepar'd for his Return. In the mean while the Consul gave strict Orders to have a more careful Eye on the Entrance of the Port on all sides; and directed, that by Night their nimblest Vessels should be appointed to be on the Guard, while himself with his Land-forces attended on the Shoar. So the Vessels were posted on both sides, and plac'd as near the Shoar as the Shallows would permit, ha­ving their Oars a-peike (as the Term is) like so many Wings display'd, ready for flight after the Quarry they expected. But the Rhodian relying on his Knowledge, and the Lightness of his Vessel, pass'd in open Day through all those Guards of the Enemy that awaited him; nor did he only escape with­out Hazard of himself, and those that were with him, but in a kind of Mockery and Contempt of the Enemy, he would often lie upon his Oars, and then take a turn and row quite round them, as it were to provoke them to Fight. In short, Hannibal happi­ly executed his Enterprise, and found plain­ly, that by the excellent make of his Gally, the Romans despair'd to deal with him, and beheld himself as it were Triumphing over their whole Fleet. He frequently after pass'd and repass'd, whereby he perform'd great Service to the Carthaginians, by bringing Ad­vice, [Page 88]and carrying their Orders, to the great Encouragement of the Besieg'd, and the A­mazement of the Romans at so successful a Temerity. But we are to consider the In­couragement he had for so adventurous an Undertaking, namely, his perfect Know­ledge of the Passage and Channel that was to conduct him over the Flats or Shallows; moreover, his use was, that whensoever he was discover'd at Sea, he would work his Vessel in such manner as if he had steer'd his course from Italy, and then bring a certain Tower that stood nearest the Sea, right a­head; that Tower cover'd him from the sight of the other Towers which respected the Coast of Africk; and by that very means alone it was, that Vessels coming with a frank Gale under the covert of that Tower gain'd a safe Passage. The lucky Hardiness of the Rhodian, gave Incouragement to others, who were well acquainted with the Place, to attempt the like; which being found of very ill Consequence to the Romans, they resolv'd upon blocking and choaking the Mouth of the Port intirely up, but found it a Work of mighty difficulty, not being able to fix the the Matter that was brought for that pur­pose, so as to hinder the Stream from remo­ving and carrying it away: insomuch, that they labour'd long at this Work without ef­fect: Nevertheless, this Rubbish, which by mighty labour they had brought together, [Page 89]chanc'd on a place at length wherein to settle, and there begat a new Bank or Shallow, whereon a certain Carthaginian Gally, at­tempting to get out in the Night-time ran a­ground, and so fell into the Enemies Hands. The Romans, being Masters of the Vessel, equipp'd her, and Manning her with chosen Souldiers, and their best Rowers, plac'd her on the Guard, to have an Eye on those Ves­sels that went in and out of the Port, and to have a special Watch upon the Rhodian, who getting into the Haven in the Night by his usual Address, was returning out in broad Day. But when he perceiv'd the working of this new Vessel, that she pursu'd him turn­ing and bording lightly after him according to his own manner, for she happen'd to be a Gally of a singular Built; he became much surpriz'd, and thought it his best course to trust now to the lightness of his Vessel, and make the best of his way from them; but finding himself now in the Snare, and no o­ther way left but Fighting, he resolutely de­termin'd to Ingage them; but the Romans out-numbring them, and being all chosen Men, soon determin'd the Dispute: So that now being Masters likewise of this excellent Vessel, they Mann'd her, and furnish'd her with all things necessary, after which there were no more Attempts to go in and out of the Port of Lilybaeum.

When the Carthaginians had spent much time, and had, with great Industy and Tra­vel, repair'd the Ruines, and rebuilt and for­tify'd the Breaches made in their Walls; and when they had given over all hopes of destroy­ing the Enemies Works, there happen'd a great Storm of Wind to arise, which blew with that violence on the Romans, that it brake and render'd useless their Machines and En­gines with which they shot into the Town; and even overturn'd some of their Towers, whereupon certain Greek Soldiers took As­surance to believe it would not be very hard to prosecute what the Tempest had already done, in a good degree, to their hands, and imparted their Project to the Governour, who approving the Proposition, forthwith made provision of all things necessary to put it in execution; accordingly they sally'd out, and applying Fire in three several places to the Roman Machines, the Wind and the dryness of the Materials (their Works ha­ving been long built) soon set all in a flame; insomuch, that the Romans found it impossi­ble to stop its Progress, or apply any present Remedy, such was their Fright and Surprise. Furthermore, it being in the Night, the Smoak and Fire, which by force of the Wind were driven in their Faces, greatly annoy'd them, as did the fall of their Engines and Works, which destroy'd many e'er they could approach near enough to extinguish [Page 91]the Flame; besides, the Wind, which mo­lested the Romans in this Conflict, much assisted the Carthaginians, carrying their Darts and Weapons farther, and with more cer­tainty, and the Fire they shot into their Works was convey'd with greater violence, and took effect at a farther distance; every Object was likewise more visible to them, whereby they were enabled to gall and molest the E­nemy with greater advantage, all which con­duc'd very much to their Success in the En­terprise. In conclusion, the Roman Works were in this Action so much damnify'd, that their Rams and Towers were of no use, inso­much that they utterly despair'd of taking Lilybaeum by force. They therefore inclos'd it round with a Rampire, environ'd with a Ditch, and fortifying their Camp with good Retrenchments, expected from Time and Pa­tience, what they could not compass by Force: On the other hand, the Besieg'd ha­ving well repair'd the Walls where they had been batter'd, and Breaches had been made, gave evidence of fresh Courage, resolving to suffer generously all the Incommodities of a Siege.

When Advice came to Rome, that a great number both of Sea and Land-forces had been lost in Defence of their Works and Engines, and in the other Services of the Siege; the Youth of the City thereupon chearfully li­sted themselves, with resolution to revenge [Page 92]the Cause of their Country. So an Army was levy'd, consisting of Ten Thousand Men, and dispatch'd over into Sicily; upon whose arrival at the Camp, Pub. Claudius assem­bling the Tribunes, made them an Oration touching his Purpose to surprise Drepanum with their Naval-forces, remonstrating, that Adherbal, the Governour of that Place, and Commander of the Carthaginians, was not of sufficient present Strength to resist them; that he dream'd of no approaching Danger, knowing nothing of the Re-inforcement of the Roman Army; and that after the Losses su­stained in the Siege, he would not be per­swaded they could be Masters of a Naval Army. In short, the Design being general­ly approv'd, the Seamen, old and new Co­mers, were forthwith order'd to Embark; and out of the Legions, the choicest, best known, and willingest Men, were pick'd to Embark in this Expedition; which they con­cluded would be but short, and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain. Or­ders being now accordingly given, and o­bey'd, without giving the least Jealousie to the Enemy, the Army departed about Mid­night, the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board, keeping the Coast on their Right-hand. As soon as Day broke, and the headmost of the Fleet were descry'd from Drepanum, Adherbal became much surpris'd at this unlook'd for Danger, but [Page 93]soon recollecting his Mind, and beholding the Enemy now at hand, he determin'd to perform all that was possible for him to exe­cute, and ingage in any Hazard, rather than endure a Siege, which by the Preparations he saw threatned him. He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Souldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar, and order'd, by sound of Trumpet, the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and joyn them; with whom being now assembled, he declar'd to them in few words, That he was well assur'd they should be too hard for the Romans, if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely: On the contrary, if they, through Fear, be­hav'd themselves Ill, the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calami­ties incident to a Siege. Hereupon the Army unanimously declar'd their forwardness to En­gage, and requir'd with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board. Adherbal, after he had let them know, that their Behaviour pleas'd him, and applauded this their Forwardness, made them Embark, and leading himself the Van, directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did; so putting out to Sea, he drew up near the Rocks that lye on the Coast, facing the Enemy, who was now entring into the Haven.

The Consul, Publius, observing the Ene­my, contrary to his Opinion, to make this Stand; and that this his sudden Attempt did [Page 94]not only afright them, but that on the con­trary, he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battel; order'd the Fleet to tack and stand back again, whereof the headmost were now enter'd into the Port; some were in the Haven's Mouth, and others not far off. But while those in the Van, who had receiv'd their Orders, were hasting back, they encounter'd the others who were yet standing in; by which means, falling fowl one of another, many, both Ships and Men, were in great danger of perishing. But in short, they drew out as they were able, and as they got clear and obtain'd Sea-room, they put themselves in order of Battel along the Shoar, with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy. Publius, who brought up the Rear of his Fleet, stood off to Sea, and posted him­self on the Left of his Line. But Adherbal having pass'd the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Gallies with arm'd Beaks, turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy, and making a Signal for the rest that follow'd him to do the same; and being now drawn up in Front, he puts out his Sign for the Attack, and so in good order they ad­vanc'd against the Romans; who, as was observ'd, were drawn up along or under the Shoar, attending the arrival of their Ves­sels which were not all yet got out of the Port, which was the cause of their Fighting greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land.

The two Fleets being now near, and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put a­broad, the Battle began, where for a while the Conflict seem'd to be equal, both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies. But in the end, Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians, who from the beginning had in many points the Advan­tage of the Romans. In short, they sur­pass'd them in the nimbleness of their Ships, which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance, their Seamen were likewise more experienc'd and abler Men; they were posted also greatly to their advantage, ha­ving Sea-room wherein to work their Ves­sels, as occasion requir'd, so that at any time, when press'd by the Enemy, they could draw off, spread themselves, or draw close together, at pleasure, wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much avail'd. Furthermore, if at any time the Enemy had given Chace to any of their Gallies, and were seperated a­ny distance from their Fleet, they would then tack upon them, and intercepting them, who by reason of their heavy working, and the unskilfulness of the Roman Marriners, could not disengage themselves, so rowing round them, and coming on their Flank with their Prows, they Sunk many of them; on the other hand, when any of the Carthagi­nian Vessels chanc'd to be hard press'd, they [Page 96]could come with expedition up to their Re­lief, and Succour them without Hazard. But we may say of the Romans, that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoy'd were wanting to them: If they chanc'd to be chac'd, they were not able to retire for the Shoar, under which they sought; insomuch, that when they were hard driven, and were forc'd to give back, they were either run a­ground on the Sands, or lost against the Rocks. Furthermore, the Romans were be­reft of one principal Benefit, which much conduces to Success in Naval Ingagements; namely, that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels, and the insufficiency of their Marriners, they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank, as occasion offer'd, nor come and fall on them in the Rear, who were already engag'd. In a word, those who were a-stern, were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were press'd at a distance a-head, being obstruct­ed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar, wan­ting void Space wherein to move, and bring their Succours where it was needful. The Consul observing, at length, the Distress of his Fleet, that some were a-ground on the Sands, and others lost against the Rocks, himself and about Thirty Vessels that fol­low'd him, stood away to the Left, and re­tir'd out of the Battel, leaving Ninety Three of his Gallies taken by the Carthaginians, [Page 97]very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar, escaping. This was a glorious Action for Adherbal, to whom the Carthaginians did very great Ho­nour, attributing the Success purely to his single Vertue and Bravery: While the Ro­mans treated their Consul with grievous Re­proaches, laying the whole Disaster, and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduc'd, to his sole Folly and Temerity; for­mally calling him to his Tryal, and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence; neverthe­less they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes, which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose, to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for pro­secute the War; such was the Contention be­tween those two People, who should remain Superior. And now one of the two new cho­sen Consuls, L. Junius, was dispatch'd over to Cicily, with Orders speedily to succour and supply the Camp at Lilybaeum with Provisi­ons and all things necessary; for the safe con­voy whereof they appointed a Squadron of Sixty Men of War. Junius having joyn'd the Fleet at Messina that had been rendezvous'd there by the Army, and diligence of the I­slanders, shap'd his course towards Syracuse; his Fleet consisting of One Hundred and Twenty Ships of Burthen, and Eight Hun­dred other Vessels laden with Provisions and other Stores of War. From thence he [Page 98]dispatc'd his Questors, with Orders to take care speedily to supply the Legions with all things of which they might stand in need, allotting them for that Service, part of his Ships of Burthen, and some of his Vessels of War; while the Consul himself remain'd at Syracuse, attending the arrival of that part of his Fleet which was yet behind, and could not keep him company in his Voyage from Messina; as likewise to receive the Corn the Islanders had provided for his Army. Ad­herbal, about the same time dispatch'd to Car­thage the Prisoners and Ships that were taken in the Battel. Afterwards he sent Carthalo with a Fleet of about an Hundred Sail, ad­ding Thirty of his own Vessels to the Squa­dron he had brought with him to surprise and attack the Roman Fleet, riding at Anchor be­fore the Port of Lilybaeum; with orders to take and bring away as many as he could get off, and what he could not, those to burn and destroy. Carthalo, pursuant to his Or­ders, falls upon the Romans about the fourth Watch of the Night; and while some of their Vessels were burning, and others towing off, the Surprise gave great terrour to the Enemy, the danger being much augmented by the cries and tumult of the People, on so unlook'd for an Adventure, for the Romans hasting pro­miscuously in the dark to succour and defend their Vessels, the noise and clamour of the Soldiers gave alarm to Hamilcar, Governour [Page 99]of the Town, who soon perceiving what was doing, prepar'd for a Sally; and as soon as it was Day, and that he could discern how matters went, he orders the Mercenary Troops to march out against the Romans; who being thus attack'd on all sides, were reduc'd to very great straits, which much abated their Resolution; but Carthalo, after having taken and tow'd off some of their Ves­sels, and destroy'd others, stood to Sea again, and made the best of his way towards Hera­clea, in order to the obstructing, what in him lay, the Succours that were coming to the Army, and receiving Advice by his Scouts, that they had discover'd a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels, and that they were not far off, he having the Romans in great Contempt since their last Defeat, forthwith puts to Sea with an ardent desire to come to blows with them, but some of the smaller Vessels of the Roman Fleet, who were advanc'd a-head of the rest, having given notice to the Quaestors, that the Carthaginians were at hand; they not conceiving themselves of sufficient strength to deal with them, presently took order for the safety of their Fleet, endeavouring to se­cure them under the Potection of a Town on the Coast belonging to the Romans; but there being there no safe Harbour, only Coves and small Retreats among the Rocks, which gave them some shelter within them, the Quaestors therefore landing their People, apply'd them­selves [Page 100]to make all Possible provision for the Defence of their Fleet, bringing out of the Town all their Engines and Machines for casting of Stones and shooting of Arrows, and in a Posture of Defence expected when the Enemy should Attack them. But the Chrthaginians being of Opinion that the apprehension of the danger they were in, would soon drive the Soldiers to retire and seek Sanctuary in the Town, resolv'd not presently to attempt them, but only to Block them up, in expectation they should shortly be Masters of the Vessels with­out much contest. But having some time in vain expected the Issue, and finding that contrary to their hopes, the Romans appear'd resolute in the defence of their Fleet, they contented themselves with surprising only some of their Victuallers, and (the Station where they were being incommodious) re­tir'd to a Harbour in a Neighbouring River, where coming to an Anchor, they there con­tinu'd keeping a vigilent Eye on the motions of the Roman Fleet.

After the Consul had dispatch'd those Af­fairs which had detain'd him at Syracuse, he departed, and doubling the Cape of Pa­chine, shap'd his course for Lilybaeum, totally ignorant of what had happen'd to that part of the Fleet which he had sent before. But the Carthaginian Scouts discovering them, gave notice to their General, who immediately weigh'd Anchor out of the Port, with deter­mination [Page 101]to give them Battel, before they should be able to join the other part of their Fleet. But Junius observing the Carthagini­an Fleet to be now near, and taking them to be too strong and numerous for him to deal with, was compell'd to seek Sanctuary like­wise in such Places as were next at hand, tho' never so dangerous, or incommodious, there being no Havens thereabout that could yield them shelter: Making account that he ought to run any hazard rather than expose, by the loss of the Fleet, their Army by Land to the mercy of the Enemy. When the Carthagini­ans had observ'd the Romans purpose, by their working, they forbore to Attack them in so dangerous a Post, but retiring to a place between the Two Fleets, kept that Station; carefully observing their motions: While things stood thus, a strong Gale of Wind came up, which, by the agitation of the Sea, threaten'd a Tempest at hand: Whereupon the Carthaginian Pilots, who were well skill'd in the Weather and the Coast, foreseeing the approaching Danger, gave notice thereof to their Officers, and ad­vis'd Carthalo by all means to weigh Anchor and get about the Cape of Pachine, thereby to be cover'd from the Tempest that threat­en'd them. Carthalo readily followed this Advice, and with great difficulty doubled the Cape and secur'd his Ships. While the two Roman Fleets, remaining on an open har­bourless [Page 102]Coast, were so violently assaulted by the Storm, that not a Ship escap'd, nor so much as a whole Plank of all their Navy.

After this Disaster, the Carthaginians began to respire, and conceive new Hopes, and take fresh Courage, while the Romans, whose for­mer Losses had much impair'd their Naval Strength, were by this Misfortune quite ru­in'd, and began now to dispair to Cope with the Carthaginians by Sea, and resolv'd to con­tent themselves to hold the Possession of the Inland Towns. In the mean time, as the Carthaginians were become Masters at Sea, so they would not renounce their Hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land. And al­beit the Condition of the Romans was deplo­rable enough, and their Army before Lilybae­um driven to very hard shifts by these Disap­pointments; nevertheless, they held firm to their Purpose of continuing the Siege. Ac­cordingly without delay Order was taken, to have them supply'd by Land, with whatsoe­ver they stood in need of; the Army resolute­ly determining to abide the utmost Extremi­ty. As to Junius the Consul, he after this dreadful Shipwreck, speeds away to the Army, full of Anxity, and meditating on nothing more, than how by some new and remarka­ble Service, he might repair this cruel shock of Fortune. Wherefore, he undertook on a very slight motive, to surprize Erix, which together with the Town and Temple of Ve­nus, [Page 103]he got into his possession. Erix, is a Mountain standing on the Coast of Sicily that looks towards Italy, scituate between Depra­num and Palarmo, the most difficult and inac­cessible part thereof being on that side which regards Drepanum. This is the highest Moun­tain in the whole Island, Mount Aetna exce­pted: On the top whereof there is a Plain, where the Temple of Venus Ericina, the most noble and richly Adorn'd without dispute, and the most celebrated for Devotion in Sici­ly. The Town likewise stands on the same Ground, the Access to it being long, straight, and difficult. Junius placeth on the top of this Mountain a Garrison, on the side towards Drepanum; with Orders that they should keep a strict Watch both ways, for he was unwilling to treat the People with violence, unless they gave him occasion; concluding that by that means he should hold both the Town and the Mountain in safe possession.

During these Transactions, the Carthagini­ans made choice of Hamilcar Barcas for their General, giving him the Command of their Fleet, in the Eighteenth Year of the War, With this Fleet, as soon as he had receiv'd his Orders, he departed to the Coast of Italy with Design to make Descents and Inroads on the Country; accordingly, he fell on the Locrians and the Brutians, and shortly after, comes with his whole Fleet towards Palermo, near which Place, not far from the Sea-side, betwixt Palermo [Page 104]and Erix, he took possession of a Place, which he chose for the Commodity of its Situation, where an Army might Incamp with safety, and be constantly and easily supply'd with all necessaries. In short, it was an Eminence steep on all sides, and hard of Access, on the top whereof there was a Plain or Level, of at least Twelve Miles in compass, the Ground yields both very good Pasture, and is proper for the Plow, it is cover'd from all the bad Weather that blows from the Sea, where there are no Serpents or noxious Animals; furthermore, the Situation is so secur'd by Rocks and Precipices, both to the Land and Seawards, that to guard the Passes either way, a very little Fortification sufficeth. In the middle of the foresaid Plain or Level, there riseth another Eminence, so dispos'd by Na­ture, as if it were design'd as a Citadel to the rest, from whence there is a Prospect into all the Country round about; here is likewise a good Port of great use to such as Navigate from Drepanum or Lilybaeum to Italy. The Accesses to this Place are only Four, and those very difficult; Two from the Sea and Two from the Landward. Here Hamilcar incamp'd his Army, fortifying himself, with a Resolution little short of Temerity, having no Friend or Confederate near him, and with­out hopes of any for the future, surrounded by, and as it were abandon'd to, the Mercy of the the Enemy. Howbeit he here found [Page 105]Work enough for the Romans, and often put their Affairs in great danger. For Sailing out of the Port, he pillag'd and wasted the Coast of Italy as far as Cuma; and afterwards, not­withstanding the Romans were incamp'd within Eight Hundred Paces of Palermo, he led his Army thither. In a Word, this Place was, as it were for almost Three Years toge­ther, the Stage of so many various Disputes and Rencounters, that it would be very hard to relate the particular Adventures. In brief, the Behaviour of the respective Captains and Leaders themselves, may not be unfitly com­par'd to the Bravery of those, who voluntari­ly mingle themselves with the Gladiators, and expose themselves to fight for the Prize in Publick Spectacles: For they were in per­petual Action, and giving and receiving Wounds at every turn, wherein both their Strength, Bravery and Dexterity, was seen so many several ways, that it would be dif­ficult for the Soldiers themselves to recount the various Passages, much less for the Spe­ctators to remember and relate them, or to make a Judgment, otherwise than in general to determine by the remarkableness of the Actions, the Courage and Experience of the Actors.

For, in brief, whosoever should attempt to set down the many Plots, and Ambushes, mutually contriv'd one aganist the other, how sometimes those who laid the Snare fell them­selves [Page 106]in their own Toiles; if, I say, one should think to recount the many Attacks, Surprises and Rencounters that occur'd, and the various Scenes of Action that pass'd, the Historian would never have done, nor indeed would the Relation be either pleasant or pro­fitable to the Reader. Let us therefore make a Judgment of the Vertue of the Commanders, by a general Relation of their Performances, and the Issue and Sequel of so many great and hazardous Enterprises; tho' it shall be our Care however to pass by nothing, that may become an Historian to relate, neither their Stratagems, nor any extraordinary Inventi­ons, which Necessity or Occasion might sug­gest to put in Practice, nor any singular or remarkable Action, that required more than ordinary Talents of Bravery to execute.

And here it is observable, that it was not possible for them to come to a pitch'd Battel, for sundry Reasons: First, their Forces on both sides were equal, their Camps likewise were by Nature difficult of Access, and by the help of Art render'd Impregnable, so that each being assur'd of their Safety in their Works, they prosecuted their Contention by Parties and daily Rencounters, neither seem­ing inclin'd to put an Issue to the War by a decisive Battel. So that at length it became as it were a Custom between them, to divide and keep the Success of their Enterprizes as it were in Balance, assigning Victory to him [Page 107]to Day, who was to lose on the Morrow. Fortune presiding as a sage Judge in the Lists, and appointing at her Pleasure now one place, now another, to be the Scene of Action, diversifying the nature of their Disputes, and changing the Place as she pleas'd, from one sort of Ground to another, from Places more open to others more streight and inclos'd.

While the Romans kept Guard both on the top and at the foot of the Mountain Erix, as hath been observ'd, Hamilcar surpriz'd the Town, which stands between, on the skirt of the Hill, notwithstanding the Roman Sol­ers within it. So that the Romans who were in Garrison on the top, became by that means besieg'd by the Enemy, who were by them before shut up, where they endur'd all the Hardships, and were expos'd to all the Dan­gers imaginable, which they suffer'd however with unspeakable Constancy. The Cartha­ginians likewise oppos'd the Enemy with an obstinate Bravery, who press'd them hard on all sides, depriving them of all means of Sub­sistance, saving by the Avenue that lay to­wards the Sea, whereby their Provision was not obtain'd but with great difficulty.

And now albeit they attempted one ano­ther with all the Art and Address, that is practis'd in Sieges and Attacks; after they had equally felt all sorts of Violence, were pinch'd with extremity of Famine, and had experimented whatsoever Hardships, are done [Page 108]or suffer'd in the most calamitous Adventures incident to a Siege; they may nevertheless be said to have been mutually crown'd with Victory, but not as it is represented by Fa­bius, who reports them to have been Van­quish'd by the Miseries they underwent; but Triumphing over all that could be put in practice to subdue each other. For before it could be seen who was likely to have the better, tho' it was a Dispute, on one single Spot, of two whole Years duration; yet the War at length determin'd after another man­ner.

Thus have I recounted the Occurrences of Erix, and the Actions of the Land-armies; those two States being fitly resembled to Birds, which in Fight shew more Courage than Strength, where it often happens that their Anger remains when their Power is lost, and so retireing by Consent, leave it doubtful, who had the Advantage. In like manner, may it be said, to have far'd with the Romans and Carthaginians, who, weaken'd by so long a War, and wasted by the expence of so many Years Dispute, were reduc'd on both sides to the last Extremity. Neverthe­less the Romans maintain'd a certain Inflexi­bility of Resolution, not to be express'd; for altho' for the space of five Years, they had totally desisted from all Naval Preparations, discourag'd by the many Misfortunes which attended their Navigations, proposing they [Page 109]should be able to put a period to this long and dagerous War, with their Land-forces alone, yet at length perceiving that the great Abi­lities of Hamilcar were likely to frustrate that Expectation, they determin'd now the third time, to place their Hopes in a Fleet, con­cluding it to be the only Means, whereby to put a happy Issue to the Dispute, if Fortune would but in any sort favour their Beginning; and the Sequel prov'd they did not reckon a­miss. They forsook the Sea, the first time, by reason of the Shipwrecks they had su­stain'd, and the second time they were com­pell'd by the loss of their Fleet, in a Battel near Drepanum. And yet they wanted not Assurance to attempt Fortune a third time, how averse soever she had hitherto been. And now having cut off all the means of Sub­sistance from the Carthaginians in Erix, they by that means subdu'd them, and put an end to the Strife.

But let us observe by the way, that this Undertaking of the Romans, was owing more to their Vertue, than to any other Cause whatsoever. For their Treasure was ex­hausted to so low an Ebb, that there appear'd no sort of Fond, whereby to enable them to pursue their Design; but their Greatness of Mind, and the Generosity of those who were in the Government, surmounted all Impedi­ments. And it so sell out, that means were at length found more than sufficient to effect [Page 110]this great Determination, for every one vo­luntarily contributed in proportion to his pri­vate Fortune, and undertook as they were able among themselves; some two, some more joining their Stock, to build and equip a Vessel for their share, on no other Conditi­on than to be reimburs'd by the Publick at the end of the War. So that in a short space a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail was Built, and put to Sea, all contriv'd according, to the Model of the Rhodian Vessel, we have else-where mention'd; the Command of this Fleet was given to the Consul C. Lutatius, who depart­ing early in the Spring, arriv'd in Sicily when he was least look'd for, the Carthaginian Fleet being retir'd. He presently possess'd himself of the Port of Drepanum, and all the Har­bours in the Neighbourhood of Lilybaeum; then he made Preparations for laying Siege to the Town of Drepanum, but he proceeded therein with such Caution as betoken'd his Forsight, that the Carthaginian Fleet might speedily arrive; and bearing in Mind what had been concluded in their Deliberations at their first setting out, namely, that nothing could put a Period to the War, but a Naval Battel; he therefore, pursuant to that Result, lost no occasion of Exercising and Disciplining his Soldiers and Seamen in all Points wherein they might be render'd serviceable to his De­sign. And as he was careful to preserve good Order among them, so they soon became ex­pert [Page 111]and knowing in their Business, and his Soldiers ready and capable of pursuing any Orders they should receive.

The Carthaginians, very much surpris'd at the News of a Roman Navy, dispatch'd away a Fleet with all expedition against them, send­ing at the same time a good relief of Provisi­on of Victuals and all sorts of Stores of War. But their chief care was, that those who were straiten'd in Erix might be supply'd with whatever they wanted. Hanno, therefore, who Commanded the Carthaginian Fleet, shap'd his Course first towards Hieronnesus, with design to touch at Erix, before the Ro­mans should have any account of his Motions; determining, after he had supply'd them, and lighten'd his Vessels, to re-inforce his Troops from thence, with the choice of the Merce­naries that were there, and that then joining with Barcas, he should be in a condition to give the Enemy Battel. But Lutatius, who had got Advice of Hanno's Arrival, and su­spected, indeed, his Design; took on board the choice of his Land-forces, and sail'd away for the Island of Aegusa, commonly call'd Ae­gates, which lies just against the Port of Lilybaeum, where, after an Exhortation to the Army, suiting the Time and the Occasi­on, he notify'd to the Commanders of his Vessels, that he purpos'd the next Day to give the Enemy Battel; but when, in the Morn­ing, he observ'd the Wind to blow in favour [Page 112]of the Enemy, and consequently, not fair for them; and further, that the Sea began to swell, and threaten foul Weather, he then became undetermin'd how to proceed. But after he had well weigh'd the matter, and consider'd, that by engaging them, tho' the Weather were not favourable, he should, however, have to do with Hanno alone, and the Troops only that Embark'd with him; that over and above, he should deal with a Fleet loaden, and incumber'd with the Stores and Provisions which they had taken on Board; and that, on the other hand, if he delay'd out of fear of the foul Weather, and by that means gave the Enemy the opportu­nity of passing by, and joining their Forces, he must then fight, not only with a Fleet light and discharg'd of all their Lumber, but with an Army strengthen'd with the choice of their Land-Forces, and what was yet more formidable, he must engage against the known Gallantry of Hamilcar. Wherefore he resolv'd not to lose the occasion that of­fer'd. And now it was not long before they descry'd the Enemy coming with a flown Sheet, whereupon he stood out of the Port, and drawing up in a Line of Battel, made di­rectly towards them; for his Seamen being strong, in good plight, and well exercis'd, tho' the Sea and Wind was against them, sur­mounted the difficulty; and contemning all Opposition, advanc'd in good order against the Enemy.

When the Carthaginians saw themselves thus way-laid by the Enemy, and their Pas­sage barr'd, they forthwith struck their Sails, and after the Captains of their respective Ships had exhorted their Men to behave themselves as they ought, they prepar'd for the Battel. But the Scene was now shifted, and the circumstances of the Combatants be­ing totally chang'd, from what it was in the Battel near Drepanum, it will not therefore be thought strange, that the Success should fall out otherwise. In short, the Romans were to seek, till now, in the good Contri­vance and Built of their Ships; they had now no Lumber on board to pester and incom­mode them, having nothing with them but what was of use in the Battel. Furthermore, their Seamen, who were now able, and well exercis'd, were a mighty help towards their Success in this occasion; they were likewise, for Soldiers, furnish'd with the choicest Troops they could pick out of the Land-ar­my. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, could boast of none of those Benefits, for their Ships were loaden and pester'd, and in no wise in condition for fight; their Seamen were raw and unable, being taken up and entertain'd in haste; their Soldiers were likewise new-rais'd Men, having never before seen a Battel; for they had laid aside all thoughts of Naval Pre­parations, on Presumption that the Romans would never more adventure to Sea. In a [Page 114]word, the Carthaginians being in every thing inferiour to their Enemy, the Dispute was soon ended, the Romans routing them at the first Encounter. Fifty of the Cartha­ginian Vessels were sunk, and Seventy taken, with all their Men a-board; the rest, ma­king the best of their way afore the Wind back towards Hieronnesus, there being scarce an Example of so sudden and seasonable a change of Wind, which came about, as it were, to supply a present pressing Necessity. After the Battel, the Consul stood away with the Fleet for Lilybaeum, to dispose of his Pri­zes and Prisoners, which gave him business enough, there being, at least, Ten Thousand taken. When the Carthaginians had notice of this Defeat, so contrary to their Expecta­tion, tho' they were surpris'd, yet they were not humbled, and would willingly have con­tinu'd the War, could they have found means to sustain it; but of that they had no Pro­spect. For while the Romans continu'd Ma­sters at Sea, there was no way whereby to succour and sustain their Forces in Sicily; and on the other hand, utterly to abandon them, would be in a manner to betray them; and leave themselves destitute both of Offi­cers and Soldiers for the Service of the Com­monwealth; they therefore dispatch'd a ple­nary Power to Hamilcar Barcas, committing the entire Conduct of their Affairs in Sicily to his Management, who, with great Reputa­tion [Page 115]and Honour, acquitted himself of that Commission; performing, in every thing, the part of a Wise and Able Commander; for so long as he had but the shadow of Hope to advance the Interest of his Country, he left nothing unattempted that was not Im­prudent and Temerarious to promote it, act­ing so, as hardly any Man in Military Per­formance may be nam'd before him; but Fortune had deserted the Carthaginians; and he, after he had unprofitably taken all the best Measures that Experience had taught him, or Reason could suggest, began, at length, to take thought for the safety and preservation of those under him, and wisely yeilding to Necessity, and the Circumstances, and State of their present Fortune, dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Consul, to treat about a Peace. For 'tis fit we should know, that the same Prudence is seen in the Management of a Defeat as of a Victory. Lutatius lent a willing Ear to this Message, knowing full well how much the Roman State had suffer'd by the War; and that they themselves were sinking under the Burthen: So a Period was given to that bloody Strife, the Articles of Peace being a little more or less, as follows;

If the People of Rome approve thereof, there shall be Peace and Friendship between the Ro­mans and Carthaginians, on Condition, That the Carthagians intirely depart out of Sicily; [Page 116]that they shall not make farther War upon Hie­ron, nor the Syracusians, nor against their Confederates: That the Carthaginians shall deliver up all the Roman Prisoners Ransom-free; and shall pay them, within the space of Twenty Years, the Sum of Two Thousand Two Hundred Talents of Silver.

These Articles were forthwith dispatch'd to Rome; but forasmuch as the People were not intirely satisfy'd, Ten Deputies were im­power'd to go into Sicily, and after they had thorowly inform'd themselves of the State of their Affairs, to determine on the place what should be concluded; who, upon their arri­val, after they had maturely consider'd of all things, they agreed to the Treaty, with this Alteration of shortning the Time for Payment, adding Two Hundred Talents to the Sum, and obliging the Carthaginians to depart our of all the Islands scituate be­tween Italy and Sicily. Thus the War de­termin'd, which was wag'd between those two People, for the Mastery of Sicily, which had lasted full Four and Twenty Years, and was the longest and most Memorable that History hath any where recorded; nor was there ever any that had been prosecuted with so little Intermission. In conclusion, not to recount the numerous Conflicts, and the mighty Preparations that were made during that space, let it suffice to note, as hath been [Page 117]already abserv'd, that they once fought at Sea with Five Hundred Vessels, comprehend­ing both Fleets, afterwards with few less than Seven Hundred Sail. On the part of the Romans were lost during this War, what by Tempest, what by other Accidents, Seven Hundred Ships; and on the Carthagi­nians part, near Five Hundred. So that if People were surpris'd, and wonder'd at the Naval Battles heretofore fought between Antigonus Ptolomy and Demetrius, they will have much more cause of Doubt and Asto­nishment, when they shall hear related, the stupendous Transactions that compose our History. And if we shall make Comparison between the Fleets wherewith the Persians wag'd War with the Greeks, and the Athe­nians and Lacedemonians among themselves, it will be a farther Subject of their Wonder, how such mighty numbers could be brought to fight in a Sea-Ingagement. Whence it will become manifest, as we have remark'd in the beginning of our History, that if tho Romans Design extended to the Subjection of the Universe and they arriv'd at their End, it will not be found owing so much to For­tune or Accident, as some Greek Authors would suggest, as to the plain and evident measures of Reason, inasmuch as they had acquir'd a perfect and through Knowledge and Insight into all those extraordinary En­terprises which they had made the subject of [Page 118]their Meditation. But it may be demanded, How it comes to pass, that now at this day, when they are arriv'd at the Universal Do­minion, and their Affairs in a more prosperous state than ever; that if their should be occa­sion, they would not be able to provide and fit out such Fleets, nor make such Naval Preparations, as in those days? To which I answer, That as it is true, so the Reason is very plain, which shall be made appear, when we come to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth. But to the end the Reader may be throughly en­lighten'd, we will not decide here (as it were by the by) so important a Point. Let us lend our Attention then to the present Subject; for what we shall now farther de­liver will appear worth our while, tho' we had not yet related any thing to the purpose. For as some Authors have heard nothing of the Adventures of the Romans, so others have handled their History with so much Obscu­rity, that no profit can arise thereby. We may observe then, that in this War which we have been relating the Forces and Courage of the two Contending States, seem'd to be equal almost in every thing; and principally in their obstinate Emulation for Dominion and Empire. As for their Armies, I believe we may safely grant, in the general, that the Roman Souldiers were the better Militia. But as to their great Officers, Hamilcar Sur­nam'd [Page 119] Barcas, Father to the famous Hannibal, who afterward made War upon the Romans, may be justly reckon'd, both for Courage and Wisdom, the ablest Commander of that Age.

The Peace was no sooner ratify'd between those two States, when they happen'd about the same time, to fall, as it were, into one and the same Misfortune: The Romans had a kind of Civil War, by a Rebellion of the Faliscans, but it was soon ended by the Sup­pression of that People, and the taking their City. And the Carthaginians suffer'd by a War with the Numidians and Africans, their Neighbours, who join'd in an Insurrection with their own Mercenary Souldiers; but the Carthaginians had not the like Success as the Romans; for they were often reduc'd to the last Extremity, and fought many Battles, not only for the Safety of the Govern­ment in general; but for their own private Stakes, their Families, and Fortunes. In short, the account of the Occurrences of that War, for many Reasons might have been de­ferr'd, howbeit, we shall, in few words, as it was our Purpose, give an account thereof here; for it will be thereby made manifest, by what then came to pass, what the nature of that War is, which the Greeks have call'd Inexpiable. Furthermore, we may be in­structed by that which happen'd to the Car­thaginians, what Foresight is to be practis'd, [Page 120]and Caution ought to be us'd by those who will compose their Armies of Mercenary and Forreign Troops. We shall likewise be taught the difference in Manners between a barbarous People, and those who have been bred and educated under the Laws of good Di­scipline. In a word, it will appear by the Se­quel of those Transactions, what gave rise to that War between the Romans and Carthagini­ans that was prosecuted by Hannibal. And in regard, not only Historians, but the Mana­gers themselves, of the War, are to this day in dispute about the Causes thereof, it will not be an unprofitable Work to set the World right therein.

As soon as Hamilcar had finish'd the Trea­ty, and led the Troops that were in Erix to Lilybaeum, he resign'd his Commission; and Gesco, who was Governour of that place, had the charge of transporting the Army into Africk; who, foreseeing what might happen, did not Embark them all at once, but pru­dently dispatch'd them by Divisions and Parties, allotting so much time between their Embarking, as might suffice for his purpose; which was, that those who were first sent, might be paid, and discharg'd, and sent to their Country, before the others should arrive. But the Carthaginians had another Project, for their Treasure being greatly exhausted by the War, they determin'd to defer their Payment till they had them all together; and [Page 121]then to propose to satisfie them with part only of what was due to them; so they re­main'd in the Port, and were receiv'd and detain'd in Carthage as they arriv'd.

But the City at length growing weary of the Neighbourhood of those Strangers, who daily molested them by insupportable Injuries and Insolence, they wrought with their Officers to accept of Quarters elsewhere, at a Town call'd Sicca, whither they march'd them, receiving a certain Sum for their pre­sent Subsistance, till their Pretentions should be adjusted, and the whole Army transported; but upon their resolving to leave their Fa­milies, and their Equipage, as they had done heretofore, behind them in the City, in ex­pectation speedily to return to receive their Pay; the Carthaginians, fearing, that after so long an absence, it would be hard to keep some from remaining behind, and others from returning back out of love to their Rela­tions, by which means, the Relief they de­sign'd to the City, by their departure, would be without effect; they therefore prevail'd with them, to march with Bag and Baggage. And now when the whole Army was got in­to Sicca, and began to relish the Pleasure of Repose, whereof, for a long time they had not tasted, Idleness soon begat Liberty and Neglect of Discipline; Evils commonly inci­dent to Soldiers without Imployment; and, in short, the cause, for the most part, of all [Page 122]Mutinies and Disorders. They therefore began to be very clamorous for their Pay, ex­alting their Merits much above their due; and altho' their Claim was unreasonable, yet they determin'd among themselves to abate nothing of their Demands. Furthermore, calling to mind, the many Promises their Officers had made them of Largesses and Re­wards, for the well-performance of their Du­ty in the many perillous Conflicts wherein they had been engag'd, they rais'd their Expectations yet higher, and with a covetous Impatience, attended the Issue of their Pre­tensions. When the Army, as we said, was arriv'd, and all receiv'd into Sicca, Hanno, who at that time was chief Magistrate in Carthage, was dispatch'd to them, who not only did not answer their Demands, but came even short in his Propositions of what they had already promis'd, remonstrating to them the Poverty of the State, and the heavy Tributes the Country was already under, and therefore labour'd to perswade them to be satisfy'd with, and take for good Payment, a part only of what appear'd due to them; which Proposition was not only rejected, but answer'd with a present Insurrection of the Soldiers; sometimes the several Nations mutining a-part, sometimes joining in a ge­neral Sedition, all running to their Arms; and in regard they were of different Coun­tries and Languages, not understood by one [Page 123]another, the Disorder was thereby greatly in­creas'd, and nothing but Trouble and Tumult was seen in the Camp. In short, the Cartha­ginians, whose Militia is for the most part compos'd of Mercenary Troops, have their Policy of forming them out of divers Nations, believing it hard to conceive a general Conspi­racy or Sedition, in an Army, where the Soldiers are of different Languages and Man­ners, and by that means, likewise, that Soldiers are preserv'd in better Obedience to their Su­periors. But if it arrive once to a general De­fection, and that the Sedition spreads through­out the Army, the Disease then becomes in­curable, it being impossible to reduce them to their Duty; and the Instance now before us, convinc'd the Carthaginians of the Defect of their Politicks in that Custom. For when­soever it happens, that Armies so compos'd, conceive a general Distast or Hatred, the Ef­fects extend beyond the common measures of Outrage and Inhumanity, and Men exceed, in savage Cruelty, wild Beasts themselves. This Calamity, then, befel the Carthagini­ans, whose Army consisted of Spaniards, Gauls, Lygurians, Baleareans and Greeks; a­mong whom were many fugitive Slaves, who were most of them Africans; so that it was impossible to speak to them all at once, or in one place; or, indeed, to contrive any means to do it; for one Officer alone could not per­form it, tho' he were qualify'd to speak in [Page 124]all their Languages; it would have been likewise equally difficult to assemble and speak to them at one and the same time by different Interpreters, who would never be able to render the same Sence equally in­telligible to four or five different Nations at once. Their best course, then, was to in­struct the Commanders, to deal with, and harangue their several Troops, when they had any thing to command or perswade the Soldiers. Hanno, accordingly gave out his Orders to them as he was able; while those who were to execute them, had themselves, but an imperfect understanding of what was order'd; others, tho' they understood what was directed them to say, yet reported quite the contrary to the Soldiers; so that, what through Ignorance, what through Treache­ry, Distrusts and Jealousies daily increas'd, the Soldiers Complaints not duly heard, and the Conspiracy and Disaffection grew strong­er and stronger. The Army thought them­selves outrag'd, that instead of sending to them Officers, under whom they had serv'd in Sicily, who knew their Merits, and who had so often assur'd them of Rewards; the Carthaginians had sent them one, who knew them not, and had no manner of knowledge of their Services. In short, as they slighted and contemn'd Hanno, so they began to di­strust their own Officers; and thus inrag'd as they were, with their Arms in their hands, [Page 125]they march'd Twenty Thousand of them to­wards Carthage, and incamp'd near Tunes, about Fiften Miles from the City.

And now the Carthaginians became con­vinc'd of their Weakness, when it was too late, and no present Remedy could be had; for it was a mighty Fault in them to permit such a Body of Strangers to Assemble all in one Place, while at the same time they well knew, that in case any Disorder should arise, they had not Strength sufficient at home to appear in their own Defence. Another great Error they committed, in permitting their Wives, Children, and their Equipage to go out of the City, which, like so many Hosta­ges, would have serv'd, not only to have pre­serv'd them in their Duty, but would have gone far towards composing the Differences that were arisen between them. In a word, the Carthaginians affrighted to behold such an Army, as one may say, of Enemies at their Gates, labour'd all they could to win them to Obedience and good Order. They sent them supplies of Provision, which they bought at their own Rates; they dispatch'd Deputies to them likewise out of the Body of the Senate, who assur'd them of all they should demand, that was in the Power of the State to perform: But these Mutineers sound something new to require every day, and the Fear they perceiv'd the Carthaginians to be in, added to their Insolence; who ha­ving [Page 126]serv'd against the Romans in Sicily, they took for granted that neither the Carthagini­ans, nor any other People whatsoever, would have Courage to oppose them, or offer them Battel in the Field. No sooner therefore had they adjusted their Demands of Pay, but they proceeded to further Exactions; they requir'd payment for the Horses they had lost in the Service; when that was agreed to, they de­manded payment for the Corn that had been deliver'd them short of their Allowance for many Years past, and they would be paid too at the Rate that it had at any time been sold at, in the utmost Extremity of the War. In brief, as there were many Mutinous and Seditious Persons in the Army, so those pro­pagated new Exorbitances, and every day found fresh occasion of Complaint, and pre­vented their Agreement by impossible Pro­posals. Nevertheless the Carthaginians were resolv'd to agree to every thing, and now the Mutiny began to be appeas'd, when they understood that an Officer should be sent them under whom they had serv'd in Sicily, who should have Power to Agree and Adjust with them all their Pretences. They were not pleas'd with Hamilcar Barcas, under whom they had born Arms, believing he had been the occasion of the ill Treatment they had found, because he never came near them; and they believ'd too, that he had quitted his Command of his own Motion. On the [Page 127]other hand they had an Affection to Gesco, who had likewise commanded them in Sicily, and who had appear'd their Friend and Advo­cate in many Occasions, especially in the mat­ter of their Transportation, so they deter­min'd to chuse him as Arbitrator in the Mat­ters depending. He therefore embarks, ta­king Money with him, and upon his Arrival at Tunes, first calls an Assembly of their Prin­cipal Officers, and then he Summons them separately, Nation by Nation. Where, af­ter he had gently reprov'd them for their past Behaviour, he Remonstrates to them the present State of Affairs, and above all la­bours to perswade them to continue their Affection and Duty to a Government under which they had so long Serv'd, and taken Pay; and, in short, exhorted them to be con­tent with the Remainder of their Pay as it appear'd due. Among the Mutineers there happen'd to be one Spendius a Campanian, who had been a Slave to the Romans, and had harbour'd himself among the Carthagini­ans: He was strong of Body, and in all occa­sions of Danger very forward; this Fellow, fearing to fall into the hands of his Master, for by the Custom of Rome his Fault was punish'd with Death; labour'd both with Words and Actions, to trouble and perplex the Treaty they were upon; and to hinder by all means possible their Agreement with the Carthaginians. Another there was, [Page 128]whose Name was Matho, who was an Afri­can, of free condition, and a Soldier among them, having been an active Stirrer in this Conspiracy, and out of fear of Punishment, join'd with Spendius to obstruct the Accomo­dation, possessing the Africans, That as soon as the Strangers should be paid, and dis­patch'd to their Country, it would be their lot to Pay for all, and that the Carthaginians would take such Revenge on them, for the Injuries which had been done them, that all Africa should tremble at it. The Soldiers grew hereupon inrag'd a-new, and in regard they were not likely to receive of Gesco any other Satisfaction than their Arrears of Pay; what was due for their Horses and Bread, being respited to another time, they there­fore took thence occasion of fresh Disorders, and assembled in the publick Meeting-place in a mutinous manner. To Spendius and Matho they lent a willing Ear, who rail'd both against Gesco and the Carthaginians, and if any one presum'd to offer them temperate Counsel, he was forthwith ston'd to Death, even before it could be understood what the Purport of his Discourse was, whether for or against Spendius, and now great slaughter was made both of People of publick and pri­vate Condition, and nothing was heard du­ring the Tumult, but, Kill, kill; and what greatly augmented the Rage of those People, was the excess of Wine they had drunk, ha­ving [Page 129]newly risen from their Repast. So that the word Kill resounding suddenly through­out the Camp, there was no escaping for any one against whom they conceiv'd any distrust or distaste. In a Word, there being now none who presum'd to open his Mouth to divert their Determinations, they chose Spendius and Matho for their Leaders and Commanders in Chief.

Gesco was not without a due Sence of the Danger he was in among these People, but he let that Consideration give place to the Du­ty he ow'd his Country; he fore-saw that if this Mutiny once came to a head, the Com­monwealth would be driven to great straits, to prevent which, he was willing to be ex­pos'd to any hazard. He therefore with great Constancy of Mind pursu'd his Purpose of reducing them to their Duty by all means possible: Sometimes he treated with their Officers, sometimes with the sundry Nations apart; but now being in present want of Bread in the Camp, they impatiently de­manded it of Gesco; he, as it chanc'd, in a sort of Contempt, to reprove their Insolence, bad them go to Matho their Captain; this put all in a Flame, so that without any fur­ther delay or respect, they seize on the Mo­ney that was brought, and lay ready told in order to their Payment, and arrested Gesco, and all the Carthaginians who accompany'd him.

And now Matho and Spendius conceiving the only way to put matters past Accommo­dation, and to come to open Hostility, was to ingage the Soldiers in some such violent Action, as should be a manifest breach of their Duty, and a violation of the Treaty they were upon. Wherefore they fomented with all their Art and Industry, this Auda­cious Proceeding of the Multitude; who now had not only seiz'd on the Carthaginians Money and their Baggage, but laying vio­lent hands on Gesco and his Followers, com­mitted them to Prison, loading them with Irons, and then most impiously conspir'd, and, against the Law of Nations, declar'd War against the Carthaginians. This then was the Beginning and the Cause of the War with the Mercenaries, which was call'd the African War. After this, Matho dispatch'd Deputies to the Cities round about, exhorting them to think on their Liberty; to send him Succours; and to enter into a Confederacy with him. And now the several Heads of the Faction finding the Africans dispos'd to Revolt, and to shake off the Carthaginians Yoak; and that Supplies both of Men and Provisions were dispatch'd to them from al [...] Parts, they divided their Army into Two: One they sent against Ʋtica, and the other towards Hippona, which two Places had refus'd to join with them in their Defection from the Carthaginians.

The Custom of the Carthaginians had ever been to Sustain themselves out of the Fruits and Growth of the Country, and the greatest part of their Treasure and Income, where­with they defray'd their Wars, and made their Military Preparations, arose out of their Revenues in Africa. But their Armies in all their Expeditions were ever compos'd of Strangers, by which means it will appear, and by what we have related, that all things conspir'd at once to their Damage, and what had been their Support, converted to their Disadvantage, so that from Consternation they fell to Despair; for so great was their Surprize, that nothing could possibly have befaln them so remote from their Expectation. For after the War of Sicily, which had consum'd their Treasure, (being now assur'd of Peace) they promis'd themselves a breathing Space of Tranquility; and took for granted, their Condition would be at least Supportable. But those Hopes soon vanish'd, and were chang'd into the sad Prospect of a War more cruel and dangerous. Their Contest with the Romans, was for the Dominion of Sicily only; now they were to Fight for their own proper Safety, and the Preservation of the Commonwealth; and all this without any Stores of War, Armies or Fleets, or any Provision towards it; after so many Unfor­tunate Conflicts wherein they had been en­gag'd. Furthermore, they were without [Page 132]either Money, or hopes of Friends to whom they might have recourse for Succour. And here they came to perceive the difference be­twixt a Foreign and remote War, beyond the Seas; and Civil Dissension at their own Doors.

In short, this People were of themselves the Authors of their own Calamities; for du­ring the first War, with what grievous Ti­ranny did they oppress the poor Africans, thinking they savour'd them, by exacting from them but the one half of their Income, continuing the same Levies upon their Towns and Cities in time of Peace, as were drawn from them to carry on the War; and this was extorted with that rigour that the poorest Subject was not exempted. And whenso­ever they were to elect new Magistrates for the Provinces, the Choice never fell on those who were likely to Govern the People with Lenity and Moderation, but on such whose Rigour promis'd them the greatest Fruits of their Oppression, by draining them of their Money to furnish out their Fleets and their Armies; and, in a word, to Minister to the Ambition of the Republick; among whom Hanno was a principal Minister. All this consider'd, the Africans were not likely to be backward to Rebel; to whom the bare Report only of what was transacting was sufficient to engage them. The Women themselves, who had so often seen their Fa­thers [Page 133]and Husbands dragg'd to Prison by the Tax-gatherers, were in every Town active in promoting the Revolt, combining among themselves to refuse nothing that could be compass'd to carry on the War, sparing nei­ther their Ornaments, nor precious Movea­bles to raise Pay for the Armies: Insomuch that Matho and Spendius were so plentifully supply'd with Mony, that they had not only sufficient to Pay the Arrears that were due, which they had assur'd them of, the better to ingage them to their Purpose: but were inabled to sustain the Expence and growing Charge of the Army. For Wise Officers extend their Prospect beyond the present Occasion. And now, notwithstanding the Carthaginians were heavily oppress'd by these Misfortunes, they ommitted not however to provide the best Means for their Defence. The Conduct of the War they gave to Han­no, of whose Service they had heretofore made use, in the Conquest of that part of their Dominions lying about Hecatompolis. They levy'd Soldiers likewise, from all Parts, and commanded all their Citizens, who were able to bear Arms, to be Muster'd, they exercis'd the Horse also that belong'd to the City, and repair'd their decay'd Ships, and order'd the Building of new ones. In the mean time Matho and Spendius, who had (Seventy Thousand Africans in their Army) besieg'd Ʋtica and Hippona at one [Page 134]and the same time; being without any Ap­prehension of the Enemy; for they kept Guard in their Camp near Tunes, by which means the Carthaginians were debarr'd all Commerce and Communication with Africa. For Carthage is situate on a Peninsula which runs far out into the Sea, and is bounded by that on the one side, and the other by Marish and unpassable Grounds; so that the Isthmus that joins it to the Continent, is not three Miles broad; Ʋtica stands not far from that Part of Carthage which regards the Sea, and Tunes on the side of the Marish Ground: So that the Enemy being incamp'd in those two Places, did in effect not only block up the Carthaginians from the Continent, but even alarm'd the City itself, marching sometimes by Night, some times by Day, to their very Walls; filling the Inhabitants with great Fear and Disorder. Neverthelsss, Hanno omitted no part of his Charge, making all Provision possible for the War, wherein he was very capable, being well practis'd in Affairs of that Nature, but he was found no able Soldier, whensoever he march'd against the Enemy; for he knew not how to im­prove Occasions of Advantage, and not only manifested his Want of Judgment, but of Courage, too when it came to the Tryal. For marching to the Relief of Ʋtica, when he had terrify'd and disorder'd the Enemy by the help of his Elephants, whereof he had an [Page 135]Hundred in his Army, and Victory had al­ready declar'd for him; yet through his De­fault, not only the Army, but the Town it self, was in great hazard of being lost; for having brought from Carthage all sorts of Ma­chines, Engines, and Equipage of War, pro­per for the Attack of Towns, and incamp­ing near Ʋtica, he assaulted the Enemies Works, who, not able to stand the Force of the Elephants, were forc'd to quit their Camp. Many were slain by those Animals, and such as escap'd, retir'd to a neighbouring Mountain for Safety, which being strong by Situation, and over-grown with Wood, they thought themselves there secure enough. While Hanno, who had been accustom'd to make War with the Africans and Numidi­ans, who, upon any Defeat, are wont to Re­treat as far from Danger as they are able, often slying for Two or Three Days together: thought himself secure of the Victory, and that the Enemy had been totally defeated, insomuch that he neglected the Guard of his Camp, left his Soldiers at Liberty, and re­tiring into the Town, there made good Cheer and thought of nothing but his Ease. In the mean time the Enemy, who had been well train'd in War, and had learn'd of their Leader Hamilcar in Sicily, how to sustain such Shocks and Rencounters, laid hold on this occasion; for being us'd to fly before an Enemy, and to Face again, and Attack in [Page 136]one and the same Day those who had pursu'd them; and receiving Intelligence that Hanno was retir'd into the Town, and that the Soldiers, confident of their Victory, neg­lected their Duty in Guarding the Camp; they march'd forthwith down, and attack'd their Retrenchments, kill'd a great number, and constrain'd the rest shamefully to Retreat into the Town; taking all their Baggage, Engines, and Equipage of War. Nor was this the only Occasion wherein Hanno had given Marks of his Insufficiency; for this Di­saster was follow'd by another, soon after, near a Town call'd Gorza: For, notwith­standing he lay incamp'd in the Face of the Enemy, and had it in his power totally to have subdu'd them; after having twice worsted them in Battel, nevertheless, by his Imprudence, the Opportunity was lost.

Wherefore the Carthaginians, dissatisfy'd with the Conduct of Hanno, gave the Com­mand of their Army once again to Hamilcar Barcas and dispatch'd him to the Field with Seventy Elephants, and all the Forreigners they could get together, with the Militia of the City, both Horse and Foot; amounting in all to about ten thousand Men. With this Army he marched against the Enemy, whom he surpris'd in such manner, that they were constrain'd to remove their Camp, and raise their Siege from before Ʋtica; for which Action alone he was judg'd worthy of the [Page 137]great Character he had obtain'd in the World, and confirm'd the Hopes they had conceiv'd of his Success; and here we have an occasion to make recital of his Adventures during this Expedition.

On the narrow, or slip of Land, and that joins Carthage to the Continent, stand two Moun­tains, almost inaccessible on the side that looks towards the Country; in those two Mountains there are two Ways or Passes made by Art, which lead into the Champaign. These Mountains were posses'd by Matho, who had plac'd Guards in every needful place. Furthermore, the River Macar hin­ders all passage from Carthage into the Coun­try on that side, which is so deep, as to be no where fordable; over which River there is but one Bridge, near which there stands a Village, which Matho possess'd likewise, and guarded with great Vigilance; by this means, not only an Army could not pass, but even a single Man could hardly get passage undis­cover'd of the Enemy: This was well con­sider'd by Hamilcar, who, having a watchful Eye every-where, lights, at length, on a Stratagem which afforded him the only means to get his Passage. He had remark'd, that upon the blowing of certain Winds, the Mouth of the River us'd to be choak'd up with Sand, which was wont to bank up in nature of a Bar, and afforded a kind of wa­tery Passage over the River; he therefore [Page 138]march'd his Army to the River's Mouth, where he halted, without communicating the reason to any Body, till those favourable Winds, we mention'd, should blow; which no sooner happen'd, but he marcheth his Ar­my, by Night, over the River; without giving the least Suspicion to the Enemy: This Action (wherein he perform'd great Service, and thought to be impossible) was matter of great Astonishment, both to the Carthaginians and the Enemy; and now Ha­milcar gets into the Plains, and marcheth to­wards those that guarded the Bridge. Spen­dius receiving Advice of what had pass'd, gets before him, and marches on the one side with a Body of above Ten Thousand Men, which he drew out of the Town near the Bridge; and on the other were at least Fif­teen Thousand, which he order'd from the Camp before Ʋtica, with purpose, by that manner of proceeding, to surround and hem Hamilcar's Army in; under which hopes, the Soldiers became so attentive, that they punctually obey'd the Orders they receiv'd, and mutually animated each other to do their Duty as they ought. In the mean time, Ha­milcar advances with the Elephants in his Front, then the Cavalry, with the light arm'd Foot, and those who carry'd Bucklers, in the Rear. But when he observ'd the Enemy to approach with Precipitation, and, as it were, without any Order, he presently chang­ed [Page 139]the Order of his Battel, commanding those who were in the Rear to advance to the Front; who marching with a compass, be­came opposs'd in Battel to the Enemy; who taking those Motions to be an effect of Fear, and a sort of Retreat, attack'd them with great Resolution, tho' without any Order. But Hamilcar's Horse were no sooner ad­vanc'd, and those who follow'd them boldly sustaining them; and altogether coming to the Charge, when the Enemy who came in confusion, and in haste, began to fear; find­ing, so contrary to their Opinion, the Resist­ance that was made; which not being able to endure they soon betook themselves to flight, one of their Parties encountring with another of their own, which was coming to their Relief, took them for Enemies in the Fright, and ingaging, defeated one the other; most of the rest were destroy'd by the Horse and the Elephants. In this Conflict there dy'd of the Africans near Six Thousand Men, and about Two Thousand were taken Prisoners; the Remainder, some got into the Town near the Bridge, and some into the Camp before Ʋtica. After the Victory, Ha­milcar pursues the Straglers every-where, ta­king the Town by the Bridge which the E­nemy had abandon'd, and retir'd to Tunes; and forraging the Country round about, some Towns yielding to him out of Fear, others were reduc'd by force; by which means [Page 140]having, in a good degree recover'd the Car­thaginians form the Fear they were under, be­ing almost at the point of Despair; he gave them new Courage, and lent them more As­surance in danger.

In the mean time, Matho, who continu'd the Siege of Hippona, advis'd Spendius and Autaritus, who was Chief among the Gauls, to be careful not to lose sight of the Enemy, but to take care, however, not to be surpris'd in the Champion Country, by reason of Ha­milcar's Superiour Strength in Horse and Ele­phants, but to keep the skirts of the Hills, and to march and incamp as near the Enemy as they could, and to take the advantage of attacking them, when they should perceive them at any time incumber'd or molested in their March; but while he gave them this Counsel, he forgot not to solicit the Numidi­ans and Africans for Succours, and to incite them to make use of the present Occasion to recover their Liberty. So Spendius made choice of Six Thousand Men, out of the se­veral Nations that were incamp'd at Tunes, to march, and attend the Motions of the Car­thaginians, wheresoever they went; keep­ing, as he was advis'd, the Foot of the Mountains. He took likewise with him, the Horse of Autaritus amounting to Two Thousand Gauls, (all the rest of that Nation, who had serv'd at Erix under Autaritus, ha­ving taken Pay with the Romans.) And while [Page 141] Hamilcar was incamp'd in a Plain, surround­ed on all sides with Hills, Spendius receives Succours both of Africans and Numidians, and resolves to attack the Carthaginians, by surrounding them, appointing the Numidi­ans to ingage in the Rear, the Africans in the Front, resolving himself to fall on their Flank. The Carthaginians were hereby reduc'd to very great straits, looking on the Danger to be almost inevitable. But it happen'd that at this time there was a certain Numidian in the Enemies Army, call'd Naravasus, a Man of Account both for Nobility and Courage: He had heretofore been of the Carthaginian Party, on the account of the Friendship that had been between them and his Father; and now charm'd by the Vertue and Fame of Ha­milcar, he was resolv'd to renew old Kind­ness; and conceiving this a proper occasion to put his Purpose in effect, he determin'd to find out Hamilcar, and contract this new-de­sign'd Friendship with him: Accordingly he advanceth towards their Camp, attended on­ly with about an Hundred Numidians; and coming near their Lines, he there halts, and with a noble Assurance, makes a Sign with his Hand, that he had something to commu­nicate with them. Hamilcar, not a little wondring at the Hardiness of the Action, sent a Horse-man out to him, to whom Nara­vasus reply'd, He had something to say to the General; but in regard the Carthaginians [Page 142]shew'd some Diffidence to trust him, Narava­sus forthwith dismounts; and giving his Horse and Arms to his Guard; in that man­ner, naked and disarm'd, with a gallant Boldness, adventures into Hamilcar's Trench­es. Every body wonder'd at the Bravery of the Man, but receiv'd him amicably, and freely discours'd with him; and being con­ducted to Hamilcar, he told him, He wanted not good Inclinations for the Carthaginians in general; but his Ambition was principally to ingage in a Friendship with him, which was the Motive that brought him; which, if he approv'd, he should find him for the future, a faithful Friend, whether it were for Coun­sel or Action. This Discourse of Naravasus, and the Action it self, perform'd with so frank a Boldness, fill'd Barcas with unspeak­able Joy, insomuch, that without the least shew of Distrust, he embrac'd the Offer; and not only made him his Confident in his most secret Negotiations, and his Companion in all his Enterprizes; but to purchase his Fide­lity to the Carthaginians, he promis'd him his Daughter to Wife. And when the Con­ference and Treaty was ended, Naravasus joins Hamilcar with a Body of Two Thousand Numidians, with which Re-inforcement he offers the Enemy Battel. Spendius likewise, on his part, being strengthen'd by the Afri­cans, marches against him, where the Battel was obstinately fought. The Victory was [Page 143]long in suspence, but Hamilcar, in the end, had the Day, whose Elephants did great Service, and Naravasus signaliz'd himself above all others. Spendius and Autaritus es­cap'd by Flight, about Ten Thousand of their Men being slain, and Four Thousand taken Prisoners. After the Battel, Hamilcar releas'd all the Prisoners that were willing to take Pay in the Army, and arm'd them with the Spoils of the Dead. As to those that were not willing to serve, he assembl'd them together, and there told them, That he free­ly Pardon'd and Remited their Fault for that time, and gave them their Liberty, leaving every one to his own Course; with this Cau­tion only, That if ever they were taken in Arms against the Carthaginians, they were to expect no Mercy. During these Transa­ctions, the Mercenaries that were in Garison in Sardinia mutiny'd likewise, after the Ex­ample of Matho and Spendius; and having shut up Bostar their Commander in chief, in the Citadel, they, at length, murther'd both him and all the Carthaginians with him. Whereupon the Republick sent a Re-inforce­ment of more Troops, under the Command of one Hanno, whose Soldiers likewise aban­don'd him on their arrival, and join'd with the Rebels; and at the same time seiz'd on their Leader, and crucify'd him. They like­wise barbarously murther'd all the Carthagi­nians they could find in the Island; and ma­king [Page 144]themselves Masters of the strong Places, kept them in possession, and domi­neer'd till a Dissention happen'd between them and the Natives, who prevailing, chas'd them into Italy; so that Sardinia became by this means, entirely lost to the Carthaginians: An Island very considerable, as well by it's Greatness, and the number of the Inhabitants, as for the Fruits and Product of the Country. But in regard many have already largely des­crib'd it, I thought it unnecessary to say more on a Subject so well known, it being but so much time lost, to say over again what others have said before me.

And now Matho, Spendius, and Autaritus foreseeing, that the Clemency which Ha­milcar exercis'd towards the Prisoners, was like to have but an ill Effect on their Affairs; and fearing least the Africans, and their other Troops, in Prospect of Pardon, should desert them, and go over to the other Army, they resolv'd to commit some new Act of Villany; such as should put them past all hopes of In­demnity with the Carthaginians. So they assembled all the Army to a certain place, and while they were there, a Messenger purposely arriv'd with pretended Letters from those who had follow'd their steps in Sardinia, which Letters contain'd strict Injunctions to them, to be careful in guarding Gesco, and the rest of the Prisoners (who, as we have al­ready noted, were treacherously imprison'd [Page 145]at the Treaty of Tunes) inasmuch as there were some in the Army, who had undertaken to the Carthaginians to deliver them up. Spendius here takes occasion to admonish them, not to rely on the specious Humanity which Hamilcar seem'd to show to those who had fallen into his Hands; that it was the least of his Purpose to spare them, but by a feign'd Clemency, hop'd to draw the rest to Submission; to the End, that having them once at his Mercy, he might make one Ex­ample of Punishment for all; should they be insnar'd by those Allurements. He further proceeded to Counsel them, to take care not to be out-witted, and, neglecting their Duty, permit Gesco to escape; who being a princi­pal Leader, and in great Authority, would prove one of their most dangerous Enemies. Spendius had hardly ended his Discourse, when a second Courier arrives, pretending to come from the Camp near Tunes, who brings Letters pressing the same matter that was contain'd in the others.

Upon this Autaritus applies to the Assem­bly, to whom he remonstrates, that their Safety and Success consisted purely in re­nouncing all those hopes of Pardon, to which the Carthaginians labour'd to perswade them; and that he, whoever he was, that should suggest any Assurance in the Carthaginian Clemency, should forfeit his Fidelity, and was no more to be trusted. He advis'd them, [Page 146]therefore, to be guided by, and give credit to those who knew best how the Carthginians would deal with them, and to hold them for Traitors and Enemies, who should attempt to perswade the contrary. When he had ended his Discourse, he gave his Opinion that they ought to put Gesco to Death; and not only those who were with him, but all such others as had fallen into their Hands since the War. This Autaritus was a very popular Man in the Army, and prevail'd much in their Assemblies; he was, moreover, perfect in the Carthaginian Tongue by reason of his long Commerce among them, as were many others under his Command; who, in their common Conversation, seldom spake in any other Language. This Officer was therefore listen'd to with general Applause, and the Assembly was unanimously prevail'd with, to consent to his Proposition. Howbeit, there were some of every Nation, who join'd in their common Request, That, in regard of the many Benefits they had receiv'd at the Hands of Gesco, he might have the Favour only to suffer Death, without putting him to Tor­ment; but in regard their Discourse was con­fus'd and in several Languages, it was not understood what they demanded; and now it being known what was determin'd, one of those there present demanded aloud, That they should forthwith execute the Sentence; whereupon immediately all the Carthagi­nian [Page 147]Prisoners that were at hand, were ston'd to Death, who some time after were buried by their Relations, as if they had been kill'd and torn by wild Beasts. Then Spen­dius order'd Gesco to be brought forth out of the Camp, together with the other Prisoners that were with him, to the number of Seven­ty Persons; and being led some distance off, they first cut off their Hands, beginning with Gesco, whom just before they had own'd for their Benefactor, and whom they had made Choice of to be Umpire of their Differences, then by degrees they Dismember'd them, and after they had cut off their Legs, they threw them yet alive into a Ditch. The Car­thaginians, upon receiving Intelligence of this Savage Piece of Cruelty, justly deplor'd the Calamities of those Miserable People, and sent to Hamilcar and Hanno, who was the other General, exhorting them to lay the Distresses of the Commonwealth to Heart, and to do their utmost to revenge the Death of their Fellow-citizens, by the Destruction of their Murderers. Heralds were likewise dispatch'd to the Enemy to demand the Bo­dies of the Dead, who were so far from de­delivering them, that they advis'd them to send no more Messengers or Ambassadours, assuring them that the first who came should share the Fate of Gesco. In a word, they now agreed to Treat all the Carthaginians that should for the Future fall into their [Page 148]Hands, with the like Inhumanity, and such of their Allies as should be taken, they would cut off their Hands, and so send them back to Carthage; which cruel Determination they afterwards rigorously executed. Certainly, whosoever shall weigh things rightly, will conclude, that as there are Maladies and Ulcers in Human Bodies, that may arrive to such a head of Malignity as to be past all Cure; so the Spirits and Minds of Men are obnoxious to the like Distempers. In short, there are Sores and Biles in our Bodies which will fester under the use of proper Remedies, and yet if Applications are neglected, they spread and prey upon the part affected, and as they grow in Malignity, come at length to consume the whole Body; not unlike to these, there often happens to grow Diseases in the Mind, which arrive at such Inveteracy, that one may with Justice conclude, Savage Beasts themselves come short of them in Rage and Cruelty. Such as these if you treat them with Humanity, grow into greater Jealousie, and confide in you less than before, interpreting your Lenity an effect of Art and Cunning, and become thereby most inrag'd with those who discover the greatest Inclina­tion to Clemency. If on the other Hand, you resent their Barbarities, and pay them in their own Coin, they then make Ostenta­tion of their Wickedness, and there is no Crime or Inhumanity, how impious or abo­minable [Page 149]soever, that they will scruple at, till at length they cease to be Men, and are Metamorphos'd into Savage Beasts. And though it cannot be gainsaid, but this Imper­fection of the Mind grows out of ill Manners and bad Education; nevertheless, there are other Causes that minister to the Growth of this Evil, whereof the greatest are the Inju­ries and Avarice of Magistrates and Men in Authority, whereof we have a bloody Ex­ample now before us; the truth of which was made manifest as well in the Soldiers as their Officers.

Hamilcar greatly provok'd at these Barba­rities, order'd Hanno to join him, conclud­ing, that by uniting all their Troops into one Body, they should soon put a Period to the War. And now, contrary to his Custom, he put all of the Enemy to death, who fell into his hands; and if at any time Prisoners were brought into the Army, he ordered them without Mercy to be devoured of wild Beasts; being at length convinc'd that the only Re­medy to the Evils under which they suffer'd, was, to extend no Compassion to the Offen­ders; but, to diminish and utterly destroy them, by all means possible. But, while the Carthaginians were in these fair hopes; when Success every-where attended their Arms, and they had reason to expect a favourable Issue of the War, behold a Caprice of For­tune, who changing Face, turn'd the Tide [Page 150]of their Affairs. The two Generals had no sooner united their Armies, but they fell at Difference between themselves, which bred such evil Effects, that by that means, not only many fair Occasions were lost of molest­ing the Enemy, but Opportunities given to them, to damnifie the Carthaginians; which being observ'd and weigh'd by the State; one of them was directed to quit his Command; and who should remain in Authority, to be left to the Election of the Army. Another Misfortune, likewise, befel them; about that time, a Convoy of theirs coming from a City call'd Emporium, wherein they had great Reliance for Supplies, as well of Pro­visions, as other Stores for the Army, was lost by Tempest at Sea. As to Sardinia, which had ever yielded them great Relief in their straits; that, as we have already noted, was totally lost. But, to fill the Measure of their Adversity, the two Cities of Hippona and Ʋtica, who alone, of all the Towns of Afri­ca, had, till that time, preserv'd their Fide­lity, and not only during this War, but in the time of Agathocles, and even when the Romans made their Descent on Africa, had continu'd faithful, and never manifested the least Inclination of Revolt, now abandon'd them; and were not content, barely to take part with the Africans, without any apparent Motive, but link'd themselves, to their For­tunes, in a League of fast Friendship and [Page 151]Alliance; and grew into mortal Hatred a­gainst the Carthaginians; which they wit­ness'd by Murdering five Hundred of their Soldiers, with their Officers, who were sent to their Relief, after they had receiv'd them into their Towns, and afterwards cast their dead Bodies over the Walls: In short, those two Places gave themselves up entirely to the Africans, expressing so great an Aver­sion to the Carthaginians, that when they sent Ambassadours to them for leave to Bury their Dead, they refus'd them. So that now, Matho and Spendius, exalted with the Ac­cession of so much good Fortune, form'd a Design of laying Siege to Carthage it self.

During these things, the Carthaginians dis­patch'd Hannibal to the Army, after they had maturely deliberated about the matter of Difference that had happen'd between the two Generals, and had declar'd it was ex­pedient that Hanno should relinquish his Au­thority. Then Hamilcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus, made Inroads into the Coun­try, and cut off all the Enemies means of Susistance, in which Service Naravasus was eminently useful, as he did in every thing greatly serve them: And this was the State of their Troops that kept the Field.

In the mean time, Carthage itself being block'd up and inclos'd on all sides, they were driven to have recourse for Succours [Page 152]to their Friends and Confederates; Hiero King of Siracuse, who was their fast Friend, and having diligently suppli'd them with whatever they demanded, during the whole War, gave them now in their greatest Straits, the best Evidence of his Friend­ship; and this he wisely saw, to be his safest Course, as conducing to the better Support of his Power in Sicily, and the Conservati­on of his Alliance with the People of Rome, foreseeing, that if Carthage were not pre­serv'd in a State to give them Jealousie, it might be his Lot one Day, to lye at their Mercy, without any Prospect of Re­dress.

Herein, I say, Hiero did, without questi­on, proceed like a prudent Prince, it being in no wise safe, to let a little Mischief grow to a head; but, to prevent, by all means pos­sible, the exorbitant Increase of a Neighbour­ing Prince's Power; lest, when it shall be too late, you find it past your Ability to with­stand him, when your own proper Interest shall come to be Contested. On the other hand, the Romans, pursuant to the Treaty of Peace, were not wanting in any thing to the Carthaginians; though there soon hap­pen'd a Difference between those two States. In brief, the Carthaginians, at the beginning of this War, had seiz'd and made Prize of all Vessels that traded from Italy, to the Coast of Africa, who for Lucre suppli'd their Ene­mies [Page 153]with whatsoever they wanted. And now having in their Custody at least Five Hundred Prisoners of that Nation, the Ro­mans stomach'd it, and began to give evi­dence of their Indignation thereat. But, this Point was soon compos'd, for as soon as they signifi'd their Resentment by their Ambassa­dours, the Carthaginians restor'd the said Prisoners in so frank a Manner, that they on their side, not to be behind hand in Curtesie, forthwith enlarg'd without Ransom all the Carthaginian Prisoners, which yet remain'd of those who had been taken, during the Si­cilian War. Furthermore the Romans readi­ly granted them whatsoever Assistance they demanded; they permitted their Merchants to supply Carthage, with every thing they stood in need of, and Prohibited all manner of Commerce with their Enemies. More­over, they rejected the Overtures made by the Ambassadours of those who had revolted from the Carthaginians in Sardinia, and were in Possession of the Island, though they offer'd to put it into their hands; and to give far­ther Evidence of their Sincerity, they refus'd the Tender the People of Ʋtica made them, who would have freely given them their City; so that the Carthaginians, thus aided, bore the Hardships of the Siege the more chearfully. In the mean time Matho and Spendius both besiege, and are besieg'd, being reduc'd to so great straits for Provision, and [Page 154]all other Stores and Necessaries, by the good management of Hamilcar, that, in the end, they were constrain'd to rise from before the City, and selecting out Fifty Thousand of the choicest Men in their Armies, with whom there join'd a Man of note, call'd Zarxas, at the Head of his own People; with which Army they march'd to incounter the Enemy, and observe the Motions of Hamilcar; keep­ing, however the Skirts of the Hills, out of fear of the Elephants; and the Horse of Na­ravasus, still using their utmost Industry to keep Possession of those Fastnesses; and tho' in Courage and Hardiness they were equal to the Carthaginians, nevertheless they were worsted, and came by the loss in all their Rencounters, as being under worse Discipline, and led by Commanders inferior in Skill and Sufficiency: And it was here demonstrated, how much the Wisdom and Knowledge of a great General weighs against Strength and Number; for Hamilcar, like an Artful Game­ster, first draws them in to Pickeer, and in­gage in small Parties, and so by degrees, di­minish'd them; and whenever they came to a Battel, what by his Skill in laying and con­triving Ambushes, and otherwise, he cut off great numbers of them. Furthermore, he never permitted them to be at rest, but al­larm'd them Night and Day, and ever con­triv'd it when they least expected it: And such as fell alive into his Hands, he gave to [Page 155]be devour'd by wild Beasts. At length, sur­prising them in a place where they were greatly incommoded, and where he could lie at his ease, there he besieg'd them in their Camp, at a time when they thought them­selves most secure, where he so straiten'd them, and brought them to such Extremity, that they came both to want Resolution to give him Battel, and were without all possible means to get out of his Hands; to such Hard­ships were they driven, that they came to de­vour one another; an Instance of the Divine Justice, to chastise the Inhumanity they them­selves had practis'd. They were afraid to come to a Battel, knowing, that whosoever fell into their Enemies Hands, was sure to suffer Death by the most exquisite Torments; and they despair'd of any Terms by Treaty, conscious of the Guilt of so many abomina­ble Crimes; they therefore determin'd to abide the utmost Extremity, and to exercise that Cruelty, one among another which they had heretofore practis'd on their Neighbours, and so to attend the Arrival of those Succours, which they had been made to hope were com­ing to them from Tunes.

But when they had spent all their Priso­ners, with whose Bodies they had been su­stain'd, and their Slaves were likewise al­most consum'd in the like horrid Repast; and receiving no News from Tunes, and the Ar­my, subdu'd by the Sharpness of their Suf­ferings, [Page 156]beginning to look with an angry Eye on their Leaders; Spendius, Autaritas, and Zarxas began to form Designs of yielding themselves up, and so to enter upon Treaty with Hamilcar; whereupon, demanding, by a Trumpet, a Passport for Persons to be sent on a Treaty, they themselves, among others, went and put themselves into the Hands of the Carthaginians, to whom Hamilcar pro­pos'd the following Conditions: That the Carthaginians should make choice of Ten Per­sons out of the Enemies Army, of what Conditi­on soever, and that the rest of the Army should be disarm'd, and dismiss'd in their Shirts. These Conditions being agreed to, Hamilcar then declar'd, That, pursuant to the Articles of Agreement, he made choice of those there present; so the Number was compos'd of Autaritas, Spendius, and the rest of their chief Officers. But when the Army was given to understand, that their Commanders were detain'd, knowing nothing of the Agree­ment that was accorded between them, they took for granted, they had been betray'd. Whereupon, in a tumultuous manner, they ran to their Arms. But Hamilcar, being be­fore-hand with them, drew out his Ele­phants, and with them, and the rest of the Army surrounding them, fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, to the number of Forty Thousand. The place where this bloody Service was perform'd, was call'd Prion, [Page 157]which signifieth a Saw; forasmuch as it bore resemblance to that kind of Instru­ment.

After this famous Defeat of their Enemies, the Carthaginians, who were driven almost to Despair, began to take Heart, while Ha­milcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus forrag'd and scour'd the Country; and the News of the Victory being dispers'd, dispos'd many of the Africans to come into the Carthaginian Army; and most of the Towns round about to return to their Obedience. After this, they take their March towards Tunes, where they besieg'd Matho. Hannibal's Quarter was on that part that regards Carthage, and Hamil­car's on the opposite side; As soon as their Ar­my was incamp'd, they led out Spendius and the rest of the Prisoners; and bringing them near the Walls of the Town, they there cru­cify'd them in view of the Enemy. But Ma­tho having observ'd, that Hannibal did not keep so good a Guard in his Camp as he ought, sally'd out, and attack'd his Quarters; where killing many of his People, he put the rest to flight, pillag'd his Camp; and taking Hannibal himself Prisoner, forthwith order'd Spendius to be taken from the Cross, and Hannibal to be six'd alive in his place, where he executed him with unspeakable Torments; then they chose out Thirty Carthaginian Pri­soners, of the Noblest they could find; and placing them about the Body of Spendius, put [Page 158]them to death; as if Fortune had made a Compact with these two People, to give them Occasions of thus mutually exercising their Cruelty one on the other. Hamilcar's Post was so remote from Hannibal's, that the matter was past remedy, before he knew any thing of it; and tho' he should have receiv'd earlier Notice, the Difficulty of the Ground and Situation of the Place would have afford­ed him but little hopes to relieve them. Whereupon he decamp'd from where he was, and came and posted himself along the Sea-side, near the Mouth of the River Macheta.

The Carthaginians, affrighted at this un­look'd for Loss, began to fall from their late Hopes; nevertheless, they omitted nothing that might evidence their Care for the Pub­lick. Wherefore they dispatch'd Thirty of the Body of their Senate, together with Han­no, who had already commanded in this War, to Hamilcar; furthermore, they sup­ply'd him with a Re-inforcement to his Ar­my, with all they could pick up, that could bear Arms in the City. The Senators were instructed, above all things, to labour an Accomodation between Hamilcar and Han­no, and to dispose them to such an Accord, that the Commonwealth might not be sacri­fie'd to their Differences. Whereupon, bring­ing them together, after long Conference and Debate, Hamilcar and Hanno, became Friends, [Page 149]and pass'd their Words to agree in all things for the common Good; and accordingly, af­terwards, their Affairs were successfully ma­nag'd, to the full Satisfaction of their Fellow-citizens. So that Matho was now often re­duc'd to Despair; sometimes by Ambushes, sometimes by Surprizes, which frequently happen'd, as on an occasion near Leptis, and others; where in all Parties and Rencounters they still came by the worst. At length, they determin'd to come to a Battel, to which the Carthaginians, on their part, willingly agreed: The Friends and Confederates of of both Parties were drawn together; and their Garrisons were drawn out to augment their Armies, for deciding the Dispute; and when all things were in a readiness, the Bat­tel was fought on the Day appointed, where­in the Carthaginians had the Day, and the greatest part, of the African Army slain on the place; some few that escap'd, got into a neighbouring Town, which soon submitted, where Matho was taken alive. Upon this Success, all the Towns in Africa, that had been under the Dominion of the Carthagini­ans, return'd to their Obedience, Ʋtica and Hippona only excepted, which continu'd in their Obstinacy; who being, indeed, with­out hopes of Favour, had no ground to de­mand it; for from the first of their Defection, they acted against the Carthaginians, so as to cut off all prospect of Pardon; which may [Page 150]serve for Instruction, how necessary it proves, even in those sort of Crimes whereof we have been treating, to leave some place for Mode­ration, and not to act beyond the power of Reparation. In short, Hamilcar setting down before those two Towns, reduc'd them, at length, to Mercy. And so ended the War of Africk, which had brought the Carthaginian State in so much Danger: And now they saw their Dominion restor'd, and the Au­thors of the Rebellion punish'd. Matho, and those taken with him, after they were car­ry'd in Triumph about the City, and treat­ed with all kind of Ignominy, and us'd in the cruellest manner that could be invented, were, at length, tormented to Death. This War lasted three Years, and near four Months, and contain'd more Acts of Cruelty, and In­humanity, than are to be found any where else in Story.

About the same time the Romans being sol­licited by the Mercenaries, who were beaten out of Sardinia, and were fled to them, de­termin'd to attempt the Possession of that great Island; but the Carthaginians having the Right of first Possession, would not en­dure the Injury; and in regard they were now preparing an Army to go over and pu­nish the Infidelity of those Islanders; the Ro­mans interpreting those Preparations to be a­gainst them, took thence Occasion to declare a new War on them. But the Carthaginians, [Page 151]who had but just laid down their Arms, and knew themselves to be much too weak, and no ways in a condition to wage War with them, found it their best course to submit; and did not only yield up their Right to Sar­dinia to the Romans, but bought their Peace at the price of Twelve Hundred Talents.

The End of the First Book.

POLYBIUS's General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.
VOL. I. BOOK II.

WE have shown in our former Book, at what Time it was that the Romans first adven­tur'd on Forreign Expediti­ons, after they had compos'd their Affairs in Italy. We have related the Motives and Manner of their Transporting their Arms in­to Sicily, and upon what Grounds they made War on the Carthaginians, and contended with them for the Dominion of that Island [Page 154]We have also noted the Time when the Ro­mans first ingag'd on Naval Action, and what occur'd during the Progress of the War, till the Carthaginians totally relinquish'd their Pretensions to Sicily, and their Enemies became Masters of it; all but what was reserv'd to King Hiero. Then we came to relate the Transactions of the War, made by the Car­thaginian Mercinaries on their Masters, which was call'd the War of Africk. We have likewise, in that Account, given Ex­amples of the utmost Degrees of the Barbarity of Human Nature, and told what was the Issue of so many Savage Actions, pursuing the Story to the end of that War, wherein the Carthaginians remain'd with Victory.

Now we shall proceed, according to our first Purpose, to set down subsequent Oc­currences; For, the Carthaginians had no sooner compos'd their African Troubles, when they rais'd a new Army, the Command when which was given to Hamilcar Barcas, with Direction to transport it into Spain, who ta­king his Son Hannibal with him, not then a­bove nine Years old, cross'd the Sea, some­where near the Strait of Hercules's Pillars, and began to lay the Foundation of the Carthagi­nian Greatness in Spain. Where, after he had commanded, for the Space of almost nine Years, and brought many Nations to yield Obedience to that Government; subduing some by Force, and wining others by Address; [Page 155]he at length ended his Days, in a manner worthy of the Greatness of his Name, being slain in Battel, bravely Fighting at the head of his Troops, against a formidable Enemy, that oppos'd him. Upon whose Death the Carthaginians gave his Command to Asdrubal his Kinsman, at that time General of their Gallies.

About the same time, the Romans trans­ported an Army, and made their first Expe­dition into Illyria and the Parts adjacent. So that, whosoever would curiously Search into the History of the Growth of the Roman Greatness, is to have special Regard to that Part of their Story.

The Causes moving to this Expedition, seem to be these: Agro, at that time King of Illyria, Son of Pleuratus, surpass'd by much all his Predecessors in Power and Greatness, both by Sea and Land. He had promis'd Deme­trius, Father of Philip King of Macedon, who had gain'd him with a Sum of Mony, to send Succours to the Mydionians, whom the Aeto­lians at that time had besieg'd, mov'd it seems thereunto, for that they refus'd to joyn with them, to live under the same Laws, whom they therefore had determin'd to Reduce by Arms. And having levy'd an Army from a­mong that People, they declar'd War against those of Mydionia, whose City they greatly distress'd: attacking it with Machins and Engines of all sorts. During this Siege the [Page 156]time drew near wherein the Aetolians were oblig'd to chuse a new Praetor; but forasmuch as the Besieg'd were now brought to Extre­mity, and that there were hopes they wou'd soon Capitulate; the present Praetor, who then commanded the Army, remonstrated to the Aetolians, that in regard he had born the Toyl and Hazzard of the Siege, it seem'd but just, that he might be permitted to enjoy the Benefit of Disposing of the Booty, and the Honour of Taking the Place. But this Pro­position found Opposers, especially among those who were Candidates in the new Electi­on; who perswaded the People by no means to consent to any Innovation in their Customs, but to manage their Affairs according to the Prescription of their Laws, and leave the Is­sue to Fortune. Whereupon, the Aetolians resolved to proceed to the Election; allotting however, the Profit and Honour that was to be won, to be divided between him that now commanded, and the other who should be chosen.

Three Days after this Determination, was to be the Election, when the new Officer was immediately to enter on his Charge ac­cording to Custom; but in the interim, there arrives a Fleet of a hundred small Vessels with a Re-inforcement of five Thousand Il­lyrians, who at break of Day landed secretly near the Town, and immediately put them­selves in Order of Battel, according to their [Page 157]manner; and being form'd in several Divi­sions, they advanc'd towards the Aetolians Camp, who were much surpriz'd at the Hardiness of this sudden Attempt; neverthe­less, they lost nothing of their usual Assurance, and the Pride that is become habitual to that Nation; for they rely'd on their Courage, and presum'd their Army was not to be beaten. They having many Troops heavy arm'd, and abounding in Horse, these they commanded to March out, and imbattel'd them in plain ground before their Camp. They likewise order'd their light arm'd Troops, and some Horse, to take Possession of certain advantageous Posts, and to seize on such Eminencies, as were not too remote from the Camp. And now the Illyrians advancing upon the light arm'd Troops, soon beat them from their Ground, as being more in Num­ber, and marching in close Order. Then they forc'd the Horse likewise to retire, and winning the advantage of Ground, they charg'd those who were drawn up in the Plain; by which means they were the more easily routed; the Besieg'd likewise, at the same time made a Sally, and between them, the Aetolians were at length defeated; many were slain on the Place, and many taken Prisoners, with great store of Arms, and all their Baggage. Thus, as soon as the Illyrians had executed their Masters Orders, and load­ed their Vessels with Booty, they immedi­ately [Page 158]embark'd again, and made Sail back to their Country.

The Mydionians finding themselves thus happily rescu'd, when they dispair'd of Suc­cour, call'd an Assembly of their Magistrates to consult of their Affairs, and principally to determine of the Disposal of the Booty; where 'twas agreed, that the present Praetor, and he who was in Election for the ensuing Year, should joyntly have the Authority in the Distribution thereof.

This Adventure of the Mydionians, is a sort of Lesson to the rest of Mankind, where Fortune seems by a singular Instance to put us in mind of her All-sufficiency; for when they thought themselves ruin'd past Re­demption, she then puts an occasion in their hands whereby to deal to their Enemies the self same Measure, which they had decreed for them.

As to the Aetolians, who were thus sur­priz'd and defeated; their Misfortune may instruct us, not over-boldly to determine of Events, and to let Doubt have a share in all our Adventures, while there is a Possibility, that things may fall out otherwise than we expect. For, it behoves us in all the Trans­actions of our Life, especially in Military Matters, to remember, that we are at best but Men, whose wisest Counsels can never suffice to obviate the Fatality of such surpri­sing Stroaks.

Upon the return home of King Agro's Fleet which he had dispatch'd on this Expediton, he fell into such a Fit of Joy at the Report his Captains made him of the Success of the Battel, and their having vanquisht the Aeto­lians, a People held in great Esteem for their Valour; that falling into great Excess of Drinking and Revelling, to Celebrate the Victory, he was seiz'd by a Pleuresie, which soon put an end to his Days. After him Tu­ta his Wife reign'd, and was govern'd by the Counsels of such Friends, as she had about her. But the Queen, according to the man­ner of her Sex, amus'd with the Joy of her present Prosperity, took no Thought for the future, and without any regard of Danger that might befal her from abroad; First per­mits her Subjects to practise Piracy, who made Prize of all they met with at Sea; then she sitted out a Fleet equal to that we have mention'd, with Command to the Leaders, to Treat all Nations as Enemies. Their first Enterprize was on the Eleans, and those of Messene, who stood most expos'd to the In­cursions of the Illyrians: For that Country lying along the Sea-coast, and their Towns standing but thin, it was the more liable to their Attempts, it being hard to send at any time seasonable Relief wheresoever they should be invaded, by reason of the remoteness of their Succours: So that the Illyrians ravag'd all that Country with Impunity. From [Page 160]thence they steer'd towards Phoenice, a City of Epyrus, whether they went to Revictual their Fleet, when coming to Anchor in the Port, they there entred into Treaty with cer­tain Gauls, who compos'd part of the Garri­son, to betray the Town into their Hands, there being no less than eight Hundred of that Nation then in Pay in the City. The Gauls agree to their Proposal, whereupon they landed their Forces, and were receiv'd in­to the Town, plundring them of all they had, assisted in their Attempt by the said Gauls, then in Garrison.

The Epirots, upon receiving Intelligence of what had hapen'd, march'd forthwith to the Relief of the Place, and coming within a little distance of Phoenice they incamp'd their Army, which they did in such manner, that the River which runs through the Town, serv'd for a kind of Retrenchment; and for their better Security, they took away the Timber of the Bridge, that gave passage over the said River. But receiving Intelligence, that Scerdilaidus was coming by Land, at the Head of five Thousand Illyrians, and intend­ed to pass by the Straits of Antigonia, they thereupon detach'd a part of their Army thither, to secure that Place, while the other part lay idle in the Camp, careless of their Duty, and negligent of their Guard; spend­ing their time in Riot and Feasting, toward which the Country (abounding) plentifully [Page 161]supply'd them; but for the Military Part, they set little by it, as holding that Profession in a sort of Contempt. Insomuch, that when the Illyrians got notice of this their Negli­gence, and that they had divided their Army, they march'd away in the Night, and re­pairing the Bridge, boldly pass'd over the River, and presently possess'd themselves of a secure piece of Ground, and there pass'd the rest of the Night, and in the Morning, by break of Day both Armies drew up in Battalia, where they fought in sight of the Town, in which Dispute the Epyrots were beaten; many were slain upon the place, and taken Prisoners, and the rest escap'd by taking the way towards the Antitanes.

After this Defeat, the Epyrots dispairing of better Fortune, sent their Ambassadours to the Aetolians and the Achaians, to sollicit Suc­cours, who in Compassion of their Misfor­tunes, readily accorded them a Supply; and pursuant to their Promise, shortly after brought their Forces to Helicranus, in order to their Relief. The Illyrians, who were possess'd of Phoenice, advanc'd towards that Place likewise, in Conjunction with Scerdi­laidus, and incamp'd not far from the Enemy, with Intention to give them Battel, but the inconveniency of the Ground prevented them. During these Transactions there came Letters from the Queen, containing Orders for their speedy return Home, to assist her against cer­tain [Page 162]of her revolted Subjects, who had join'd with the Dardanians. So, after they had spoil'd and plunder'd the Epyrots, they con­sented to a Cessation of Arms; and, pursu­ant to the Treaty, deliver'd back their Town and all the Inhabitants of free Condition that were in their Possession. But they embark'd, and carry'd away their Slaves and the Plun­der; Scerdilaidus returning by the Straits of Antigonia. These Attempts greatly alarm'd all the Greek Cities upon the Coast; for when they consider'd, that so strong and important a Town of the Epyrots had been taken, so contrary to the Opinion of all the World; they began to take thought, every one for themselves, and were not now only in pain for the Country, but for their Towns and Cities. And now, who would not have thought, that the Epyrots should have con­sulted, how to be reveng'd for these Injuries, and to render Marks of their Gratitude to those who so readily succour'd them! but so it happen'd, that they did neither, But dis­patch'd, forthwith, their Ambassadours to Queen Teuta, and enter'd into Confederacy with the Illyrians and Acarnanians, insomuch that they never after quitted their League with them, and continu'd in perpetual En­mity with the Achaians and Aetolians; by which Act, they gave at once manifest Evi­dence of their Ingratitude and Imprudence.

Whosoever fall into Misfortunes, which Human Reason or Foresight could not obvi­ate, no Man can justly charge them with the Evil that they suffer, but attribute it meerly to Fortune, and those who are the cause. On the other hand, when Calami­ties befal us, through our own Imprudence, we must be content to bear the blame. There­fore 'tis, that when we behold a miserable Man, made so, purely by the Malignity of Fortune, we cannot with-hold our Compas­sion, and are so far from condemning him, that we minister to his Relief. But when our Miseries are the Fruit of our Folly and Obstinacy, we become justly the Reproach and Contempt of every wise Man. Now, who, that had ever heard of the Inconstancy and notorious Perfidy of the Gauls, would have deposited so important a Place in their keeping, where so many occasions were like­ly to occur to tempt their Fidelity! Further­more, who would not especially have held that People in Suspicion, that were known to have been expell'd their Country, for their Breach of Faith towards their own Nation? Who, after being taken into the Service of the Carthaginians, where, on a Rumour, that their Mercenaries were likely to Mutiny for want to Pay, three Thousand of them that were in Garrison at Agrigentum, revolted and plunder'd the City; and afterwards being put into Erix, while the Romans laid Siege [Page 164]to that Place, attempted to betray it to the Enemy, and on discovery of their Treachery, deserted the Service and went over to the Romans; and soon after rifl'd the Temple of Venus Ericina: So that, at length, what for their Impiety, what for their Treachery, the Romans thought they could not do a more meritorious Act, than totally to expel them Italy; and, in a word, the Peace was no sooner concluded betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, when, disarming them, they caus'd them to be embark'd, and banish'd them entirely out of their Dominions. After what hath been observ'd, then, who can for­bear blaming the Epyrots for giving up their Country, their Laws, and so rich, happy, and plentiful a City to the Custody of such a perfidious Nation? What Apology can be offer'd in their Defence, and who will not be oblig'd to confess, they were them­selves the Authors of their own Calamities? This Reflection we thought was not amiss to make, touching the Imprudence of the Epyrots; to the end, we may be instructed in the Danger of committing the safety of a Town to Strangers, whose strength is superi­our to that of the Natives within it.

The Illyrians, during their abode at Phoe­nice, continu'd their Custom of Piracy, in­sulting over, and pillaging all such as traded from the Coast of Italy, where they plun­der'd certain Italian Merchants; kill'd some, [Page 165]and carried others away Prisoners. Where­upon the Romans, who had hit herto neg­lected the Complaints that had been made of these Outrages, being now alarm'd with new Clamours, coming from sundry Places at once, to the Senate, dispatch'd their Am­bassadours to Illyria, Cajus and Lucius Corun­canus, to be rightly inform'd touching the Truth of these Reports. In the mean time, Queen Teuta beholding her Vessels on their return from Epyrus, loaden with so much rich Booty (for Phoenice surpass'd all the Ci­ties in that Kingdom in Wealth and Beauty) became greatly exalted and incourag'd by this extraordinary Success, and thereby the more strongly incited to enter into a War with the Greeks. Nevertheless it was re­spited for the present, in regard of some Troubles at that time in her own Kingdom, which were no sooner compos'd, when she laid Siege to the City of Issa, which alone had refus'd to yield her Obedience: About which time it was, that the Roman Ambas­sadours arriv'd; who being admitted to their Audience, set forth the Injuries that had been done. During their Discourse, Teuta treating them with great Pride and Disdain; in short, told them, She would take Care for the future, that no publick Injuries should be done to the People of Rome by the Illyri­ans; but that it was not the Custom of Prin­ces, to forbid their Subjects to make their par­ticular [Page 166]Profits of what they met with in o­pen Sea. The younger of the Ambassadours stomaching this Answer of the Queen's, with an Assurance truly worthy of a Roman, but at that time, perhaps, not so seasonable, thus reply'd, It is likewise, Madam, the Custom of the People of Rome, to make themselves pub­lick Reparations for Injuries done in particu­lar, and to yield Succour to those that receive them: We shall therefore apply ourselves to Re­dress our own Wrongs, wherein we shall proceed in such a manner, that you will be soon oblig'd to change that Princely Custom. Teuta be­ing a Woman of a fierce Spirit, heard these Words with so much Indignation, that with­out regard to the Right of Nations, as soon as they departed, she order'd the Ambassa­dour, who had us'd this Liberty of Speech, to be murther'd. The News of which Vio­lation, acted by this haughty Woman, was no sooner come to Rome, when they imme­diately prepar'd for War, and fell to raising of Troops and fitting out a Fleet.

Teuta, early the following Spring, dis­patch'd another Fleet against the Greeks, more numerous than the former; one Squa­dron whereof sail'd towards Corfu, another towards Dyrrhachium, under colour of sup­plying themselves with Victual and Water, but with design to surprise the Town. The Inhabitants, on their arrival, suspecting no­thing, imprudently admitted some of them [Page 167]into the Town, under pretence of fetching Water: These having Arms conceal'd in their Water-vessels, were no sooner entred, when killing the Guards, they became Ma­sters of the Gate. In the mean time, as it had been concerted between them, those who remain'd in the Ships, came to assist them; so that by this Reinforcement, they were quickly Masters of the greatest part of their Works. And now, albeit the Inhabitants were but ill provided for such a Rencounter, and greatly astonish'd at so surprising an At­tempt, nevertheless, recovering Courage, and standing on their Defence, they manfully at­tack'd the Illyrians; who, after a long Di­spute, were compell'd to retire. So the Peo­ple of Dyrrhachium, who were on the point of losing their Town thro' their Negligence, preserv'd it by their Resolution; and the Danger into which they were like to fall became a Warning to them for the time to come. The Illyrians hereupon put to Sea, and joyning with the other Squadron that was gone before, stood towards Corfu, where they landed, and sat down before the Town, filling all the Country with Terrour and A­stonishment.

Those of Corfu being thus surpris'd, and driven almost to the point of Despair, dis­patch'd, with all expedition, Ambassadours to the Achaians and Aetolians, those of Apollo­nia and Dyrrachium arriving at the same time [Page 168]to implore Succors, and beseech them not to permit the Illyrians to drive them out of their Country. They were favourably heard by those two People, who agreed together to dispatch ten Achaian Ships, well mann'd, and provided with all things necessary; and when they were ready, they made Sail to­wards Corfu, in hopes to be able to raise the Siege. But the Illyrians, having, according to their Treaty, receiv'd a Re-inforcement of ten Gallies of the Acarnanians, were got a-head of the Enemy, and engag'd them near Paxus. The Achaian Vessels that fought the Acarnanians, made it but a kind of a drawn Business, separating with little Harm done on either side, only some few Soldiers hurt. But it far'd otherwise with those who fought the Illyrians, who fastning themselves four and four together, proceeded after such a manner, as (seeming to be intangled) they might, by exposing their Broad-sides, tempt the Enemy to attack them in Flank, who, when they had boarded them, they by that Device over-pow'ring them with Numbers from the adjoyning Vessels, enter'd on the Decks of the Achaian Gallies, and easily re­duc'd them, taking four, and sinking one, with all her Men a-board; in which Vessel, was Marcus Carenias, a Man of great Re­putation, who had all his Life long serv'd the Achaians with much Honour and Integrity. When those who were engag'd with the A­carnanians, [Page 169]saw the Illyrians had the better of the Battel, they retir'd from the Fight, wherein they were greatly further'd by the nimbleness and good-built of their Gallies, and so made the best of their way Home.

Upon this Victory, the Insolence of the Illyrians grew greater and greater, who now straiten'd the Town more than before; so that, at length, after some time of Defence, being depriv'd of all hope of Succour, they yielded it up, receiving an Illyrian Garri­son, and Demetrius of Pharos for their Go­vernour. After this Action, the Illyrians re­turn'd to Dyrrachium, and laid Siege to that Place.

In the mean while, the Roman Consuls, Cajus Fulvius, with a Navy of two Hun­dred Sail, and Aulus Posthumius with a Land-army, set forth on their Expedition. Ful­vius arriving at Corfu, was in hopes to find the Siege yet a-foot; and tho' he found the Town was surrender'd, and the Illyrians in Garrison, he resolv'd, however, to attempt something, as well to be satisfy'd how Af­fairs had been carry'd, as to endeavour after some Intelligence with Demetrius; being in­form'd, That he was fallen into the Queen's Displeasure, and had sent to Rome, to make a Tender of the Garrison to them. Where­upon, those of Corfu, glad of the Arrival of the Romans, put themselves (by Consent of Demetrius) into their Protection, hoping they [Page 170]should thereby be safe for the future, against the Outrages of the Illyrians. So soon as things were adjusted here, the Romans made Sail for Apollonia, having Demetrius for their Pilot. In the mean time, Posthumius em­bark'd his Land-army at Brundusium, consist­ing of about twenty Thousand Foot, and two Thousand Horse, who join'd the Fleet at Apollonia; which Town being put into their Hands, they departed for Dyrrachium, on Intelligence that the Illyrians had besieg'd that Place; who having notice of the Ro­mans approach, rais'd their Siege, and sled, scattering for safety as well as they could; so that that Town being likewise taken in­to the Romans Protection, they advanc'd to­wards Illyria, subduing the Ardyans in their way. And now Ambassadours came to the Romans from divers Countries, among which, those of the Parthenians and the Antitanes; these offering to put themselves under the Roman Protection, were admitted to their Alliance. So they pass'd on to Issa, which the Illyrians had likewise besieg'd, but departed at the approach of the Romans, to whom the Inhabitants deliver'd up the City. Afterwards, coasting along the Illyrian Shore, they assaulted and took several of their Towns, among which, Nutria, where they lost their Quaestor, some Tribunes, and many Soldi­ers; but this Loss was repair'd, by the ta­king Forty of the Illyrians Vessels, which [Page 171]were returning home loaden with Booty. As for those who had besieg'd Issa, among whom were a Body of Pharians; these were well treated by Demetrius, and continu'd in his Service; the rest being scatter'd made their escape to Arbon. Teuta, hereupon, with a small retinue, retir'd to a strong Place call'd Rizon, situate a good Distance with­in the Country, on a River of that Name. And now, the Romans having put the great­est part of the Illyrian State into the Posses­sion of Demetrius; and after having invest­ed him with great Authority, they return'd with both their Armies to Dyrrachium; from thence Cajus Fulvius departed towards Rome, with the major Part of both Armies; but Posthumius remain'd behind with forty long Vessels, and rais'd an Army from among the Natives, to the end, if there should be occa­sion, he might be in a posture of Defence; for they were not sure of the Fidelity of the Ardyans and others, who had put themselves under the Roman Protection.

Teuta, early the following Spring sent Ambassadours to Rome, with whom she made her Peace on the following Conditions, That she should be Tributary to the Romans, paying such a yearly Sum as they should think fit to impose: That she should relinquish, entirely, her Interest in Illyria, saving some few Places. And what was yet more considerable, and wherein the Greeks were principally con­cern'd, [Page 172] she was not to Navigate beyond Lissus with above two Vessels, and those unarm'd. After this, Posthumius sent Ambassadours to the Aetolians and Achaians, first to report to them the true Cause and Motives of the War, which brought the Romans into these Coun­tries; and then to give them an Account of the Success of their Arms; causing the Treaty of Accord made between them and the Illyri­ans to be publickly read: The Ambassadours having been receiv'd with due Honour, and entertain'd with all manner of Respect, re­turn'd to Corfu; and by the Peace now made with the Illyrians, the Greeks were deliver'd from their Fears. For in those Dais, the Illyri­ans made no fair War with any particular People, but rob'd and pillag'd all Nations they met with. These then were the Motives the Romans had first of carrying their Arms into Illyria, and those Countries of Europe; and then was the first Intercourse they man­nag'd by their Ambassadours, with the Peo­ple of Greece. Afterwards they sent Ambas­sadours to the Corinthians and Athenians, and then it was that the Corinthians ordain'd, the Romans should have part in the Isthmi­an Games.

While these things were transacted in those Parts by the Romans, Asdrubal (for we were speaking of him, when we broke off our Discourse about Spain) govern'd his Province with great Wisdom and Address, [Page 173]performing infinite Services of extraordina­ry Moment to the Carthaginians, augment­ing their Power especially by a City he caus'd to be built, which is call'd by some Cartha­gena, by others, the New Town. This City hath a very commodious Situation, whether we respect either Spain or Africk; but we shall have occasion else-where to speak more particularly thereof, and the Benefit accruing thereby to both those Countries. When the Romans came to understand, that the Cartha­ginians had acquir'd so great a Reputation in that Country, as to become formidable to the Spaniards, they resolv'd to attempt something likewise on that side; and con­cluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence, who, by a profound Careless­ness, had, as it were, slept away their Jea­lousie; they therefore determin'd to repair that Error, by their future Care and Vigi­lance. They did not dare, however, for the present, to exact any thing of the Carthagi­nians, that might appear hard and severe; nor declare a War with them, from the Ap­prehensions they were under of the Gauls, who at that time (as it was bruited) were preparing an Army to march against Rome. They resolv'd, therefore, for the present, to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art, that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls. For they rightly judg'd, that while [Page 174]they should have that Enemy at their backs, it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy, but their Ci­ty itself would not be out of Danger. Where­fore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadours, by which the Carthaginians were oblig'd not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber, with­out making mention of any other Countries of Spain, they prepar'd to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy.

But before we come to speak of that War, we have thought it not improper to say some­thing of the Nation of the Gauls, whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver. It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History, to shew the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy. In short, we have not only judg'd their Acti­ons worthy Recording, and that they ought to be deliver'd to Posterity, but have conclu­ded it necessary to our Purpose so to do. For, we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that serv'd under Hannibal, and with what kind of Aids he sustain'd his great Design of Subverting the Roman Go­vernment.

But it seems fit first, to make mention of the Country, to the end that by being in­structed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns, we may give a clearer Insight into the [Page 175]principal Parts of our History. Italy then is in Form of a Triangle; that part which re­gards the East, is terminated by the Ionian Sea, and Adriatick Gulf: The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscane and Sicilian Seas; and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle, here is a Promontory looking towards the South, which is call'd Cothinthus, which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas. The part which regards the North, and joins it to the Conti­nent, is bounded by the Alpes, which take their beginning about Marseilles, and the Pla­ces bordering on the Sardinian Sea, stretch­ing and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf; if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Moun­tains, which Line makes the Base of the Tri­angle; there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South, which terminate the Continent of Italy. These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form, (whereof the joining of the Alpes and Appennine Hills near Marseilles, make one Point) exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe. On the North they are bounded by the Alpes, ex­tending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length; but the Bounds thereof towards the South, are made by the Appennines, con­taining in length about four hundred and six­ty Miles; towards the Sea, where the Coast of the Adriatick made another side of the [Page 176]Triangle, is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf, in length about three hundred Miles. So that this Plain or Cham­paign Country contains in Circuit, little less than eleven hundred Miles.

Now touching the Fertility of Italy, it is hardly possible to set it forth: It abounds so much in Bread-corn, that very often, and even in our Days, the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli, and Bar­ly at two, and a Metreta of Wine at the same price: They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain, beyond expression. It may be judg'd also that they abound in Oak­mast, insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine, which are spent in their Sacrifices, and common Uses, and carry'd in Heards with their Armies. In a word, it will be seen, by what follows, how plenti­fully this Country is stor'd with all things necessary to Human Life, those who travel in these parts, never cheapen any thing in their Inn, but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head; where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obo­lus; and it is seldom, or never, that they demand more. Their People are numerous, their Men proper and well-propotion'd; and by their Actions, they make appear, that they are no less qualify'd for War. The Gauls, who are call'd Trans-Alpine, inhabit on the North side of the Alpes, about the [Page 177]River Rhone; the Tauricks, the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations, live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of: Those Gauls differ nothing from the o­thers, but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alpes, the Italians have given them that Appellation.

The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable, by reason of the Difficulty of Ac­cess, and the perpetual Snow that covers them: The Ligurians live on the Appennines, and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alpes; possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscane Sea and the great Plains; but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa, which is the first Town in Tuscany; and on the In­land-side, as far as Arrezzo. Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians, their Borderers, who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mention'd. From thence the Appen­nines, which are there distant from the Adri­atick Sea, at least Sixty Miles, leaving the Plains, turn away to the Right-hand; and, dividing Italy, as it were in the midst, run, stretching along, as far as the Sicilian Sea: As to the Plains but now nam'd, where the Appennines turn off, they extend to the Sea, and advance as far as Sienna. The Ri­ver Po, (so much celibrated by the Poets, who have given it the Name of Erydanus) hath its Source in the Alpes, about that part [Page 178]which makes one Point of the Triangle. This River runs first towards the South, wa­tering the Country lying under those Hills; and from thence falling into a level Country, it takes its Course towards the East, and by two Out-lets, runs into the Adriatick. It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy, for the Waters that fall either from the Alpes or Appennines run thither. And as it is the greatest, so it is the most beautiful; its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July, when the Snows, by the excessive Heats are melted, and dissolve from the Mountains. Vessels navigate up this River, from the Sea, by the Out-let call'd Olana; from whence they sail, at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country. This River for many Miles together, preserves its Water in one Chanel; but as it approaches towards the Sea, by the accession of many other Rivers, it becomes divided into two Streams; and from the Country of the Trigaboles, it forms two Chanels, bearing two different Names; that of Padua, the other of Olana; where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick. The People of the Coun­try call this River Bodencus. Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks, namely, that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Wa­ters; of the Weeping Poplars; of the People going perpetually in Black, who inhabit [Page 179]thereabout, to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton: And, in a word, the many other Stories that have been invented, are too Poe­tical, and in no wise useful to our present Purpose: Howbeit, we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where, to be able thereby the better to prove, that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country.

The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country, and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria, bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution, withstood those who Invaded them, they grew to have a mighty Name among Stran­gers, and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue. Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians, are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People, by their pre­sent Possessions, and the Country they now Inhabit; but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak, and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters. The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood, by which means they had Commerce together; but in process of Time, beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye, taking slight Occasion for their Motive, they rais'd a nu­merous Army, and attacking the Tuscans by [Page 180]Surprize, forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po, and peopl'd it themselves. The Laians, and Lebecians, and those who border on the Insubrians, which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation, were the first that inhabited that part of the River, towards the East. The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River; and all beyond, as far as the Adriatick, was pos­sess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti, who spoke a different Language from the Gauls, but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners. The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People. Beyond the Po, near the Apennines, inhabit, first, the Anians, then the Bojans; after these, towards Adria, dwell the Aegones; and lastly, the Senones, living near the Sea-coast.

In a word, these we have recounted, were the principal Nations that possess'd the Coun­try we have describ'd; they dwelt in Villa­ges, open, and without any Walls; they had few or no Moveables, they slept with­out Beds, they eat Flesh, and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War, being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences; their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold; two Commodities that they could easily carry with them, whenso­ever, by any Accident they should be neces­sitated to remove: They understand making [Page 181]their Court, and the Art of acquiring Friends, which they greatly covet; for he among them, who hath most Friends, is most ho­nour'd; and he who is most honour'd, is most fear'd, and hath most Power. Further­more, they were not only Masters of this Country, but compell'd the neighbouring Nations, aw'd by the Fame of their Valour, to pay them Obedience. At length they made War on the Romans, whom, after they had vanquish'd in Battel, together with those that took part with them, they pursu'd three Days together; and took, at last, the City of Rome itself, all but the Capitol.

But it happening, that some new Adven­tures calling them home, the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Ar­my, they Accorded a Peace to the Romans, and, restoring their City, departed. Then they fell into Civil Dissentions; those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains, beholding the Prosperity of these, with an Eye of Envy, join'd to make War on them. In the mean time, the Romans recover'd strength, and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins. Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome, the Gauls made a second Expedition, marching with their Army as far as Alba; but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy, and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies, they did not adventure to march a­gainst [Page 182]them. Twelve Years after this, the Gauls, with a powerful Army, attack'd them again; but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes, and leisure to sum­mon there Allies to their Assistance, march'd out to meet them, and offer them Battel; when the Gauls, out of Countenance at this their Bravery, began to waver in their Reso­lution, and grew, at length, to apprehend the Issue, and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans, but secretly, by Night, rais'd their Camp, and fled as if they had lost a Battel: Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years, when, observing the Romans Power daily to augment, they, at length, came to an Agreement with them, and en­ter'd into Articles of Peace.

After thirty Years of Repose, the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again, but fearing the Success of the War, they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents, and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves, who were of one and the same Nation; a Pacification thereupon en­su'd, and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans. They march'd their Armies, therefore, in one entire Body, through Tuscany (those in that Country having taken part with them;) and after having ravag'd the Roman Terri­tories, and taken much Booty, they retir'd home without Molestation; where they [Page 183]were no sooner arriv'd, but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder, which went so far, that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army. And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success, especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine. Four Years after this, the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms, and made War on the Romans, giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians, who are likewise call'd Camartines, where they made great slaughter of them. But soon af­ter this, the Romans, inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes, march'd against them with a fresh Army, and fighting with the same Enemy (having all their Legions in the Field) in the Country of the Sentinates, they got a memorable Victory, destroying the greatest part of their Army, putting the rest to flight, who retir'd back to their Country. Ten Years were hardly past, when the Gauls be­sieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force, whither the Romans came to the Relief, and fought them in View of the Town, but were worsted, and retreated. Lucius the Consul was slain; and Manlius succeeding, sent Ambassadours to the Gauls, to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners; which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain. This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans, who forthwith march'd with another Army [Page 184]against them, giving Battel to the Senones, who had the Assurance to encounter them singly; but the Romans had the better, kil­ling many of the Enemy, and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country; so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones, and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul. It is call'd Sena-gallia, from the name of those Gauls, who before had held it: Of this Country we have already spoken, and shewn that it lies near Adria, on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po.

The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country, and becoming apprehensive of the like measure, betook themselves to Arms, exempting none who were able to march; and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party, they march'd against the Romans: And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together, near the Lake of Vadimon, a pitch'd Battel was fought, wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place, and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight. Nevertheless, the Mind of this People was not subdu'd, who, making a new League, united all their Forces, and arming all the Gauls, compos'd a fresh Army, with which they gave Battel again to the Romans, but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd; and thus humbl'd, they now send their Am­bassadours to the Romans, and had Conditi­ons granted them. These Adventures pre­ceeded [Page 185] Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years, and happen'd five Years before the De­struction of the Gauls at Delphos, as if some fatal Influence, charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only, had then reign'd; so severely were they persecu­ted from all Quarters of the World. As for the Romans, they reap'd by the Contests they had with them, two mighty Benefits; name­ly, first, by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People, wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them, they became admirably instructed in the Art of War; and this they made plainly to appear in the en­suing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus. Fur­thermore, having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation, they had the more lei­sure to attend their Affairs with that Prince, having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces; and, in conclusion, they contested, by that means, afterwards, with more Assu­rance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians.

The Gauls, after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities, remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years, preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans; but after the old Men, and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships, and felt the Sufferings of former Wars, the young Men that succeeded them, [Page 186]who knew nothing of Danger, and fear'd no­thing from Fortune, had a mind to exercise their Courage, and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms, and renew'd the War against the Romans, upon a very slen­der Motive, drawing their Allies into the Confederacy. This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men, who assembled, and consulted thereon, with­out imparting it to the People; insomuch, that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini; the Bo­jans, who were not well assur'd of their Sin­cerity, mutiny'd against their Officers, and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them; and having first kill'd their two Kings, Ates and Gallatus, they at length came to a Battel, wherein they mutually destroy'd each other. In the mean time, the Romans, who were surpris'd, and astonish'd, at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls, took the Field with their Armies; and when they came to understand, that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords, they proceed­ed no farther, but march'd home. Five Years after this Adventure, during the Con­sulship of M. Lepidus, the Romans made Di­vision of the Lands taken from the Senones, in Cis-alpine Gaul, for Caius Flaminius, to make his Court to the People, had propos'd that Law, and had it receiv'd: But it may with good reason be averr'd, That 'twas this that [Page 187]first corrupted the Peoples Manners, and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention a­mong them. In short, many of the Gauls, and principally the Bojans, who had most cause of Fear, as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans, perceiving, now, that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Em­pire, as to subdue, and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country, readily enter'd into the League that was now form­ing against the them.

The Bojans and Insubrians (who were the two greatest People on that side) pursuant to their Design, sent Ambassadours by com­mon Consent, to the rest of their Nation, in­habiting on the other side the Alp, about the Rhine; these People are call'd Goesates, from their serving in the War for Pay; for so that word properly imports; and prevail­ing on their two Kings, Concolitanus and A­neroestus, by means of great Sums of Mony, and by the hopes they gave them of rich Boo­ty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize, if they succeeded, ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans, giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them; but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded. And now, farther to incite them, they re­minded them of the Glory of their Ancestors; who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel, upon the like Expedition, but sub­du'd and became Masters of their City itself, [Page 188]and that being Lords of all the Romans held, kept their City seven Months in their Posses­sion, and at length, freely, and of their own meer Motive, restor'd it to that conquer'd People, as an Effect of their Generosity, and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty, without any Danger, Damage, or Impediment. These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates, and incited them so powerfully to the War, that it may be said, so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation, nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time, the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls, saw their Danger, and perceiv'd it at hand; and justly fearing the Consequence, apply'd themselves to the le­vying of Troops, and making Provision of all things necessary for the War, and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers, believing them already invaded, when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quar­ters. These Traverses greatly avail'd the Carthaginians, in the prosecuting their De­sign in Spain; for as we have already ob­serv'd, the Romans, who were resolv'd to put first a Period to their Disputes with the Gauls, were constrained to yield to their Fears of an Enemy, whom they thought now in their Neighbourhood, and to post­pone their Consideration of Spain, and their [Page 189]Affairs on that side, till they should have first compos'd and setled those at home, and se­cur'd and establish'd the Commonwealth a­gainst the Danger that then threaten'd. Ac­cordingly, the Treaty being ratify'd, which they made with Asdrubal, their Thoughts were entirely taken up with the present Ene­my, where it was agreed by all, that the sa­fest course, was to come speedily to a Bat­tel.

In the mean time, the Goesates having pass'd the Alpes, with a magnificent Army, furnish'd with all sorts of Arms, came and joyn'd the Cis-alpine Gauls, making their Rendezvous on the Banks of the Po. The other Gauls also came in after they had pass'd the Country that heretofore belong'd to the Senones; the Insubrians likewise, and Bojans, who continued in the same Opinion of prosecuting the War, joyn'd them; but the Veneti and Cenomani refus'd to be of the Confederacy, to whom the Romans had sent their Ambassadours, prevailing with them, to prefer their Alliance with them, to that of the Gauls; so that the Bordering Prin­ces of that People, were forc'd by that means to leave part of their Forces to secure their Frontiers, and with an Army of fifty Thou­sand Foot, twenty Thousand Horse, and as many Chariots, they began their March to­wards Tuscany. The Romans having now Intelligence that the Celtae had pass'd the [Page 190] Alpes, dispatch'd with all Expedition the Consul L. Emilius, with the Legions to Ri­mini, there to make head against the Enemy, if they should chance to Attack them on that side. They likewise sent one of their Praetors towards Tuscany, for the other Consul C. A­tilius, was gone at that time to Sardinia, with part of their Troops. But do what they could, their Fears were great at Rome, where they had Reason to conclude their City was in Danger enough; and indeed, none will wonder at their Doubts and Ap­prehensions, who consider what Reason they had to bear in Mind the Calamities they had heretofore sustain'd by the Invasions of this Enemy. They drew together therefore their Armies, and levy'd new Forces, directed their Allies to have their Succours in a readi­ness, and order'd Muster-rolls to be brought from all parts to the Senate, of all the young Men capable of serving, to the End they might take a certain Measure of their Strength; likewise they fill'd up their Legi­ons with chosen Men, and order'd them forthwith to March: Furthermore they made so great Provision of Arms, and all things necessary for the War, that there was no Record of the like Preparation in any Age past; in a word, every one did his utmost to prosecute and advance so necessary a Work. For the People of Italy, terrify'd at this Ap­proach of the Gaules, did not Act at this time [Page 191]as meer Allies of the Romans, to aid and fur­ther their Designs of Dominion and Glory, but thought of nothing now but of Fighting, for their own proper Safety, their Families, and Fortunes, so that they receiv'd with Chearfulness the Orders that were sent them from Rome.

And here it will not be amiss, to make an Estimate of the Power and Forces of that Commonwealth, which Hannibal shortly af­ter had the Boldness to attempt, and what an Empire it was that he made the Object of his Ambition, and wherein he succeeded so far as to Reduce the Romans to the last Gaspe and Extremity of Fortune. Let us, I say, make a Computation of the Provision they made toward this War, whereby we shall perceive how far they had improv'd their Forces. With the Consuls there march'd four Legions, in each Legion were five thousand two hundred Foot, and three hun­dred Horse, with them likewise march'd the Succours of the Allies, amounting together to thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse: Furthermore, there joyn'd them of Sabins, and Tuscans, above fifty thousand Foot, and about four thousand Horse; these were all conducted to the Frontiers, under the Command of a Praetor, to oppose the Enemy there. From the Ʋmbrians and Sar­cinates, who inhabitit the Appennines, there came in to the Number of twenty thousand; [Page 192]the Veneti and Cenomanei, sent the intire Number they were order'd, to the utmost Borders of the Gaules Territories, to make Inroads on the Country of the Bojans, and to force those who were already departed to re­tire yet farther, and keep them from joining with the rest. In this manner, they had dis­pos'd their Armies on the Frontiers. But at Rome they kept a Reserve of Citizens, alwais ready to move, consisting of thirty thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse, with a Sur­plus of Troops of their Allies, of thirty thou­sand Foot, and two thousand Horse. In the General Muster-rolls that were brought into the Senate, were found fourscore thousand Foot of the Latins, and five thousand Horse; of the Samnites seventy thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse: The Japyges and Mes­sapyges, who had likewise joyn'd with the Romans, sent to their Aid in this War, fifty thousand Foot, and sixteen thousand Horse: The Lucans supplied them with thirty thou­sand Foot, and three thousand Horse: The Marsians, Marrucians, Ferentines and Vestines, sent twenty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse. Furthermore, they had two Legi­ons in Sicily, and Tarentum, consisting of four thousand two hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse each; and over and above all these, the ordinary People being mu­ster'd in Rome and Campania, amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and [Page 193]three and twenty thousand Horse; so that the Troops which depended immediately on the Senate, and were destin'd to the Guard and Preservation of the City amounted to an hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, or thereabouts. But the whole Body of their Srength consisted in no less than seven hundred thousand Foot, and seventy thousand Horse; and tho' Hannibal began with an Army of hardly twenty thou­send Men, he had nevertheless the Assurance to Invade and March into Italy, against this stupendous Force of the Romans: But this Point will be better clear'd when we come to Treat of those Occurrences.

Upon the Arrival of the Gauls in Tuscany, they ravag'd and plunder'd the Country with­out Controul, and from thence determin'd to prosecute their Design on Rome, and were now advanc'd near Clusium, a Town but three Days March from the City, when News came, that the Roman Army that had been posted on the Frontiers of Tuscany, was approach­ing, and was almost got up with their Rear: Whereupon they fac'd about, and march'd to meet them, full of Resolution to come to a Battel. And now towards the Evening, the two Armies drew so near, that they were forc'd to incamp on the Ground where they were, leaving but a very strait Space be­tween their Camps: But when Night was shut in, the Gauls lighting their Fires in their [Page 194]Camp, departed: Leaving their Horse be­hind, with Orders to follow them the same way they took, with command at break of Day to shew themselves to the Enemy. In the mean time, they take their March silent­ly towards Faesula, where they halted to at­tend the coming up of their Horse, and to At­tack the Enemy by Surprize, if they should advance after them. In the Morning the Romans perceiving they were Retreated, and had left only their Horse, eagerly went on the Pursuit, taking for granted that this Motion of the Enemy was a sort of Flight. But they were no sooner advanc'd within distance, when the Gauls, who lay in ambush, began to appear, and a very sharp Conflict ensu'd, wherein the Boldness and Number of the Gauls prevail'd: Of the Romans there fell six thousand on the spot, the greatest part of the rest making good their Retreat, to a rising piece of Ground well situate for Defence, where they abode; the Gauls resolv'd pre­sently to besiege them, but being now wea­ry with Marching, and harrass'd with the Service of the preceeding Day, they only left for that time a Party of their Horse, on the Guard at the Foot of the Hill, where the Ro­mans were intrench'd, and retir'd to refresh and repose themselves, with Resolution the next Morning to attack and take them by Force, if they refused Conditions.

In the mean while, L. Aemilius who had been sent to Rimini, to Guard the Coast of the Adriatick, seasonably arriv'd: Who ha­ving receiv'd Intelligence that the Enemy had enter'd Tuscany; and farther, that they were advanc'd towards the City, he imme­diately march'd to join the other Army. And now approaching those who were in­trench'd on the Hill discover'd them at a di­stance by their Fires, wherefore taking Cou­rage, and disguising some of their People, they sent them privately through the Woods to give them an Account of the present Po­sture of their Affairs. The Consul Aemilius, having not now leasure for much Consultati­on, order'd the Tribunes to march with the Foot, by break of Day, while himself at the head of the Horse, speeds away directly to­words the Hill; but the Principal Officers of the Gauls, who judg'd by the Fires they had seen over Night, that the Romans were ar­riv'd, held a Counsel, to debate, and deter­mine how they ought to proceed: When the King Aneroestus advis'd them to consider, with Caution, what they did; he said, the Plunder they had taken, was already very great; their Prisoners and the Cattel, and other Booty of all sorts, was beyond all Com­putation; that on this Consideration, it seem'd to him that their best course was not to ha­zard a Battel, which might prove the total Ruine of their Affairs; that the safest Coun­sel [Page 196]they could take, was now to retreat, and march back to their Country, while they might do it with safety; where, when they had disencumber'd themselves of their Plun­der, they might with ease return and ingage the Romans, if it were concluded reasonable. So this Opinion of Aneroestus, was ap­prov'd and follow'd, and the Gauls decamp'd the same Night, taking their march along the Coast towards the Frontiers of Tuscany, Aemilius having receiv'd into his Army those Troops that were incamp'd on the Hill, af­ter the Defeat of the Romans, did not think it safe to give the Enemy Battel, but determin'd to keep in their Rear, and vigilantly take occasions of advantage upon them, and at­tempt to recover, at least, part of their Plun­der. But behold, at this very time, the o­ther Consul, C. Atilius, being return'd with the Army out of Sardinia, was leading them along the Sea-coast, towards Rome; who ut­terly ignorant of what had pass'd, happening to take the same way the Gauls did, and was marching not far before them. The Enemy was now arriv'd near Telamena, a Promon­tory of Tuscany, when some of their Forragers fell into Atilius's hands, who gave him In­telligence of all that had pass'd, assuring him, that both the one and the other Army were not far off, that the Gauls were at hand, and that Aemilius was hard at their Rear. The Consul was a little perplex'd at the News; [Page 197]nevertheless, assur'd of Victory, by thus surpri­sing the Enemy, and inclosing them between their two Armies, he order'd the Tribunes to draw up in Order of Battel, and to inlarge their Front as wide as the Ground would pos­sibly permit; and now having observ'd an Eminence which commanded the Way by which the Enemy must necessarily pass, he goes himself at the Head of the Horse, and takes Possession of that Post; designing from thence, to give the first Attack, conceiving that the Honour of the Victory would there­by be in a great degree ascrib'd to him; but the Gauls (who knew nothing of the Arrival of Atilius) believing that Aemilius's Horse had got before them in the Night, and had possess'd those advantagious Posts, command­ed their Horse, and some choice Men of their Foot, to march, and beat them from that Ground; but receiving Intelligence, by cer­tain Prisoners, that Atilius was there, they form'd their Battel of Foot in such manner, as to be able to receive the Enemies Charge in Front and Rear; for they were assur'd, the one Army pursu'd them, and the other would not fail to Attack them in Front. This at least they strongly conjectur'd, both by the Intelligence they had receiv'd, and by the Countenance and Actions of the Ene­my.

The Consul Aemilius had been inform'd that the Legions were landed at Pisa, but he [Page 198]could not hope they were arriv'd so near; but as soon as he perceiv'd the Dispute upon the Hill, he took for granted his Collegue was now at hand, whereupon he sent a Par­ty of Horse to sustain them, and after having form'd their Foot according to the Roman Discipline, they mov'd toward the Enemy. The Gauls plac'd the Goesates in their Rear, believing that Aemilius would find them Work there; next to them were posted the Insubrians; in the Front were the Taurisques, and those that inhabit beyond the Po. Thus the two Bodies being drawn up, Rear to Rear, they fac'd likewise toward Atilius, to receive his Charge. All their Chariots and Baggage were dispos'd on the Wings. Their Plunder they had carried to a neigbouring Hill, where they left it under a good Guard. So the Army of the Gauls being drawn up, I say, facing two ways, was not only terri­ble to behold, but were in effect form'd in the most proper manner, to receive the At­tack. The Insubrians and Bojans ingag'd, cloath'd only in thin and light Garments; But the Goesates (such was their Fool-hardi­ness, and Opinion of their Strength) strip­ping themselves naked, march'd in that manner in the Front of the Battel, bran­dishing their Swords; conceiving that in that Equipage they should not be only able to use their Arms with more freedom, but being eas'd of their Garments, they should [Page 199]find less Impediment from the Bushes and Briers that might molest them in time of Action. The first Dispute was on the Hill we mention'd, where great Bodies of Horse fought and attack'd each other, mingling and fighting without any Order. Here Ati­lius the Consul, ingaging too far, was slain, whose Head was immediately carried to the Gaulish King. But this did not at all dis­hearten the Roman Horse, who maintain'd their Post, and repuls'd the Enemy.

And now the Foot came to join Battel, where the manner of the Encounter was not only violent and terrible to those who were ingag'd, but also, will alwais appear so, to such as shall hear the Relation; and to whose View the Pen of the Historian shall Describe it. In a word, where three Armies were thus ingag'd, who will not conclude, but the Spectacle of such a Battel, and the Fa­shion of the Contest, was wholly new and surprizing? Furthermore, who would not at this Day judge, or, who would not then have concluded, that the Manner and Order wherein the Gauls were drawn up, would not either prove fatal to them, as being to receive an Enemy in Front and Rear; or that it ought to contribute to the Victory, as having two Armies to deal with, they had order'd it so, that dividing their Army, one part thereof sustain'd the other, whereby the Enemy could never attack their Rear? Over [Page 200]and above, all Temptations of Flight were by that means taken away, for they could neither go forward, nor retire, and in case they should happen to be vanquish'd, they were bereft of all means of Escape, which is an advantage only to be found, when an Ar­my is so form'd, fronting two several ways. The Romans were not however without their Reasons to expect Success, who had their Enemy surrounded and hemm'd in on all sides; while on the other hand, the for­midable Appearance, and the tumultuous Noise of the Gallick Army, gave them Ter­rour enough: For, besides the mighty Sound of their Instruments, and other Martial In­struments wherein they abound, the Shouts and Clamours of their Soldiers was so great, that not only their Instruments and their Men, but the adjacent Hills that environ'd them, seem'd to eccho and resound the Noise. Moreover, the Countenance and Behaviour of those who march'd naked at the Head of their Army, was a Sight entirely new; those Gyant-like Men, strong and well fashion'd, in the prime and strength of their Age, where you beheld none in their first Ranks, who were not adorn'd with Chains, Collers, and Bracelets of Gold: In a word, as this ex­traordinary Spectacle could not but give the Romans Terror, so the hope of such a Booty lent them Assurance also.

When the light arm'd Troops were ad­vanc'd after the Roman manner, a good distance before the Army, had begun the Battel by a shower of Weapons they cast at the Enemy, the Garments of the Gauls, who were in the second Ranks, did in some sort defend their Bodies: But it far'd other­wise with the Goesates, who fought naked in the Van; for these finding their Entertain­ment quite contrary to what they expected, knew not how to behave themselves, or what course to take; for the Gauls Bucklers being small, never cover their Bodies entirely, at best; so that these Men, who were of the largest Size, were by that means the less de­fended, insomuch, that few Darts were cast at them without effect; and now being thus gall'd, and not able to defend their Bodies a­gainst those, who, at a distance attack'd them, they grew, at length, inrag'd, and despera [...]e of their Safety; some threw them­selves headlong on the Enemy, where they found present Death: Others retiring by lit­tle and little, as they were able, manifested their Fear by their Retreat, troubling and disordering the Ranks in their Rear. So the Roman Javelins were too hard for the Goesates Courage, and abated that vain Confidence of theirs, which was, indeed, the best part of their Soldiership. But now the Roman Cohorts advanc'd, after they had order'd their light arm'd Parties to retire into the In­tervals, [Page 202]and soon came to the Swords point with the Insubrians, Tauriscans, and Bojans, who fought it out with great Resolution; and tho' they were press'd hard, and the Di­spute was very bloody, nevertheless, they sustain'd the Shock, and kept their Post, and may be truly said to be inferior to the Ro­mans, only in their Arms, which were not, by much, so serviceable in Battel as the o­thers. For the Roman Bucklers are made so, as to cover their whole Body, and their Swords much more proper for Service; while those of the Gauls were only barely for cutting. At length, the Roman Horse, that had been ingag'd on the Hill, came down, and attack'd the Gauls in Flank, wherein they perform'd singular Service; in short, the Gauls were beaten, forty thousand slain, and ten thousond taken Prisoners; among whom was Concolitanus, one of their Kings, Aneroestus, the other King, with a small Par­ty, escap'd by Flight to a certain Village, where, soon after, he kill'd himself, as did the rest who were with him. The Consul, Aemilius, order'd the Spoils of the Enemy to be secur'd, which were sent to Rome; but whatsoever had been taken from the Coun­try, he order'd to be restor'd: Then he march'd the Army along the Confines of Tus­cany, and fell on the Lands of the Bojans, where, after he had glutted the Soldiers with Plunder, he led the whole Army back to [Page 203] Rome; where he adorn'd the Capitol with the Ensigns he had taken, and hung up their Collars, and Bracelets, and Chains of Gold, reserving the rest of the Spoils, and the great number of Prisoners, to adorn his Triumph, when he should make his Entry into the Ci­ty. Behold, now, the Success of this mighty Expedition, which had threaten'd the Peo­ple of Italy, especially the Romans, with so dreadful a Storm. After this Victory, the Romans began to be in hopes they should be able to force the Gauls out of all the Country bordering on the Po. The two succeeding Consuls, Q. Fulvius, and Titus Manlius, marching against them, with an Army well provided of all things necessary; whereupon the Bojans, on their first Attempt, were af­frighted into Submission, putting themselves under the Roman Protection: But it hap­pen'd to be a Season of great Rains, and the Plague likewise having infected their Army, nothing afterwards memorable was per­form'd in that Expedition.

The Consuls, who succeeded them, P. Fu­rius, and C. Flaminius, march'd with their Armies into the Territories of the Gauls, by the Frontiers of the Anamures, a People who inhabit not far from Marseilles, by whose Friendship, which they had gain'd, the Con­suls had liberty to pass against the Insubrians, on that part where the River Ada runs into the Po; where being attack'd by the Enemy, [Page 204]both at the Passage of the River, and where they were about to incamp, they were not able to perform any thing to purpose at that time; entring, therefore, into Treaty with that People, they retir'd out of their Territo­ry. Afterwards, having a long time march'd too and fro, about the neighbouring Coun­try, they pass'd the River, and came into the Lands of the Cenomani, who were their Al­lies, with whom joining, they fell a second time on the Insubrians, where they made great Spoil. Whereupon the Princes of that People, observing there was no end of the Molestation the Romans gave them, deter­min'd, at length, to put all to the hazard of a Battel; accordingly, having assembl'd and rendezvous'd all their Troops in one cer­tain place, they possess'd themselves of all the Treasure, Jewels, and Gold belonging to the Temple of Minerva, and by them call'd Immoveables, with which they made pro­vision of all things they needed to further their Design; and being now well provided, they march'd chearfully against the Romans, and incamp'd in their view, with an Army of fifty thousand fighting Men. The Ro­mans plainly saw, the Enemy much exceed­ed them in number, and were therefore think­ing to re-inforce their Army by an Addition of those Gauls, who were in Amity with them; but when they consider'd the Faith­lessness of that People in all their Treaties [Page 205]and Negotiations, and that those, whose Aids they were to use, were of the same Na­tion with the others against whom they were to draw their Swords; they cou'd not there­fore determine to trust them in an Affair of so mighty importance. Wherefore, they found this Expedient; they order'd the Gauls, their Allies, to pass the River, remaining with their own Army on the other side, then de­molishing the Bridge, the River not being fordable, they kept them, at least from siding with the Enemy, since they could not resolve to trust them as Friends. By this means too, their own Army was left without any Hopes, but in Victory, for there was no Retreat, but by the River, and that was now unpassa­ble; after this was done, they prepar'd to receive the Enemy. The Soldiers deserv'd great Commendations by the Address and Skill they shew'd in this Battel, having been instructed, it seems, how they were to be­have themselves singly, or in a Body: For the Tribunes had remark'd in their former Conflicts, that the Gauls were not formida­ble, but in the Ardour of the first Attack, that their Swords were of such a fashion and temper, that they could give but one good out or two; and then they would stand bent in their Hands, and if they had not time to streighten them, with their Foot on the Ground, they became of no more use: Where­fore, the Tribunes distributed among the [Page 206]first Cohorts, the Javelins us'd by the Triari­ans, who were those that march'd in the Rear ranks; commanding the Soldiers, first to make use of those Arms, and then to draw their Swords. And now, when they came to ingage, they attack'd the Gauls as they had been order'd, whose Swords, by the first strokes on the Roman Javelins, became bent and useless; then the Romans advancing nearer with their Swords, got so within them, that they had not room to lift their Arm to take a cutting stroke, which is their manner of Fighting, whose Swords have no point: While those of the Romans, on the contrary, being fashion'd for cutting and thrusting, redoubling the one after the other, they cut and pierc'd the Gauls in the Face and Breast, and made a terrible slaughter among them. Thus the Gauls were beaten, and the Ho­nour of that Day principally attributed to the Prudence and Ability of the Tribunes; for the Consul Flaminius was to seek, and had not sufficiently provided for the Safety of the Army; who drawing up near the Ri­ver, had so order'd it, that the Romans were deprived of one great Benefit, which they make use of in Battel, leaving them not space enough betwixt their Rear and the River to retire, when occasion should make it neces­sary: so that, if during the Battel, the Romans had been press'd never so little, they had no whither to retire, but into the River; so [Page 207]great an Oversight was the Consul guilty of in that occasion. But so it happen'd, as we have related; that the Romans, by their Re­solution, got a signal Victory, returning to Rome loaden with Spoil and Glory.

The following Year the Gauls sent their Ambassadours to the Romans, to treat of a Peace, on whatsoever Conditions they should please to grant it; but the Consuls M. Clau­dius, and Cn. Cornelius, would not yield to treat with them; whereupon they re­solv'd to make their last Effort, and put it once again to the hazard of War. They therefore dispatch'd Orders for levying of Men among the Goesatae, who inhabit about the Rhone, of which People having taken thirty Thousand into their Pay, they conti­nu'd in Arms in expectation of the Enemy. About the beginning of the Spring, the Con­suls lead their Armies into the Territory of the Insubrians, and besieg'd the City of Acer­ras, situate between the Po and the Alpes. In the mean time, the Insubrians were wil­ling to do their best to raise the Siege, but knew no way how to succour the Besieg'd, the Enemy being possess'd of all the Ave­nues; they therefore pass'd the Po with some of their Troops, and marching them into the Roman Territories, sat down before Clasti­dium. The Consuls receiving this News, M. Claudius Marcellus, taking with him all the Roman Horse, and a good Body of Foot, [Page 208]march'd away with diligence to the Relief of that Place, of whose coming the Gauls having got Intelligence, rise from before it, and march in Battalia against him; and co­ming to ingage, they made for a while a good stand against the Horse, but being at length charg'd in Flank and Rear, they were forc'd to yield the Advantage to the Romans, betaking them to flight. Many perish'd in the River, which they attempted to repass, and more were slain on the Spot. Acerres likewise soon surrender'd, where had been lodg'd great store of Ammunition, and the Gauls retir'd to Milan, which is the Capital City of the Insubrians. But Cornelius fol­low'd them without loss of time, and march'd after them thither, where the Gauls attempt­ed nothing during his stay; but on his march­ing back towards Acerres, they follow'd him, and attacking his Rear, kill'd many, and put the rest of the Army to flight; till Corneli­us facing about at the Head of the Van-guard of the Army, commanded those that were flying, to make a stand, and face towards the Enemy: These Orders being obey'd, the Romans make Head against them that charg'd their Rear. But the Gauls, flesh'd with Vi­ctory, which they thought now sure, su­stain'd for a time the Charge, but it was not long e'er they gave Ground, and, flying, sought Sanctuary in the neighbouring Moun­tains, whether Cornelius follow'd them, and [Page 209]then march'd into the Country, which he spoil'd and harrass'd, and advancing to Mi­lan, took it by force. So that after this De­feat, the Princes of the Insubrians, finding it in vain further to contend, submitted, and put themselves under the Protection of the Romans.

Behold now the Success of the War, which the Romans wag'd against the Gauls; where­in, if we consider the Courage and Obstina­cy of the Enemy; the mighty Battles and the Multitudes that compos'd their Armies, and the Slaughter of Men in the Field; we shall be oblig'd, without doubt, to consent, that History affords none that may paralled it; while if, on the other hand, we weigh their Designs and Enterprises, and the blind and shallow Administration of their Affairs in all things, we shall see nothing therein that doth not justly beget our Contempt; for the Gauls are ever transported by Heat and Fury, ne­ver conducted by Reason and Council, we will not say for the most part, but in all their Determinations. And now having related how soon after they were beaten from their Seats in the Neighbourhood of the Po, some few places excepted under the Alpes, we therefore held it but reasonable to relate how they came first into Italy, what they did af­terwards, and in a word, how they were at length totally exterminated. For it seems to me to be the Duty of an Historian, to in­struct [Page 210]future Times in these memorable Events, which are no other than the Sports and Entertainments of Fortune, lest Poste­rity, thro' want of due Information, should be to seek for Examples to fortifie their Minds against the frequent and temerarious Descents of these Barbarians. Furthermore, Instruction may be gather'd by the Example now before us, how certainly they may be repell'd, where they are resisted with Resolu­tion; and that we ought to suffer every thing, rather than yield to them in any thing. And there is no doubt, but those who have oblig'd Posterity with the Relation of the Persians Expedition into Greece, and the At­tempt of the Gauls upon Delphos, gave great Light to the Greeks in their Designs after­wards of rescuing their Countries Liberty. For if the mighty things perform'd by them, were duly weigh'd; what Myriads of Men, and what wonderful Preparations were lost and defeated, by the single Vertue of a few, who had a right Knowledge in the Art of War, and were led by the Conduct of Rea­son: There would be no Force so great, nor Armies so numerous that might not be re­sisted: And who would not run any Ha­zard, and suffer any Extremity to win Glory, and redeem his Coutry? In short, the Greeks were not molested, only in the Days of our Fore-fathers, but even frequently in our Times; which was in part my Motive for [Page 211]giving the World this short History of the Acts of that People, and albeit, it be but an Epitome, it comprehends, at least, their Sto­ry from the beginning of their Enterprises. But it is now time to remember from whence we have digress'd.

After Asdrubal, the Carthaginian General, had govern'd in Spain, for the space of eight Years, he was treacherously murder'd in his Tent by a certain Gaul, provok'd by some Injury he had receiv'd. This Leader had greatly augmented the Dominion of the Car­thaginians, not only by Force of Arms, but by his Wisdom, and the Gentleness where­by he gain'd and attracted the Good-will of many Princes of that Nation. After his Death, notwithstanding the Youth of Han­nibal, the Carthaginians made him his Suc­cessour in the Govenment of Spain; who, a­mong his other promising Qualities, gave Indications of an extraordinary Courage and Greatness of Mind; and was no sooner con­firm'd in his Government, but it was easie to foresee by his Actions and Councils, that he meditated a War with the Romans, which, in effect, soon after came to pass. The Ro­mans and Carthaginians were already on Terms of Jealousie, and Provocations had been mutually given, by Injuries done on ei­ther side. The Carthaginians on their part could not digest their Loss of Sicily, which they long'd to revenge, and secretly laid their [Page 212]Designs to effect it; while the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of their Pra­ctices, were on their Guard, insomuch as it was now visible to every Eye, that it could not be long before a War would break out between those two States. It was likewise about the same Period of Time, that the A­chaians and King Phillip, with the rest of the Confederates, ingag'd in a War against the Aetolians, which was call'd the War of the Allies. But since we have already treated of the Affairs of Sicily and Africk, and touch'd what was memorable therein, and pursuant to the Method we have propos'd, are now arriv'd at the said Confederate War, and the second that was wag'd between the Romans and Carthaginians, call'd by some the War of Hannibal; where we promis'd should be the Commencement of our History, it will therefore be necessary, without entertaining the Reader with farther Digression, that we come now to set down the Occurrences of Greece, to the end, that having previously and summarily made the Way plain before us, by reducing the general Account of Af­fairs to one and the same Period of Time, we may thence take the Beginning of the General History, we have especially under­taken to write, wherein the Causes will be found very visible, which have produc'd so wonderful Effects.

Furthermore, in regard our Design is not laid to write the Story and Adventures, of any one single or particular Nation; as some have done that of the Greeks, and others of the Persians, but on the contrary, since we have determin'd to make a General History of Occurrences in all those Parts of the World, that have fallen under our Observation, it will not be therefore unprofitable to Di­scourse principally of those Places and Peo­ple, that are most Eminent and Remarka­ble; inasmuch, as because the present Age sufficiently furnishes Materials for that Work, and in case we do not inlarge on that Subject here, we shall however, supply it else-where. Touching the Asiaticks and the Aegyptians, it may suffice to Treat of their Affairs, no higher than from our own Times; since their Story of remoter Date, has been already the Subject of divers Authors, to to which every one may have Recourse. And indeed they have seen so few Revolu­tions and Changes of Fortune of late, that there will be no need to resort to distant Ac­counts, to be enlightned in their Affairs. On the other hand, the History of the Achaians, and the Royal Family of Macedon, will re­quire a necessary Recourse to Antiquity, in regard the latter is now quite extinguish'd, and the other by their good Conduct and In­telligence, risen to a marvellous Height of Prosperity: For tho' it hath been the Argu­ment [Page 214]of many heretofore, to perswade the Peloponnesians to a Union, for their common Defence and Safety; which could not, how­ever, be brought to pass, inasmuch, as those who have seem'd to contend therein, could never relinquish their own Interests and Ad­vancement, while they deliberated for the Publick. Wherefore, this Felicity was re­serv'd for our Days, and is accomplish'd in such a manner, as that they are not only United by a firm Alliance, but the better to fasten the Bond of Union, their Laws are now the same, as also their Mony, Weights and Measures; furthermore, they have the same Magistrates, the same Council, and the same Judges: So that to comprize all in one Word, Peloponnesus is not one entire City and Corporation, only because one Wall does not Begirt and Environ it; every thing else is Uniform throughout all their Cities. And it would be no fruitless Curiosity, to enquire why, and for what Reason, the Pe­loponnesians began to take upon them the Name of Achaians; for those who were first so call'd, were a People no more considera­ble than their Neighbours; neither for their Riches, the number of their Towns and Ci­ties, nor the Vertue of their People. In a word, the Arcadians and Lacedemonians were superior to the Achaians, both in Numbers and Extent of Dominion. And there was hardly any Nation through the whole Con­tinent [Page 215]of Greece, that did not think them­selves their Equals, both in Valour and Ver­tue; how then comes it to pass that the A­chaians, and those who have ingag'd in that Confederacy, and are become the same in Government and Name, are risen to that height of Reputation? It were Blindness and Folly to ascribe it to Accident, or a meer Effect of the Indulgence of Fortune. It be­hoves us then, to search out, and determine the Cause, for without that, nothing can be effected that comes to pass; whether done by the Guidance of right Reason, or seem­ingly done without any Reason all. My Judgment of the Cause then is this: That first it is impossible to find a Republick, where Liberty and Equality, and in a word, where popular Government is better pre­serv'd, or where more wholsom Laws are to be found, than among the Achaians, this in­vited many of the Peloponnesian Cities to em­brace, of their own Accord, their Form of Government; many likewise were won to receive it by the Force of Reason and Per­swasion; and some were constrain'd by Ne­cessity, and yielded with a sort of Choice to what they foresaw they should shortly not be able to refuse. While in the mean time the Founders of this Institution reap'd no Privi­ledge or Advantage by their Change, who no sooner receiv'd their Laws, but they were admitted to the same Fellowship of Right with the rest.

In brief, the Achaians compass'd this great Design, principally by two Things, which seldom fail of Effect; namely, Equality and Benignity; and there is great appearance of Reason that that was the chief and most like­ly Motive to this Concord, which growing and establishing by degrees, acquir'd to the Peloponnesians so much Power and Wealth. But this Right is to be done the Achaians, that it must be confess'd, the Form of Govern­ment we have mention'd, was Originally and of Old among them; which appears by manifold Testimonies, but it shall suffice at this time to exemplifie only one or two.

Upon the Burning and Destroying the As­semblies of the Pithagoreans, by a secret Con­spiracy, in that part of Italy call'd Magna­graecia, there ensu'd great Commotious among the Principal Magistrates by that extraordi­nary Adventure. All the Greek Towns on that Coast of Italy were fill'd with Sedition, Tumult and Murders; so that to recover and establish Union and Tranquility among them, Ambassadours were dispatch'd to them from all parts of Greece, howbeit, the Council only of the Achaians was chosen to cure those great Evils, and compose the Dissentions that were grown among them. Nor was it in this only that the People express'd their Esteem of the Laws and Institutions of the Achaians; but all those Governments soon after, by common Consent, agreed to imitate them, and to [Page 217]Form themselves according to the Example of the Achaian Republick. Whereupon the Crotoniates, the Sybarites, and the Cauloniates, Uniting in one Body, agreed to build a Tem­ple to Jupiter Homorius, Decreeing that Place for the Congress of their General Assemblies. In a word, they receiv'd the Achaian Laws, and resolv'd conformably to Govern their States. And if any thing therein was after­wards alter'd, it was not out of Choice, but strong Necessity; for on the one hand Diony­sius of Syracuse, and the Barbarians on the other, who were too powerful for them to contend with, often compell [...]d them to change their Methods of Administration.

Afterwards, about the time of the Lacede­monians Defeat in the Battel of Leuctra, (an Occurrence which surpriz'd all the World) when the Thebans, contrary to the general Opinion, had acquir'd the Dominion of Greece, there grew great Troubles and Commotions every-where, and principally between the Lac [...]demonians and Thebans, for those would not be drawn to consent they had been Van­quish'd, and these could not prove they had been Victors. Whereupon the Achaians, of all the Greeks, were mutually chosen to be the sole Judges of this Controversie, not by an Argument of their Power and Greatness, there being no State at that Time in all Greece that was not Superiour to them in Strength, but merely in regard of the Virtue and Pro­bity [Page 218]which they manifested in all their Nego­tiations, which had acquir'd them the good Opinion of the whole World. But they had nothing else at that time to boast of, but good Counsel, and a Disposition to improve their Fortune, not having it in their Power to b [...] Great or Secure, through the want of such a Head or Leader, whose Virtue and Abilities might answer the Glory of their Designs; For, they no sooner made Choice of One in whom any extraordinary Marks of Courage or Greatness of Mind was discover'd, when the Lacedemonians, and above the rest the Macedonians, would presently form Obstacles, and raise Impediments to the Course of their Virtue.

But afterwards, when they came to in­joy the Liberty of Chusing such Men, as knew how to acquit themselves, it was then perceiv'd, how capable they were of bringing the greatest things to pass. For, what was more glorious than the Union and Confederacy of the Peloponnesians? Ara­tus the Sicyonian was the Author of that No­ble Enterprise, and Philopoemen of Megalopolis prosecuted it and saw it perfected; Father of our Au [...]. Lycortas, and those who succeeded, confirmed it, and labour'd therein so successfully, as to give some Assurance of its Duration. But we shall shew in the Pursuit of our History, as Occasion shall be given, how, and at what Time, they respectively contributed to that Work. N [...] ­vertheless [Page 219]we shall not have occasion to in­large on the Actions of Aratus, in regard he himself has compos'd a sort of History, wherein the Truth of Occurrences is plainly deliver'd. But as to what may concern the others, we shall diligently, and more accu­rately, recount their Actions. In brief, I have, upon good Deliberation, concluded, that the Work I have undertaken, will be less difficult for me, and more advantageous for the Reader, to take my Beginning from the time when the Achaians, (who had been divided by the Power of the Kings of Mace­don,) began to Unite and Incorporate, inas­much, as from thence may be dated the Birth of that Power and Greatness, which by a con­stant Growth and Augmentation, hath at length arriv'd at that height of Prosperity wherein we now behold them, and whereof we have already taken notice.

It was in the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, when the Patraeans and Dimoeans laid the Foundation of the Union; in the same Olympiad, wherein Ptolomy the Son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolomy, surnam'd Ceraunus, dy'd. And if we would extend our Prospect yet further back, behold the State of the Achaians: Tisamenus, Son of Orestes, flying from Sparta, upon the return of the Heraclidoe, govern'd in Achaia, and was the first King of that People; the Domi­nion by him there founded, was continu'd in [Page 220]a rightful Succession down to Gyges, whose Sons rendring him odious by their Tyrannical Practices, the first Form of their Govern­ment became chang'd, and reduc'd to a po­pular State, which lasted to the time of Alex­ander the Great; and albeit their Affairs were govern'd and regulated according to the Di­versity of Times, and Occurrences, never­theless all possible Endeavours were us'd to preserve the Form of a popular State. The Commonwealth was compos'd of Twelve Cities, which are in being at this Day, Olenus and Helice only excepted, which were swal­low'd up by the Sea, in an Earth-quake, that happen'd not long before the Battel of Leuctra; which Cities are Patra, Dyma, Phara, Trytoea, Leontium, Aegira, Pellene, Aegium, Bura, Ceraunia, Olenus, and He­lice. After the Death of Alexander, and since the Olympiad we have mention'd, these Cities fell into dangerous Dissentions, chiefly by the Artifices of the Macedonian Princes, when every City apart meditated on nothing but their own private Profit, and Ends, to the Prejudice and Destruction of their Neigh­bours; and this gave occasion to Demetrius, and Cassander, and afterward to Antigonus Gonatus, to put Garrisons in some of their Cities, and that others were invaded and go­vern'd by Tyrants, who in those Days were very numerous in Greece. But about the Hun­dred and four and twentieth Olympiad, [Page 221]when Pyrhus invaded Italy, these People be­gan to see the Errour of their Dissentions, and labour'd to return to their former Union. Those who gave the first Example, were the Dymoeans the Patroeans, and the Pharoeans; Five Years after those of Aegium, having cast out the Garrison that was plac'd over them, were receiv'd into the Confederacy. Those of Bura, follow'd their Example, having first kill'd the Tyrant; and shortly after, those of Ceraunia did the like: for Iseas their Tyrant, considering how that those of Aegium had ex­pell'd their Garrison, and he who govern'd in Bura, was already slain by the Practices of Marcus, and the Achaians, and that it would be his Lot to have them all quickly for Ene­mies, he therefore resign'd the Dominion; after having first stipulated with the Achai­ans, for his Indemnity for what was pass'd, and so incorporated the City into the Union of the Achaians. But it may be demanded, Why we take so remote a View into Anti­quity? To which we Answer, Because, in the first place, we would shew after what Manner, and at what Time this Common­wealth was founded, and who were the first of the Ancient Achaians, that laid the Foun­dation; and to the end it may appear that we say nothing without Proof, of the Institu­tions of that People, and that what we have Recorded is too evident to be confuted, it is manifest they have all along observ'd the [Page 222]same Methods of Government. So that con­senting to Equality and Liberty, which is in the utmost Perfection among that People, and opposing their Arms against those, who by themselves, or by the Assistance of such Princes as would willingly have had them fallen into Servitude; they have been able to compass their great Design, partly of them­selves, and partly by their Confederates. In short, we may have recourse to their Laws, and Institutions, to be satisfy'd in what af­terwards succeeded. For, in a word, tho' they have been, in many Occasions of greatest moment, serviceable to the Romans, never­theless their Success never alter'd them, or lent them Ambition to Exalt their Fortune, but they barely contented themselves to be permitted, in reward of the good Offices they had render'd their Allies, Liberty only to every one in particular, and a Confirmation of the general Union of Peloponnesus. But this will be more evidently seen by their Actions.

The Cities, then, we have mentiond con­tinu'd for the space of five and twenty Years, to preserve their Form of Government un­chang'd, chusing in their General Assembly, two Praetors and a Secretary. Afterward they concluded to have but one Praetor only, who should be charg'd with the Manage­ment of their Affairs; and the first who en­joy'd that Dignity, was Marcus the Carian, [Page 223]who, after four Years of his Administration, gave place to Aratus the Sicyonian, who, at the Age of twenty Years, after he had by his Vertue and Resolution rescu'd his Country from Tyranny, join'd it to the Common­wealth of the Achaians, so great a Venerati­on had he from his Youth for the Manners and Institutions of that People. Eight Years after, he was a second time chosen Praetor, and won Acro-corinth, which Antigonus had fortify'd with a Garrison, whereby Aratus freed all Greece from no small Apprehension: when he had restor'd Liberty to Corinth, he united it to the Achaians, together with the City of Megara, which he got by Intelligence during his Praetorship. All these things hap­pen'd about a Year before the last Battel that was fought between the Romans and Cartha­ginians for the Dominion of Sicily, when the latter were oblig'd to quit their Claim, and become Tributaries to the Romans. In a word, Aratus, who, in a short space, brought many and great things to pass, made it ma­nifest by his Counsels and Actions, that his greatest Aim was the Expulsion of the Mace­donians out of Peloponnesus, to suppress Ty­ranny, and assert the Liberty of his Country. So that, during the whole Reign of Antigo­nus Gonatus, Aratus constantly oppos'd all his Designs and Enterprises, as he did the Ambi­tion of the Aetolians, to raise themselves on the Ruines of their Neighbour States. And [Page 224]as in all the Transactions of his Administrati­on, he gave singular Evidences of a steady Mind and firm Resolution, all his Attempts succeeded accordingly, notwithstanding ma­ny States confederated to hinder the Union, and to destroy the Commonwealth of the A­chaians.

After the Death of Antigonus, the Achai­ans enter'd into a League with the Aetoli­ans, and generously assisted them in their War against Demetrius, so that the ancient Hatred between these two People seem'd for the present extinguish'st, and the Desire of Concord began, by degrees, to grow in the Minds of the Aetolians; Demetrius reign'd ten Years, and dy'd about the time that the Romans made their first Expedition into Illy­ria, when many great and noble Occasions were given to the Achaians of finishing the Project they had conceiv'd. For the Tyrants who reign'd in Peloponnesus, having lost the Support of Demetrius, who greatly favour'd them, began now to Despair; and on the o­ther hand, being aw'd by Aratus, who ad­monish'd them to quit their Governments, on Promise of great Honours and Rewards to such as voluntary resignd, and threatning o­thers with Hostility, who refus'd: Where­upon they resolv'd to Despoil themselves of their Dignities, restore their People to Liber­ty, and Incorporate them with the Achaians. As to Lysiadas, the Megalapolitan, he wisely [Page 225]foreseeing what was likely to come to pass, frankly renounc'd his Dominion during the Life of Demetrius, and was receiv'd into the General Confederacy of Rights and Privi­leges with the whole Nation. Aristomachus, Tyrant of the Argives; Xeno of the Her­mionians, and Cleonymus of the Phliatians, re­signing their Authority at the time we men­tion'd, were likewise receiv'd into the Alli­ance of the Achaians.

In the mean time, the Aetolians began to conceive Jealousie at the growing Greatness and extraordinary Success of the Achaians, and according to their natural Malice and Ambition, but principally in Hopes they should be able to break the Union of those Cities that were already join'd, as it had been concerted with Antiochus, and was heretofore brought to pass, when they shar'd the Acharnanians with Alexander; incou­rag'd, therefore, now by a Prospect of the like Success, they basely enter'd into a League with Antigonus, who at that time govern'd Macedon, during the Minority of Philip, then a Child; they did the like also with Cleome­nes, King of the L [...]edemonians, and incor­porated their Troops with their own. In short, they saw Antigonus now at Leisure, with the whole Power of Macedon at his De­votion, and were well assur'd of his Enmity to the Achaians, on the Occasion of the Sur­prise of Acro-corinth; so that, making ac­count, [Page 226]that if the Lacedemonians, who like­wise bore no good Will to the Achaians, would heartily join with them in their De­signs against that People, it would not be difficult to succeed in their Enterprise, inas­much as they should be able to Attack them in earnest, and Invade them on all sides at once: Nor would the Aetolians have been without Reason to hope some Success in their Design, had they not omitted one principal Consideration; namely, that they were to have to do with Aratus, whose great Abili­ties suffic'd to obviate and prevent all the ill Effects that could be threaten'd. But ma­king an unjust War on the Achaians, it came to pass, that it did not only not succeed as they had propos'd; but on the contrary, as by the Wisdom of Aratus, who was then Praetor, their Designs were broken and de­feated; so the Confederacy became stronger, and the Achaians greater than before; and by what shall be further related, it will ap­pear how they effected their Purpose.

Aratus, then, considering that the sense of the Benefits the Aetolians had receiv'd by the Friendship of the Achaians, during the War with Demetrius, with-held them for the pre­sent, out of Shame, from openly declaring War against them, though at the same time, they secretly practis'd with the Lacedemoni­ans, and manifested so violent an Hatred to the Achaians, that when Cleomenes fraudulent­ly [Page 227]attack'd them, and surpriz'd Tegea, Man­tinea and Orchomena, they were not only not touch'd or concern'd at that Outrage and Violation, but did their best to confirm him in the Possession of those Cities. And not­withstanding their natural Avarice, to gra­tifie which Passion, a very slight Occasion suffic'd to provoke them to War, with those who had hardly injur'd them; yet could they tamely suffer, not only breach of Faith, but willingly yielded up great Cities to the Pos­session of others, in prospect that the grow­ing Power of Cleomenes, might at length ren­der him a Match for the Achaians. Aratus, therefore, and the Chiefs of the Confedera­cy, determin'd not to declare War against any one, and to apply themselves only to withstand the Designs of the Lacedemonians, at least these were their first Thoughts: But when they had further penetrated the Coun­sels of Cleomenes, and saw him building a Fortress in the Territory of the Megalopoli­tans, call'd Athenaeum, and that the War became by that means manifestly proclaim'd against them; they then call'd an Assembly of the States, and therein it was declar'd that the Lacedemonians should be reputed E­nemies. In this manner, and at that time the War began, which was call'd the Cleo­menic War.

This War was at first manag'd and su­stain'd by the single Strength and Forces of [Page 228]the Achaians, who had the Resolution to march alone against the Lacedemonians, con­cluding it more for their Glory to attempt their Defence, without borrowing Aids from abroad; but bearing in memory the good Offices which had been done them, here­tofore by Ptolomy, they endeavour'd to se­cure his Friendship, and to possess him with a Belief, that their entire Confidence was in him. But when the War began to grow upon them, and Cleomenes had destroy'd the Lacedemonian Government, and of a free State had converted it to a Tyranny, Aratus observing that that Prince manag'd the War with no less Ability than Force, began to be in pain for the Event, and being jealous of the Arts and Infidelity of the Aetolians, he thought it Wisdom to endeavour to Coun­ter-work, and perplex them in their Enter­prises. He therefore consider'd that, Anti­gonus, who govern'd in Macedon, was a Man of Experience, and of his Word, and that he was willing enough to make Alliances; and was not without this Consideration too, That Princes have naturally neither Friends nor Enemies, but measure Amities and En­mities, by the Rules of Interest; he there­fore endeavour'd after a good Understand­ing with that Prince, and determin'd to pro­pose the joining the Forces of the Achaians with his. But there were many weighty Reasons that convinc'd him, this was an Af­fair [Page 229]that could not safely be treated openly; for in a word, he was well aware that Cleo­menes and the Aetolians, would not only op­pose it, but the Achaians themselves would have reason to Despair, when they should see their Praetor applying to their Enemy: Which they would interpret an Effect of his Doubt of their Forces, which he thought ne­cessary by all means to prevent. He resolv'd therefore to prosecute his Purpose with such Caution, as to leave no room for Suspicion; and the better to bring it to pass, he was con­strain'd both to do and say many things in the Eye of the People, that to them bespoke quite other Intentions than those he had har­bour'd; thus he kept his Design undisco­ver'd, and that indeed seems to be the Rea­son why he hath made no mention thereof in his Commentaries. Furthermore, Aratus was not ignorant that the Megalopolitans, by their Neighbourhood to the Lacedemonians; stood expos'd above all others to the Violence and Incommodities of the War, which they could not without great Repugnance under­go, and that the Achaians would not be able to yield them effectual Succours, by reason of their own Straits. He likewise knew their great Inclinations to the House of Macedon, in Memory of the many Favours done them by Philip Son of Amintas, so that he justly collected that whenever they should come to be hard press'd by Cleomenes, they would re­sort [Page 230]sort for Succour to Antigonus, and the Mace­donians. There were two principal Citi­zens in Megalopolis, namely Nicophanes and Cercidas, with whom Aratus corresponded, who were Men wen well qualify'd for Con­ducting the Enterprize he was meditating; to these he imparted the Secret, and by their means brought it so about, that the Megalo­politans decreed to send Embassadours to the Assembly of the Achaians, to move them to solicit Succours from Antigonus, by their Ambassadours. So Nichophanes and Cerci­das, were themselves sent to the Achaians, with Orders to proceed on to Antigonus, if they approv'd the Proposition; which they did, and consented that the Ambassadours should pursue their Orders.

When Nichophanes had his Audience of Antigonus, he touch'd the Affairs of his own Country, in few words, speaking no more than what was just fit; but he enlarg'd, and made him a long Discourse, pursuant to the Instructions of Aratus, of Affairs in General. Which Instructions imported the mighty Consequence of the Alliance between Cleo­menes and the Aetolians, and whither it tend­ed; that it was true, the Achaians were like­ly to feel the first Evils of it, but the hea­viest and most dangerous Effects threatned Antigonus; that it was not difficult to deter­mine that the Achaians, were not them­selves a Match for those two People, in case [Page 231]they should attack them; and that it was yet easier to foresee, to those who rightly judg'd of Affairs, that the Ambition of Cleo­menes, and the Aetolians was not likely to be limited to the single Conquest of the Acha­ians; and that they would stop there; that Peloponnesus wou'd prove but a small Morsel to the Avarice of the Aetolians, when Greece itself was not thought sufficient; that touch­ing Cleomenes, albeit he made Shew to be satis­fy'd with the Dominion of Peloponnesus, there was no reason to doubt, but that whenever he should compass so great a share of Autho­rity, he would extend his Ambition to the Subjection of all Greece, which it would be impossible to bring to pass, without first de­stroying the Macedonian Monarchy. The Ambassadours therefore were to pray him to deliberate maturely which was likely to be the safest Counsel for him to take; whether to Succour the Achaians and Beotians, in Op­position to Cleomenes, and to counterplot his Designs upon Greece in Peloponnesus, or by neglecting the Occasion of conciliating the Friendship of so great a People, become liable at length to sustain a War in Thessaly, for the Empire of Macedon, not only with the Lacedemonians and Aetolians, but with the Beotians and Achaians themselves. They were in short, to let Antigonus know, that if the Aetolians continu'd their Nutrality, as they yet seem'd to do out of shame, to deal [Page 232]ungratefully with those from whom they had receiv'd so many good Offices during their War with Demetrius: That in such case the Achaians would stand alone against the At­tempts of Cleomenes, and if Fortune favour'd their Councils, they should not be driven to resort to any foreign Assistance. But in case other Resolutions should be taken, and that the Aetolians should join with the Enemy, That he should then be mov'd to weigh with his best Wisdom the State of Things, and not to permit the occasion to be lost of timely suc­couring, and preventing the Ruine of the A­chaians, of whose Fidelity and Gratitude there could be no Reason to doubt. In short, the Ambassadours gave him Assurance, That whensoever these Matters should corne in a­gitation, Aratus would be prepar'd to give such Security for their fair Proceeding, as should be pleasing to both Parties, and that he himself would take upon him to demand it whensoever Assistance should be needful. Antigonus having heard the Ambassadours, acknowledg'd the Counsel of Aratus to be very wise and wholsome, and from that time forward kept a more vigilant Eye on all Oc­currences. He likewise writ to the Mega­lopolitans, assuring them of his Assistance, whensoever the Achaians should declare it necessary.

Upon the return Home of Nicophanes and Cercidas, they deliver'd the Letters of Antigo­nus, [Page 233]and made known the good Disposition wherein they found that Prince, whereupon the Megalopolitans took Courage, and forth­with deliberated to go to the Assembly of the Achaians, and move them to join with Anti­gonus, and to lose no time in putting their Affairs into his Management. And now, when Aratus had been given to understand by the Ambassadours how kind Antigonus had appear'd to the Achaians in general, and to himself in particular; he was not a little pleas'd to find his Project succeeed so well, and that Antigonus prov'd in his Compliance, so contrary to the Opinion of the Achaians; for he was assur'd that the Inclination which the Megalopolitans had shewn to commit the Conduct of the War to Antigonus, by the Consent of the Achaians, could not but great­ly contribute to the Success of his Designs. For, notwithstanding that Aratus, as we have observ'd, wish'd there might happen no Occasion to call in Foreign Aids, and that he labour'd all that was possible to prevent it; nevertheless, he thought it the safest Ad­vice that could be taken, if they should chance to be straitned, to secure the Friendship of Antigonus, provided the Motion might pro­ceed meerly from the Achaians, and that it might not appear it was compass'd by his Procurement. For, in short, as he could not answer for Antigonus, who might be tempt­ed to change his Mind, so he was in the right [Page 234]to do his best, to shun the Blame that might be due to him, for the Mischiefs that might befal his Country in case, after Antigonus should have come to their Relief, and succeeded a­gainst Cleomenes, he should chance to attempt any thing to the Detriment of the Republick. And on the other hand, he justly fear'd, that if Antigonus should declare himself their Ene­my, no Body would arraign him of Injustice, after the Violation acted by the Achaians a­gainst the Kings of Macedon, in the Surprize of Acro-Corinth.

Wherefore upon the arrival of the Mega­lopolitans at the Assembly, where they com­municated Antigonus's Letters, and after they had deliberated on the great Demon­strations of Affection that Prince had made them; and, in a word, had remonstrated the pressing Occasion of calling him to their Aid, and that the Megalopolitans wish'd it above all things: Then Aratus stood up to speak, and, after he had exaggerated the Benefits of Antigonus's Friendship, and ap­plauded the Determination of the People, he made a long Exhortation to dispose them by all means, if it were possible, to com­pass their Defence and Safety by their own Forces alone, inasmuch, as nothing could be­fal them more Glorious, or more Profitable: And that if after all their Efforts, Fortune should prove averse, then that they might have recourse to their Friends, but that they [Page 235]ought first to perform the utmost they were able, by their own single Forces.

This Opinion of Aratus being approv'd, by a general Vote of the Assembly, they deter­min'd to proceed no further for that Time, and that the Achaians should attempt at least to sustain the War by themselves. In the mean time, Ptolomy, who despair'd of pre­serving Friendship with the Achaians, began to manifest his Good-will to Cleomenes, by supplying him with Necessaries; for, as he believ'd the Power of the Lacedemonians would be likely to go further towards the De­feating the Designs of the Macedonians than the Achaians, he theretofore did what he could to irritate Cleomenes against Antigonus; contributing his part towards the expence of the War. But after the Achaians were worst­ed by Cleomenes, first near Licoeum, where they met by accident; and afterwards, in a Battel near Magalopolis. And, in short, after their Defeat, and the loss of their prime Strength, in the Territory of Dymaja, near a Place call'd Hecatombaeum, finding the Cir­cumstances of their Affairs to admit no fur­ther Delay, the present Danger in which they saw themselves, prevail'd on the Achaians unanimously to consent to implore Succours of Antigonus; accordingly Aratus dispatch'd away his Son, and ratify'd the Treaty that had been made with that Prince, touching the Assistance he was to give them. But [Page 236]now a weighty Objection appear'd, likely to obstruct the Accord, for they took it for granted, that Antigonus would demur to their Supply till Acro-Corinth, together with the City, should be restor'd to his Possession; which he would make to be the Seat of the War; and the Achaians could not deter­mine to yield up those Places without the Con­sent of the Corinthians first obtain'd; which was the Occasion of some Delay, and gave them leisure to deliberate about adjusting the Sureties.

In the mean while, Cleomenes's Successes had given the Alarm on all sides, who prose­cuted his good Fortune now without danger or molestation, taking some Towns by fair means, and others by force; and having made himself Master of Caphya, Pellene, Phe­neus, Argos, Phliunte, Cleone, Epidaurus, Her­mione, Troezene, and, in short, of Corinth it self; he march'd on, and incamp'd near the City of Sicyon. The difficulty was now re­mov'd, that molested the Achaians, and Ara­tus the Praetor, while the Corinthians, who, tho' they had signifi'd they were ready to joyn and march with them, were on the contrary found to have confederated with Cleomenes, and invited him to receive them. This gave the Achaians then a Pretext which justifi'd their Determination, and which Ara­tus readily improv'd, who had already given Antigonus some hopes that Acro-corinth should [Page 237]be put into his Hands; which having now perform'd, the scense of the Injury heretofore done to the Kings of of Macedon, became by that means remov'd, and the Alliance more firmly ratifi'd for the Time to come; and, what was farther considerable, Antigonus was by that means, put in Possession of a proper Fortress, whereby to manage the War with the Lacedemonians. Cleomenes, who had al­ready promis'd himself the Principality of all Peloponnesus, receiving Intelligence of the Alliance concluded between Antigonus and the Achaians, forthwith retir'd from before Sicyon, and march'd and incamp'd his Army near the Isthmus, and fortifi'd with a Ditch and Rampart, the whole Space between Acro-Corinth and the Onion Hills. In the mean while Antigonus had been long in a readiness to enter upon the War, and attended only the Motive from Aratus; and making a Judgment according to the Advices he re­ceiv'd, that Cleomenes would soon be on his march with his Army, he therefore sent to Aratus and the Achaians, himself being then in Thessaly, to exhort them to put in effect the Promises that had been made him, and then march'd with his Army towards the Isthmus, by the way of Euboea. For the Aetolians, who had attempted all other means before to prevent the Conjunction of Anti­gonus with the Achaians, and were still ready to do their utmost to hinder the same, had [Page 238]intimated to him, that he should not attempt his passage with an Army by the Streights of Thermopylae, and that if he did, they would oppose him with an Army. When Anti­gonus arriv'd at the Isthmus, he incamp'd just opposite to Cleomenes, with design to block up his passage into Peloponnesus.

And now, notwithstanding the Affairs of the Achaians were in a state desperate enough; nevertheless, they chang'd not their Purpose, and were not destitute of Hope; and they no sooner saw Aristotle the Argian, opposing the Partizans of Cleomenes, when they imme­diately march'd to their Assistance, and by the Conduct of Timoxenes, they got posses­sion, and became Masters of Argos by Intel­ligence; and it is reasonable to believe, that that Success gave Rise to the Prosperity of their Affairs. For, first of all, this Adventure gave check to the Impetuosity of Cleomenes, and greatly dishearten'd his People, as Oc­currences will explain it by and by. For not­withstanding his being possess'd of Posts and Places of more advantage, and being Ma­ster of greater Conveniences for the supply of his Army than Antigonus; and, in a word, at the Head of a more numerous Army; yet, he no sooner heard, that the Achaians were Masters of Argos, when he deserted all those Advantages we have enumerated, and that render'd him Superior to Antigonus, and retir'd from the Isthmus, in the manner [Page 239]of a Flight, fearing to be surrounded by the Enemy. Afterwards he manag'd an Intelli­gence in Argos, and got into the Town, but after all he could do to keep Possession, he was driven out again by the Achaians, with the Assistance of the Inhabitants themselves, who having first promis'd him their Concur­rence, they afterwards refus'd it: So he re­ [...]rn'd to Sparta by the way of Mantinoea.

Thus Antigonus got his passage into Pelo­ [...]onnesus without hazard, and Acro-Corinth [...]as put into his Hands, where he remain'd [...]ot long, but hasted away to Argos; where, [...]fter he had prais'd and incourag'd the Inha­bitants, and settl'd their Affairs, he return'd [...]o his Camp, and bent his March towards Arcadia. In short, after he had reduc'd seve­ [...]al new Garrisons that had been lately erect­ed by the Enemy, and put them into the Hands of the Megalopolitans; he proceeded [...]o Aegium to be present at the Assemblies of [...]he Achaians, where he set forth the Motives [...]f his coming among them, and advis'd how they were to proceed, and there he was cho­ [...]n General of the Confederate Army; and [...] being now Winter, he remain'd some time [...] Sicyon and Corinth, but early in the Spring [...]rew his Army out of their Winter-quar­ [...]ers, and took the Field; and in three Days [...]fter his departure, arriv'd before Tegea, where the Achaians join'd him. Antigonus [...]eing incamp'd before the Town, forthwith [Page 240]besieg'd it, which being hardly press'd by the Macedonians, who attack'd them by all the Methods that are put in practice in the like Attempts; especially, by Mines, which they had made on all Quarters; insomuch, that the Inhabitants, dispairing of Safety, yield­ed up the Place; which Antigonus having strengthen'd with a Garrison, proceeded on further Expeditions, and march'd his Troops with speed into Laconia; and being advanc'd near Cleomenes, who, with his Army, lay on the Frontiers; he began some small Ingage­ments with him by Parties, the better to sound his Designs: But learning by his Spies, that Cleomenes's Army had been re-in­forc'd by fresh Troops from Orchomenus, he forthwith march'd away towards those Quar­ters, where he took Orchomenus by force; from whence he march'd against Mantinoea, which place, terrify'd at the approach of the Macedonians, submitted; then he advanc'd towards Heroea and Telphussa; whereupon, in regard these two Places voluntarily came in­to his Party, and Winter was now at hand, he return'd to Egium, to be at the Assembly of the Achaians; and sending his Troops home, to pass the Winter, he remain'd De­liberating and Consulting with the Achaians, how farther to prosecute their Affairs.

Cleomenes receiving Intelligence, that An­tigonus had sent home his Army, and that himself, with a small Guard only of Merce­naries, [Page 241]remain'd at Aegium, which is not a­bove three Days Journy from Megalopolis; and knowing that City to be of great Cir­cuit, and but thinly peopl'd, which, to de­fend it as it ought, would require a great Gar­rison; and furthermore, having notice, that by reason of their present Neighbourhood to Antigonus, they kept very negligent Guard; and what was yet a farther Inducement, he knew, that the greatest part of the Inhabi­tants, able to bear Arms, had been lost in the two Battels that had been fought, the one near Lycoeum, and the other near Laodi­cia, as was noted; upon these Motives then, he gets by Night into the Town, without giving the least Suspicion, conducted by cer­tain Messenians, who had been bannish'd their Country, and had taken Sanctuary in Megalopolis. But in the Morning, when the Alarm was taken, it wanted but little, that the Inhabitants had not driven him out a­gain, both his Person and his People being brought into manifest danger, as it happen'd to him about three Months before, when he secretly got into the same Town, at a place call'd Colaeus. But he being now the Strong­er, and possess'd of all the advantagious Posts, succeeded in his Attempt; and, in short, ha­ving vanquish'd the Inhabitants, became Ma­ster of the Place; and was no sooner in pos­session, when he put in practice so many Outrages and Cruelties of War, that he left [Page 242]not so much as any Appearance, that it had ever been a peopl'd Place. In my Judgment, Cleomenes gave himself up to that degree of Inhumanity, out of Revenge, that he could not prevail at any time (how difficult soe­ver) to ingage any one of the Clitorians, Me­galopolitans, or Stymphalians to be of his Fa­ction, depend on his Fortune, or betray their Country to him; yet was the Generosity and love of Liberty amongst the Clitorians stain'd by the Wickedness of one Man, namely, Thearces, tho' they justly deny him to be a Native, but that he was the Son of an Orcho­menian Soldier residing among them. And, tho' there be extant Aratus's History of those Times, there are some who give greator Cre­dit to Clearchus, who dissents from him in many Particulars; the safest and wisest course, therefore, especially while we follow Aratus touching the Atchievments of Cleome­nes, will be to sift and examine things nar­rowly, to the end, it may not be our Fault, if Falshood prevail over Truth. In short, Clearchus has deliver'd many things without Judgment or Consideration, but we are not to make his Process, and detect his Errors in this place; we shall barely content ourselves, to relate nakedly, the Occurrences of those Times, and the Transactions of the Cleomenic War, and that will suffice to expose the Weakness of the Author, and shew, what we are to gather from his History. When [Page 243] Clearchus then would set forth the Cruelties of Antigonus, and the Macedonians, and even of Aratus himself, and the Achaians, he re­lates, That when the Matinoeans fell into the Hands of the Enemy, they were subje­cted to unspeakable Calamities; and that their City, which was the most considera­ble and ancient of all Arcadia, was reduc'd to so great Misery, as it drew Tears of Com­passion from the whole Body of the Greci­ans.

In brief, when he hath a mind to move Pity in the Minds of his Readers, and touch them by his Discourse, he represents Women embracing each other with melting Lamen­tations in their Mouths; he exposes them with dishevel'd Hair, and naked Breasts, and adds Tears and Complaints of Men, Women, and Children, Young and Old drag'd away promiscuously: In a word, it is his manner thus to paint and describe things, when he would give us an Image of Sorrow and Ad­versity. Whereupon I observe it is beneath the Dignity of solid Minds to be taken with such Entertainments, wherein Women only can receive Diversion. Behold then what is proper and specifick to History, and wherein consists the Benefit that we receive by that Study; It is not the Business of an Historian to affect the Reader with recounting of Pro­digies, and relating things for the sake of the Novelty and Oddness of the Matter, nor to [Page 244]wander after Subjects, that with difficulty may be allow'd to have a resemblance of Truth; nor to aggravate things; all which is properly the Poets Theme; but to set down plain Truth, and report punctually what was said or done to the least Circumstance. In short, Poetry and History have two different Ends, or are rather totally incompatible: The Art of Poetry is to strike the Heart, and move the Passions, and to beget a present Pleasure, by a Discourse that hath nothing but a likeness of Truth to recommend it: But the Design of History is to instruct the pre­sent and future Ages, in the exact Verity both of Words and Actions. Probabili­ty, tho' false, predominates in Poetry, in­asmuch as the Spectators there come to be deceiv'd; but Truth is to govern in History, for its End is Profit and Instruction. And yet there are Historians who give us Relati­tions of the most important Occurrences, without reporting to us either the Causes, the Beginning or the Reason of Things; where­of, if we are left ignorant, what just Motive will their be either for Compassion or Indig­nation? In a word, who would not be af­fected to see a Man of free Condition beaten and severely treated? And yet if this Man's Guilt hath begot his Sufferings, no Body will wonder. If Correction, and the Preservati­on of good Discipline, be the Motives of his hard Treatment, the Authors deserve Thanks [Page 245]and Praise. Is it not held likewise a heavy Crime to kill a Citizen? And yet we may kill a Citizen, destroy a Thief or an Adul­terer, and the Law saves us harmeless. And if we kill a Traytor or a Tyrant; instead of Punishment; Honours and Rewards are al­lotted for such Actions: so true it is, that the Justice or Iniquity of what we do, depends not on the Fact, but on the Causes and Mo­tives, the Purpose of the Actors, and the Difference that is found between them.

The Mantinoeans then having withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Achaians, with whom they were once in Alliance, gave up themselves, their Town and Territory to the Aetolians. And not long after they made the same Present to Cleomenes, and while they were incorporated with the Lacedemonians, Aratus gaining Intelligence with certain of the Inhabitants, the Achaians took it by force, four Years before the arrival of Antigonus; and, in a word, they were so far from re­ceiving Punishment for the Fault of their De­sertion, that on the contrary, the Union and Reconciliation of those two People was as strange, as the Revolution was sudden, and unlook'd for: For Aratus was no sooner in possession of the Place, when he expresly for­bad all manner of Plunder and Hostility, but causing the Inhabitants to assemble, he ex­horted them to take Assurance, and fear no­thing, and to apply themselves to their re­spective [Page 246]Business and Callings, and that no manner of hardship should be offer'd them, while they continu'd Members of the Achaian Republick. Whereupon, those of Mantinoea, who could not have hop'd such gentle Treat­ment on so sudden a Change, soon alter'd their Sentiments; and they who but now were Enemies to the Achaians, and fighting against them, had lost many Friends and Fel­low-citizens; receiv'd now the same Achaians as Inmates into their Houses, and as they would their nearest Friends; performing mutually all Offices of Friendship and Cour­tesie one to another. Nor was it indeed other than Justice, for I believe it may be with Truth averr'd, that there are but few Exam­ples of such Lenity in an Enemy; and that scarce any People ever had so light a Feeling of a Misfortune, accounted among the great­est that befal us, as the Mantinoeans, did through the Humanity of the Achaians and Aratus.

Afterwards by their own Importunity, press'd by the seditious Practices of some of their Citizens, who kept Intelligence with the Aetolians and Lacedemonians; Ambssa­dours were sent to the Achaians, to demand a Garrison for their better safety. Where­upon the Achaians appointed three Hundred of their Citizens to be chosen by Lot for that Service; and those whose chance it was to go, left their Fortunes and their Country, [Page 247]to take up their abode in Mantinoea, to assert and defend the Liberties of the Inhabitants. These were accompanied with two Hundred Mercenaries, who joyntly contributed to the Conservation of the Establish'd Form of Go­vernment: But not long after, instigated by the seditious Practices of the Disaffected, they call'd in the Lacedemonians, to whom they gave up themselves and their Town, and put all the Achaians to the Sword, who had been sent thither to succour and defend them; than which, could there be a more perfidious Act? For, in a word, since they had determined to change their Party, and to forget the good Offices they had receiv'd from the Achaians, and the Friendship that had been cultivated between them; they might, one would think, have spar'd the Lives of these poor People, and dismiss'd them at least in safety to their Country, as not being liable to any Conditions which might arise by any new Treaty; for according to the Right of Nations, that Favour is afforded to Enemies in the like adventures. But the Mantinoeans, of their own meer Motion, acted that criminal Part, and violated an Universal Law, to give an Earnest to Cleo­menes, and the Lacedemonians, of their Rea­diness to Engage in any thing they should re­quire of them. In this manner, then having with their own Hands slain those who had restor'd them their Town and their Liberty, [Page 248]after they had taken it by force, and who were then actually guarding them; what degree of Indignation seems due to such Treachery? Or rather let me say, what de­gree of Punishment can be conceiv'd equiva­lent to their Crime? Perhaps it may be urg'd, That upon reducing the Town, themselves, their Wives, and Children ought to be fold into Captivity. To which I answer, That by the Rules of War, that is no worse Treat­ment than is practis'd towards those who have no Crime for which to account. They merited therefore certainly the most rigorous Punishment that could be thought on. But if their Usage was no other than Phylarchus reports it, it would have seem'd just, not on­ly that the Greeks should have abstain'd from the Compassion he mentions, but rather that they should proclaim the Praises of those who could not endure to punish so vile and crimi­nal a Proceeding with the Rigour it deserv'd. And now, albeit the Mantinoeans smarted no more for their Misdeeds than the Pillage of their Goods, and the selling all of free Con­dition; this excellent Historian refines be­yond the Rules of Truth, and labours to ren­der every Passage strange and extraordinary, superadding such Falshoods as want even the least resemblance of Probability; and such was the blindness of his Folly, that he could not see to set down what was done under his Eye; for the Achaians, at the same time ta­king [Page 249] Tegea by force, proceeded in no wise with the Tegeans as they had done with the Mantinoeans.

Now, if it had been out of the native Cru­elty of the Achaians, that the Mantinoeans were so hardly dealt with, how comes it to pass, the Tegeans escap'd so easily, who fell into their Hands about the same time? If the Mantinoeans were then the only People that suffer'd such Severity at the Hands of the Achaians, it may be fairly inferr'd that they had merited, by their extaordinary Crimes, that extraordinary Punishment. Our Histo­rian further says, That when Aristomachus of Argos, who had been Tyrant there, and whose Ancestors had been Tyrants, fell into the Hands of Antigonus and the Aachains, they carry'd him to Cenchrea, where they put him to so cruel a Death, that there is scarce an Example of so great Inhumanity. Furthermore, he feigns, according to his Custom, that his Cries amidst his Torments were heard into the Streets, insomuch that the People press'd into the Prison, where they were affrighted at the Barbarity of his Usage, which they could not behold with­out Horrour and Detestation. But let us not dwell too long on this Pomp of Tragedy, whereof we have spoken sufficiently. For my own particular, I take for granted, that tho' Aristomachus had never injur'd the Achaians, there could have been no Death too severe for [Page 250]his manner of Life, and the Crimes he had committed against his Country.

But our Author, to exalt the Glory of A­ristomachus, and excite greater Compassion for what befel him, says, That he was not only a Tyrant, but descended of Tyrant Ancestors. Now, I pray, what more de­tested or infamous Character could he have given him? For most sure I am, that the Name only of Tyrant, contains the height of all Impiety, and comprehends all that Man's Imagination can compass or conceive of criminal outragious Wickedness.

But as to Aristomachus, if he should have suffer'd greater Torments than are set forth by our Historian, they would have been found short of his Due, for one only merciless Act of his, on the occasion of Aratus's secret­ly getting into Argos at the head of a Party of Achaians, where being expos'd to manifest Danger, fighting for the Liberty of the Ar­gians, he was at length compell'd to retire, for that through the terrour People were un­der of the Tyrant, none had Resolution to succour or side with him in the Attempt. Upon this Adventure, Aristomachus forms a Design to gratifie his Cruelty, pretending there were Conspirators in the City, who held Intelligence with the Achaians; where­upon, in cold Blood, and in the presence of his Friends, he causes no less then fourscore innocent Persons, of the principal Citizens, [Page 251]at once to lose their Heads. I forbear to make mention of the Vileness and Inhuma­nities of his Life, and of his Ancestors, which would ingage me in too long a Di­scourse.

But what I have said may suffice to wit­ness, that it was no Injustice to award him the same Measure he had dealt to others; we rather ought to conclude, it would have been Injustice, if his Death should have happen'd without some sence of Torment, after he had acted so many criminal Parts.

It will not therefore be found a just Impu­tation of Cruelty in Antigonus or Aratus, if, being taken in the heat of War, Aristomachus was condemn'd to die by Torments, if in times of Peace he deserv'd no less; and that those who should have compass'd his Death, would have merited Applause and Rewards, from every honest Man. But over and above what we have observ'd, having violated his Faith, and broken his Trust, with the Achai­ans; what Punishment could they think too great? In short, Aristomachus a little before the Death of Demetrius, being in great Dan­ger, and reduc'd to the utmost Extremity, forlorn and despoil'd of his Dominion, found an Asylum among the Achaians, who receiv'd him with all possible Gentleness. They not only forgot and forgave the Crimes and Out­rages of his Tyranny, but admitted him to a Share of the Administration of the State, and [Page 252]conferr'd on him the Trust of Commanding and Conducting their Army, and did him other great Honours; while he, notwith­standing all this, upon the first Shadow of Advantage tender'd him by Cleomenes, for­got all these Obligations, and Deserting the Achaians, at a time of their greatest Distress, joyn'd with their Enemies: So that falling at last into their Hands; what hard Measure would it have been, to carry him to Cenchrea, and there to put him privately to Death, and in the Night as our Author reports; when, in Justice, he should have been led through all the Country of Peloponnesus, and after he had been made a Spectacle to the World, he ought to have been publickly tormented to Death, to rende [...] him the greater Example. Tho', in a word, the severest Treatment that befel this vile Man, was no other, than to be cast into the Sea, for certain Barbarities com­mitted by him at Cenchrea.

Furthermore▪ Philarchus exaggerates, with Passion, the Calamities of the Mantinoeans; as if he thought it the Business of an Historian, to pick out and enlarge most on the Subject of our Vices; but is silent when he should have Recorded the Memorable and Glorious Behaviour of the Megalopolitans, which oc­curr'd at the same time, falsely conceiving that to Register the Flaws and Frailties of Human Nature, were more Eligible, than to Publish the Merit of Noble and Generous [Page 253]Actions; while, who knows not, that the Fame and Glory of Noble Deeds, doth more urge us to Vertue, and reform our Man­ners better than the Recital of Criminal Ad­ventures.

Our Author indeed labouring to set forth the Courage of Cleomenes, and his Gentle­ness to his Enemies, tells us how he took Me­galopolis, and preserv'd it from Destruction, till he had sent to Messene, whither the Inha­bitants were retir'd, to invite them back to their Habitations, and take part with him; nor doth he omit to tell us, that the Megalo­politans had hardly the Patience to hear his Letters read, after they knew the Subject, and that they were with difficulty restrain'd from stoneing the Messengers to Death. But he totally neglects to publish what in Justice, and according to the Rules of History, should not have been omitted; namely, to Celebrate the Praises of their Vertue, and the generous Resolution they had taken, which he might fairly have done: For, if we reckon, those Men of Honour and Vertue, who Succour and Defend their Friends and Confederates in Distress, both in Word and Deed; and if we think it not only Praise-worthy, but the Subject of great Rewards, and Concessions of remarkable Priviledges to those who suffer on that Score, to yield to be spoil'd in their Fortunes, to abide the Calamities of Sieges, and endure all the wastful Effects of Hostility; [Page 254]what may be then said to be due to the Me­galopolitans? Shall we not reckon them Men of Honour? Can we praise them too much? First, they indur'd with unspeakable Con­stancy, to behold Cleomenes Burning and Ra­vaging all their Territory abroad; then they chose to abandon their Native City and Soil, rather than their Friendship, and the Tyes of Honour they were under to the Achaians. In a word, tho' contrary to their Hopes, Overtures were made them, to return to their Possessions; they could better brook to be depriv'd of their Fortunes, their Sepulchres, their Temples, their Country, their whole Sudstance, and, in short, to lose all that was valuable and dear to them, than to Violate their Faith to their Confederates. Could any Man do more? or is it in the Power of any Mortal at any time to acquire a more Glorious and Illustrious Character? When, if not here, could an Historian hope to find a Theme fit to Charm the Attention of the Reader! And what more noble Example could be inculcated to Mankind, to excite them to Constancy and Fidelity to their Treaties and Alliances with their Neigh­bouring States! Nevertheless Philarchus has committed all this to Oblivion; and therefore I think one may safely accuse him of Stupidity and want of Judgment, in the Choice of such Matter as became the Dignity of History, since he could [Page 255]neglect the Recording Occurrences of that importance, that lay so plainly in his View.

We are farther told by our Author, That the Lacedemonians took in Booty from the Megalopolitans, to the value of six thousand Talents, whereof two thousand, according to ancient Custom, fell to the share of Cleo­menes. Now, who doth not perceive the re­markable Ignorance of this Man, touching the Strength and Possessions of the Greek Towns! which is a matter, wherein, of all things, an Historian ought to be most punctually instru­cted; while I will be bold to aver, without Exaggeration, That it would have been im­possible to find the amount of that Sum in all Peloponnesus, setting the Slaves only aside; nor do I assert it from the Poverty of the Coun­try, that had been rob'd and ruin'd by the Macedonian Kings, and more by the mighty Devastations of their own Civil Dissentions; but I am bold to descend to the Times where­in we now behold it, flourishing in Union, and rais'd to the greatest height of Prosperity. In a word, it may be calculated by what I am about to say, whether what I undertake to prove be without-book or no. There is scarce any Man so ignorant, that doth not know, that when the Achaians and Thebans join'd in War against the Lacedemonians, and form'd a Land-army of ten thousand Men, and a Naval one of one hundred Vessels, they [Page 256]came to a Resolution, each one to contribute to the Charge of the War, in proportion to his Riches and Possessions, and that there­upon an Estimate and Valuation was made of all that was appraisable throughout the Attick Territory, comprehending Lands, Buildings, Goods, Treasure, &c. and upon that Calculation, the whole Value amounted to two hundred and fifty Talents short of six Thousand; from whence it may be inferr'd, whether we have reason or no to say what has been observ'd touching Peloponnesus. To conclude, whosoever should undertake to say, that the Pillage and Booty of Megalo­polis could exceed, at that time, the Sum of three hundred Talents, would surpass the Truth of the Account: For we are well as­sur'd, there was a great number, both of People of Free-condition and Slaves, who escap'd to Messene; and what farther con­firms this Opinion, that there was no Peo­ple in all Arcadia, the Mantinoeans excepted, that surpass'd the Megalopolitans, either in the number of Inhabitants, Strength, or Riches, which Phylarchus himself grants: and upon the taking the Town after the Siege, out of which no Body could escape, or secure any thing from the Enemy, there was not rais'd three hundred Talents of the Booty, adding the Sale of the Prisoners to the Account.

And who will not yet farther wonder, at what Phylarchus reports; namely, that about ten Days before the Battel, there arriv'd an Ambassadour from Ptolomy to Cleomenes, to let him know, That he could expect no far­ther Supplies of Mony from him; with Ad­vice moreover to come to a speedy Accord with Antigonus; and that thereupon Cleomenes determin'd to come the more speedily to a Battel, before his Army should have notice of this News, as despairing to be able to pay them out of his own Treasure. Now it is remarkable, that if it were true, that about that very time Cleomenes was Master of six thousand Talents, he had been in no need of Ptolomy's Assistance, being a much weal­thier Prince than himself: and, as to what concern'd his Affairs with Antigonus, if it were likewise probable, that Cleomenes had made but the Sum of three thousand Talents of the Booty, it would have amounted to more than enough to prosecute the War without danger or difficulty. Is not this then a far­ther Instance of the Weakness and want of Judgment of our Historian, to say, that Cleo­menes depended intirely on the Aids and Li­berality of Ptolomy, and to report him at the same time Master of so plentiful a Treasure! He runs into many the like Errors, in the course of his History, but what we have al­ready noted may suffice for our present Pur­pose.

Megalopolis being taken while Antigonus was at Argos, where he made his Winter a­bode; Cleomenes assembled his Troops ear­ly in the Spring, and after he had incourag'd them sutably to the Time and the Occasion, he took the Field, and fell on the Frontiers of the Argians, with a Resolution, by the Vulgar accounted temerarious, by reason of the Strength and difficult Situation of many Places that commanded his passage; but ac­cording to the Judgment of those who could best discern, with Wisdom and Conduct e­nough; for, in short, he knew that the Ma­cedonians, were yet at home, and from them there was no danger to be apprehended in his Enterprise. Furthermore, he wisely consider'd, that as soon as he should have made any Progress upon the Argians, and had spoil'd and ravag'd their Country up to the Walls of the City, that People would not be able, with any Patience, to suffer it, but would soon trouble Antigonus with their Complaints and Remonstrances; and in case that Prince should be mov'd by their Appli­cations, to take the Field, with those few Troops he had with him, and attempt a Bat­tel, that it was then odds but he would be beaten; or, if he did not yield to their Im­portunity, but kept within the Walls, that then Cleomenes would have the opportunity of terrifying and doing damage to the Enemy, of heartning, and giving Assurance to his [Page 259]Soldiers, and so to return home again with Impunity. And, in short, it happen'd as he had forecast, for the Argians could not behold their Country wasted and plunder'd, with­out pressing Antigonus with their Com­plaints; who, notwihstanding, departed not from the Dignity of a great Prince, and the Rules of a wise General. He was not there­fore mov'd to take the Field out of fear of present Blame, but kept himself in Covert, to avoid future Censure, and only employ'd his time in exposing and inculcating his Rea­sons for all his Proceedings.

After Cleomenes had wasted and pillag'd the Country as he had propos'd; dishearten'd the Enemy, and confirm'd the Courage of his own People against the Danger that threaten'd them, he return'd home in safety. In the beginning of Summer, Antigonus with the Mecedonians, Achaians, and the rest of the Confederates, led their Troops in­to Laconia; their Army consisting of ten thousand Macedonians which compos'd the Phalanx, three thousand with Bucklers, three hundred Horse, and three thousand choice Achaian Foot, three hundred Achaian Horse, and a thousand Megalopolitans arm'd after the Macedonian manner, led by Cercidas of the same Country. There were further Succours of the Allies, consisting of two thou­sand Foot, and two hundred Horse of the Beotians, and of the Epirots a thousand Foot [Page 260]and fifty Horse, and the like number of Acar­nanians, besides sixteen hundred Illyrians, commanded by Demetrius the Pharian: So that the Army consisted of Twenty eight thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse.

Cleomenes, not doubting but the Enemy would soon visit him, took care to strengthen all the Passes with good Garrisons, fortifying all the Avenues with Ditches and Ramparts; and filling up, and barricadoing the Ways with great Trees laid a-cross, fell'd for that purpose. As for Cleomenes himself, he march'd with an Army of twenty thousand Men, and incamp'd at a certain place call'd Selasia, having reason to suspect, that the Enemy purpos'd to pass that way, and he was not deceiv'd in his Conjecture. Here are situate two Mountains, the one call'd Eva, the other Olympus; between these runs the River Oenus, along the Banks whereof there is a narrow Way or Defile, that leads to the City of Sparta. Cleomenes order'd a good Ditch to be made at the Foot of these two Hills, with strong Ramparts behind them; on the Mountain Eva he posted the Forces of the Confederates, under the Com­mand of Euclidas his Brother, and he himself possess'd Olympus with the Spartan Troops and the Mercenaries In short, his Horse he appointad to be drawn up in plain Ground near the River on each side, sustain'd by a Body of Mercenary Foot.

When Antigonus arriv'd, and had well consider'd the Situation of the Ground, the Fortifications and Defences that were made, and had remark'd with how much Judg­ment Cleomenes had provided for all things, having distributed his Troops and posted them so properly, and that he had so Soldier-like possess'd the Place, and was incamp'd in such excellent Order, the Form thereof bearing the resemblance of an Army drawn up in Order of Battel; for he had omitted no Skill or Forecast, either with respect to giving the Attack, or receiving the E­nemy, his People being in a Posture for either, and his Camp well secur'd against any Insult or Surprize.

When Antigonus, I say, had observ'd all this, he could not determine to give Cleome­nes Battel, but contented himself for the pre­sent to retire some small distance off, and incamp his Army on the the River Gor­gylus, which fortify'd one part of his Camp. Here he remain'd some Days, the better to acquaint himself with the Ground and Si­tuation of the Country, and the Dispositi­on of the Enemy; feigning to Attack them now in one place, now in another, march­ing round them to give them the greater Terrour. But perceiving every Post to be well-gaurded, and not being able to find any one place, that might incourage him to attempt them; Cleomenes being vigilant: [Page 262]and warily watching his Motions, and al­ways present at every place of importance; he then chang'd his Purpose, till at length the two Generals came to agree to joyn Battel: For it was bruited about, That Fortune had made choice of these two Great Men, equal in Skill and Bravery, to try the Mastery one against the other. Antigonus order'd the Macedonians, who carried Bucklers of Brass (mingling among them the Illyrian Cohorts) to march against those on Mount Eva; these were com­manded by Alexander Son of Acmetus, and Demetrius the Pharian, in the Rear of these he rang'd the Cretians and Acarnanians, who were follow'd by a Body of Reserve consisting of two thousand Achaians. To­wards the River he order'd the Horse, who were to ingage those of the Enemy, under the Command of Alexander, and on the Wings of the Horse he appointed a thousand Achaians, and as many Megalopo­litans, while he himself resolv'd to attack Olympus at the Head of the Macedonians and Mercinaries, knowing that Cleomenes was there; he order'd the Mercenaries to have the Van, and the Macedonian Pha­lanx to sustain them, following-by Platton's, whereunto they were compell'd through the difficulties of the Ground; the Illyri­ans who pass'd the River Gorgylus over Night, and were posted at the Foot of [Page 263]the Mountain, were order'd to begin the Battel, for which they were to receive a Signal by a White Flag, that should be spread from the nearest Post they had to Olympus; and the Signal that was to be gi­ven to the Megalopolitans and the Horse, was a Purple Cassock or Coat, which was to be wav'd in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted.

When all things were in a readiness, the Signal was given to the Illyrians, and after they had incourag'd each other, they ad­vanc'd towards the Enemy, and began to ascend the Mountain, while the Foot which Cleomenes had mingled with the Horse, ob­serving that the Achaian Cohorts were fol­low'd with no Reserve, or Troops to sustain them, advanc'd presently upon them, and charg'd them in Flank, and much gall'd those who were endeavouring to gain the Mountain; at the same time Euclidas, who was posted on the top of the Hill, press'd them in Front, and the Mercinaries warmly attack'd their Rear. Philopoemen a Megalo­politan, observing this Disorder, presently conceiv'd what would be the Issue, accord­ingly he told his Opinion to the Commanders in Chief, of the Danger these Troops were in, but observing they gave no heed to his Advice, being then but Young, and having never yet born any Command; he therefore, after he had incourag'd his Country Men, [Page 264]attack'd with incredible Bravery the Enemies Horse. This Action forc'd the Mercinaries, who had fallen on the Illyrians Flank to re­tire to their Relief, which was their proper Post; who observing them to be now ingag'd, and retreating from those whom they had before attack'd, hastned to sustain them; by which means the Illyrians and Macedonians, and all those who were marching up the Mountain, were deliver'd from the Obsta­cle that retarded their Motion, and now re­solutely advanc'd on the Enemy; and it af­terwards appear'd, that their Success against Euclidas, was owing to Philopoemen. And it is reported, that after the Battel, Antigonus, the better to try Alexander, ask'd him, How it came to pass, that he adventur'd to In­gage before he receiv'd the Signal? and that Alexander should reply, It was not by his Or­der, but that a certain young Man of Mega­lopolis had been the occasion, without any Direction from him. And that Antigonus reply'd thereupon, That that young Man had judg'd rightly of the occasion of Victo­ry, and had done the part of a good Captain, and that Alexander had acted like a young Soldier. And now Euclidas observing the Illyrian Cohorts to approach, forgot as one may say the advantage of the Ground where he was posted; for it is the Rule of expe­rienced Leaders, when they are posted on superior Ground to the Enemy, to move to­wards [Page 265]them, and improve the advantage of the Shock, that the descent of the Hill lends them, thereby to give the greater Terrour to the Enemy, and then, if Necessity obliges them, slowly to retire and gain the summet of the Hill; for by disordering thus the Ene­my, and depriving them of the advantage they promis'd themselves by their different sort of Arms, and the Order in which they march'd, it would not have been hard for him to have forc'd them down the Hill, so commodiously posted as he was. But Euclidas perform'd nothing of all this, but acted ra­ther directly contrary; and as if to do no­thing at all would conduce to the Victory, he remain'd on the top of the Hill where he was first posted; imagining it to be his Duty there to attend the coming of the Enemy, to the end, that when he should have defeated them, they might be the more intangled and obstructed in their Flight, by reason of the Precipices and the broken Ground of the Mountain. But it happen'd quite otherwise than he had conjectur'd, for while he had so plac'd himself that he had left no room behind him to retire, he found himself oblig'd to fight and defend himself on the top of the Hill against the intire unbroken Body of the Illyrian Cohorts, whom he had permitted to gain the top, and were now advancing to­ward him on level Ground, so that he be­came an easie Conquest to the Illyrians, ha­ving [Page 266]no Ground whereon to make an orderly Retreat, all behind him being Rocks and Precipices.

In the mean time, the Horse were warmly ingag'd, where the Achaians perform'd all that could be look'd for in the like occasion, for they knew this Battel did as it were de­cide their Liberty; but Philopoemen was re­markable above all the rest, whose Horse being first kill'd under him, and afterward fighting among the Foot, he was there struck through both his thighs at one stroke. On the other-side, the two Princes began the Battel on Mount Olympus, with their light-arm'd Soldiers and their Mercenaries, consisting of about five Thousand on each part. Some­times they fought by Parties, and then again encountred with gross Bodies, but with great Resolution on both sides, the Action being under the Eye of their Masters, and in View of both Armies; sometimes they mingled and fought Man to Man, and then Troop against Troop, but howsoever it happen'd, they fought with wonderful Resolution.

During this variety of Action, Cleomenes receiv'd notice, that his Brother was beaten out of the Field, and that the Horse that fought in the Plain began to give Ground, so that fearing to be incompass'd by the Enemy on all sides, he was constrain'd to level and open his Retrenchments before his Camp, and to order all his Troops to march out in [Page 267]Front. And the Trumpets sounding to the Charge on both sides, he order'd his light arm'd Soldiers to retire, and now the Pha­lanxes on either side mov'd to the Encounter with their Pikes charg'd; and one while the Macedonians seem'd inferiour in Courage to the Lacedemoniaus, and appear'd dispos'd to fly; then again the Lacedemonians seem'd too weak to sustain the Shock of the Macedonian Phalanx, and were giving Ground. In con­clusion, Antigonus now advancing against them with an Impetuosity peculiar to the double Phalanx, forc'd the Lacedemonians at length off their Ground; the rest of the Army either fell in Battel, or sav'd themselves by Flight, and Cleomines with a small Party of Horse, escap'd unhurt to Sparta; from whence he departed the Night following to Gythia, where he imbark'd on certain Vessels pre­par'd for such an Incident, and sail'd to Alex­indria, accompany'd with some few only of his intimate Friends.

Afterwards, Antigonus made his Entry in­to Sparta without resistance, where he treat­ed the Lacedemonians with all possible Huma­nity, and as soon as he had Re-establish'd their Ancient Form of Government, he march'd away with his Army; having re­ceiv'd Intelligence, That the Illyrians had In­vaded Macedonia, and made great Spoils up­on the Country. Thus it is true, that For­tune is pleas'd sometimes to permit Actions [Page 268]of highest Consequence, to move and deter­mine on the slendrest Accidents, and Occa­sions least expected. For, if Cleomenes had respited coming to a Battel but a few Days only; or when he had retir'd to the City af­ter the Fight, had he but stood upon his Guard, and temporis'd never so little, he most certainly had preserv'd his Dominion. In short, Antigonus took his way by Tegea, and after he had restor'd that Republick, he came two Days after to Argos, at the time of the Namoean Games, where he obtain'd by an Ordinance of the Achaians, and by the Suffrage of every City, all those Honours that are done to Great Men to render their Fame immortal: From thence he proceeded by long Journies to Macedon, where encoun­tering with the Illyrians, who were wasting the Country, he gave them Battel, and wan a Victory, but in that occasion straining his Voice to Animate his People, he broke some Vein in his Lungs, whereby voiding Blood at his Mouth, he fell into a Languor, and evil Habit of Health, which soon after took him out of the World. This Prince had ma [...]velously gain'd on the Good-will of the People of Greece, not only by his perfect Skill in Millitary Matters, but more parti­cularly for his Probity, and the exact Disci­pline he always observ'd. His Death left Philip Son of Demetrius to enjoy his Right to the Kingdom of Macedon.

And now, if it be ask'd, why we have re­main'd thus long on the History of the Cleo­menic War? I answer, Because it occur'd in a Period of Time, that confines on the Be­ginning of the Affairs and Adventures, that are to be the Subject of our History; and we conceiv'd it was not useful only, but neces­sary, to set down the then State of Macedonia and the Greek Affairs, especially since we have resolv'd to perform punctually what we have promis'd. About the same time died Ptolomy, to whom succeeded that other Ptolomy Surnam'd Philopater. Seleucus who was Surnam'd Pogon, Son to Seleucus, and Grand-son to Calinychus, died likewise near that Time, whose Successour in the Go­vernment of Syria, was his Brother Antio­chus; thus died those who succeeded Alex­ander, namely, Seleucus, Ptolomy and Lysi­machus, all within the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, as did the others in the Hundred and thirty ninth.

Having now laid the Foundation of our Work, and made it visible in what Times, and in what Manner, and by what Means, the Romans took Assurance to extend their Empire beyond the Bounds of Italy, after they had compleated their Conquests in that Country, and had made their first Essay, with the Carthaginians, for the Dominion of the Sea: After having likewise spoken of the Affairs of the Greeks, the Macedonians and [Page 270]the Carthaginians, and given a Summary of the State of these Governments, in those Times; we are arriv'd, I think, at a proper Place, to put an End to this our Second Book; which we Conclude with the Wars we have treated, and with the Death of the Actors, and according as we have laid our Design, we are come at length to that Period of Time, wherein the Greeks deliberated a­bout the War of the Confederates; the Ro­mans touching the Second Punick War; and the Kings of Asia, about that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria.

The End of the Second Book.

POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.
VOL. I. BOOK III.

VVE promis'd in our First Book to begin our History at the Second Punick War; the War of the Confederates; and that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria. We have likewise deliver'd our Reasons, why in our two preceeding Books we deduc'd and brought down our Story [Page 2]from so remote Times. Now we are come to treat of the Wars themselves, and the Causes that begat and prolong'd them, and that render'd them so terrible. But first it will be necessary that we preface something farther touching our purpose, for since what we have determin'd to deliver, is propos'd to center in one and the same End, being to be but one entire Work, and as one may say one Spectacle or Representation, where will be seen how, when, and by what means, all the known Parts of the World, became reduc'd under the Dominion of the Romans; we have therefore concluded it not imperti­nent to our Method, to give a previous Draught, as it were in little, of what oc­curr'd of Importance during so many and great Wars; conceiving the Reader will be thereby more enlighten'd, and better in­structed in our main Design. For as the knowledge of the whole cannot but yield some conception of the Parts; and that to be rightly inform'd of the parts, must ne­cessarily enable us to judge better of the whole; we shall therefore pursue this course, which we have judg'd the most proper for Instruction, in opening what might else seem obscure; and shall produce a Table, as it were, or Index, of our whole History, where will be review'd what we have re­lated. We have indeed already given a kind of Summary of our intire Work, and have [Page 3]prescrib'd its bounds; but for the particular Occurrences, as the Wars, (whereof we have already made recital) will be the be­ginning; so we shall prescribe its Period with the desolation and extinction of the Royal House of Macedon. In brief, it will be the Adventures only of Three and fifty Years, in which space will be sound Occurrences so numerous and extraordinary, that no Age within the same compass of Time hath shown the like. Our beginning shall be at the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, and the Order we purpose to observe will be as fol­loweth.

When we have opened the Reasons that gave original to the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, call'd the War of Hanni­bal, we shall show how, and by what means, the Carthaginians, after their Invasion of Italy, and the Suppression almost of the Roman Dominion there, reduc'd them at length to that low ebb of Fortune, as to raise their hopes of becoming Masters of Rome it self: Then we shall endeavour to explain how at the same time Philip King of Macedon, when he had ended his Wars with the Aetolians, and establish'd afterwards Peace among the Greeks, enter'd into Confederacy with the Carthaginians. About the same time began the Contest between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopater, touching the Dominion of the Lower Syria, which came at length to a [Page 4]War. The Rhodians and Prusias were like­wise at that time in Hostility with those of Byzantium, and hinder'd the levying the customary Duty that was paid them by those who traded into the Pontick Sea. Here we shall respite our Discourse, to begin our re­lation of the Romans; of whom we shall endeavour to show by the Events, that their Form of Government did not only greatly avail towards their recovery of Italy, and the Island of Sicily, together with the re­ducing the Gauls and Spaniards under their Dominion; but (after they had subdu'd the Carthaginians) to inspire them with Ambi­tion enough to atchieve the Conquest of the World. We shall likewise by a short di­gression relate how the Dominion of Hieron of Syracuse was lost. Then we shall say something of the Disorders that fell out in Egypt, wherein mention shall be made of the Conspiracy that happen'd on the Death of Ptolemy to divide that Kingdom, which was left to his Son, then a Child. And shall further observe after what manner Philip, between Craft and Force, attempted at once the Kingdoms of Egypt and Ca­ria; and Antiochus the Lower Syria and Phaenicia.

In short, we shall then give an Abridg­ment of what pass'd between the Romans and Carthaginians in Spain, Africk, and Sicily; and then we shall treat of Occurrences among [Page 5]the Greeks, and make mention of such Trans­actions as have any regard to that People. But after we shall have discours'd of the Naval War between Attalus, in conjunction with the Rhodians, and Philip, and that which was wag'd between Philip and the Romans, and shall have shewn after what manner the War was conducted, and by whose management, and what the Success was; we shall then pursue the Relation, ac­cording to the succession of Occurrences, and shall make mention of the Motives the Aetolians had to invite and draw Antiochus out of Asia, whereby they became the Au­thors of the War that follow'd between the Romans and Achaians; whereof when we have observ'd what were the Causes, and have seen Antiochus landed in Europe, we shall then first shew how he was driven out of Greece, and afterwards (being vanquish'd in Battel) how he deserted all he possess'd in Asia on this side Mount Taurus; and then, how the Romans, having repress'd the Inso­lence of the Galatians, acquir'd to them­selves the Dominion, but deliver'd however the People of the Lesser Asia, from the fre­quent Terrors and Injuries of those Barbarians. Then shall be related the Calamities of the Aetolians, and those of Cephalenia, to which will succeed the Account of the War between Eumenes and Prusias, in conjunction with the Gollo-Graecians; to which shall be added, [Page 6]that which the same Eumenes, join'd with Ariarathes, wag'd against Pharnaces. And after we have made mention of the union of those of Peloponnesus, and of the growth of the Rhodian Commonwealth, we shall then make a recapitulation of our whole History, as we have already propos'd. Nor shall we omit to relate the Expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes into Egypt; nor the Persian War; nor the Destruction of the Royal House of Macedon. In a word, These Occurrences when duly weigh'd, will evidence by what Order and Method of Conduct, the Romans have acquir'd the Universal Dominion.

For if the good or evil Success of Affairs, may be the measure whereby to make a Judgment of things laudable or worthy of blame, whether it be with respect to Persons, or States; we must finish our History with the Adventures we last recited, which ter­minates the Three and fifty Years we men­tion'd, and shews us the Roman Empire at its utmost growth of Greatness: For after this, none were ignorant, and the whole World was compell'd to confess, that all sub­mission was due to the Romans, and subjection to their Laws.

But forasmuch as we cannot make a clear Judgment either of the Victors or the Van­quish'd, by a bare Account of Events, in re­gard sometimes things have become hurtful, which had they been rightly improv'd, might [Page 7]have been profitable; and, on the other hand, some by their Vertue and Constancy, have turn'd even their Misfortunes to a Be­nefit; we have therefore judg'd it not un­profitable to subjoin to what we have pro­pos'd to deliver, an Account of the Manners and Discipline of the Conquerors, after what sort they improv'd their Victories, what con­sideration the World had of them, and of their Laws and Customs in the Administra­tion of the Government. Furthermore, we shall make enquiry into the Passions and In­clinations which prevail'd among each Peo­ple respectively, with regard to publick and private Ends; so that those of the present Age will be able thereby to discern, whether they ought to shun or chuse subjection to the Romans; and Posterity to judge, whether their Government were worthy of praise and imitation, or to be rejected as vicious and blameable; for in that we propose especially to consist the Utility of our History to the present and future Ages.

In short, this we ought to believe, that those who have the Conduct in Transactions of War, and those who are concern'd other­wise in the Administration of publick Affairs, do not propose Victory, and the surmounting the Difficulties that occurr in their Attempts, as the single and ultimate end of their De­signs: For no wise Man ever made War bare­ly for the sake of vanquishing his Enemy; [Page 8]nor did any ever embark upon the Ocean, be­cause he would be able to say he had cross'd the Seas; nor do Men study the Arts and Sciences, for the single motive of being thought skilful therein; but every one hath his prospect, either of Pleasure, Honour, or Profit, as the Reward of his Pains and Study: So the principal end we have propos'd in this our Work, is to explain and demonstrate to the World the State and Condition of Mankind, after all the Nations of the Earth being van­quish'd by the Romans, were become subject to their Laws, till those new Commotions that afterwards fell out. I had also a yet further motive which press'd me to this Un­dertaking, and which affords, as it were, a new beginning; namely, the stupendious Occurrences and marvellous Adventures whereby those times were distinguish'd, and to which moreover I am the more willingly dispos'd, from my having been a Witness and Spectator of many of those great Actions, ha­ving contributed in the execution of some, and conducted and principally advis'd in the performance of others. They were those Commotions I mention'd, that obliged the Romans to make War on the Vaccoeans and Celtiberians; which mov'd the Carthaginians in Africk to take Arms against Massanissa, and Attalus and Prusias to declare War with each other in Asia. At the same time Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, who had been expell'd [Page 9]his Kingdom by Orofernes, was, by the assi­stance of Demetrius and his sole Forces, re­stor'd to his Government; and then it was that Seleucus, Son of Demetrius, having reign'd twelve Years in Syria, lost his King­dom and his Life by a Conspiracy of the neighbouring Princes: The Greeks, who stood accus'd of having been Authors of the Persian War, were about the same time absolv'd of that Blemish, with liberty granted them by the Romans to return from Banishment to their Country. Shortly after these Adven­tures, the Romans attempted to compel the Carthaginians first to remove and change their Habitations, and afterwards totally to ruine and exterminate them. But we shall re­port in its proper place the motives of that Enterprize. About the same time likewise the Macedonians departing from their Confe­deracy with the Romans, and the Lacedaemo­nians from theirs with the Achaians, will pre­sent us, in one prospect, with the beginning and end of the common Calamities of Greece, where will occurr ample matter for the Hi­storian's Skill to describe; and it behoves us to implore the favour of Fortune, to lend us life to conduct us through so difficult and im­portant a Task: Nevertheless, tho' Death should chance to prevent us, we should not however depart without some assurance that our Design will survive us, and that there will not want some excellent Hand, who, [Page 10]charm'd with the Beauty of so incomparable a Subject, will successfully finish what we have begun. And now that we have pre­fac'd the most remarkable things, which we thought necessary towards the improvement of the Reader's Understanding of our History, both in the parts and the whole, it is high time we proceed to our Discourse.

Whereas those Authors, for the most part, who have writ the Acts of Hannibal, have undertaken to give us an account of the Causes which begat the War that broke out between the Romans and Carthaginians, where­of mention hath been already made, and have render'd the Siege of Saguntum to have been the first occasion, and the second to be the Carthaginians passing the River Eber, contra­ry to the Articles of Agreement: For my own part, I do frankly agree with them, That these were the beginnings of the War, but can never accord with those who reckon them for the Causes, no more than it can be con­ceiv'd, that Alexander's transporting his Ar­my into Asia, was the cause of the Persian War; or that the Voyage of Antiochus to De­metrias with his Army, was likewise cause of the War with that Prince: For who can be drawn easily to conceive, that that was A­lexander's motive for the mighty Preparati­ons he made, and of those things which Phi­lip in his Life-time put in execution before him, in order to the Persian War? Further­more, [Page 11]who will take the beginning of the War, which the Aetolians made upon the Romans, before the arrival of Antiochus, to have been the cause? Those who reason at this rate, seem not to distinguish of the diffe­rence between the Beginnings, the Causes, and the Pretexts. The Causes always pre­cede the Beginnings, which are ever subse­quent, and as it were a Consequence.

I hold therefore the Beginnings to be the first efforts or effects of Deliberation; name­ly, of what hath been with mature Reason debated and decreed to be put in execution; but this will be more evident by what I am about to say, whereby it will plainly appear, what the Causes were which produc'd the Persian War, and where it took beginning. The principal Cause was, the retreat the Greeks made, by the Conduct of Xenophon, through so many divers Nations of the Ʋpper Asia, where none of all those barbarous Peo­ple, who were all Enemies, had the Courage to oppose his passage in his march through so vast a Continent. Another cause was the Voyage of Agesilaus, King of the Lacedaemo­nians, into Asia, where he found no Enemy so hardy as to withstand his Enterprizes, from whence he was recall'd by reason of some Commotions that happen'd in his absence a­mong the Greeks.

Hence Philip took his measures of the Persian weakness, and being not ignorant that both himself and his People were Ma­sters in the Art of War, was incited by the glory and magnificence of the Reward to in­gage in that Enterprize; so that after he had acquir'd the general Good-will and Concur­rence of the Greeks, he proceeded to form his Design for the Invasion of Persia; pub­lishing his Motives to be no other, than to revenge the Injuries done to the Greeks, by those of that Nation, and accordingly pro­ceeded to make provision of all things ne­cessary to sustain and carry on that vast Un­dertaking. So that we are thus to reckon, that the Causes of the Persian-War were no others than those we first mention'd, the Pretexts what we have recited, and the Be­ginning to be Alexander's transporting his Troops into Asia.

It is likewise past dispute, that the distaste the Aetolians had conceiv'd against the Ro­mans, was the cause of the War that broke out betwixt Antiochus and Them. For the Aetolians, towards the end of the War with Philip, beginning to perceive themselves slighted by the Romans, did not only invite over Antiochus, as we have noted, but deter­min'd to do and suffer any thing to compass their Revenge. The Pretext for that War was the Liberty of Greece, to the defence whereof the Aetolians drew the Greeks from [Page 13]all parts to joyn with Antiochus; and the ar­rival of that Prince at the head of an Army to Demetrias, was the beginning of the War.

I have rested the longer on this subject, of showing the difference between these three Points, not only to detect the Errors of some Historians; but to the end the studious may be instructed and set right, in case they should be mislead by their false Lights. For to what end is the Physician call'd to the sick Patient, if he should be ignorant of the Causes of our Diseases? In like manner, it would be in vain to call such to the administration of Publick Affairs, who want Judgment to distinguish of the Causes, and Reasons, and Events of things.

And there can be no dispute but both the Physician and Minister of State will miscarry, while the one is to seek for the Causes of our Infirmities, and the other not duly instructed in those necessary Points we have noted. There is nothing then that calls for more of our care and study to acquire, than a right knowledge of the Springs and Causes of E­vents, for very often it fortunes, that the greatest things are bred out of slight begin­nings, and Remedies may be found with case for Evils in their infancy and first approaches.

Fabius the Historian reports, that not on­ly the Injuries done to the Saguntines, but the Avarice and Ambition of Asdrubal, were the cause of the War with Hannibal. That after [Page 14] Asdrubal had strengthen'd himself by his great Power and Acquisitions in Spain, he made a Voyage into Africk, where he attempted with all his Might to subvert and abolish the Laws and Constitutions of his Country, and to change the Republick of Carthage into a Monarchy; but that the principal Citizens suspecting his Design, oppos'd and totally a­bandon'd him, who, after he had vainly urg'd his Project, return'd at length into Spain, where he govern'd absolutely without any regard to the Authority of the Senate of Car­thage; and that Hannibal, who took part in all his Adventures, and pursu'd his steps in every thing, did both succeed and imitate Asdrubal in the Design he had form'd; and soon after he of his own head declar'd War a­gainst the Romans, contrary to the inclination of the Senate; and that there was not one of any Condition or Authority among the Car­thaginians, who did not disapprove his pro­ceedings against the Saguntines. He further adds, That after the taking of that Town, the Romans dispatch'd Ambassadors to Car­thage, to require the delivering up of Hanni­bal, or on refusal to declare War against them. But now if it should be demanded of Fabius, whether the Carthaginians could have done a juster or wiser thing, than to have comply'd with the demand of the Romans in yielding up Hannibal; for if, as he says, his Proceed­ings displeas'd them, what safer or more pro­fitable [Page 15]course could they have taken to be rid of one who stood tainted with the Character of a common Enemy to his Country? They had thereby establish'd the Security of the State, and by a single Decree of the Senate, deliver'd themselves from the War which threaten'd them: What now would our Hi­storian be able to say to all this? certainly he would be greatly to seek for an answer. But the Carthaginians were so far from such Deliberations, that on the contrary they sted­fastly prosecuted the War, which was begun by the Opinion of Hannibal, for the space of seventeen Years together; and did not yield to relinquish it, till they were quite hopeless of success, and beheld both their Fortune and Country sinking

But why have I thus enlarg'd on Fabius and his History? 'Tis not because I conceive it to be written with such a fashion of Truth, as to fear that some one or other might be perswaded to believe it. For in short, all that he hath deliver'd hath so little show of Reason or Probability, that without any Re­marks of mine, it is very easie to perceive him a faithless Author by the Matter he de­livers: I would therefore only barely adver­tise the Readers of his History, not so much to consult the Title of the Book, as the Ve­rity of things; for there are those who are more biass'd by the Character of a Speaker, than the Matter he delivers; and while they [Page 16]reflect that Fabius was a Senator of Rome, and liv'd in these times, they conclude that all he says, hath the stamp of Truth: For my own part, as I will not affirm he ought in every thing to be rejected; so I will take the liberty to think we are not to trust him be­fore our own Eyes. To return therefore to our Discourse; It was the indignation of Hamil­car Barcas, Father of Hannibal, that ought to be esteem'd the first cause of that War be­tween the Romans and Carthaginians. For after the Sicilian War, as it was visible he lost nothing of his greatness of Mind, and firm­ness of Resolution, by his preserving the Le­gions under his Command at Erix unbroken; and that albeit after the Carthaginians defeat at Sea, he was compell'd to dissemble his Re­sentments, and yield to a treaty of Peace with the Romans; his Anger was not however ex­tinguish'd, and he labour'd after nothing more than to find an occasion of renewing the War; and had soon brought his purpose to effect, had not the Carthaginians been diverted by the Sedition of their Mercenaries, so great was his Authority; but being prevented by by those Commotions, he was constrain'd to apply himself first to compose the Disorders that happen'd in his own Country.

After these Tumults were over, the Ro­mans declar'd War against the Carthaginians, who readily at first embrac'd the occasion, hoping for Victory from the justice of their [Page 17]Cause, as we have already shown. But as the Romans has no regard to the Argument of the Quarrel; so the Carthaginians finding at length it wou'd be their safest course to yield to necessity, submitted with great re­luctancy to deliver up Sardinia; and further, to buy off the danger of a War, they yield­ed to a Stipulation, over and above the first Tribute, to pay yearly the summ of twelve hundred Talents; whereupon it may be safe­ly reckon'd, that this Disgrace became a se­cond, and the greatest cause of the War that ensu'd. In short, Hamilcar perceiving now the Indignation of his Fellow-Citizens to con­cur with his own, that he had appeas'd the Disorders of his Country, which was now in Tranquility, and the Government establish'd, turn'd his Thoughts towards Spain, from whence he propos'd to derive Succours, and all sorts of Assistance to further his Project of War upon the Romans. We are to reckon for the third cause of that War, the great success of the Carthaginians in Spain, by which be­ing reinforc'd by so many Helps and Advan­tages, they chearfully prosecuted the Design. In short, it may be collected by manifold In­stances, that Hamilcar was the Author of the second Punick War, albeit he liv'd not to the beginning of the enterprize by eight Years, which will be better understood by what follows.

After Hannibal's Defeat by the Romans, being constrain'd to fly his Country, he made his retreat to the Court of Antiochus; the Ro­mans, who foresaw the purposes of the Aeto­lians, dispatch'd Ambassadors to Antiochus, the better to pry into the Designs of that Prince; and after they had discover'd that Antiochus was determin'd to take part with the Aetolians, and consequently to ingage in a War with the Romans, they thereupon be­gan to visit and hold Conferences with Han­nibal, with no other intention than to render him susp [...]d to Antiochus; which Plot suc­ceeded to their wish. And as Antiochus's Jealousies grew every Day greater, they came at length to a mutual opening of each others Mind on the subject of the Diffidence that was grown between them, and tho' Hannibal said much to purge himself of the Imputation he lay under; yet perceiving it avail'd little, he came at length to impart to Antiochus, that when Hamilcar went into Spain at the head of an Army, he being then about nine Years old, his Father sacrificing for the suc­cess of the Voyage, after the Ceremony was ended, and he had perform'd all the custo­mary Rites practis'd on those occasions, he caus'd the rest of the Company to withdraw; and making him approach to the Altar, he there gently demanded of him, If he were inclin'd to accompany him in his Voyage to Spain? To which he joyfully reply'd, That [Page 19]he would go most willingly: And after he had besought him with all the moving Rea­sons which a Child was capable to urge, that he would take him with him, his Father then taking him by the Hand, led him to the Al­tar; where he made him swear on the same Altar, That he would never be in Friendship with the Romans. Wherefore he besought Antiochus to rest assured, That he could ne­ver change his Sentiments towards that Peo­ple; and that if he had determin'd any thing against them, that he would make no diffi­culty to rely on his Secresie and Fidelity; and that he would serve him with joy and since­rity: But that if he should enter into Terms of Friendship and Alliance with the Romans, there should be no need of suggesting Accu­sations against him, who would himself be the first that should declare his Aversion to Antiochus, who in such case would have rea­son to hold him as an Enemy; forasmuch as he could never be other than a mortal Foe to the Romans, against whom he would attempt all things to the utmost of his power.

By this Discourse of Hannibal, Antiochus perceiving he spoke from his Heart, was cur'd of the Jealousie he had conceiv'd of him.

Behold here a singular Instance of the Ha­tred of Hamilcar, and of the Determination he had taken, which was yet made more vi­sible by the effects: For he bequeath'd two [Page 20]such Enemies to the Romans, in Asdrubal his Son-in-Law, and Hannibal his Son, as nothing could be thought to surmount their Hatred. But Asdrubal liv'd not to put his Purposes in execution, while Hannibal sur­viv'd to wreak abundantly the Aversion he had inherited from his Father. Which fur­nishes safe Advice to those who have the Ad­ministration of Publick Affairs, to consult carefully the Minds and Motives of those with whom they treat a Reconciliation, or with whom they make a new Friendship; whe­ther it be by force or necessity of the Times, or an effect of Good-will, as weary of Hostility: For against the one we are to be carefully on our guard, as being such who only attend the Advantage of a new Occasion, while we may rely with assurance on the others, and treat them with the sincerity of Subjects or of Friends.

We may justly then esteem these for the Causes of the War made by Hannibal; and the Beginnings to be what we shall now fur­ther deliver. The Carthaginians had deeply resented their loss of Sicily; but after they had been compell'd to part with Sardinia, and to pay the heavy Tribute they had con­tracted, their Hatred grew to excess, inso­much that when they had augmented their Dominion, by the Conquest of so great a part of Spain, they began to lend a more willing ear to the Clamours every where ut­ter'd [Page 21]against the Romans. In the mean time they lost Asdrubal, to whom, after the Death of Hamilcar, they had given the Govern­ment of Spain. The Carthaginians, upon the death of Asdrubal, remain'd a while in suspence, touching their choice of a new Ge­neral, being willing to sound first the Inclina­tions of the Army; but they no sooner un­derstood that the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Hannibal for their Leader, when they forthwith call'd an Assembly, and ratify'd with one Voice the Suffrages of the Soldiers. Soon after Hannibal's confirmation in his Government, he deliberated on redu­cing the Olcades under the Dominion of the Carthaginians; pursuant to which Design, he march'd against the City of Althaea, a rich and well-fortify'd Place, and sat down before it; in which Siege he gave so many Marks of his Bravery and Ability, that he soon became Master of the Place; where his Success so terrify'd the neighbouring Towns, that they readily yielded themselves up to the Cartha­ginians. After he had amass'd much Trea­sure, by the sale of the Booty he had taken in the several Towns, he march'd to New-Carthage, which he made his Winter-Quar­ters; where he express'd great Generosity to those who had serv'd under him; and paying the Soldiers their Arrears, and promising fur­ther Marks of his Bounty, he so won upon the Affections of the Army, that they had [Page 22]already conceiv'd extraordinary hopes of his Government.

Early the next Spring he march'd against the Vaccoeans, and soon became Master of Salmantica: Then he besieg'd Arbucala; which Place being great, well-peopl'd, and the Inhabitants obstinate in their defence, gave him much trouble; but in the end tho Town was surrender'd; but on his return be­ing attack'd by the Carpetanians, a People reckon'd among the most powerful of those Nations, he became on the sudden reduc'd to very great straits; for these being join'd by those of the neighbouring Provinces, whom the O [...]ades (being driven out of their Coun­try) had incens'd against the Carthaginians; with whom came likewise those who had fled from Salmantica, insomuch as if they could have compell'd Hannibal to a pitch'd Field, he had doubtless been driven to great extre­mity. But he, who was singular both in Prudence and Dexterity, so artfully made his retreat (covering himself by the Tagus) and contriv'd so to attack them in their passage over that River, that what by the help there­of, and the service of forty Elephants he had with him, he happily effected what he had design'd, when every body was in despair. In short, the Enemy being determin'd to at­tempt their utmost, resolv'd to pass the River by several Fords at once; but being encoun­ter'd by the Elephants, which were posted [Page 23]along the Banks for that service, great num­bers were slain as they came to Land, before any could come in to their succour; many were likewise cut off by the Horse, who min­gled in the River with the Enemy, where, by the strength of their Horses, which better resisted the Current than the Foot, and sight­ing from a higher place, they had much the advantage. In a word, Hannibal at length pass'd the River himself; and vigorously pur­suing his success, routed an Army of above an hundred thousand of these Barbarians; who being thus defeated, there remain'd none on that side the River Eber, except the Sa­guntines, that could give him any molestati­on. But Hannibal cautiously abstain'd from any the least Hostility against that People, pursuant to the Advice of Asdrubal; which was, To make himself first Master of the rest of the Country, and insure his Conquests there, before he gave occasion openly to the Ro­mans to declare War against the Carthagi­nians.

In the mean time, the Saguntines dispatch'd frequent Advices to the Romans, led thereun­to partly out of fear and foresight of their own impending Danger, partly likewise out of Good-will, to the end the Romans might be perfectly instructed in the Successes of the Carthaginians in Spain. In short, after a cold reception of many of these Intimations, they determin'd at length to dispatch Ambassadors [Page 24]into Spain, to be eye-witnesses of those things whereof they had been inform'd. About which time Hannibal, having subdu'd all those People which he had purpos'd to re­duce, was march'd to New-Carthage to his Winter-Quarters, that Place being as it were the Capital City of those Countries, that yielded Obedience to the Carthaginians: There he found the Roman Ambassadors; and giving them audience, was by them caution'd to attempt nothing against the Saguntines, who were receiv'd into the protection of the Romans; and that pursuant to the Treaty made with Asdrubal, they should not pass their Troops beyond the River Eber. To this Hannibal (who was yet but young, and ardently ambitious of military Glory, fortu­nate in his Enterprizes, and mortally hating the Romans) reply'd by way of complaint a­gainst them, feigning to favour those of Sa­guntum, and telling the Ambassadors, That upon a certain Sedition that happen'd some time ago in the said City, that the Romans being chosen to arbitrate their Differences, and to reduce the Citizens to Peace and Uni­on, had unjustly animadverted on certain of the principal Inhabitants; which perfidious Action of theirs, he held himself oblig'd to see reveng'd; and that the Carthaginians in­herited that Custom from their Ancestors, to procure Justice to be done to the Oppress'd. At the same time he sent to Carthage for In­structions [Page 25]how to proceed, while the Sagun­tines, encourag'd by their Alliance with the Romans, acted many Outrages against those who were now under the Carthaginian sub­jection. Thus Hannibal, transported by a violent Hatred, acted in every thing without consulting his Reason, and never troubling himself with the truth of Matters, founded Pretexts on false Suggestions; after the man­ner of those, who, prepossess'd by their Pas­sion, do what they have determin'd, without regard to Equity, or consideration of Ho­nour: Otherwise, had it not been more plau­sible to have demanded of the Romans the re­stitution of Sardinia, and the Money so long paid them by the Carthaginians, which they had wrung from them during the Weakness and Calamities of the Republick; and in case of refusal, to declare War against them? But as he conceal'd the true Cause, and had re­course to false Reasons for his Motive, it may be very justly suspected he enter'd into that War, not only without Reason, but against the Common Right of Nations.

Wherefore the Ambassadors departing, went to Carthage, there to expostulate about what had already past; albeit, now well assur'd, that War would ensue, tho' without any jea­lousie it would break out in Italy, but in Spain rather, and that Saguntum would be as it were the Seat of Action; which they pro­pos'd as a proper Fortress and Place of Arms: [Page 26]This being the subject of the Senate's Delibe­rations, who concluding it would be a War likely to be drawn out at length, and being in a remote Country, they resolv'd therefore to give first a Period to their Affairs in Illyria. For at that time Demetrius the Pharian for­getting his Obligations to the Romans his Be­nefactors, had given them some Marks of his Ingratitude, and understanding how they were molested by the Incursions of the Gauls, and were likely to have to do with the Car­thaginians, made now little account of their Friendship, and plac'd his greatest hopes in the King of Macedon, and during the Cleo­menick War had joyn'd with Antigonus. De­metrius then resolv'd to pillage and reduce the Towns of Illyria under his Dominion, which were now in possession of the Romans; and having sail'd beyond Lissa with a Fleet of fifty Ships, contrary to the Articles of the Treaty, he ravag'd most of the Islands of the Cyclades. So that the Romans having notice of these Infractions, and being over and above well inform'd of the present Prosperity of the Macedonians, concluded that it behov'd them to have a careful Eye to their Affairs in the Provinces Eastward of Italy: Nor were they without hopes of defeating the Designs of Hannibal, of making the Illyrians to repent their Folly, and punishing the Perfidy and rash Behaviour of Demetrius. But these prov'd vain Deliberations, for Hannibal was [Page 27]too much in earnest and prevented them, and in the mean time became Master of Saguntum, which Success was the cause that they were not only oblig'd to make War in Spain, but in Italy, for the defence of Rome it self. Howbeit the Romans, pursuant to their first Project, sent Lucius Aemilius into Illyria with an Army early in the Spring, being in the first Year of the hundred and fortieth Olym­piad, at which time Hannibal parted with his Army from New Carthage towards Sa­guntum.

This City is situate about a Mile from the Sea, at the foot of those Mountains which part Spain from Celtiberia. The Territory of Saguntum is very fertile, abounding in all sorts of excellent Fruits, wherein no part of Spain exceeds it. Hannibal sits down before it, and attacks it with so much the more di­ligence, by how much he judg'd the redu­cing such a Place by plain force, would great­ly avail towards his compassing those Ends he had further meditated. In a word, he conceiv'd he should by that means deprive the Romans of all hope of making War in Spain; and further, made account, that ter­rify'd by his Success, those he had already vanquish'd, would be thereby held in better Obedience, and preserve their Faith unbro­ken; that those who were yet unconquer'd would stand in greater awe of his Power; and what was yet of greater consequence, he [Page 28]should be able to advance his Enterprizes with more security, having no Enemy at his back. Furthermore he calculated, that the taking of this Town would yield him great Supplies of Treasure for carrying on the War; that his Army would be more at his Devotion, when he had enrich'd them with Booty; and that he should be enabled the better to purchase and establish his Interest among the Carthaginians, by distributing a­mong them the Spoils of the Vanquish'd. These Reflections incited his Industry to press the Besieg'd with greater Application; so that becoming himself an Example to the Army, by working in the Trenches among the Soldiers, animating them in Person, mingling with them in all Hazards, and in­cessantly attending the Labours of the Siege, he became in the space of eight Months, Ma­ster of the Place. Great Booty was there taken both in Money, Prisoners, and rich Movables. The Treasure he took to himself for the Service of the War he had projected against the Romans; the Prisoners he distri­buted to the Army in proportion to their Merit; and the rest he dispatch'd in Presents to his Friends in Carthage. Nor did Hanni­bal make a wrong reckoning; for the Sol­diers were oblig'd, and became more hardy in danger, and the Carthaginians were won to consent more readily to all his Proposi­tions; and being himself now supply'd and [Page 29]furnish'd with whatever he wanted, he pro­secuted his Enterprizes with greater prompti­tude.

About the same time Demetrius, having Intelligence of the Romans purpose, put with expedition a Garrison into Dimalus, which Place he supply'd with Stores of War and all things necessary; and after he had de­stroy'd in the other Towns all those that were of the contrary Faction, and bestow'd the Governments on his Creatures, he se­lected five thousand of the ablest Men from among his own Subjects, and plac'd them in Garrison in Pharus. In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria, where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus, and being further advis'd, that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken, he therefore resolv'd to begin his Campagne there, the better to terrifie and discourage the Enemy. After therefore he had exhorted his Army to be­have themselves as they ought, and caus'd his Engines and Machines to approach in several places, he began the Siege, and in seven Days space took the Town. This Ce­lerity of the Romans possess'd the Enemy with so much Fear, that they lost their Cou­rage, and Deputies were immediately dis­patch'd from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans; which [Page 30]the Consul receiv'd respectively under certain Stipulations, and then made sail toward Pharus, where Demetrius then was. But being inform'd that the Place was strongly fortify'd, and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it, and the Town plentifully furnish'd with all things needful, he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work, bethought himself of this Stratagem; Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast, he landed most of his Troops, with direction to con­ceal themselves in Woods, and Places proper to hide them from the view of the Enemy, and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Gallies only, in sight of the Town; Demetrius thereupon obser­ving and contemning their number, marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing; so the Battel began, which was prosecuted with great obstinacy, Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows, insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison march'd out; in the mean while the Romans, who had landed in the Night, advanc'd, co­vering themselves all they could in their march, and possess'd themselves of an Emi­nence so situate, that it defended it self, be­tween the Town and the Port, whereby they cut off the Enemies retreat to the Town. This being observ'd by Demetrius, he soon [Page 31]disingag'd himself from those who attempted to land, and after he had rally'd and ani­mated his Men, marches to attack the o­thers, who had posted themselves on the Mountain.

The Romans therefore, seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them, met and charg'd them with unspeakable Resolution, while those that were landed attack'd them in the Rear. Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard press'd on all sides, the Army of De­metrius, no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans, was put to flight; some of them escap'd to the Town, but the greatest part dispers'd themselves about the Island, covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places. Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had plac'd in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent, and departing by Night, retir'd to the Court of King Philip, (when every Body gave him for lost) in whose Service he ended his days. A hardy Man he was, but without Judgment, which appear'd by the manner of his Death; for endeavouring, pursuant to the King's Orders, to put him­self into Messena, hazarding too far in that Attempt, he perish'd, as shall be shown in its proper place. As to the Consul, he forth­with got possession of Pharus, which Town he presently demolished. In short, after he had reduc'd the whole Kingdom of Illyria to [Page 32]Obedience, and perform'd all things in that Expedition to his own Mind, he return'd to­ward the end of the Summer to Rome, where he obtain'd a magnificent Triumph, and ac­quir'd the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader.

The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum, deliberated no longer about entering into the War, as some Authors have said, who pretend to have recorded the Opi­nions of both Parties, and have most absurdly reason'd thereupon; for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be unde­termin'd about the War, when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hosti­lity whensoever the Carthaginians should at­tempt any Violence against the Saguntines, whose City they had now destroy'd? And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us, That the Senate was in great Consternation; adding, that twelve Youths, not exceeding the Age of twelve Years, be­ing introduc'd into the Senate by their Fa­thers, and being privy to what had been there resolv'd, discover'd not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret? This too certainly hath a great appearance of Fal­shood, unless it can be made appear, that over and above their many other Advantages, For­tune had endu'd the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors.

But we have remark'd enough of these sort of Writings; namely, such as have been publish'd by Chaereas and Sosilus, who, ac­cording to the Judgment I am able to make, have deliver'd nothing that merits the name of History; but ought to be held as Fables and Tales, such as are vulgarly told to en­tertain the People. The Romans then recei­ving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum, in violation of the Treaty, made choice of Ambassadors for that Service, and dispatch'd them to Carthage, with Instructions to propose two Conditions; whereof the one menac'd the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour, the other with a dangerous and doubtful War: For they demanded, either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be deliver'd up to the discretion of the Romans; or in case of refusal, a War to be forthwith declar'd. When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage, and had audience of the Senate, they deliver'd their Message, which was but coldly receiv'd by the Carthaginians: Ne­vertheless, one of their Senators who was best qualify'd, was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Pro­ceedings; but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal, no more than if such a Treaty had never been; at least he told them, That if such an Agreement had been made, it was of no validity, as being transacted without the privity or consent of [Page 34]the People and Senate of Carthage. And an Example was produc'd of the like practice of the Romans, touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War; which, in a word, Lutatius had ratify'd, when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome, as not having been done by their allowance. They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace, and referr'd particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War; wherein they maintain'd, That no mention was made of Spain, but reservation only of the Allies of either Party, which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty. They further proceeded to show, that Sagun­tum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans; which the better to prove, they caus'd the Articles of that Treaty to be pub­lickly read. As to the Romans, they re­ply'd, That the Argument was not a dispute about Words, and that regard was to be had only to the truth of Fact; namely, whe­ther Saguntum had been attack'd and taken, or no? For if Matters had remain'd in the posture wherein they were, Words might suffice to finish the Dispute; but that City being now taken, whereby the Treaty was become violated, they were oblig'd either to deliver up the Authors of that Infraction, which would witness to the World, That the Carthaginians were guiltless of the Fault [Page 35]that had been committed, and that Hannibal had of his own head, without their privity, acte [...] that violence; or in case they refus'd, and, on the contrary, were dispos'd to own themselves Accessaries with Hannibal; that they then would do well in one word to explain themselves, and put an issue to the Dispute. Thus the Romans ended their Dis­course, speaking nothing but in general Terms. And here I cannot well omit what I am about to say, to the end those whom it imports to be rightly instructed in Occur­rences, may not be kept in ignorance of the Truth in deliberations of Moment; and that the Lovers of History, misled by the Errors or Passions of Historians, may not lose them­selves through want of light into the Trea­ties, which have been made between the Ro­mans and Carthaginians, since the first Punick War.

The first Treaty that was made between them, was concluded during the Consulship of Junius Brutus, and Marcus Horatius, who were the first Roman Consuls after the expul­sion of their Kings, at the time of the Con­secration of the Temple of Jupiter Capitoli­nus, which was eight and twenty Years be­fore the Voyage of Xerxes into Greece. We shall here record the very Words of the said Treaty, which we have interpreted with all the Fidelity we are able; for in truth the ancient Roman Language is so different from [Page 36]what is now spoken, that those who are most conversant therein, find difficulty enough to explain certain hard Places, after the expence of much Time and Study. The said first Treaty is conceiv'd in the following Terms:

There shall be Peace and Friendship be­tween the Romans, and the Allies of the Ro­mans, and between the Carthaginians, and the Allies of the Carthaginians, on the follow­ing Conditions; viz. That the Romans, and the Allies of the Romans, shall not navigate beyond the Fair Promontory, unless constrain'd by Tempest, or an Enemy. If at any time they shall chance to be forc'd a-shoar, they shall not be permitted to buy any thing, nor take any thing but what they need for repairing their Vessels, and for their Sacrifices. That none shall make longer stay a-shoar than five Days. That those who shall come as Merchants, shall pay no other Duty than what is allow'd to the Common Cryer and Register: That these two Officers shall make Affidavit of what shall be bought and sold in their presence, as well in Africa as Sardinia. If the Romans shall chance at any time to visit such Places in Sicily, a [...] are in subjection to the Carthaginians, they shall not suffer any molestation whatsoever, but shall have Justice done them in all things. That the Carthaginians shall attempt nothing against the Ardiates, the Antiates, the Are­tines, those of Laurentum, of Circe, and of [Page 37] Tarracina; nor, in a word, any of the Latins whomsoever that shall be in subjection to the Romans; nor shall they attempt any of their Towns, that are under the Roman Protection; and in case they should at any time make sei­zure of any Town, they shall restore the same to the Romans without any damage. That they shall not build either Fort or Citadel in the Country of the Latins; and in case they should at any time invade their Lands in hostile manner, they shall not remain a Night among them.

The Promontory, here call'd the Fair Pro­montory, is near Carthage, tending toward the North; the Carthaginians not permitting the Romans to navigate to the Southwards of that, unwilling, I believe, that they should obtain any knowledge of the Places and Country a­bout Byzaces, or the Lesser Syrtis, where that Territory is call'd the Empories, by reason of the great Fertility of these Parts; that if any one, compell'd by Tempest, or the Ene­my, should chance to touch there, and should want Necessaries for the resitting of their Ves­sels, or for their Sacrifices, these were per­mitted them, but nothing was to be taken by force; and that those who should so land, should be oblig'd to depart in five Days. But the Romans were permitted to have Trade and Commerce with Carthage, and the rest of Africk on this side the said Promontory, as [Page 38]likewise in Sardinia, and in those Places in Sicily, that were under the Dominion of the Carthaginians: In which Intercourse, the Carthaginians promise to do Justice to all, and not to violate the Rights of any. Nay, it ap­pears by this Treaty, that the Carthaginians spake of Sardinia, and of Africa, as of their own Dominions; but they speak differently of Sicily, distinguishing plainly between what was, and what was not in subjection to them in that Island: In like manner the Romans, in the same Treaty, speak of the Country of the Latins, not making mention of the rest of Italy, as not being then under their Do­minion.

In short, these two People came after to a­nother Treaty, wherein the Carthaginians compriz'd the Tyrians, and those of Ʋtica; but with adding to the Fair Promontory Mastia and Tarseius, not permitting the Romans to build Towns, nor ravage the Country beyond it. See the Treaty it self.

That the Romans, and their Allies, shall have Friendship and Confederacy with the Peo­ple of Carthage, together with the Tyrians; and those of Utica, and their Allies, on condi­tion that they exercise no Hostility, nor ma­nage any Commerce or Traffick, nor build any Towns beyond the Fair Promontory, Mastia, or Tarseius: That if the Carthaginians shall take any Town in the Territory of the Latins [Page 39] that is not in the Roman Protection, they shall enjoy the Pillage thereof; but the Town shall be restor'd, and put into the hands of the Romans. That if the Carthaginians shall at any time take any Prisoners with whom the Romans are in Amity by any Treaty; and albeit they are not in subjection to the Romans, they shall not bring the said Persons into any Port of the Romans; and that in case any such Prisoner should be so brought and discover'd, he shall, upon being challeng'd, be forthwith releas'd and set at liberty. That the Romans shall be treated in the same manner, in the Ports de­pending on the Carthaginians. That if the Romans shall put in at any Port of the Cartha­ginians Dependants to take in Water and Re­freshment, not any of those who are compriz'd in this Treaty of Friendship, shall offer them any Injury or Molestation; if otherwise, the Crime shall be understood to be a Publick Breach of the Treaty. As to Sardinia and A­frica, the Romans shall have no Commerce there, where they shall neither traffick, build Towns; nor, in a word, so much as attempt to land on these Coasts, unless it be to supply their Necessities, and refit their Ships. That if in case any shall be compell'd by Tempest, or other­wise, to take Refuge in their Ports, they shall depart in five Days; but that the Romans shall have free intercourse to traffick; buy, and sell in any of the Towns in Sicily, under the Do­minion of the Carthaginians, and in the City of [Page 40]Carthage it self; where they shall enjoy the same Rights and Privileges with the Citizens of Carthage; and the Carthaginians shall have right to the like Treatment in Rome.

The Carthaginians seem by this Treaty to make it yet more evident, that they accoun­ted of Sardinia and Africa as their own, and so it was no injury to the Romans to be by them forbidden any intercourse there. On the other hand, when they make mention of Sicily, they use another Stile, speaking of the Places only in that Island that paid Obe­dience to the Carthaginians. The Romans ex­plaining themselves after the same manner, when they speak of the Territory of the La­tins, stipulating that no Injury shall be done to the Ardiates, Antiates, those of Circe and Tarracina, which are Maritime Towns on the Coast of the Latins, and were compre­hended in that Treaty.

The last Treaty, that was enter'd into by these two People, was made about the time that Pyrrhus invaded Italy, before the Car­thaginians enter'd into the War, which they wag'd for the Dominion of Sicily. The Ar­ticles were transcrib'd from those that went before, saving that they added these that fol­low: That if the People of Rome, or the Car­thaginians, shall chance to enter into Alliance with Pyrrhus, they shall however mutually as­sist each other in case of eithers being invaded [Page 41]by the Enemy; and whichsoever of them shall stand in need of Succours, the Carthaginians shall furnish Vessels of Transport for that Ser­vice, as likewise for the War: That each Par­ty shall pay their own Troops respectively: That the Carthaginians shall lend Aid to the Romans by Sea, if they shall need it; but that neither Party shall at any time compel the other to put to Sea with their Vessels.

In short, the Oath of Ratification was made after this manner: The Carthaginians first swore by the Gods of their Country; and the Romans, after their own ancient Custom, swore by a Stone, and then by Mars. Be­hold how they swore by the Stone: The He­rauld who took the Oath, after having sworn in behalf of the Publick, takes up a Stone, and then pronounces these words: If I keep my Faith, may the Gods vouchsafe their Assi­stance, and give me success: If on the con­trary I violate it, then may the other Party be entirely safe, and preserv'd in their Coun­try, in their Laws, in their Possessions; and in a word, in all their Rights and Liberties; and may I perish and fall alone, as now this Stone does. And then he lets the Stone fall out of his Hand.

If such Treaties were then usual, and that the Aediles had them in their keeping in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, engrav'd in Plates of Copper, is it not strange that not only Philinus the Historian should be igno­rant [Page 42]of this Custom, but that many of the ancient Romans and Carthaginians, (other­wise esteem'd well vers'd in Publick Affairs) should be likewise totally to seek therein? But for him with confidence to affirm, that it was agreed in that Treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, that the Romans should entirely abandon Sicily, and the Carthagini­ans Italy, and that this Treaty was violated by the Romans, when they pass'd over into Sicily, tho' it be most certain that such a Stipulation never was, and that there be not the least shadow of ground to believe there ever was any such Treaty; yet our Histori­an fairly records it, as may be seen in his Se­cond Book, whereof having already said some­thing in the beginning of this our Work, we forbore then to enlarge thereon, and now observe that many having been misled by this Author, have been paid with Falshoods in­stead of Truth. And certainly whosoever condemns the Voyage of the Romans into Sicily, let it be cover'd with never so fair Pre­texts, their making Alliance with the Mamer­tines, and shortly after yielding them the Suc­cours they demanded, notwithstanding they had criminally surpriz'd Rhegium and Messina, they may perhaps herein have reason to blame their proceeding. But when they believe the Romans pass'd into Sicily, contrary to their Oath, and in violation of the Treaty, they are manifestly deceiv'd.

Another Treaty was made at the determi­nation of the War in Sicily, the principal Conditions whereof being as followeth: That the Carthaginians shall retire out of Sicily, and out of all the Islands betwixt that and Italy: That the Allies of neither Party shall be injur'd or molested by either of them: That the one shall have no Authority in the others Dominions, where they shall neither build any Fortress, nor levy Soldiers for the War: That neither shall enter into Confede­racy with those with whom the other is in Al­liance? That the Carthaginians shall pay, within the space of ten Tears, the sum of two thousand two hundred Talents, whereof one thousand in hand, and shall enlarge all the Roman Prisoners Ranson-free.

Upon the Romans decreeing War against them, after their misfortunes with their Mer­cenaries in Africk, these Articles were added to the above Treaty: That the Carthaginians shall abandon the Island of Sardinia, and shall further pay the summ of one thousand two hun­dred Talents, as we have already noted. All these Treaties preceded that which was made with Asdrubal in Spain, which was the very last wherein it was stipulated, That the Car­thaginians should not pass their Arms beyond the River Eber. These are the sum of all the Treaties that were made between the Ro­mans and Carthaginians, from the first Punick War to that of Hannibal.

And now since no Proof appears, that the Romans violated their Faith by their Voyage into Sicily; so in their Acquisition of Sardi­nia, according to the Articles of Peace, no Pretext or shadow of any Cause can be dis­cover'd of the Second Punick War. While no Body questions but the Carthaginians de­serted Sardinia, and parted with those vast sums of Money, being unrighteously com­pell'd thereunto during the Calamity of their Affairs. In short, the Romans do but trifle when they tell us for a Reason, that many of their Poople who held Commerce in Afri­ca had been ill treated by the Carthaginians; that difference having been amicably com­pos'd upon the Carthaginians setting all those at liberty, who had been detain'd in their Ports; in acknowledgment whereof the Ro­mans also quitted all their Carthaginian Priso­ners without Ransom, as hath been observ'd in our First Book. Matters then standing thus, it will behove us to inquire, which of these two People gave occasion for the War of Hannibal.

We have already recited the Carthaginians Reasons, and shall now observe what the Ro­mans have to say for themselves. True it is, that albeit the Romans were highly provok'd at the destruction of Saguntum, nevertheless they did not then show their Resentments. Afterwards indeed, they and many others be­sides would often say, That they ought not [Page 45]to understand the TTreaty of Asdrubal to be void, as the Carthaginians are bold to say; for this Clause was added in that made by Lutatius: That it should be firm and inviola­ble if the People of Rome ratify'd it. But Asdrubal's Peace was confirm'd by an ample and plenary Authority, wherein it was accor­ded, That the Carthaginians should not make War on the other side the Eber. Now as to the Treaty that was made touching Sicily, that was conceiv'd as they themselves confess in these terms, — That the Allies of the one and the other Party should not be at­tack'd or molested by either.— Not only those who were at that time in the Con­federacy, as the Carthaginians would under­stand it, for these terms were added,— That it shall not be permitted to make new Alliances, or to exclude from the Treaty, those who were receiv'd into their Alliance, after that Peace was concluded. But forasmuch as neither the one, nor the other Article was added to the Treaty, 'tis but just to believe, that all the Confederates of one and the other People, those who were at that time Ally'd, and those who were afterwards receiv'd into the Confe­deracy were comprehended therein, and that neither the one nor the other Party ought to molest them. For, in short, who would en­ter into terms of such restraint whereby they became bound up from making choice of such for Friends and Allies, whose Friendship [Page 46]and Alliance should be found profitable, or by which they should be oblig'd to relinquish their new Confederates upon any Outrage acted on them by the other Party? My Opi­nion therefore is, that the intention both of the one and other People in that Treaty is to be understood, that the one should not injure the Allies of the other; and that by no means the one Party was permitted to con­tract Alliance with the Confederates of the other; and in a word, that which follows ought to be interpreted of any new Alliances that should be made in times succeeding — That the one Party shall not levy Men for the War, nor exercise any Authority in any of the Provinces of the others Dominions, or those of their Allies, who shall not be disturb'd by the one or the other Party.

This being so, it is likewise manifest, that the Saguntines were in Alliance with the Ro­mans long before Hannibal's time, whereof the Carthaginians afford us good testimony: For upon a Sedition which happen'd in the City of Saguntum, they refus'd to make the Carthaginians Judges and Umpires of their Differences, albeit they were their Neigh­bours; for they had at that time establish'd their Authority in Spain, but made choice of the Romans, by whose Arbitration their Dis­orders were compos'd. And now if it be alledg'd, That the Destruction of Saguntum was the cause of that War, we must then ne­cessarily [Page 47]determine, That the Carthaginians began a very unjust War, whether regard be had either to the Treaty of Lutatius, where­by both Parties became mutually bound to offer no violence to their respective Allies; or whether in regard to that of Asdrubal, wherein it was not permitted to the Cartha­ginians to pass the River Eber. But then, on the other hand, if the cause of the War shall be attributed to the business of Sardinia, which was violently wrested by the Romans from the Carthaginians, together with the Money which was forcibly drawn from them, it will then be but justice to confess, That the Carthaginians did not unrighteously in entering on the War made by Hannibal: For as the Romans improv'd the occasion of the Carthaginians Distresses whereby to molest them, they did no more than lay hold on the like Opportunity against the Romans, when it serv'd their purpose.

It is not unlikely but that those who read not History with due Judgment, will be apt to tell me, That it seems a superfluous Work, to tarry thus long on the Subject we have been treating: If therefore such a one there be, whose Abilities can arm him against all Acci­dents, and who by the light of his own Un­derstanding can penetrate every thing; to such I grant indeed, That the recounting of past Adventures may entertain him, tho' it ministers little or nothing to his Instruction. [Page 48]But while we may safely doubt whether there be any such Man, as can with assurance so determine in his own private Affairs, or in what regards the Publick; inasmuch as let the present state of his Fortune be never so prosperous, if he be a Man of sound Sence, he will not over-boldly pronounce touching the future. I will therefore take upon me to say, That a right knowledge of Things past, is not only delightful, but necessary: For whether we are invaded either in our private Capacity, or in our Country, How shall we be able to have recourse for succour, and ac­quire and obtain Friends at need, if we have never contemplated any thing but the pre­sent? Or how shall we be enabled to add to what we have already conceiv'd, or propose to enter into War? How shall we be qualify'd to engage others to take part with us, and fa­vour our Enterprizes? And how, in a word, while we amuse our selves with present things, shall we be qualify'd to engage our own Sub­jects to acquiesce roadily to such new Forms and Establishments in the State, as we shall suggest, while we remain ignorant of past Times, whence we are to derive our Argu­ments? For Mankind, for the most part, is govern'd by the nearest Objects; and we are aptest to be led to imitate present Examples, not reflecting how hard it is to judge of Men's Minds by their present Words and Comportments, modern Truth being for the [Page 49]most part disguis'd and wrapp'd in Clouds, while the Actions of our Ancestors declare manifestly, and conduct us to the knowledge of their Thoughts and Purposes, and tells and informs us from whom we ought to expect good Offices and Succours in our Distresses, and of whom we ought to suspect the con­trary; who are likeliest to be touch'd with our Misfortunes, who will be likeliest to re­sent the Injuries we may receive, and engage to do us right. These are Points, without Controversie, of mighty importance in the Conduct of our Life, whether with regard to our private Fortune, or the Administration of the Publick. Therefore it is, that neither those who write History, nor those who read it, should so much rest on the account of the Actions themselves, as the things that prece­ded, or that occurr'd at the same time, or succeeded them. For if History be defective in the Causes and Original of the Things we contemplate, the means by which they were brought to pass, and the end for which they were executed; and that if it be not made evident to our Understanding, how and in what proportion Events hold and bear with the Actions that have been perform'd, all be­side this will be found it may be a delightful Entertainment; but no Profit or Instruction can result from it for our future guidance.

And if perchance any one should be of O­pinion, That this our Work will find but few Readers, or such as will give it entertainment, by reason of the number and bulk of the Books it contains; yet this would happen on­ly to those, who want discernment in the dif­ference between purchasing and studying for­ty Books digested in order, and which regu­larly instruct the Reader by one continu'd Thread of Discourse in the Transactions of Sicily and Africa, from the time when Timae­us puts an end to his History of Pyrrhus, down to the taking of Carthage; and of all Occurrences in other Quarters of the World, from the flight of Cleomenes King of Sparta, to the time wherein the Battel was fought be­tween the Romans and Achaians, on the Bor­ders of Peloponnesus. I say, they do not rightly consider the difference betwixt read­ing such a General History, and the search­ing after the several Books of other Authors, who have treated the same things distinctly and apart; for over and above that these Writings exceed what we have deliver'd both in number and measure, the fruit they yield for our Instruction will be less: For first, those Authors, do not always agree in their Ac­counts of the same matters of Fact; and then they touch not on any contemporary Occur­rences: And, after all, when you come to conferr them together, you shall be oblig'd to make another Judgment of what they re­report [Page 51]so compar'd, than when you study and consider them singly and distinctly one from the other. Furthermore, that sort of History never arrives at the principal point of Utility; namely, to show (as we but now observ'd) what was the issue of such and such Actions, what was contemporary and principally the Causes of Events, which is that which ani­mates the Body of History.

For to exemplify in our History, it will appear how the War of Philip gave occasion to that of Antiochus; and that of Hannibal, to the War of Philip; and the War of Sicily, to the Hanniballick, or second Punick War. In a word, by the study of General History, we easily arrive at the knowledge of many important Things that come to pass during such Wars, which contribute to the War them­selves, and which by no means is attainable by the study of particular History; as name­ly, in the Macedonian War against Perseus or Philip; unless we can imagine it possible to be entirely instructed in the Art. of War, upon reading only in History the description of Battels. But since this cannot be, I may presume to say, That this our Undertaking may be justly reckon'd as much superiour to Relations of single or particular Occurrences, as certain Knowledge is more noble than meer­ly to discourse by hear-say.

But to proceed: The Roman Ambassadors having heard the Carthaginians Reasons, made no other Answer than this: The gravest a­mong them, pointing to his Bosom, told those of the Senate who were present, That they had brought with them both Peace and War; and, That it was left to the Carthaginians e­lection to take which they pleas'd. To which the principal Senators reply'd, That they were willing to give the Romans the preference in the Choice. Whereupon the Ambassadors re­ply'd, That they then made War their Choice: Which the majority of the Senate accepted with Acclamations; whereupon they were dismiss'd.

In the mean while Hannibal, who held his Winter-Quarters at New-Carthage, gave leave to his Spanish Soldiers to retire to their respe­ctive Habitations, the better to dispose them to his service, when he should have occasion to call upon them. In short, he furnish'd As­drubal his Brother with Instructions how to comport himself in his Government of Spain, in his absence; and in what manner he was to defend himself against the Romans, in case they should chance to separate. After this, his next chief care was to provide for the safety of Africk; and by a singular foresight and sagacity of Judgment, he supply'd Spain with Soldiers from Africk, and Africk with the like from Spain, the better to engage and tie those two People, as it were, by mutual [Page 53]Bonds, together. Those that were trans­ported into Africk, were the Thersites, the Mastians, and the Olcades, and some Spani­ards of the Mountains, composing altogether an Army of twelve hundred Horse, and thir­teen thousand Foot. There were likewise Soldiers from the Baleares, who were a sort of Slingers; to whom, together with their Island, the Greeks gave that Name from the kind of Sling they us'd. It was found expe­dient to place the greatest part of these Troops in Metagonia, a Country and Promontory of Africk; and some were receiv'd into the City of Carthage it self. They likewise drew out of the Metagonian Territory three thousand Foot, who were sent to keep Garrison in New-Carthage, and to remain likewise as Hostages, But with Asdrubal in Spain he left fifty Quin­que-reme Gallies, two Quadriremes, and five of Three Banks; of which number there were two and thirty of the Quinque-remes, and two Triremes that were equipp'd for War. He likewise left him four hundred and fifty African Horse, and of Liby-Phoenicians, a People mix'd of Africans and Phoenicians; three hundred Lorgites; eighteen hundred Numidians; Massyles, Massaesyles, Macians and Mauritanians who inhabit the Sea-Coast, eleven thousand eight hundred Foot; three hun­dred Ligurians, five hundred Balearians, and one and twenty Elephants. And here let it not seem a Wonder, that we have undertaken [Page 54]to treat of Hannibal's proceeding at that time in Spain; thus minutely descending to so many particulars, that even those who had a share in the Conduct of those Affairs could not be thought to observe things more narrowly: Nor let me be condemn'd, if herein I imitate those, who to gain Belief and Credit with their Readers mingle their Falshoods with the like Particularities: For it being my lot at Lacinium to peruse there the engrav'd Tables, or Records of Copper, left by Hannibal du­ring his abode in Italy, I made no difficulty to copy the Contents, since there was no rea­son to doubt the verity thereof.

When Hannibal had well provided for the safety of Spain and Africk, he then turn'd his Mind wholly to the business of some new Enterprizes, while he attended the return of his Ambassadors, who had been dispatch'd to the Gauls, for he well knew that the Coun­try at the foot of the Alpes, and about the River Po was very fertile, and abounding in brave People given to War; and what was yet more to his wish, implacable haters of the Romans ever since the War they made on them. But of this we have expresly treated in our preceding Book, to the end to help the Reader to a clearer conception of what was to follow. Hannibal then us'd his utmost Dili­gence, and imploy'd all his Forces to advance his purpose; he promis'd every thing libe­rally; he sent frequent Dispatches to the se­veral [Page 55]Princes of the Gauls, inhabiting on this side the Alpes, and in the Mountains them­selves; conceiving it wou'd be a main step towards a happy issue of the War against the Romans, to compass his passage through those Countries we have nam'd; and that after ha­ving surmounted the many difficulties of a long march, to be able to ingage the Gauls to take part with him and joyn in the Enter­prize, as he had labour'd to bring to pass. In short, after he had receiv'd an account by his Messengers, that the Gauls accorded to his Proposal, and expected him with impatience; and after they had inform'd him, that tho' the Passage of those Mountains was difficult, yet that it was not insuperable; he began to move his Army out of their Winter Quarters early in the Spring. And having receiv'd in­telligence of what had been determin'd at Carthage, his Hopes were greatly augmented, and beholding now his Purposes fortify'd by the concurrence of his Fellow-Citizens, he be­gan openly to discourse of making War upon the Romans; and to exhort the Soldiers chear­fully to ingage therein, he told them, that the Romans had the Impudence publickly to demand, that both he and his Chief Officers should be deliver'd up to them; he laid before them likewise the Fertility of the Country in­to which he would lead them, the Good-will of the Gauls, and the Confederacy he had made with them; and when the Army had [Page 56]loudly proclaim'd their readiness to march whithersoever he was dispos'd to command them, and he had gratefully applauded their chearful Behaviour, and had prefix'd the Day for their march, he dismiss'd the Assem­bly.

After he had duly provided for the securi­ty of Africk and Spain, and had spent the Winter in all necessary Deliberations, upon the Day he had appointed, the Army took the Field, consisting of fourscore and ten thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse. After he had pass'd the River Eber he reduc'd the Illyrgeti and Bargusians, the Aerenosians, and the Andosins or Ausetans, People that in­habit and spread as far as to the Pyraeneans. He took likewise sundry Towns by force, which he effected in a short time, and even beyond his hopes; but these Successes cost him some hard Conflicts, wherein he lost ma­ny Men. In short, he establish'd Hanno Go­vernour of the Country on this side the Eber, and order'd that he should have likewise the Government of the Bargusians, of which Peo­ple he had the greatest Jealousie, as having been in Amity with the Romans; and appoin­ted ten thousand Foot and one thousand Horse to be drawn out of the Army, to be left un­der his Command; committing likewise to his keeping the weighty Baggage of the whole Army that march'd with him; the like num­ber he sent to their own Home, that by that [Page 57]means he might confirm the Affections of those to whom he gave that Licence, and afford hopes to the others, who adventured with him to return one day to their Native Country; and that those, who were already in Arms, as such of the Natives who remain'd hitherto at ease in their Houses, might yield readier obedience to his Summons into Italy, if there should happen any occasion to call upon them to recruit his Forces. So the Army march'd light, and disincumber'd of Baggage to the number of Fifty thousand Foot, and Nine thousand Horse, which he lead over the Pyrenaeans, in order to their passing the Rhosne. This was no very nu­merous Army, but they were good Men, and had been long train'd, and in continual Action during the Wars in Spain.

But forasmuch as our History will be in danger of obscurity, should we omit the ne­cessary description of Places; it seems there­fore behoveful that we here describe, from the place of Hannibal's departure, the vast extent of ground he travers'd, and what Coun­tries and Nations he visited in his march into Italy. For I hold it not enough barely to set down the names of Rivers and Cities, as is the method of some Writers, who imagine there is nothing more requir'd; and that the knowledge of things is attain'd meerly by their Names: While, for my own part, I conceive it sit to observe, that as 'tis true, [Page 58]that with respect to places and things we already know, the naming only may suffice to renew the Notices of them in the Memo­ry; yet where we are totally in the dark, I reckon it equally as useless to insist barely on the Names, as to rehearse a certain number of Words that have no signification: For while the Mind is destitute of the means to conceive rightly of what is the Subject of our Contemplation, and is not inabled to apply what we hear to something that we know, we gather no more Fruit from such a Discourse, than if it were spoken to a deaf Ear. It will import us then to propose some certain method whereby we may be able to give right and easie Images of things, when we deliver Matter whereof the Understanding hath not yet taken the least Impression. The first and most general receiv'd Notion, and that which (as one may say) is common to Mankind, is the repartition that we have made of the Heavens, whereby we assign the seat and position of the respective Climates and Regions: For who, the most stupid, doth not know, East and West, North and South? The next Notion is, that by assigning to those repartitions in the Heavens certain di­visions of such a position here on Earth, as are subjected to those above, whereby we ar­rive at a sort of Science of those Places and Countries, which we have never seen, and otherwise know nothing of. This Proposi­tion [Page 59]is only touching the Earth in general: What is next to be done, is to instruct the Reader to make the same division (as far as we know) of the Earth, which is understood to be distributed into the principal Parts; as namely, Asia, Africk, and Europe; then, that these three are bounded by the Tanais, the Nile, and the Streight of Hercules. Asia extends from the River Nile, Eastward and Southward. Africk stretcheth from the Nile towards Hercules Pillars, then extends South­ward, and South-westward to the Equino­ctial. In short, these two Parts, with re­spect to the whole Globe, contain that entire proportion of Continent to the Southward of Mediterranean Sea, stretching from East to West.

As to Europe, its situation is Northward, in opposite position to the other two, and is continu'd, as it were, in a Line from East to West. The principal and greatest part thereof hath Northerly Situation, lying be­tween the River Tanais, and that of Narbona, which, on the Western part is not far from Marseilles, and the Mouth of the Rhosne, near which that River empties it self into the Sar­dinian Sea.

The Celtae inhabit all the Country in the Neighbourhood of Narbona, and spread from thence to the Pyrenaeans, which are a Chain of Mountains, continu'd from our Sea quite to the great Ocean: The other parts of Eu­rope [Page 60]running from those Hills to the utmost West, and to the Pillars of Hercules, are in a great measure bounded by our Sea, and that of the Ocean; that Portion thereof which borders on our Sea, to Hercules-Pillars, is called Iberia; but that which is wash'd by the main Ocean remains yet without a Name; it being not long since any discovery has been made thereof, and found to be inhabi­ted by many barbarous Nations, whereof we shall have occasion to speak in particular, in the pursuit of our History.

In short, as it is not yet known whether Aethiopia, Africk, and Asia are join'd, and in one continu'd Continent, extending to the South, or be inviron'd by the Sea; so like­wise all that Tract of Land, contain'd be­tween the Tanais and Narbona, towards the North, is to us at this day totally unknown. And those who speak or write otherwise, are to be held only as Reporters of Fables, amu­sing us with the Effects of their own Dreams and Visions.

Thus much I have thought needful to say, the better to qualifie those who are not over conversant in Geography, to study our Histo­ry with greater Profit; and to the end they may arrive with more Facility at the know­ledge of what they are yet to know, by con­ferring them with things whereof they are already inform'd; and as to what relates, at least, to the general distribution of the Parts, [Page 61]they may be taught to apprehend rightly of the Regions below from the position of the Climates above. For as it is ordinary with us to turn our Eyes towards the Object that is pointed to us to observe; so in proportion to the evidence, whereby things are set be­fore the Understanding, by Words or Discourse, the Mind conceives and becomes enligh­tened.

But to return from our digression: The Carthaginians were, in those times, Masters of all that tract of Country in Africk, that runs along the Coast of our Sea, from the Philaenian Altars, which are by the great Syrtis, to the Streight of Hercules Pillars; which Dominion contains above six hundred Leagues in length. They had now likewise carry'd their Conquests into Spain, being on the other side the Streight, which divides the two Continents, having subdu'd that Country intirely, as far as the Promontory or Rock in our Sea, which terminates the Pyrenaean Hills, that are the boundaries be­tween the Gauls and Spaniards: This Acqui­sition extending at least three hundred Leagues in length, from Hercules Pillars to New Carthage, from whence Hannibal set out on his Expedition to Italy, is computed about one hundred and twenty Leagues. This Town we call, according to some, New Car­thage; it being, by others, call'd Cainopolis, or the New Town. From thence, to the [Page 62]River Eber, it is at least one hundred Leagues; from the Eber to Emporium, about sixty Leagues; and thence to the Passage of the Rhosne, near the same distance: but these distances the Romans have set down in their Miles, each Mile containing eight Stades or Furlongs.

It is computed from the Passage of the Rhosne, up towards the head of the River, to the beginning of the Alpes, which lead into Italy, about seventy Leagues, without taking in the way in the Mountains, which is reckon'd fifty Leagues; from whence you descend into Italy, coming into a Campaigne Country, water'd by the River Po; so the March of Hannibal from New Carthage into Italy, will amount to about three hundred and forty Leagues. And now, if we take only the length of the way into our conside­ration, Hannibal had already perform'd half his Journey; but when the difficulties yet be­hind come to be weigh'd, the worst, by much, will be found yet remaining.

Hannibal therefore labour'd his utmost to get the Pyrenaeans at his back, being not without suspicion of the fidelity of the Gauls, doubting lest they should block up his pas­sage which he found difficult enough with­out encountring other Impediments. In the mean time, after the Romans were inform'd by their Ambassadors, whom they had sent to Carthage, of all that had pass'd, and had [Page 63]been determin'd there; and receiving notice earlier than they expected, of Hannibal's pas­sing the Eber, they decreed that Publius Cornelius Scipio should be dispatch'd into Spain, and Tiberius Sempronius into Africk. But while they were busied about their Le­vies, and the necessary Preparations for the War, they le [...]t not, however, to prosecute another design they had before in hand; namely, to dispatch Colonies to the Coun­try of the Cis-Alpine Gauls. They proceed­ed likewise, with great diligence to begirt their Towns with Walls, ordering those who were ordain'd for the Colonies, which a­mounted to about six thousand, who were to People the two Towns, that were to be built, to be at the Rendezvouse within the space of thirty days. One of which Towns they plac'd on this side the Po, and gave it the name of Placentia; the other beyond the River, which they call'd Cremona. These Colonies were hardly arriv'd; when the Boians (who endeavour'd nothing more ar­dently than to break with the Romans; but for want of a proper conjuncture, had not yet attempted any thing) hearing of the approach of the Carthaginians, began to con­ceive new hopes; and abandoning their Hostages, which had been given to the Ro­mans at the end of the War (which was ob­serv'd in our preceding Book) revolted, and took Arms against them. These drew like­wise [Page 64]to their side the Insubrians, who were easily lead to take part with them, out of an ancient hatred they bare to the Romans. So they march'd out, and fell to spoil the new planted Territories, and advancing after those, who had fled to Modena for Succour, pursu'd them thither, and there besieg'd them; where likewise were shut up the three Commissioners, who had been sent to con­duct the Colonies, and set out the Lands, Men of great account; the one Caius Luta­tius, who had been Consul, and the two o­thers Praetors: These propos'd to come to some Treaty, which the Boians seem'd to ac­cept; but when they adventur'd out to de­bate about the Terms, they brake their word, and seiz'd their Persons, perswading them­selves that with such a gauge, they should be able to preserve their Hostages. Upon notice of these Stirs, Lucius Manlius the Praetor, who then commanded an Army in those Parts, march'd to their Relief with all the speed he could. But the Enemy getting no­tice of his approach, laid an Ambush in a certain Forest in his way, where the Romans had no sooner entred, when the Boians fell upon them, attacking them on all sides, and putting the greatest part to the Sword, the rest [...]led, and having gain'd the Hills, there made a stand, and with difficulty enough de­fended themselves, but at length made a good Retreat. Tho' the Boians left not the [Page 65]pursuit till they had chas'd them into a Town call'd Tanetus, which some call Canetus, where they block'd them up. When the news came to Rome, that the fourth Legion was thus besieg'd by the Boians, they order'd the Ro­man Legion that had been appointed to Pub­lius to march to their Relief, giving the Com­mand thereof to the Praetor Lucius Atilius, with orders to raise more Troops among their Allies. This is the account of what was transacted in Gaul, after the War broke out, to the arrival of Hannibal; the state of Mat­ters in that Province being such as was before related, and as we but now deliver'd.

Early in the Spring the Roman Consuls, having made due provision of all things ne­cessary to put their Purposes in execution, embark'd for their respective Governments, Publius steering towards Spain with sixty Ves­sels, and Tiberius Sempronius with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty; whose Mind was so inflam'd with desire of Action, and exalted with the provision he had made at Lilybaeum, that he thought on nothing more than lay­ing siege forthwith to Carthage it self. Pub­lius kept along the Coast of Liguria, and in six Days arriv'd from Pisa at Marseilles; and coming to the hither mouth of the River Rhosne, which they call the Marseillian, he began to land his Troops; and notwithstand­ing he had receiv'd notice of Hannibal's ha­ving pass'd the Pyrenaeans, he concluded how­ever [Page 66]that he could not be so near as he was; the difficulties of the Way, and the many di­vers Nations of the Gauls, by whom the Ene­my was to make his Passage, made him of that Judgment. But Hannibal had surmount­ed all these Difficulties, having bought his passage of some, and won it by force of Arms from others, and was now got with his Ar­my to the Pass over the Rhosne, having the Sea of Sardinia on his right. When Publius receiv'd the news of the Enemy's approach, he did not at first believe it, as seeming to him incredible, that he should be able to perform so difficult a march in so short a space: Ne­vertheless, he thought it advisable to endea­vour after such intelligence as he might rely upon; accordingly, while his Army lay to refresh themselves, and recover from the Toils of their Voyage, consulting with his Officers what Posts would be most proper to possess, and what way to take that he might get be­fore the Enemy, he commanded out three hundred choice Horse to discover; to whom, for their Guides, and farther to sustain them, he appointed the Gauls to be join'd, who were in pay to those of Marseilles.

Hannibal being now on the Banks of the Rhosne, within four Days march of the Sea, at a certain place where the Channel of that River was not very large, determin'd speedily to pass his Army, after he had bought the Good-will of the People of the Country, and [Page 67]purchas'd all their Canoes and Boats, where­of there were great numbers; forasmuch as those who live on that River Trassick on the Sea. Furthermore he amass'd great quanti­ties of Materials proper for the making of Floats, whereof the Soldiers in the space of two Days had made abundant provision, eve­ry one labouring his utmost to excuse the ne­cessity of other Aid, being resolv'd to owe their passage over the River to their own sin­gle Industry. In the mean time, the Barba­rians, on the opposite side, assembled in great numbers to oppose their Landing; which Hannibal no sooner perceiv'd, but he con­cluded it impossible to compass his Intent by force, having so numerous an Enemy to op­pose him; and that he could no longer re­main where he was, without danger of being encompass'd by the Enemy, unless he speedily attempted something. Whereupon, after three Days debate, about the first Watch of the Night, he detach'd a Party of his Army (with the Gauls of the Country for their Guides) under the leading of Hanno the Son of Bomilcar. After these had march'd about five and twenty Miles up the River, they came to a place where the Water makes a small Island, and there halted. In this place they fell'd great quantities of Timber in the neigh­bouring Woods, and in a short time made a sufficient number of Floats to wast them; and so got a safe passage over the Rhosne, none ap­pearing [Page 68]to oppose them: And having gain'd a piece of Ground, whose situation fortify'd it self, they there repos'd that Day, not only to refresh themselves after so toilsome an Ex­pedition, but likewise to prepare for the far­ther prosecution of what had been given them in Orders. In the mean while, Hannibal es­say'd by all means possible to pass over the River with that part of the Army that re­main'd with him; and nothing now so much troubled him, as how to imbark his Ele­phants, which were to the number of forty eight.

The fifth Night, after the Detachment had pass'd the River, they drew near the Barbari­ans, who were assembled to oppose Hannibal's Landing; who, at the same time having his Troops in readiness, order'd his Horse to im­bark in the great Vessels, and the best of his Foot in small Boat, prepar'd to pass over. But to the end his Floats and small Boats might go with more security, he order'd the greater Vessels to keep above the Stream, thereby to check the Current of the River. Another invention they had likewise to transport their Horses; they did not imbark them, but swam in a Tow after their small Boats, one Man holding three or four by the Bridle on each side the Boat: Thus many were carry'd over at the first essay.

The Barbarians beholding all this Prepara­tion ran in haste and disorder out of their Camp, conceiving they should have no great difficulty to repulse the Carthaginians: But as soon as Hannibal perceiv'd the Party on the other side to approach, (for according to the Orders Hanno had receiv'd, they made the signs of their drawing near by Smoak in several places as they march'd) he order'd his People to move, the great Vessels to keep a­bove, with Directions to those that govern'd them to stem the Current, keeping the Ves­sels with their bow upon the Stream, the bet­ter to cover the others from danger. So each one animating his Companion with auspici­ous Words, Labour'd with incredible Industry to stem the violence of the Current. In the mean time, the Enemy, on the other side, gave them to understand by their Cries, not unlike to Howlings, that they expected them with resolution, insomuch that the prospect every where was terrible, and held the Spe­ctators in great perplexity.

The Enemy having now wholly abandon'd their Tents, those with Hanno fell in pell-mell among them unperceiv'd: Some attack and set fire on their Camp, while the greatest part march to charge those that guarded the Passage. The Barbarians thus surpriz'd, some hasten'd to preserve their Tents, others re­main'd to make head and sustain the [...] Hannibal now perceiving the Success to [...] ­swer [Page 70]his Design, rang'd and drew his People up in Battalia as they Landed, and incou­raging them in few words, they soon came to Blows with the Enemy; who fighting in disorder, by reason of the surprize, were soon vanquish'd and dispers'd.

The Carthaginians having thus at once gain'd the Victory and their Passage, us'd all possible dispatch in the transporting what was yet remaining on the other side the River; and when that Work was over, they encamp'd that Night on the Bank. The next Morning, having receiv'd Intelligence that the Roman Army, with their Fleet, was arriv'd at the mouth of the Rhosne, Hannibal detach'd five hundred Numidian Horse, with order to dis­cover and bring an account of the Enemy. And directed those who best understood that Affair, to take care for the transporting the Elephants, while he assembled the Army, where he produc'd Magilus, who was come to visit him from the Countries that lie about the Po, accompanied with other Princes of the Gauls, making known to them, by an In­terpreter, the Resolution that People had ta­ken; but what most animated the Soldiers, was the Presents which those Princes had brought with them, the tender of their Ser­vice, and offers to ingage with them, as their Companions, in the War against the Ro­mans.

In short, after Magilus had assur'd them he would be their Conductor through all those Passages by which they were to march, and that they should shortly arrive in safety in Italy, and want for nothing in their Journey, they thought it reasonable to yield entire be­lief to what he said; they were likewise great­ly encourag'd by what they heard of the a­bundance and fertility of the Country they were to invade, and with the chearful and frank Behaviour of those who were to joyn with them in their Conflicts with the Romans. The Gauls being now retir'd out of the As­sembly, Hannibal return'd, where he repre­sented to his People, first, the important Acti­ons they had already atchiev'd; how many notable Services by his Counsel and Leading they had already perform'd; how many ha­zardous Adventures they had gone through, whereof not any Man there had cause to re­pent: Then he exhorted them to continue firm in their Resolutions, inasmuch as they were of themselves convinc'd, that the most difficult part of the Work was now pass'd, their Passage over the River succeeding to their own Wishes; nor could there be any remaining doubt of the Fidelity and Good­will of their Allies; he requir'd, in short, that they would entertain no anxious Thoughts a­bout the future; but rely firmly on his Care and Circumspection; telling them, that by an entire resignation to his Conduct and Com­mands, [Page 72]they would give the best and surest Marks of their Resolution, and ascertain their Title to the Glory they had already won. And now, after the Soldiers, by their Words and Actions had unanimously signify'd their approbation and readiness to obey him, and their willingness to engage in all Dangers. Hannibal praising their forwardness, and im­ploring the assistance of the Gods for their Preservation, commanded them to retire to their repose, and to be in a readiness to march, for that he determin'd to decamp the next Day; so they departed.

The Assembly was no sooner dismiss'd when the Numidians return'd, who had been sent abroad to discover; of whom a great part were cut off, and those who escap'd had sav'd themselves by slight. For having incountred it seems, not far from the Camp, with cer­tain Horse-men of the Romans, whom Publi­us had sent abroad on the same Errand, they had ingag'd so roughly, that on the part of the Romans and Gauls, an hundred and fifty were kill'd on the spot, and of the Numidi­ans above two hundred, the Romans pursuing the rest to their Camp; by which means they got knowledge of what had pass'd with the Carthaginians, and so retir'd to their own Ar­my with all the expedition they were able, to assure the Consul of the Enemies arrival. Whereupon the Romans decamp'd, imbarking all their Baggage on board the Fleet, and ea­gerly [Page 73]wishing to come to action with the Ene­my, they took their march up the River.

The Day after Hannibal had made his O­ration to the Army, he order'd all the Horse to move and march toward the Sea-Coast, to intercept any sudden Danger that might threa­ten from that Quarter; then he commanded the Foot to follow, while himself attended the coming of the Elephants, and those whom he had left to conduct them. And here it will not be amiss that we give an account how they imbark'd those mighty Beasts. They made many Floats of Timber, whereof they joyn'd two and two together; these Floats were fifty Foot long each, and were plac'd pointing out into the River, their inmost ends resting on the Bank, and all well united to­gether; then they fasten'd others to the ends of those, reaching yet farther out into the River; these Machines so fram'd (resembling in some sort a Bridge) were well sustain'd and fasten'd with Cordage on all parts, and de­fended from the violence of the Stream. They moor'd or fasten'd this Platform to the Trees which grew on the Bank, whereof there were good store; after having inlarg'd and run out this Work to about two hundred Foot in length, they joyn'd to the end there­of two other large substantial Floats well fasten'd together, which they so joyn'd to the six'd Platform with Ropes, as to be able easi­ly to disjoyn them from the other; to these [Page 74]moveable Floats they fasten'd Ropes whereby to tow and draw them, with Boats appoint­ed for that purpose, to the other side the Ri­ver, and to hold them up against the Current, that it might not drive down the Stream when the Machine should be loosen'd from the fix'd Stage; then they cover'd the surface of it with Earth, to make it appear firm Ground, like that on the Bank, for the Elephants were taught an exact Obedience to their Gover­nors, and were so in all things, passing over the Water only excepted, whereof they stood in great fear: Wherefore, the better to pre­vail on the rest, they led two gentle Female Elephants foremost, the others following. They being brought to the outermost move­able Floats, they then unty'd the Ropes by which they were fasten'd, and tow'd the said Float with the Cargo of Elephants to the o­ther side. The Beasts were terrify'd at first, and ran from one side to the other of the Float, but beholding nothing but Water on all sides, their sear then kept them in order. Thus by several Voyages they wafted over all their Elephants, some few excepted, which leap'd through fear into the Water, when they were in the middle of the Stream; but these were likewise preserv'd, tho' their Guides perish'd, for by the help of their great Trunks, which they held above Water, they thereby discharg'd their Stomachs of the Wa­ter, they had taken in, and breath'd with [Page 75]freedom. By this Artifice they transport­ed their Elephants to the other side the River.

And now Hannibal posting his Horse and his Elephants in the Rear of the Army, con­tinu'd his march down the Stream towards the East. The source or head of the Rhosne is situate far up in the Country, above the Gulf of the Adriatick-Sea towards the West; in those parts of the Alpes which regard the North, tending in its passage towards the Southwest, and discharging it self into the Sardinian-Sea. In short, this River for the most part makes its passage through a Champaign Coun­try, environ'd on both sides with Mountains, whose North-side is inhabited by the Gauls-Ardienses, the other is bounded by the North-side of the Alpes. That part of the Alpes which runs from Marseilles to the bot­tom of the Adriatick, separates the plain Country in the neighbourhood of the Po, whereof we have already spoken, from the Plain where the Rhosne hath its passage. Hannibal then took his march through that Country where the River hath its source, to come into Italy.

Some Authors, who have writ of Hanni­bal's passage over the Alpes, entertain us with astonishing and incredible Tales of that Voy­age, without heeding that they have thereby committed two Errors, which History of all [Page 76]things will not permit, for they are constrain'd thereby to coin Falshoods of their own, and often become liable to contradict themselves. For as they give to Hannibal all the Encomi­ums of a great and valiant Leader; so at the same time they make him act with the great­est Imprudence imaginable. Then when they are taken in their own fabulous Snares, they are forc'd to bring down the Gods and Demi-Gods to their Aid, who should not be nam'd but in matters of Truth. Furthermore, they feign that the Alpes are so desart and inac­cessible, that far from being passable by Ar­mies, Horses, and Elephants, Men cannot, without unspeakable travel, pass them on foot. They tell us farther, that some parts thereof are so waste and destitute of all Succour, that without the Aid of some Divinity, who led Hannibal, as it were by the Hand, through those wild Labyrinths he and his Army had inevitably perish'd; these, I say, are two Faults in an Historian, which Men of common Sence easily discover and dislike.

For, in short, were there Truth in what they deliver, where could there be found in Story a more imprudent General, or Leader worse qualify'd than Hannibal, who being at the head of so numerous an Army, in the prosperity of which all his Hopes were plac'd, neither knowing any thing of the Country through which he was to march, nor the course he was to take, nor whither he went, [Page 77]nor with whom he was to have to do; and what fourth he fell into much danger. Folly, had ingag'd in an Enterprize, which, by the common Rules of Reason, yielded no prospect of Suc­cess; but on the contrary, to all appearance, pursu'd an Attempt totally unfeisible? For these Authors make Hannibal in the spring of his Hopes at the head of a flourishing victo­rious Army, perform such things as are not likely would be acted by a People already vanquish'd and undone, and reduc'd to the last extremity; namely, to ingage their Troops in Countries and Places totally un­known. For while they tell us all was waste and desart, and the Country no where passa­ble, do they not plainly accuse their own For­geries? But they knew not that the Gauls, who inhabit about the Rhosne, had often pass'd the Alpes with numerous Armies, long before Hannibal's time; and not only heretofore, but of late days, they had march'd to the re­lief of those Gauls who dwell about the Po, during their Wars with the Romans. Further­more, they were to learn that even the Alpes themselves are inhabited by numerous Nati­ons; but it was their Ignorance indeed that brought the Demi-God down to show Hanni­bal his way. Wherein they follow the Poets, who in their Tragedies, having for the most part nothing but Fiction and extravagant Ad­ventures for the subject of their Plays, are a­ble to bring nothing handsomely to pass with­out [Page 78]a God or a Machine. After this manner our Historians have proceeded, being forc'd to implore some Divinity or other to yield them assistance, and disintangle them from the Falshoods and Improbabilities they them­selves have made. For how can a fabulous beginning have other than a fabulous Issue? Most certain it is that Hannibal did not con­duct his Affairs at the rate these Authors would persuade, but like a wise and able Captain. And there is no doubt, but he well knew that the Country into which he was leading his Army, was fertile and abounding in all things, and the Inhabitants alien'd in their Inclinations to the Romans; that he had with him for Guides the very People of the Country, who had engag'd to partake with him in all his Fortunes. For my own parti­cular, I speak of these things with so much the more assurance, by how much I have not only been instructed therein by those who liv'd in those Days; but that I might be less liable to Error, I made my self a Journey in­to the Alpes for my better Information.

To proceed, Publius the Roman General arriv'd with his Army at the Passage of the Rhosne, three days after Hannibal's departure, who perceiving the Enemy gone, was much surpriz'd, and without doubt with good rea­son, for he could scarce be perswaded, that the Carthaginian would ever have been drawn to attempt that way into Italy; especially [Page 79]having to deal with so many barbarous Nati­ons in his March, uncapable of Friendship or keeping their Faith. But after he had a while reflected on the boldness of the undertaking, he march'd back to the Fleet; where embark­ing his Army with all expedition, and dis­patching his Brother to carry on the War in Spain, he resolv'd himself to return by Sea into Italy, to make head against the Ene­my.

In the mean space, after four days march Hannibal arrives at a place call'd the Isle, where the Country is rich and well Peopled. It is so call'd, because the Soane environs it on one side, and the Rhosne on the other, giving it the sigure of a Triangle. This I­sland, both for form and magnitude, much resembles another in Egypt, which is call'd Delta; and if there be any difference in the comparison, it is that Delta is [...], the one side encompassed by the Sea, and the Rivers that there discharge themselves, and [...] the o­ther with rough and almost inaccessible Moun­tains. Here Hannibal found two Princes, that were Brethren, in Arms against each o­ther, for the Dominion of the Country, their Armies being drawn up ready to ingage. The elder of these two made his addresses to Hannibal, praying his aid to re-establish him in his Inheritance, to which he lent a willing ear, foreseeing the Profit he might reap there­by; wherefore, after he had entred into [Page 80]Friendship with him, and compell'd the other to retire, he receiv'd many singular benefits of the said Prince, who did not only supply his Army with refreshments, and whatever they stood in need of; but exchanging Han­nibal's old worn-out Arms for new ones, which he deliver'd him; he did in some sort recruit his Army. He further supply'd them with what Cloaths they wanted, and greatly assisted them in their Passage over the Moun­tains. But the most remarkable service he did them, was, that forasmuch as they were in some jealousie in passing the Frontiers of the Gauls, call'd Allobroges, he conducted Hannibal by another way more safe, and brought him to the place where they begin to ascend the Alpes.

Hannibal having march'd near an hundred Miles in ten days along the River Rhosne, met with mighty difficulties after his Army had enter'd on the Mountains; and in truth the Allobroges had no purpose to attack them, while they held their March in the Plains, fearing both their Horse, and the Gauls that accompany'd the Army. But these were no sooner gone, and that Hannibal began to a­scend the Mountains, when they drew toge­ther in great numbers, and possess'd themselves of the Posts where Hannibal must unavoida­bly March; and most assuredly, had they but kept themselves longer conceal'd, the Car­thaginian Army had run a mighty hazard; [Page 81]but being discover'd by Hannibal, tho' they did him some Mischief, they were requited with equal loss. For Hannibal was no sooner inform'd, that the Barbarians were Masters of the Passes, when he made his Army halt, and take their Quarters that Night among the Rocks and Fastnesses. In the mean while he dispatch'd a Party of Gauls, who serv'd him for Guides, to discover the Posture of the Enemy, and learn what they could of their purpose. And having understood that they kept Guard in those places only by Day, but that in the Night they retir'd to a Town not far off; he found this Expedient to obviate the present Inconvenience: He decamp'd in broad Day, and by slow Motions advanc'd with his Army; till arriving not far from the Streights, he then encamp'd not far from the Enemy; and causing Fires to be made in the Camp about the first Watch of the Night, where he left the greatest part of his Troops, himself, in the mean while, with a Detach­ment of his best Men, pass'd the Streights in the Night; and while the Enemy was retir'd to the Town, according to their Custom, took possession of those Posts, where they were wont before to keep their Guard.

When Day discover'd to the Enemy what had pass'd, they did not presently determine what to do; but when they observ'd the great quantity of Baggage that appear'd, and per­ceiv'd that the Horse could afford them no [Page 82]succour, which by reason of the narrow, stony, and broken ways, could not march but in de­files, they then resolv'd on the Attack. And now as the Barbarians thus fell on them from all Quarters at once, the Way it self being almost as terrible as the Enemy, the Cartha­ginians receiv'd great loss, especially in their Horses and Beasts of Carriage; for the Way being streight, stony, and broken, the Beasts of Burden were easily thrown down, and dis­order'd, falling into Precipices. But the Horses that were wounded gave them the greatest trouble; for falling by their Wounds among the other Beasts, and labouring to rise and recover their Feet in so narrow a Way, so crowded, they cast down others by their striving to save themselves; which was the occasion of great Labour and Tumult. This being observ'd and consider'd by Hannibal, who well knew the Army could not subsist without their Beasts of Burthen, which car­ry'd their Necessaries, he immediately left the Posts he had taken, and came to the relief of those who were thus hard press'd in their pas­sage; when falling on the Enemy from high­er Ground, he did not fail of doing them great Damage: But the evil was, that his own People were thereby equal Sufferers; for the fear encreasing every-where by this new Tu­mult, many miscarry'd and were lost in the Crowd; but, in the end, most of the Allo­broges were slain on the place, and the rest [Page 83]sav'd themselves by Flight. And now their Horses and other Beasts, after some time of rest, were led with great trouble and difficul­ty through the Streight; but Hannibal, af­ter he had escap'd this Danger, march'd him­self with a good Detachment against the Town, that had harbour'd the Enemy, which he took without resistance, finding it almost quite deserted, the Inhabitants being all gone out in hopes of Booty. This adventure prov'd very useful to his Affairs, both with re­spect to the present and the future: For he here recover'd many, both Men and Horses, and other Beasts, which had fallen into the Ene­my's hands, and Cattel and Corn sufficient to sustain the Army for three Days. But, a­bove all, the Terror he had given by this suc­cess to the circumjacent places was such, that none of the Gauls inhabiting the Towns near which he was to pass, gave him the least mo­lestation in his Passage. In this Town Han­nibal took up his Quarters, where he remain'd a Day to rest and refresh his Army, and then prosecuted his Journey. For three Days to­gether he march'd without Trouble or Alarm, but the fourth he fell into much danger. The People inhabiting in the Towns on the way he was to pass, having secretly conspir'd against him, met him however, with Olive-branches, and Garlands of Flowers, Signs a­mong the Barbarians of Peace and Friend­ship, as the Caduceus is among the Greeks, [Page 84]Hannibal, who had now learn'd how far he was to trust these People, endeavour'd by Questions to inform himself of their Purposes. They told him, That they had receiv'd no­tice of his Success against the Town, and of the loss and defeat of those who had attack'd him in his march; but as to themselves, they came to give him assurance, That they were resolv'd to do him no Injury, nor suffer any to be done to him by others: And that they were ready to give him Hostages for their Fi­delity. Hannibal remain'd long undetermin'd what to do, having no great Opinion of their Sincerity; but, in the end, weighing that to make a show of believing them, might work on their Good-nature, and by degrees win them to his Friendship, if he seem'd to accept their Tenders; and that in case of re­fusal, they might presently become his Ene­mies he feign'd to consent to their Proposal; and seem'd, as they did, dispos'd to enter in­to terms of Friendship with them. In short, after these Barbarians had given him security for their peaceable Behaviour, supply'd his Army with Provisions, and that they con­vers'd among the Carthaginians with all man­ner of freedom and confidence, Hannibal be­gan to have a better Opinion of their Since­rity, and accepted their Service for his Guides through the many remaining difficult Ways by which they were to pass. Howbeit, after they had thus conducted the Army for two [Page 85]Days together, they assembled at length all into one Body, and attack'd the Rear at a Defile, or streight Passage, as they were marching in a Valley full of Rocks and bro­ken Ground.

Great likelihood there was that the Cartha­ginian Army had here run the hazard of be­ing entirely destroy'd, had not their General, who reserv'd a secret doubt of the well-mean­ing of this People, obviated the mischief of this treasonable Purpose of theirs, by ordering his Horse and Baggage to march in the Van of the Army, and his choicest Foot to sustain the Rear. But having dispos'd matters after this manner, his loss became less grievous; for his Foot in the Arrear-guard prov'd suffici­ent to put a stop to the violence of the At­tempt. Nevertheless, they were not with­out great loss both of Men and Horses; and the Enemy, who was possess'd of the Ground above them, brought such terror into the Army, by rowling down mighty Stones and Rocks from the Precipices upon them, and showring Vollies of Stones on their Heads, that Hannibal was compell'd to take up his Quarters for that Night on the top of an E­minence, expos'd to the open Sky, with that part of the Army that was with him, remote from the Horse and the rest of the Troops, and the Baggage, the better to cover and de­fend, them from danger; who were hardly able, in all that Night, with great labour, to [Page 86]compass their passage through the Valley. In the Morning, the Enemy being now re­tir'd, Hannibal join'd his Army and Baggage, and advanc'd towards the top of the Alpes. After this the Gauls attempted no more to at­tack them in Bodies, but in smaller Parties, and with less ardour than before; neverthe­less falling sometimes on the Van, sometimes on the Rear of the Army, they seldom fail'd of making some spoil of the Baggage. The E­lephants happen'd to be of great use to the Carthaginians in these Conflicts; for where­soever they chanc'd to appear, they so terri­fy'd the Enemy, that the Army march'd by that means with much less molestation. In nine Days after this, Hannibal gain'd the top of the Mountains, where he halted two Days, being willing to give some repose to such of his Army as were come thus far without Wound or Sickness, and to attend the coming of the rest of his Troops that were yet be­hind. During this stay, many Horses and Beasts of Carriage, which had fallen and stray'd out of the way, came in of their own accord, following the Track of the Army to the great wonder of the Beholders.

But whereas the Snows were yet great in the Mountains, (Winter not being there quite over) Hannibal perceiving his Soldiers to be somewhat discourag'd by reason of the Suffer­ings they had already felt, and out of appre­hension of what yet threaten'd them, caus'd [Page 87]the Army to be assembled, to the end he might speak to them, and inspire them with new Resolution; which he could no way bet­ter effect, than by giving them a view and prospect of Italy; which, in a word, lies so fairly to the Eye, spreading and extending it self at the foot of those Mountains, that Na­ture seems to have design'd them as a Ram­part to cover and defend it. So he gave them a survey of the Champaign Country that spreads it self all about the River Po; and gave them to understand how welcome they should be to the People that Inhabited it. He pointed out likewise to them whereabout the City of Rome stood; and by this Arti­fice animated his harass'd Army. The Day following he decamp'd, and began to descend the Mountains; and now saw no more of the Enemy to molest them in their march, saving some small scatter'd Parties, who rather a­waited occasions how to steal than to fight. Howbeit, Hannibal's Losses were not lessen'd, by reason of the great Snows and the exceed­ing bad march they had had, which much weaken'd the Army. Nor was their passage much better in the descent; for what with the streight, steep, and slippery ways, and the depth of the Snow, the Soldier knew not where to set his Foot with safety; for when-ever they slipp'd, they were in danger of being lost, and swallow'd up in the depths and precipices which lay hid and cover'd by [Page 88]the Snow. Nevertheless, the long practice in those Hardships and Dangers, taught them to suffer all with Constancy: But at length coming to a place where neither their Ele­phants nor Horses could pass, the Way, which was very steep before, being now, by the fal­ling away of some of the Earth, become more difficult, renew'd their Fears; which was manifest over the whole Army. Upon this accident, Hannibal took a resolution to at­tempt another way, by taking a compass a­bout those Mountains, tho' there was no ap­pearance of any passage; but forasmuch as the great Snows render'd that Resolution too hazardous, all places being cover'd and hid from the view, he therefore chang'd his pur­pose.

In the interim, there having fallen much new Snow on that which remain'd of the Winter before; this last being loose, and not yet deep, yielded firm footing enough to the Soldiers; but this was no sooner trampled on, but it dissolv'd into Dirt and Mire; whereby the Snow of last Year being frozen under it, it became impossible to march thereon any more than on Ice it self, none being able to keep their Feet; and when they endea­vour'd to sustain themselves on their Hands and Knees, they often slid and were lost in Pits and Precipices. When their Horses at any time slip'd, they by their weight and la­bouring broke the Ice under them, and so [Page 89]became buried and frozen to Death. Where­upon Hannibal now desperate of obtaining his passage that way, encamp'd his Army at the entrance of this Pass, after he had first order'd the Snow to be remov'd which co­ver'd all the Ground; and then by the labour of his Soldiers he wrought into the Hill it self, and by unspeakable Pains made his Pas­sage at length through it: So in one Day he made way for his Horses and other Beasts to pass, which immediately march'd on. And now decamping the Army, he sent his Horse and other Beasts to forrage and recruit them­selves, as they could come at Pasture, where the Ground was not cover'd with Snow. In the mean time he order'd the Numidians to make a passage for the Elephants, which cost them three Days labour with great difficulty to effect; but at length they made way for those Animals, which had suffer'd much, and were almost dead with Hunger. For there was neither Forage nor Tree to be found on that part of the Alpes, nor in the neighbour­hood; the Ground lying ever cover'd with Snow Winter and Summer, but the lower Grounds on all sides produce Woods and Co­vert, and there is no place thereabout that is not habitable.

After Hannibal had united his Troops, he prosecuted his march, and in the space of three Days got past these difficult and incom­modious Places, whereof we have given an [Page 90]account, and recover'd the Plains, howbeit with the loss of great numbers of his People; for many fell by the Enemy, many were drown'd in passing the Rivers, and many of Sickness, and the Hardships of their march to and over the Alpes. And as he lost many Men, so his loss of Horses and other Beasts of Burthen, was yet much greater. In a word, after a march of five Months, from his departure from New-Carthage, and fifteen Days passage over the Alpes, he boldly advanc'd into the Champaign Country, lying about the River Po, and the Frontiers of the Insubrians. Of the Troops that march'd out with him, there now remain'd, of Africans about twelve Thousand; eight Thousand Spaniards, and six Thousand Horse, according to his own Register, left by him, engrav'd on the Co­lumn at Lacinium, which specify'd that num­ber. About this time Publius Cornelius, who had left his Troops with Cneius his Brother, to prosecute the War against Asdrubal in Spain. embark'd for Pisa, and from thence passing through Tuscany, joyn'd the Armies of the Praetors, who were in service in that Coun­try against the Boians; with these he took his march towards the Po, where he encamp'd with design to come speedily to a Battel with Hannibal. And now that we are arriv'd in Italy, and have translated the War, Armies and Leaders on both sides thither; it seems necessary that we preface something to the [Page 91]Reader, as the order of our History requires, before we enter on the account of the Battels and Transactions that occurr'd in that Pro­vince. For some may possibly be apt to re­mark and inquire, why, having spoken so copiously of Spain, we should have yet said nothing touching other Points of Geography; namely, of the Streight that parts the two Continents of Europe and Africk, nor of the great neighbouring Sea and its qualities, nor of the Islands of Britany, nor of their Lead-Mines, their Gold and Silver in Spain, where­of Historians have said so much that they contradict one another? But we have not spoken of these matters, not only because it serves to little purpose in the use of History; but first, because such digressions at every turn are apt to perplex the course of our Work, and to divert the Reader's attention from the genuine purpose and thread of our Story. Furthermore, our purpose being not to dis­course superficially, and by the bye, of things, but to take them up when they fairly and regularly present themselves, and then seaso­nably and duly to deliver the Truth copi­ously and plainly as far as we shall be able. Let it not appear strange then, that neither in this place, nor heretofore, we have [...]or­born to touch on many Points as we have said. For if any one fansies it to be the Du­ty of an Historian to be taken with every hint that falls in his way, and to touch pro­miscuously [Page 92]on all Subjects on the least mo­tive; let such take care lest they be justly compar'd to the Glutton at a Feast, who, while his Appetite tempts him to taste of e­very Dish, he receives neither present Plea­sure nor future Profit; on the contrary, he contracts only ill Digestion and worse Nou­rishment. People of that Humour, I say, in the study of History, have neither present Diversion in the Reading, nor Fruit in the Ap­plication for the time to come.

There are many Vices in History, whereof we shall mention some that ought care­fully to be reform'd, whereof this we have now nam'd is among the greatest. Do not all, or most part of Historians, affect to en­tertain their Readers with Descriptions of the remotest parts of the known World, setting down the situation of Places and Countries, and describing their Nature and the like? Where it is odds, but the greatest part of them are deceiv'd in many particulars they deliver, it will be but just therefore to show them their Faults, and endeavour solidly, not superfici­ally, to refute them, not taking up the Ar­gument, as it were, by chance. The course we shall take to correct these Errors, shall not be to blame and inveigh against the Authors, but rather in a manner of compassion to show candidly wherein they have fail'd through Ig­norance. For most certain it is, that had they arriv'd at our times, they themselves [Page 93]would have seen things by a better Light, and reform'd much of their own Failures. For there were sew Greeks to be found heretofore, who had over-diligently visited remote Na­tions, not having the means to gratifie their desires therein; it not being to be compass'd in those days, without running extreme dan­gers both by Sea and Land. Furthermore, if any one by chance, at any time, happen'd of necessity to visit distant Countries, even the remotest Provinces of the known World, what would the Remarks of a single Traveller amount to? Since it could not be possible those Places should be known as they ought, for the greatest part of those People are Bar­barous and Savage, and many parts Desart, and Inhospitable. In short, another difficulty would spring through the diversity of strange Languages, whereby it would hardly be pos­sible to be rightly inform'd in any thing they saw. And albeit People should happen to see and learn the situation of those Regions, there would be few found whose Candor might be trusted, and Men wou'd doubt that much of what they deliver is fabulous, and of their own coining. So hard it is in such cases not to mingle with Truth, the Tales of their own Invention.

Since it seems then impossible, that our Fore-Fathers could be thorowly instructed in all the Subjects of History, Authors therefore who have been silent in matters, which it [Page 94]may be conceiv'd they ought to have better open'd; and even those, who have said more than we find they ought, are however with­out much blame, tho' they do not deserve our praise, since they were not without some tincture of Knowledge, and farther'd in some degree the Curiosity of others. But now, in our days, that Asia by the Victories of Alex­ander hath been travell'd and discover'd, and the Armies of the Romans have open'd a pas­sage both by Sea and Land, whereby to ar­rive at the certain knowledge of the rest of the World; our Informations come with more certainty of those things, which here­tofore we could not speak of with assurance. Especially in this Age, when many who have been employ'd in the administration of Pub­lick Affairs, are now releas'd from the cares of both Military and Civil Applications, and have leisure and means to apply their studies in other curious Speculations. I shall strive to do my part at least, when occasion shall seasonably serve, to bring things to a better light; and mingle in these my Labours such proper Matter as may, to those who delight in this Subject, minister to their better Infor­mation. And since I have been at the cost of so much time and peril in my Travels in­to Gaul, Africk, Spain, and on the Ocean that borders on these Countries, spent in the ac­quisition of Knowledge, I hold it not a vain design to detect and reform the Mistakes of [Page 95]ancient Authors, by enlarging my Accounts and Descriptions of these Parts of the World. But it is now time we return to prosecute our Story, and prepare to relate the Battels and Transactions of the Romans and Cartha­ginians in Italy.

We have already set down the number of Hannibal's Troops, when he made his entry into Italy. Who at the end of his march, first encamp'd at the foot of the Mountains, to recruit and refresh his Army, which was not only greatly harrass'd in their passage o­ver the Alpes, but much spent through the great scarcity of Provisions in their way, and the Diseases they contracted thereby; many in despair neglected their own Preservation, through the continual Hardships and Calami­ties to which they were expos'd: For it was an insuperable difficulty to find Victuals that might suffice for so numerous an Army, where many, who were commanded out to provide and bring what they wanted, miscarry'd, both Men and Beasts, in their Journey. So that Hannibal, who pass'd the Rhosne at the head of eight and thirty Thousand Foot, and a­bove eight Thousand Horse, muster'd not half that number at his arrival in Italy, as hath been already noted. And those who remain'd so chang'd from what they were, that both in Cloths and Countenance they appear'd more like Savages than Soldiers. Wherefore his first and chief care was, to restore Health [Page 96]and Strength to their Bodies, and Vigour to their Minds, and to recruit and strengthen his Horse. When his Army was refresh'd, his next business was to endeavour an Alli­ance with the Taurinians, who inhabit at the foot of the Alpes, and who at that time had War with the Insubrians; but they would not be drawn to trust the Carthaginians. Where­fore, after having long sollicited them to Friendship in vain, he sat down before their Capital Town, which in three Days he took, and all that made resistance he put to the Sword; which struck the neighbouring Bar­barians with such terror, that they came all afterwards in to him as one Man, giving themselves up to his discretion. These in­deed were constrain'd; but the other Gauls, who possess'd the Country about the Po, chearfully took part with Hannibal, as was lately observ'd. But in regard now that the Roman Army was advanc'd so near, they ad­ventur'd not presently to show their Good­will; but some of them were constrain'd to take part with them. Whereupon Hannibal thought it the wisest way not to deferr lon­ger, but to take his March into their Coun­try; to the end, that by some notable Acti­on he might establish the Courage, and re­new the Hopes of those who were dispos'd to engage with him.

During these Motions, he receives Intelli­gence, That the Consul had pass'd the Po with all the Legions, and was not now far off. But this News he did not presently be­lieve, inasmuch as he knew he had left Scipio about the Rhosne, and that the Passage by Sea from Marseilles to Tuscany was tedious and difficult. Furthermore, he was inform'd, that the March from Tuscany to the Alpes was not only long, but hardly to be surmounted by an Army. But, in the end, fresh Advices coming daily to him of the truth thereof, he became greatly surpriz'd at the Diligence of the Roman General, who was no less asto­nish'd at the Expedition of the Carthaginian: For he was of Opinion, That Hannibal would not have attempted to adventure over the Alpes, at the head of an Army compos'd of so many divers Nations; or that if he was so hardy, he must have miserably perish'd by the way. But when he became assur'd, that they were got over those Difficulties, and were now in Italy; and farther, that they had already besieg'd and taken Towns; he admir'd the intrepid Boldness of their Lea­der, whose Attempt had exceeded the Power of Imagination it self. This News was like­wise heard at Rome with terror enough; where, after they had been inform'd of the taking of Saguntum by the Carthaginians; and while they were, as it were, deliberating to send one of their Consuls into Africk to [Page 98]attack Carthage, and the other into Spain to make War on Hannibal, they receiv'd no­tice that Hannibal himself was in Italy be­sieging of Towns. This was so surprizing to the Romans, that the dread thereof made them send an express to Tiberius now at Lily­baeum, to acquaint him with the arrival of the Enemy, and to enjoin him to postpone all other Affairs whatsoever, and repair with all the expedition he could to the rescue of his Country. Whereupon Tiberius assembles his Maritime Forces, and embarks forthwith for Rome, leaving his Orders with the re­spective Tribunes, to draw together what Troops they could out of their several Gar­risons, and set them a Day to rendezvous at Rimini, a Town standing on the Coast of the Adriatick, on the edge of the Plains that are water'd by the River Po towards the South. So that great trouble and tumult was spread all over the Country; which being alarm'd on all Quarters with evil Tidings, the Romans were in great suspence about the issue of the War.

And now Hannibal and Scipio drew near each other; and mutually animating their Soldiers, spake to them in such terms as the time and the occasion requir'd. Hannibal in­cited his Troops after this, or the like man­ner: He caus'd to be brought to the head of the Army, which he had assembled for that purpose, certain young Men who were Pri­soners, [Page 99]of the number of those that had been taken vexing and plundering the Army in their march over the Alpes, whom he had therefore kept in very hard durance. In short, they appear'd loaden with Irons, starv'd al­most to death, bearing on their naked Bo­dies the marks of the ill treatment they had suffer'd. In this state these Wretches were presented to the view of the Army; where Arms were brought and laid before them, such as were us'd among the Gauls, and not unlike those the Princes of that Nation make use of in their single Combats: Besides these, there were produc'd Horses, and rich Habits and Furniture. Then it was demanded, If any among them were willing to engage and fight one with the other to the death, on con­dition the Vanquisher should have the Prize and the Reward there propos'd, while the Vanquish'd thereby put an end to his Misfor­tunes, by laying down his Life on the place? Which Proposition they all unanimously cry'd out they were most willing to accept. Where­upon Hannibal order'd a certain number to be chosen by lot to enter the Lists, two and two, each imploring Fortune's favour. Those to whom the Lots [...]ell manifested great joy, while the others, on the contrary, exceeding Grief. So they fought it out, while the rest of the Prisoners look'd on the Vanquish'd, as hardly less fortunate than the Victors, having by their death put a period to the Miseries [Page 100]they endur'd. Nor had the Carthaginians themselves other Sentiments; who comparing the Life of those that surviv'd, with the Cir­cumstances of those they saw slain, their Pity seem'd to encline to the Survivers, conceiving the Dead to be of the two the least unfortu­nate.

After Hannibal had entertain'd his Army with this Spectacle, he told them, That his purpose in so treating those Prisoners, was to instruct them, by an Example of the Calami­ties of others, in the Contingences of Human Life, and to the end to mind them of the State and Circumstances wherein they now were; for that, in a word, Fortune had now put them under the very same choice, and held out the same Prize and Rewards: That they were ty'd up to the same necessity of vanquishing, dying, or being made Captives to their Enemies: That if they obtain'd Vi­ctory, not fine Horses only magnificently furnish'd, wou'd be their Lot, but, by sub­duing the Romans, they would be the richest and happiest of all that ever had born Arms: That if they chanc'd to die doing their Du­ty bravely, such a Death was a Dignity full of Glory and Renown; a Death without pain or fear, and purchas'd in pursuit of the grea­test Good that can happen to Mankind: But should they chance to be vanquish'd, and that the fear of Death or Danger should betray them to a base Flight; or if they had enter­tain'd [Page 101]any Thought otherwise to be safe, they must then determine to endure the last effects of Misery and Misfortune. He said, There could be none among them so weak or stupid, who, reflecting on the tedious and terrible March they had had from their Native Homes thither, the many Perils, Combats, and dan­gerous Rencounters they had pass'd, the fear­ful Rivers they had Forded, and the like Dan­gers in their passage, can have the least sha­dow of expectation by slight, ever to return back: And that since that Hope was totally extinguish'd, they would do well to have the same Motions of Compassion of their own Fortune, as they entertain'd but now for that of others. For as they esteem'd the Condition of the Victors and the Vanquish'd equal, or rather saw cause to pity the Survi­vers, they could do no less for themselves than fight bravely; chiefly indeed to Con­quer, but to die rather than not Overcome: For should it be their hap to be Vanquish'd, there would be no hopes of living; but if they could with determination imprint these Reslections in their Minds, there would be no doubt of Success, nor fear but they should live to enjoy the Fruits of it. That, in a word, none ever brought such Thoughts a­bout them into the Field, whether out of their own Temper or Necessity, that were not crown'd with Victory. That the Romans hitherto had to deal with Enemies otherwise [Page 102]than so inspir'd, who, for the most part, plac'd their Safety in flight, by reason they [...]ought in the neighbourhood of their Coun­try, which was their refuge; and by which means they wanted Resolution to sustain the shock of Danger like an Enemy strengthen'd by Despair. Hannibal's Army heard with chearfulness the discourse he made them, and manifested their Minds to be such as their Captain himself desir'd. He therefore high­ly applauded their generous Behaviour, and after he had told them, they should be in a readiness to march early on the Morrow, he dismiss'd the Assembly.

Cornelius Scipio had now pass'd the Po, and because he design'd to advance further, he caus'd a Bridge to be made over the Tesin. And drawing the Army together, he told them many things touching the Dignity and Glory of the Roman-State, and of the memo­rable Actions of their Ancestors. But take the relation (a little more or less) of what he deliver'd on that occasion. He told them, That tho' it might have so happen'd, that they had never yet try'd the Enemy they had now to deal with, they should neverthe­less have reason to rely on Victory; but since they were to fight against Carthaginians, they ought to hold it an insupportable Indignity to the Name of a Roman, that People so often by them beaten, and who had been so long their Tributaries, and bred to Servitude, [Page 103]should presume to look with an angry Eye on a Roman. But, saith he, since we have learn'd by many glorious Experiments, that this Enemy will never have assurance to en­dure our approach; What ought we not to hope, if things are rightly weigh'd? How lately was it prov'd, that their Horse is inferiour to ours? which beat them at the Rhosne, and, after killing many, pursu'd the rest to their Camp. He told them, That the General, and the rest of the Army, having had News of the approach of the Roman Legions, had retreated as if they sled, and the Terror they were in had compell'd them sore against their Wills to attempt passing the Alpes back a­gain. He farther told them, That Hannibal was come with but an handful of Men, ha­ving lost the greatest part of his Army in his March; and that those he had with him were so harrass'd and weaken'd with Diseases, and the Hardships they had suffer'd, that they were totally disabled for Service. He farther told them, That the greatest part of their Horse were lost and made unserviceable by the broken and stony ways they had march'd through. He endeavour'd, by the like sug­gestions to perswade the Army, that the showing themselves only would be enough to obtain the Victory; and that furthermore, barely to behold the Enemy they had to deal with, would inspire them with Contempt. He said, in short, That he would not have [Page 104]quitted the Fleet, nor his Spanish Expedition, whither he had been commanded to go, nor would have taken his March so willingly, had he not been firmly convine'd, by many Ar­guments and Reasons, that the Journey he had undertaken was greatly for the Good of his Country, and that the Victory was certain. And now, being a Man of great Account and Authority, and it seeming to them that what he said was true, the Army with great Ardour and Resolution, demanded to be led against the Enemy. So after having com­mended their Chearfulness, and made them an Exhortation to be always in a Posture to receive his farther Commands, he dismiss'd them.

On the Morrow these two Captains began their March along the River, towards that part which regards the Mountains: The Ro­mans on the Left, the others on the Right. The next Day, receiving News by their re­spective Foragers, that the Armies drew near, they both thought good to encamp where they were, and intrench themselves. But the next Morning Hannibal, at the head of his whole Body of Horse, and Scipio with his, to whom they joyn'd their Archers, took the Field; both wishing to see each o­ther. And they no sooner perceiv'd by the Dust that was rais'd, that the Gross on each side drew near, when they began to range themselves in order of Battel. Scipio put his [Page 105]Darters in the Van, and mix'd the Gaulish Horse among them, and having ordered the rest Front-wise, mov'd slowly on. As for Hannibal, he plac'd his Horse that went with a single Bridle in the Van-guard, together with all the other chosen Horse he had, and so advanc'd against the Romans. He had like­wise plac'd his Numidians on the Wings, to the end he might be able to come to attack the Romans Flank, and so surround them. And as the Leaders on both sides, and the Troops they commanded, were eager to en­gage, they soon came to Blows. But scarce had the Roman Darters deliver'd their first Volley, when terrify'd with the Violence of the Enemies Charge, and fearing to be trod and run down by the Horse which advane'd, they retir'd in haste through the Intervals of their Battel, among their Horse. Those Bo­dies that came to ingage hand to hand fought with Resolution on both sides, and equal Bra­very a good space, and the dispute seem'd no other than between Horse and Foot mingled, for many in the heat of the Battel alighted and fought on Foot. But when the Numidians, by taking a compass had got on the Romans Flank, the Darters, who had retreated thi­ther, as was observ'd, were sorely streighten'd and soon defeated, the Numidians having in' compass'd the greatest part of them. And now, at length, those in the Van, on the part of the Romans, who before stood so firm, [Page 106]having lost many Men, who had sold them­selves at a good Price, were likewise driven to give ground upon the Numidians, charg­ing their Flank.

Many made their escape, some one way, some another; some rally'd about the Consul, who forthwith decamp'd from about the Tesin, and led his Troops towards the Bridge over the Po, with intention to pass there; for as the Champaign Country in those Parts is of great extent, and that Hannibal was stronger in Horse, Scipio for that reason labour'd to lead the Legions into some safer and more proper Country; and the rather, for that he was himself indispos'd of a Wound he receiv'd in the Battel. Hannibal staid some time in expectation the Legions would have appear'd; but after he understood that the Romans had abandon'd their Camp, he follow'd them in the Rear as far as the Bridge, which he found broken, where he took about six hundred Prisoners of those that were left there on the Guard. And being told that the rest of the Army were now march'd a good distance off, he led his Troops up along the River in search of a proper place where he might make a Bridge; and, after two Days march, having found means to make one of Boats, he order'd Asdrubal to lead over the Army, passing himself likewise; there he gave Audience to sundry Ambassadors, who came to him from several places. For the bruit of his Victory [Page 107]was no sooner spread, when all the neigh­bouring Gauls became dispos'd to declare for the Carthaginians; and, as it had been before suggested, they now courted their Friendship, supplying them with whatever they wanted, and offering frankly to joyn their Forces, and take part in their Adventures. Hannibal gave courteous Reception to those who were come with these Tenders, and after the Ar­my had pass'd the River, he led them back down the Stream, and march'd with great Diligence to intercept the Enemy. But Pub­lius Scipio, after he had pass'd the Po, march'd directly to Placentia, a Colony of the Ro­mans, where he staid among the rest who were hurt in the Battel, to attend the cure of his Wounds, and believing the Army to be now in Safety, he there remain'd without fur­ther attempting any thing. But Hannibal arriving in two Days after he had pass'd the River, drew out his Army the next Day in Battalia in view of the Enemy; but the Ro­mans not offering to stir, he retir'd and en­camp'd about ten Miles off.

In the mean time the Gauls, who bore Arms under the Romans, beholding Fortune now to declare in favour of the Carthaginians, deli­berated by common Consent to desert their Service, but continu'd quiet in their Tents, waiting the time to put their purpose in exe­cution. And now, when the Army was re­posing in their Quarters, about the fourth [Page 108]Watch they put themselves into Arms, and falling on the Romans that were nearest at hand, kill'd many, and wounded many more, and cutting off the Heads of those they had murder'd, march'd to the Carthaginians to the number of two Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse. Hannibal, by the kind re­ception he gave them, manifested how wel­come the Action was to him; and, after he had with great gentleness invited them into his Service, and with ample Promises to every one according to his degree, he gave them leave to retire for the present to their respe­ctive Habitations, thereby to spread the Fame of his Actions, and to win over others to the Service and Friendship of the Carthaginians. And he had reason to conclude, they would now be constrain'd for the most part to come in to him, after so persidious an act done by their Country-men. At the same time Am­bassadors came to him from the Boians, bring­ing with them a Present of the three Roman Commissioners they had taken (as was ob­serv'd) on the breaking out of the War, who had been deputed for the dividing and set­ting out the Lands in their Colonies. Han­nibal gratefully receiv'd their Message, and their Offer, and enter'd into Confederacy with them; but restor'd back the Prisoners to their keeping, advising them to secure them under a safe Guard, whereby to redeem their Hostages, as they had formerly propos'd. [Page 109] Sciplo much lamented the loss of his Peo­ple, who had been cut off by so vile an Act of Treachery; and rightly judging that the Gauls, who of a long time had nourish'd an inbred Aversion to the Romans, would (espe­cially those of the neighbouring Countries, after having acted so criminal a Part) go over to the Carthaginians; he therefore thought it Wisdom, for the time to come, to be more on his guard touching that People. Where­fore he decamp'd about the fourth Watch of the Night following, and march'd and en­camp'd near the River Trebia, upon certain Eminences not far off, resting pretty well as­sur'd of the strength of the situation, it be­ing in the neighbourhood of many of their Allies. Hannibal getting intelligence of the motions of the Romans, sent his Numidians in pursuit of them; after these march'd the whole Horse of the Army, and himself with the Gross soon follow'd them. The Numidi­ans coming to the Romans Camp, and finding it empty, stay'd to set it on fire, which great­ly avail'd the Romans in their retreat: For the Horse, but for this delay caus'd by the Numi­dians, had certainly overtaken the Romans before they had pass'd the Plains; in which case they undoubtedly had been very much expos'd. But forasmuch as the Roman Army had now time to pass over the Trebia, the Enemy coming short, had only the occasion left them of attacking their Rear-guard, [Page 110]whereof some were slain, and others made Prisoners. Scipio then having thus compass'd his Passage over the River, encamp'd, I say, on high ground not far from it; and intrench­ing himself there, attended the coming of Tiberius, and the Legions that were with him, using all possible care and skill to get well of his Wounds, that he might be in a state to give the Enemy speedy Battel. But Hannibal, arriving two Days after he had pass'd the River, drew up his Army in view of the Romans; who not being dispos'd to engage him, he march'd away, and encamp'd six Miles off; the Gauls (who had now re­cover'd Courage by the hopes he had given them) supplying him with Provisions in a­bundance, and all things else of which he stood in need, being determin'd to share with the Carthaginians in all that should befal them. When the News came to Rome of the Battel of the Horse, they were astonish'd at the ac­count of the issue, as expecting quite other success; but they comforted themselves with many Reasons to conclude, that at least they were not quite vanquish'd in that occasion. Some took leave to blame the Temerity of their Leader; and others rag'd against the perfidious Gauls: But, in a word, while they were assur'd that their Legions were entire, and had suffer'd nothing, they were resolv'd to abate nothing of their Hopes. And when Tiberius Sempronius arriv'd, and they beheld [Page 111]his Troops pass through the City, they were persuaded, That such an Army by barely showing themselves to the Enemy, would do enough to vanquish them. When the Troops were rendezvous'd at Rimini, pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd, and that they had taken the customary Oath, the Consul march'd forthwith in quest of Scipio; and as soon as he arriv'd, he encamp'd by him, ta­king care to refresh his Soldiers, who had had a tedious Voyage of forty Days betwixt Lilybaeum and Rimini. In the mean space, Preparations were making to fight the Ene­my; during which time, Tiberius never departed from Scipio, informing himself of every thing that had pass'd, and deliberating with him about what was best farther to be done.

About the same time Hannibal became possess'd of Clastidium, which he got by In­telligence, the Town being deliver'd up to him by one Publius a Brundusian, who had receiv'd the Government from the Romans. Here Hannibal found store of Corn, which he now stood in great need of: The Pris'ners he took with him, whom he treated with lenity enough; endeavouring to make show by that Action, of the gentle usage those might hope from him; who tho' they had taken part with the Romans, should so deliver themselves up to his discretion, and to the end they might with less apprehension resign them­selves [Page 112]to his Clemency. He treated likewise the treacherous Governor with great respect, and rewarded him magnificently, the better to work upon others to do the like, who had any charge under the Romans. And now receiving Intelligence, That certain Gauls his Confederates, inhabiting between the Po and the Trebia, held secret Commerce with the Romans, (who, it seems, conceiv'd, that by covertly favouring both Parties, they should be able to insure their Safety either way) a­gainst those he sent a Detachment of about two thousand Foot, and a thousand Numi­dian and Gaulish Horse, who punctually per­form'd their Orders, ravaging the Country, and taking much Booty. Whereupon the Gauls so treated, apply'd to the Romans to succour and secure them. Sempronius, who had long thirsted after an occasion to come to action; having now found it, forthwith orders the major part of his Horse, and about a thousand Darters to march, who fall on the Numidians and Gauls, that were still pil­laging the Country on the other side the Trebia, taking them by surprize, and with­out any order, and while they were in con­test among themselves about sharing their Plunder; and being too hard for them, beat and pursu'd them to their Camp. But they were no sooner discover'd from the Rampart, when the Carthaginians taking the Alarm, sally'd to their relief, and made the Romans [Page 113]in their turn to show their Backs, and hasten to their Camp. Which being observ'd by Sempronius, he commanded out all the Ca­valry and Darters he had, who oblig'd the Carthaginians to return as hastily as they came, and cover themselves in their Re­trenchments. Hannibal, who was not yet ready to come to a Battel, and believ'd that he ought not to hazard all at one hasty Cast, and without mature Deliberation, behav'd himself in this Rencounter in such manner, as that all the World must own, became a Great General: For contenting himself bare­ly to make those who had sled into the Camp, to face about and make head against the Ene­my, he then sounded a retreat, not permit­ting them to pursue the Romans, or longer to engage. The Romans stood their ground for a space; and after they had sustain'd some loss themselves, but done greater execution on the Enemy, they retir'd.

Sempronius being inflam'd by this success, his Passion grew yet greater to come to a Battel, and decide at once the Fortune of the War. And albeit he was determin'd to at­tempt his utmost, by his single Authority, during Scipio's Indisposition; yet because it would be a mighty pleasure to him to have his Colleague's Concurrence, he imparted his Design to him; but found him not of his Opinion. Scipio told him, That the new [Page 114]untrain'd Soldiers would be better in the Spring, if care were taken to exercise them during the Winter, and accustom them to Military Duties: And if the Carthaginians at­tempted nothing further, and were driven to be quiet for a while, the Gauls, who were na­turally an inconstant People, it was likely would once again desert them. Furthermore he told him, That as soon as Strength would enable him, he had something to put in exe­cution, which would much redound to the Service of his Country. With these and such­like Reasons it was, that Publius sought to prevail on Sempronius not to engage in any hazardous Enterprize. And Sempronius him­self could not but see, that the Counsel was wholesome which Scipio propounded; but, blinded with Ambition, and a good Opinion of his own Sufficiency, he resolv'd to do his utmost to be at the head of some Action, be­fore his Colleague could be able to appear in the Field, and the new Election of Consuls should be made, which now drew near. For­asmuch then as since he found he could not accommodate the Occasion to his purpose, and was yet resolv'd to bend it to his Will, he soon made it visible, that nothing was likely to be prudently done under his Dire­ction, and that things would run a mighty hazard. On the other hand, Hannibal thought as Scipio did, touching the present posture of Affairs, and therefore sought all occasions to [Page 115]come to a Battel. For as he was willing to make use of the forwardness the Gauls mani­fested, while there Minds were yet unshaken; so he well knew, that the sooner he fought, the rawer his Enemy would be with whom he was to engage, the Army being, for the most part, compos'd of young new-rais'd Men. Furthermore, Scipio he knew conti­nu'd indispos'd of his Wounds: And, in a word, what was yet of greater weight, he thought it not safe to remain long without Action. For who so enters with an Army into a Foreign Country, and hath great Designs to execute, hath but one way to succeed and be secure; namely, by incessantly engaging in new and signal Enterprizes, whereby to re­new and support the Courage and Hopes of his Friends. Hannibal then observing Sem­pronius's precipitate forwardness to come to a Battel, did all he could on his part to gratifie him.

When he had carefully survey'd the Plain that lay between the two Camps, tho' he found it for the most part very level, never­theless he discover'd certain Places proper e­nough for laying of Ambushes. In short, there was a Brook hard by, the Banks where­of were somewhat rais'd above the level of the Plain, and over-grown with Bushes and Bram­bles, which place he resolv'd to make use of to execute what he had in his Mind to do; and he concluded his Design was the more [Page 116]promising by how much the Romans were only jealous of the Woods and Forest, and Places of Covert, which the Gauls for the most part made choice of for their Ambushes, but thought themselves safe from that danger in bare and open Countries; not considering that such situations often yield better and safer means to form such Designs than the thickest Woods. For, in short, those who are so lodg'd are better able to look about them, and discover from far all that passes, and there is often sound in such Plains rising Ground and Eminences sit to cover and con­ceal Men; nor is there hardly any River or Brook so small that hath not some kind of selter on the Banks, that are for the most part cover'd too with Shrubs and Brambles, and the like Under-wood, where Foot may be very easily conceal'd, and even Horse also with a little care, by grounding their Arms, which are otherwise discover'd at a distance. After Hannibal then had held a Council of War, where his Brother Mago, and the rest of his Principal Officers were present, to de­liberate about the Battel which they expected would be speedily sought, where they all ap­prov'd of what he had therein propos'd; and, while the Army refresh'd themselves, he took his Brother to conferr with apart, (who was a gallant young Man, and train'd from his Childhood to Arms) to whom he first ap­pointed an hundred chosen Horse, and the [Page 117]like number of select Foot, for his Guard; then he order'd him, before it was dark, to pick out a certain number of the bravest Men he could find in the whole Army, whom he should direct to assemble, and attend at his Tent after Supper for further Orders. At the time appointed they appear, where, after he had exhorted them to the well-performance of their Duty, and observ'd their chearful Behaviour, he commanded them to sort themselves by two and two, each one to chuse for his Companion the Man he best lov'd, and most trusted: These he comman­ded to draw together, and assemble in a cer­tain place he appointed in the Camp. After these Orders were executed, Hannibal out of these drew out a thousand Horse, and the like number of Foot, with Instruction to Mago how to put his Orders in execution, and then privily dispatch'd them away during the Night, accompany'd with proper Guides to the Place of Ambush. Early in the Morning Hannibal assembled all his Numidians, a har­dy and indesatigable People; these, after he had well encourag'd and fairly promis'd to each one Rewards in proportion to his Merit, he commanded to march out, and brave the Enemy in the Camp, with Directions, that as soon as they should draw out to engage them, and they had began to Pickeer, that they should then retire back over the River. His design being laid to surprize the Romans [Page 118]into a Battel fasting, and not so well prepar'd for the business as they ought. Then he directed the rest of the Army (after his usual Exhortation) to take a good repast, and be ready under their Arms, and with their Hor­ses ready to march.

Sempronius the next Morning no sooner saw the Numidians approach when he com­manded out the Roman Horse, with Orders to attack them; to sustain these he order'd out six thousand Darters, and at length march'd the whole Army out of the Camp: For he had conceiv'd such an assurance in the Num­bers he had, and was become so bold by his late Success, that he reckon'd, the show only of such a Body of Men would go far towards a Victory. And now it may be noted, that as the Winter was not yet quite past, so the Day was snowy and very cold. Further­more, the Romans, both Horse and Foot, had been made to march out of their Camp most of them fasting; insomuch as the same Army that took the Field so forwardly began soon to shrink: For when they came to ford the Ri­ver which was much swell'd with the Rain of the Night before, the Water was Breast-high, so that the Romans thus contending at once with Hunger and Cold, (for the Day was now well advanc'd) began to sink in their Courage, and abate in their Strength; while the Carthaginians on the contrary had taken a plentiful repast in their Tents, and were [Page 119]well fortify'd with Meat and Drink, and had anointed their Bodies before they put on their Arms.

Hannibal, who had long waited the occa­sion, seeing the Enemy now over the River, or­der'd the Baleares to advance with the rest of the light-arm'd Troops, to the number of eight thousand Men, to sustain them. And having march'd about a Mile from his Camp, he drew up his Army in Battalia; his Line of Foot consisting of Spaniards, Gauls and Africans, amounted to about twenty thou­sand; his Horse, which he plac'd on the Wings, to above ten thousand, comprehend­ing those which had been sent by the Gauls, his Confederates; his Elephants he plac'd ad­vanc'd before the two Points of the Battel. In the mean time Sempronius order'd a Retreat to be founded to draw off his Horse, who were totally to seek how to behave them­selves against this new Enemy, with whom they had to do: For they engag'd against Numidians, whose way was to retreat in haste, and to break and disperse themselves, and to rally again with ease, and return bold­ly to the Charge when they were least ex­pected, which is the Numidian manner of sighting. As to the Foot, Tiberius had drawn them up after the Roman Order. There march'd in this Expedition sixteen thousand Roman Foot, and twenty thousand of the Al­lies. For when ever their Armies represented [Page 120](as one may say) the Body of the Republick, and that both the Consuls joyn'd their Troops on any pressing occasion, the Roman Army consisted of that number. In short, Sempro­mus posted his Horse on the Wings, amount­ing to about four Thousand, and with a proud Port and slow motion advanc'd in good order against the Enemy.

The two Armies now drawing near, the light-arm'd Troops, who were advanc'd a good distance before the Lines of Battel, be­gan the fight. It was visible from the begin­ing, that the Romans fought with disadvan­tage; and that on the other hand the Car­thaginians had every thing conspiring in their Favour. For the Roma [...] Darters who had been harrass'd all the Morning till then, had spent almost all their Ammunition against the Numidians, and what remain'd was now wet and spoil'd. Their Horse and the rest of their Army was not in a much better condition, while the Enemy was in every thing superior; for, coming into the Battel fresh and vigorous, they perform'd their Duty more chearfully, and with greater readiness obey'd the Orders of their Leaders. Wherefore, as soon as they had secur'd the retreat of their light-arm'd Troops, and the advanc'd Parties that began the Battel, and their gross and heavy-arm'd Troops came to ingage, the Romans, not able to sustain the first Charge of the Enemy's Horse, which not only outnumber'd theirs, [Page 121]but were likewise in better plight (as was no­ted) beat them from their Post; so that lea­ving the Flanks of their Foot now uncover'd, the Carthaginian Pikes, and a Party of Numi­dians, who were posted near their Compani­ons, and had out-march'd the rest of the Bo­dy, fell on the Points of the Romans Battel, whom they so hard press'd, that they disabled them from making head against those who charg'd them in Front: Nevertheless, their heavy-arm'd Troops every where, in the first and second Ranks, fought it at hand for a while with doubtful Bravery.

But the Ambush of Numidians now rising, and falling unlook'd for on the backs of the Romans who were got beyond them, put them into great disorder. And those on the two Points of the Roman Battel, finding themselves press'd in Front by the Elephants, and in Flank by the light-arm'd Troops, no longer able to sustain it, forsook their Ground, and flying were pursu'd by the Carthaginians to the River. In a word, the Numidian Am­bush coming to Charge the Rear of the Ro­man Battel, slew many of them: While those in the first Ranks, animated by necessity, charg'd the Gauls and some Africans, with whom they had to deal, with great Resolution, and killing many, broke the Carthaginian Battalion. Nevertheless, when they beheld the two Points naked, and defeated, being now without hope of succouring them, or of [Page 122]being able to gain their Camp, by reason of the multitude of the Carthaginian Horse, which greatly terrify'd them, and the Rivers being also much risen by the Rains that had fallen; by which Impediments despairing to gain their Camp, they safely retreated to the number of ten Thousand to Placentia; the greatest part of the rest being slain on the Banks of the River Trebia, partly by the E­lephants, and partly by the Enemies Horse; some few Foot only, and a good Party of Horse escaping; who following the rest, got likewise into Placentia. As to the Carthagi­nians, after they had pursu'd the Enemy to the River, not being able for excessive cold to follow them further, they retir'd to their Camp. There was great joy in the Cartha­ginian Army on the occasion of this Success; for their loss fell not heavy either on the Spaniards or Africans, but mostly on the Gauls: Howbeit, they had suffer'd so much by the Snow, and the extream rigour of the Weather, that many Men and Horses dy'd afterwards of Cold, and all their Elephants save one.

Sempronius was not ignorant of the great consequence of this Defeat, but was willing however to hide it all he could from the Se­nate; accordingly, he sent his Dispatches to Rome, wherein he gave them to understand, that the severity of the Weather had snatch'd the Victory out of his hands. This the Ro­mans [Page 123]were at first willing to believe; but when they understood soon after, That the Carthaginians were possess'd of their Camp; That the Gauls from all Quarters had revolted to them; and, That the Roman Soldiers were scatter'd here and there after the Battel, secu­ring themselves in the neighbouring Towns, and that they had no subsistence but what was convey'd to them by Water up the Po; they then became better instructed how to reckon of the issue of that Battel. Neverthe­less, tho' their Affairs had so ill succeeded, contrary to the expectation of all the World, they proceeded to new Preparations for the War; they consulted how to secure such Places as were in the neighbourhood of the Enemy; they determin'd to dispatch Forces into Sardinia and Sicily, and supply'd Taren­tum and other proper places with good Garri­sons. Furthermore, they equipp'd and sent to Sea a Fleet of sixty Ships. Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius also, who were the new Consuls, rais'd Levies among their Allies, and made provision of Victual, which they sent to Ri­mini and into Tuscany, with show of purpo­sing to send Troops into those Parts. They likewise demanded Supplies of Hieron, who sent them five Hundred Candiots, and a Thousand Buckler-men. Thus with mighty providence they proceeded in all necessary Preparations; and it must be confess'd of the Romans, that they are every way a terrible [Page 124]Enemy, even when they are most terrify'd and menac'd with Danger.

During these Transactions in Italy, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his Brother had given the Command of the Naval Army, (as we have elsewhere noted) landed on the Coast of Spain, somewhere not far from the Em­pories; where showing his Army, he coasted along as far as the Eber, reducing such by force as made resistance, and receiving with singular Humanity into his protection, such as voluntarily came in; and took care, above all things, that the Army offer'd violence to none. And after he had secur'd, by good Garrisons, such Places as he had brought un­der the Obedience of the Romans, he march'd further up into the Country with his whole Army, having been reinforc'd with new Au­xiliaries, which he levy'd among the Spani­ards, taking in all Places by force that lay in the way of his march. In the mean time, Hanno, who Commanded for the Carthagi­nians in these Parts, observing the progress Scipio made, presently march'd his Army, and came and encamp'd close by him, not far from the City of Cissa. Whereupon they came to a Battel, and the Carthaginians were beaten, the Romans taking very much Plun­der, those who had march'd with Hannibal having (as we noted) left the greatest part of their Substance in their keeping. He made Alliance also, Offensive and Defensive, with [Page 125]all those on this side the River Eber. Hanno the Carthaginian General. was taken Prisoner, together with Indibilis the Spaniard, who had usurp'd Kingly Authority over those who inhabited the inland Country, and had pre­serv'd a particular and fast Affection for the Carthaginians. As soon as Asdrubal had no­tice of this Adventure, he pass'd the Eber to come to the succour of his Party; but in the interim receiving advice, That the Ro­man Sea-men belonging to the Fleet behav'd themselves negligently, being grown careless and presumptuous on the success of their Land-Forces, he march'd first against them, taking with him eight Thousand of his best Foot, and a Thousand Horse; and finding the Romans dispers'd and scatter'd about the Coun­try, he fell upon them, killing the greatest part, and pursuing the rest to their Fleet. But he attempted nothing further, but march'd back the way he came; and repassing the Eber, remain'd the Winter at New-Car­thage, where he made all necessary provision to sustain the War, and for the defence of the Towns on that side the River. As to Cn. Scipio, as soon as he was come back to the Fleet, he there animadverted on those, ac­cording to the Roman Law of Discipline, who he found had been guilty of the occasion of that Defeat: And after he had drawn toge­ther and embody'd all his Forces by Sea and Land, he march'd, and kept his Winter-Quar­ters [Page 126]at Tarracona. He divided the Booty that had been taken among the Soldiers, by which he greatly gain'd their Good-will, and establish'd in them a more chearful Dispositi­on of Obedience to such future Orders as the Service should make necessary. Thus we have set down the state of Affairs at that time in Spain.

Early the following Spring, Cn. Flaminius led the Legions through Tuscany, and came to Arezzo, where he encamp'd. But Cn. Ser­vilius march'd to Rimini, to do his best to shut up the Enemy's passage that way. As to Hannibal, he held his Winter-Quarters in the Cisalpine Gaul, where he us'd his Roman Prisoners with great rigour; for over and a­bove their being under severe restraint, their Sustenance was dispens'd to them very parci­moniously; while, on the other hand, their Allies, who, tho' they were likewise Prisoners, were us'd however with all possible Humani­ty: These he caus'd to be assembled, where he told them, That he had undertaken a Voy­age into Italy, not to molest or make War on them, but to fight their Battels against the Romans; and remonstrated to them, That if they knew how to consult their own Good, they would do well to court his Friendship: That his chief end was to restore Liberty to the Italians, and to re-establish the Inhabi­tants in the Towns and Villages, whom the Romans had injuriously dispossess'd. After [Page 127]this, he dismiss'd them, and order'd them all to be enlarg'd Ransom-free, the better there­by to engage the People of Italy to his Party, and to alienate them from the Romans, and to animate such against them to whom the Romans had done any late violence, by seizing any Town or Sea-Port.

He had likewise meditated during the Win­ter, another piece of African-Craft; for be­ing well instructed in the Gaulish Levity, and apprehensive lest they should form any secret Design on his Life, his Friendship with them being yet but new, he caus'd Peruques to be made of sundry sorts, and for divers Ages; than which nothing disguiseth more, even to a degree of rendring People totally Strangers to one another; of these, sometimes he us'd one sort, sometimes another, providing Ha­bits likewise sorted to every kind of Disguise, insomuch as those who but now departed from his Presence, could not know him a moment after; nor could his most intimate Friends, without difficulty, distinguish him. And now Hannibal taking notice that the rest of the Gauls were not very well satisfy'd that their Country should continue to be the Seat of War, and that the Army was dispos'd to follow him every-where, and impatiently desir'd to march into the Enemy's Country, for the Hatred they pretended to the Romans (while in truth their thirst of Booty was at the bottom) thought it time to move out of [Page 128]his Winter-Quarters, to gratifie the Desire of the Army. Accordingly, as soon as the Wea­ther favour'd his Design, and he had been throughly instructed in the way he propos'd to march, resolving to shun the common Road, as being too long, and too well known to the Enemy; and concluding, that tho' the way through the low Fenny Country into Tuscany was the most difficult, yet being the shortest cut, and that Flaminius would be a­stonish'd at so hardy an Attempt; he there­fore (who was ever enclin'd to such-like En­terprizes) determin'd to take his passage that way. But it was no sooner bruited in the Army, that the General had taken that Reso­lution, when every one show'd his own share of fear for so hazardous a March, through a Country lying for the most part under-water. and full of conceal'd Pits and Precipices.

Nevertheless, Hannibal, after he had well inform'd himself of the Nature of the Soil through which he was to march, being now satisfy'd, that albeit the way was wet and mar­shy, yet that it was hard at bottom, caus'd the Army to march. The Van he gave to the Spaniards and Africans, and appointed the care of the Baggage to the best and most use­ful Men in the Army, to the end that if they should be oblig'd to encamp, they might have every thing at hand of which they cou'd stand in need: For in their other Marches, he took little or no care for the [Page 129]transporting of Provisions along with him; taking for granted, That if they were van­quish'd, they should need none; and, That if they overcame and made themselves Ma­sters of the Country, where-ever they came all things would be provided for them. The Gauls march'd in the Rear of the Spaniards and Africans, and the Horse in the Rear of all. Hannibal order'd Mago to have a vigilant are to keep the Soldiers from stragling, and to march the Army in their order, apprehen­sive least the Gauls especially, whose sloth and impatience of Labour he very well knew, should through the travail of so hard a march, be tempted to return back by the way they came; wherefore he Horse were so posted, that they might compel those to march, who otherwise might be dispos'd to desert the Ser­vice. The Spaniards and Africans then ad­vane'd into the Fens, where none before had ever adventur'd to go, and bore their part with chearfulness, they being a robust People, and harden'd to the like toilsome Exercises; but it far'd not so with the Gauls, who march'd not but with great difficulty, for the Ground having been potch'd and broken by those who march'd in the Van, they often sell, and were not able to keep their Legs. It be­ing very difficult fort them to support that kind of Travel, to which they bad never been ac­custom'd, nor had they any hopes of remedy by returning back, the Horse being posted to [Page 130]hinder them. In a word; the whole Army suffer'd unspeakable Hardships in this march, and what was most troublesome, they were fore'd to pass four Days and Nights without sleep, marching constantly in Water; but to the Gauls it was most grievous, the greatest part of their Horse and other Beasts were lost by the way, falling and sticking, in the Mud and Mire, which yet prov'd in some sort a relief to the Soldiers; for lying with their Burthens in the way above Water, they pass'd over them dry-shod, and often made use of them to repose on for some short space. The Hooss of many of their Horses that escap'd drop'd off through so long a Journey in the Water and Fenny Ground. Hannibal himself, who was earry'd by the only Elephant that was left, shar'd a severe part of the Hardship of the Journey; for being before much af­flicted with a defluxion in his Eyes, his Ma­lady grew to that height that he lost one in­tirely by the way, for want of time and con­venient place to attend his Cure.

After the Army (to the wonder of all the World) had pass'd the Fens, Hannibal being inform'd that Flaminius was posted near Ar­rezzo, he led his Army as soon as possibly he could into the Upland Country, as well to refresh and repose his Men, as to inform him­self of the Enemies Purposes, and of the course and situation of the Country. And after he had been told, that the Territory was rich, [Page 131]and that there was much Plunder to be got; that Flaminius was more an Orator than a Soldier; that tho' he had the Gift of Persua­sion, he was totally to seek in Military Mat­ters; and that furthermore, he was proud and grown confident of his numbers, and the strength of his Army; he therefore conclu­ded, that if he could by any means march by him, and get into the Country beyond him, that this Consul not able to suffer the Clamours and Reproaches of the Country-People, would be drawn to do his utmost to hinder him from spoiling and ravaging the Country; and that, in short, he would be drawn into greater Assurance and Negligence, and endeavour to Attack the Carthaginians at any rate, and follow them whithersoever they should lead him; and that impatient to share the sole Honour of the Victory, he would not be persuaded to attend the coming of his Colleague. In short, he collected by all these Circumstances, that Flaminius was likely to afford him many occasions to sur-prize him, and lay Ambushes in his way to gall and molest him. And in truth he was not mistaken in the judgment he had made of this Consul. And most certain it is, that they think very wide of the Truth, who con­ceive, that to acquire a right Knowledge, and take just Measures of the Humour and Cha­racter of the Enemy he is to deal with, is not among the prime Qualities and Duties of a [Page 132]General. For as not only when we fight Man to Man, but when one Rank chargeth another, he who thinks of Victory ought with exact care to observe, what naked or weak part the Enemy discovers, whereby to compass his End; in like manner, those who have the Leading of Armies in time of War, ought with skill and address to penetrate and discover the weak side of the Mind of that Captain with whom he hath to do. For there are those, who by an unaccountable kind of Imbecility and a Thoughtfulness which infects all the Actions of Life, are not only remiss in their Publick Administrations, but forget what belongs to the Duty of their Private Affairs.

Some are so abandon'd to the use of Wine, that neglecting Nature's invitations to repose, they become at length unable to sleep, other­wise than by the Fumes of excessive Drink­ing; others are captivated by Love, who have not only thereby sacrific'd the Safety of Cities and great States, but have themselves paid down their own Lives with Infamy. Cow­ardice, and a base Mind are Faults throughout the World, but most capital in a General; they are Blemishes to every private Man, where-ever they are found, and mark him with Reproach; but in the Leader of an Ar­my, they are a publick Curse and Calamity. For, in short, they are not only the cause of Armies languishing in Sloth and Idleness, [Page 133]without ever entring on Action; but they themselves, who rely on such Leaders, are often led into Precipices and inextricable Dan­gers. Rashness, Passion, Pride, and Vain-Glory, are all so many inlets to the Enemies Success, leading Men as it were, and subject­ing them to the Triumph of their Foes, and hurrying their Friends, and those who trust them, to Perdition: For such Men are al­ways expos'd to the Trains and Stratagems of their Enemies. Wherefore he who wise­ly studies and attains a right Knowledge of the Frailties and Weak-side of an Enemy, and Attacks him there, by vanquishing the Lea­der, will soon be Master both of the General and his Army. For as a Vessel that hath once lost her Pilot, is not long able to dispute it with an Enemy, and by taking him we soon become Masters of all that was under his Charge; so in War, where the one General is superior in Cunning or Military Abilities to the other, he shall also render his Army superior to his Enemies. Thus, in a word, our wise African, having taken a scantling of the Roman General's Capacity, came at length to gain his Point.

After Hannibal had decamp'd from about Fesulé, and had march'd by, and got some distance beyond the Roman Camp, he sell on their Frontiers; whereupon the Consul be­came inrag'd to be thus contemn'd, as he conceiv'd. But Hannibal had no sooner began [Page 134]to spoil and ravage the Country, and the Smoke which appear'd every where from far, made it manifest that he was burning and de­stroying all before him: Flaminius could not then abstain from Tears. Nevertheless, when any undertook to advise, that it would be the safest course however not to follow and in­gage temerariously with the Enemy, nor to come too hastily, and without mature delibe­ration, ration, to a Battel with an Army so much superior to them in Horse; and above all, that he ought to attend the coming of the other Consul, and not adventure on Action till all their Troops were incorporated; he lent so deaf an Ear to these Counsels, that he had not Patience so much as to hear them; demanding of those who thus advis'd him, What they thought the People of Rome would say of him, should he permit the Carthagini­ans to burn and destroy the Country with Fire and Sword up to the Walls of the City, while he remain'd in Tuscany an idle Spectator of the Desolation of his Country, and in the Rear of the Enemy, without attempting any thing? Wherefore he decamp'd, and caus'd the Army to march, and without regard to season or situation, thought on nothing but how he might come speedily to a Battel, as if Victory were the thing of all others he least doubted. And, in a word, he had pos­sess'd the Army with so strong an expectation of Success, that there were see more Camp-Wenches, [Page 135]and the rake holly Equipage of Boys an Vagabonds following the Army, than there were Soldiers who bare Arms; and all this Rabble bringing with them Chains and Shackles to secure the Prisoners. In the mean time Hannibal led his Army through Tuscany, on that Quarter that lies toward Rome, leaving the City of Corone and the neighbouring Mountains on his left-hand, and on his right the Lake Thrasimene; and, the more to provoke the Romans, he sack'd and destroy'd all the Towns that lay in his march, and did them all the other mischiefs that are the product of the cruellest War. But as soon as he had notice of the approach of Fla­minius, and had made choice of Ground pro­per to put his Designs in execution, he resolv'd to delay sighting no longer.

The Ground he had chosen lay thus: There was a tract of plain even Ground, stretching out in length a good distance. This Level or Vale lay between, and was in­clos'd on both sides with high Mountains, the farther end thereof being bounded by an inaccessible Eminence, and the entrance bor­der'd on a Lake, between which and the said Mountain there is a very narrow Way or De­file which leads into the Plain. Hannibal then having pass'd into the Plain by that Streight, takes first possession of the high Ground, he had in Front, where he lodg'd his Spaniards and Africans; behind the [Page 136]Mountains on the right, he posted the Ba­leares, and the rest of his light-arm'd Troops, order'd in one deep File, and posted the Gaulish Horse in the like order behind the Mountains on his left, in such manner that they reach'd as far as the Defile we mention'd between the Lake and the Mountains, which is the Inlet to the Plain. These Orders being executed in the Night, and Hannibal having thus surrounded the Plain, he remain'd quiet, making show of a Desire to sit still and at­tempt nothing. In the mean time, Flamini­us follows close at his Rear, eagerly pursuing his Determination to attack him; and arri­ving in the Evening near the Lake Thrasi­mene, he there encamp'd, and early the next Morning march'd with his Van-guard along the Vale by the side of the Lake, with de­termination to fall on the Enemy. The Day prov'd very dark and lowring, by reason of a great Fogg that was risen; nevertheless, Hannibal, upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now enter'd on the Plain, and that their Vanguard was hard at hand, gave the Signal of Battel, dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty; so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded, and at once attack'd on all sides.

Flaminius and the whole Army with him, were struck with astonishment at this surpri­zing shock of the Enemy; for the Fogg was [Page 137]so thick, that they were not able to see about them; and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once, the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men, nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 'twas wanted, and were, in a word, totally to seek how to behave themselves; for they were charg'd at one and the same time in Front, Flank, and Rear, by which means great num­bers were slain, not as Men, sighting like Sol­diers in Battel, but taken as it were by stealth in their march, e're they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence, being, as one may say, betray'd and ensnar'd by the Imprudence of their General. Flaminius himself, now destitute both of Hope and Re­solution, falling among a Party of Gauls, was by them environ'd and slain. In this Battel there fell, on the part of the Romans, to the number of fifteen Thousand; who were so beset, that they could neither fight nor sly; for it is religiously observ'd in the Roman Di­scipline, never to abandon their Ranks, or break their Order by flight. Those who were surpriz'd in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain dy'd miserably; for being push'd by the Enemy into the Lake, some be­ing forc'd into the Water with their Arms, not having leisure to think what they did, were unfortunately drown'd; others, being the greater part, enter'd the Lake, as far as [Page 138]they were able, leaving nothing above Water but their Heads, where they remain'd a while, till the Horse coming in, attack'd them there: Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy, they demanded quarter in vain, be­ing all cut off, those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another. About six Thousand, who were well advanc'd in the Plain, chanc'd to have the better of the Ene­my, whom they fought with in Front; but in regard they could not discover how the Battel went, they knew not whither to move, or whom to relieve, tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory. Wherefore, believing they might light on some further occasion of Action, they held on their march, advancing till they had gain'd the top of the Hills; where, after they had remain'd a while, and the Fogg be­gan to clear up, beholding the lamentable state of their Army, and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to pur­pose, (the Enemy being Masters of the Field) they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany. But the Battel was no sooner over, when Hannibal sent a Detach­ment of Spaniards, and his light-arm'd Troops after them, under the Command of Maherbal, who besieg'd them in the Place; and after he had reduc'd them to extremity, they yielded to his discretion, who gave them their Lives. Thus have we given the Narrative of this Bat­tel [Page 136]that was sought in Tuscany, between the Romans and Carthaginians. Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners, to whom quarter had been given, to be brought before him, toge­ther with the rest that had fallen into their hands, to the number of fifteen Thousand: After he had told them, That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives, he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army, to secure them under a good Guard; but he sent home all the Latins gra­tis, telling them only, (what hath been else­where noted) That he was not come to in­vade or molest the Italians, but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans. After this, he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment, and solemnly bury'd thirty of his Officers, who had been slain in the Battel: His other Losses were inconsiderable, the Vi­ctory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men, whereof the major part were Gauls.

And now his Hopes being thus justly rais'd, he deliberated with his Brother, and the rest of his Friends, about the future Methods they were to take, for improving the Victories they had gain'd. In the mean time, when the news came to Rome of this Defeat, the Magistrates, who could neither soften nor di­minish it, the Stroke had fallen so heavy, as­sembled the People, to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case. And when at the same time the Praetor, ascending the Tri­bunal, [Page 140]pronounc'd these words, We are Over­come, they were struck with such terror, that those who were then present, and had been in the Battel, thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field. Nor indeed was this surprize without reason; for the Romans, who had held so long a possession of Victory, and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquish'd and Oppress'd, knew not how with Constan­cy to support an Affliction so new and unex­pected. The Senate only preserv'd their Tem­per with decency, and omitted nothing that belong'd to their Function, holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick.

During these Transactions, the other Con­sul, who was at Rimini near Adria, on the Skirts of the Gauls, and Confines of Italy, not far from the mouth of the Po, receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanc'd into Tuscany, and had besieg'd Flaminius in his Camp, had therefore resolv'd to march to his Relief, and joyn their Troops: But in re­gard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body, he therefore pick'd out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry; and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius, order'd him to march before with expedition, in order to the relief of Flaminius, in case he should chance to be press'd before he could arrive. But when [Page 141] Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battel was lost, he order'd out Maherbal, with the light­arm'd Troops, and a Body of Horse, to en­counter them. Accordingly they met with Centronius, fought with him, and beat him, killing almost half his Men on the place, and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neigh­bouring Hill, and the next Day they fell a­live into their hands. It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battel of Thrasimene came to Rome, and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment, when, to fill up the measure of their Affliction, the news of this their last Defeat arrives; when behold now not only the People in consternation, but the Senate it self became sensibly touch'd. Whereupon they thought it needful, without deliberating on the Election of their Annual Magistrates, to resolve on the choice of some one single Person, in whom the sole Autho­rity should center. In the mean time, Han­nibal, who by the success of his Arms, grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans, did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Rome. Where­fore he continu'd to harrass and spoil the Country, destroying all by Fire and Sword where-ever he came, taking his march to­ward Adria, where he arriv'd in ten Days, passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines. The Country in his march be­ing [Page 142]rich, the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersom, that they could nei­ther carry nor otherwise transport it. The People where-ever he came, he us'd with great Cruelty, and, according to the common man­ner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force, order'd all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms; such merci­less impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him.

Incamping now not far from Adria, in a pleasant and fruitful Country, abounding in all things, he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses; for in his Winter-Incampments, in the hither Gaul, where he lay expos'd to all the rigours of the open Air, incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp, that what by their unwholsome Incampments, what by their march through the Fens, both Men and Horses (the whole Army over) were generally infected with a Disease call'd by the Greeks Lemopsoron; but with us, the Scurf or Scab, which comes by Unwholsome Diet and hard Usage: Wherefore happening into this place, so commodious for every thing, he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery, renew the Strength, and recruit the Spirits of the Sol­diers. Hannibal being now possess'd of great quantities of Roman Arms, of those he had either slain or taken, he therefore arm'd his [Page 143] Africans after the Roman manner: He also dispatch'd Letters by Sea to Carthage, giving an account of his Successes, having never since his coming into Italy till now approach'd the Sea-Coast. The Carthaginians receiv'd the News with great acclamations of Joy, and deliberated how best to re-inforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy, with all things of which they might stand in need.

The Romans, in the mean time, created Fabius Maximus Dictator, a Person of a no­ble House, and of so exemplary Vertue, that his single Merit acquir'd to his Family the Title of Maximi, from the great Actions he so happily WP2787atchiev'd. There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Con­sul; the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him, the Dictator twenty four: Fur­thermore, the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate; but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent; and, during that Magistracy, the Authority of all others become superse­ded, that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted. But we shall treat more particu­larly hereof in its proper place. After Fabi­us had been nam'd for Dictator, he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse, which is a Charge depending intirely on the Dicta­tor, and supplies his place in the Army when absent.

Hannibal, after he had refresh'd his Army, mov'd by easie marches along the Coast of the Adriatick, thereby to gain time till he had fill'd his Troops; here, by washing his Horses with old Wine, whereof the Country abounded, he cur'd them of the Scratches and the Farcy. Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men, by which means the rest were hearten'd. and became the more chearfully dispos'd to go on such future hazardous Services, as he should have further occasion to use them in. Thus he continu'd his March, and after he had plun­der'd and forag'd the Territory of Pretutium, Adria, and that of the Marrucians, and Fe­rentines, he took his way towards Apulia, which is distinguish'd by three Divisions, each having its peculiar name. One part is inha­bited by the Daunians, and another by the Messapians. Hannibal first attack'd the Daunians, and made spoil about Luceria, a Colony of the Romans, where he put all to Fire and Sword. Then he encamp'd near Ibona, from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians; and, in short, over-ran the whole Country of Apu­lia.

About this time Fabius enter'd on his Charge, who, after he had sacrific'd to the Gods, march'd out of the City with his Ma­ster of the Horse, at the head of four new­rais'd Legions, which had been sevied accor­ding [Page 145]to Custom. And, after he had joyn'd his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians, with those that had been sent to Rimini, he sent the Consul back to Rome, with Orders to Command the Fleet, and have an Eye to the Enemies Motions by Sea; while himself and the General of the Horse, after he had taken possession of the Legions, march'd and en­camp'd near Aegas, in view of the Enemy, and not above six Miles from their Camp.

The Carthaginian, as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius, led his Army out of the Camp, and marching, drew them up in Battalia near the Romans, to amuse and terrifie them: Where having remain'd some time, and none appearing to oppose him, he march'd back to his Quarters. For Fabius, who had determin'd to do nothing rashly, and not to come presently to a Battel, but to la­bour by all Arts and Means to secure the In­terest of his Country, held firm to his first Resolution. By which means he soon grew into Contempt, was reckon'd a Coward by his Country-men, and one who out of poor­ness of Spirit shun'd all occasions of having to do with the Enemy. But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him; and to confess, That they could never have chosen a Leader, who better knew his Business, or could proceed with more Judg­ment and good Conduct, which shortly after, the issue of his Administiation abundantly [Page 146]manifested. Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood, and he himself brought up among them, and a perfect Master in Milita­ry Knowledge, who had fought many Battels with Success in Spain, and gain'd two impor­tant Victories already against the Romans and their Allies: And what out-weigh'd all we have said, and which to him was of greatest importance, was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety, but what they carry'd on the Points of their Swords; which was Fabius's Motive to work with so much Can­tion and Circumspection, being well assur'd the Enemy would be superiour to him in Bat­tel. Wherefore, by singular Prudence and Address, he had recourse only to those Ad­vantages, wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger.

In a word, the Benefits the Romans enjoy'd, and of which the Enemy could not deprive them, were Provisions of Victuals, and Stores of War in great abundance, and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies. Fabius therefore held on his March in the Enemies Rear, and kept always near him, ever en­camping on proper Ground for his purpose, which he very well knew how to chuse, ha­ving a perfect knowledge of the Country: And being supply'd from the places behind him with what he stood in need of, he never adventur'd his Soldiers abroad to Forrage, [Page 147]nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp. Wherefore being enclos'd continually within their Ramparts, and per­petually on the watch to spy any advantage, by the means he surpriz'd and cut off great numbers of the Enemy, who chane'd to strag­gle any distance from their Camp, or who, out of contempt of the Romans, forrag'd near them. By this means he diminish'd his Ene­mies numbers, and bred Courage and Assu­rance in his own Soldiers; and by these little Combats and Rencounters, taught them to recover their Spirits, which were much sunk by their late Calamities, whereby those who had been hitherto vanquish'd, might begin not to despair of Victory. But nothing could draw him to come to a pitch'd Field. While, on the other hand, Minutius, his Master of the Horse, was neither of his Judgment nor Humor. For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude, made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse, representing him as a flow and bashful Man, while he, for his part, was of another Temper, ready to en­terprize any thing, and willing to come spee­dily to a Battel. After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about, as we but now mention'd, they pass'd the Apennines, and enter'd into the Territory of the Sannites, a fertile Soil, and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War.

Here they met with such abundance of all things, that it was not possible for them to consume the store, either by their Expence or their Malice. They plunder'd likewise the Lands of the Beneventines, where there was a Colony of Romans, and took the City of Venosa, albeit a strong Town and furnish'd for defence. In the mean time the Romans follow'd their steps, keeping within a Days march or two at most of them, but approach'd not nearer, being in no wise dispos'd to come to a Battel. Whereupon, when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight, he resolv'd to take his march towards Falernum, a Town in the Territory of Capua; concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass; namely, that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battel; or, in case of refusal, it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior, and that the Romans want­ed Resolution to come to a Decision. And by this means he reckon'd that the Towns and Cities would be terrify'd into submission, and to abandon the Romans. For, notwith­standing Hannibal's two Victories, there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him, but preserv'd their Faith en­tire to the Romans, tho' some were hard press'd and streighten'd by the Enemy; from whence may be gather'd what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Govern­ment. [Page 149]Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly, and without ripe Deliberation; for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World. Furthermore, it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries. Over and above these Incouragements, the noblest and most beau­tiful Towns of all Italy are found here; name­ly (on the Sea-Coast) Sinuessa, Cuma, Puz­zola, Naples, and Nuceria: On the Frontiers, towards the West, Calenum and Theano; to­wards the South-East, Apulia and Nola. Ca­pua is situate in the heart of the Country, and surpass'd heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities; so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory, known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields, with those sam'd in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity. In short, it may be said, That it was principally for this happy Country, that the Gods once contended. Furthermore, this Country is fortify'd by Nature, and the Accesses to it difficult: For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea, and on the other by a Chain of continu'd Mountains. In a word, there are but three Avenues to it, and these very streight and difficult over the said Mountains. The first is that which leads to Samnium; the se­cond to Eribanus; and the third from the Country of the Hirpins. Wherefore the Car­thaginian [Page 150]was not without hopes, that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy, he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside, and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy, who had not the Courage to forbid him; and that no body would then doubt, but he was in effect Ma­ster of all without the Roman Retrench­ments.

Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons, having left Samnium, and gain'd his passage by the way of the Mountain call'd Eribanus, he encamp'd on the Banks of the River A­thurnus, which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy; and from hence forag'd and made Devastations in the Country round about, none appearing to im­peach him, while Fabius, tho' wondring at the temerity of his Project, held the faster to his first Determination. But Minutius, on the contrary, and the rest of the prime Offi­cers of the Army, persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy, became very instant that they might hasten their march into Cam­pania; and that it was not to be supported, that Hannibal should, without controul, pil­lage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy. Whereupon Fabius made show of being reason'd into their Opinion, and feign'd to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battel as they were, till he had got into the Country, whither he march'd [Page 151]the Army with great expedition. But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians, he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Moun­tains, and to keep pace with the Enemy, fear­ing lest their Allies should think that the Ro­mans, out of dread of the Carthaginian Ar­my, confin'd themselves entirely to their Camp. Nevertheless, he adventur'd not into the plain Country, but continu'd to shun all occasions of coming to a Battel, for the Rea­sons already render'd, and for that the Cartha­ginians much out-number'd them in Horse. Wherefore, after Hannibal had challeng'd the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indig­nities, plunder'd all Campania, and amass'd a mighty Booty, he began to consult about de­camping, resolving by no means to part with his Spoil, but to convey it to some fase place, where he should keep his Winter-Quarters; to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Tra­vail, but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come. Fabius then col­lecting, that the Enemy had a mind to re­turn by the way he came, concluded to way­lay him by an Ambush in the Desile or Pass over the Mountains. He therefore order'd a Detachment of four Thousand Men, to ad­vance and take possession of the said Pass, ex­horting them to make good use of the occa­slion, and the advantage of the Post, when [Page 152]they came to the Engagement, which they so earnestly and so long desired to see. This done, he march'd himself with the Gross of the Army, and possess'd the Mountains that commanded the said Passage by which the E­nemy was to march.

And now the Carthaginians advancing, en­camp'd at the foot of the Mountains, while Fabius was not in hopes only of making them part with their Plunder; but that if Fortune prov'd never so little his Friend, to be able at one stroke to put a period to the War. Thus favour'd as he was by the advantage of the Ground, Fabius then had nothing so much in his Thoughts, as how best to post and destri­bute his Troops; to lay his Ambush with most advantage; whom principally to make choice of for their several Parts they were to execute, and where first to begin the Attack. But while he thus stood deliberating, deser­ring the execution to the next Morning, Han­nibal, who had got intelligence of his Design, gave him not time to put it in effect. First then, he gave his Orders to Asdrubal (who had the general charge of the Pioneers and Workmen of the Army) to provide as many Faggots of dry combustible Matter as he pos­sibly could procure; to make choice of two Thousand of the best and strongest Oxen, as could be pick'd out of the whole Herd of Plunder, and to bring them to a certain place near the Camp, there to attend his further [Page 513]Commands. This done, he caus'd the Grooms and Rabble of the Army to be assem­bled, and pointing to them a piece of Ground at a distance, that lay between the Camp and the Pass by which he was to march, order'd them, That as soon as they should receive the Signal that should be given, to drive and force the said Herd of Cattel by that way up to the top of the Mountains. This done, he bad the Army to take their Supper, and re­tire to their repose; and about the third Watch of the Night, he commanded the said Rabble to bind and fasten the Faggots they had provided, to the Horns of the two Thou­sand Oxen. This being soon done, by rea­son of the great number of Hands that were employ'd, he then ordering the Faggots to be lighted, gave them the Signal to march, and drive them up as he had appointed. He order'd likewise his light-arm'd Troops to march in the Rear of these, and a while to encourage and sustain them; but that as soon as the Cattel began to run and disperse, they should with shoutings and great clamour take possession of all the advantageous Posts, and gain the top of the Mountains, to the end thereby to cover and defend the Army in their passage through the Defile, and amuse and divert the Enemy, in case they found them there. In the mean time Hannibal decamps, leading his Army towards the Streight by which they were to march. The Van-guard [Page 154]consisted of his heavy-arm'd Troops; these were follow'd by the Horse; after them went the Baggage and Booty, and the Spaniards and Gauls in the Rear of all.

The Romans, who had been posted at the entry of the Pass, beholding so many Fires wandring about the Mountains, took it for granted, that Hannibal had taken his March that way: Whereupon quitting their Posts in the Streight, they march'd with expedition up the Mountains; but when they arriv'd, and saw nothing but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads, they grew greatly astonish'd, and were struck with greater apprehension of Danger than they needed. But now behold­ing Hannibal on his March, who had already gain'd the Pass, they made some small attempt upon them; but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads, covering the Mountain, and mingling every-where among them, so di­stracted them, that they concluded it to be their safest course to keep the tops of the Hills, and remain there on their guard till Morning, when they might be better able to discern what it was that had so perplex'd them.

In the mean time, Fabius was in trouble to understand the mystery of so many Fires, and began to suspect it to be no other than what it really was, namely, a Carthaginian Stratagem. Nevertheless, mindful of the Re­solution he had taken to hazard nothing, he [Page 155]kept his Army within their Works, and re­solv'd not to stir till Morning; while Hanni­bal, observing that his Project succeeded to his wish, and that the Defile remain'd totally unguarded, pass'd safely with his Army and his Plunder. But early in the Morning, ob­serving that the Party which had advanc'd to the tops of the Mountains, were in danger, the Romans, who had march'd thither in the Night, out-numbring them; he therefore sent a Party of Spaniards to sustain and bring them off; who, falling on the Romans, slew about a Thousand of them, and with dif­ficulty made good their Companions re­treat.

Hannibal having now gain'd his passage out of the Territory of Falernum, and seeing himself in safety, began to consider upon Winter-Quarters, and deliberated thereof a­mong his Friends: For he had now so terri­fy'd Italy throughout all Quarters, that the whole Country stood astonish'd and undeter­min'd what Counsels to take; insomuch, that Fabius was held in great Contempt, as ha­ving, through want of Resolution, permitted the Enemy to make his escape, when he had enclos'd him in places of so great advantage; yet all could not move him a jot to depart from the Methods he had propos'd to pursue, contemning all those vain Reports, and the Opinion which the People had conceiv'd of him.

Sometime after Fabius being call'd to Rome, to officiate at their Sacrifices, he committed the Legions to the Conduct of Minutius, in­joyning him above all things at his departure, to have a more vigilant Eye to the Preservati­on of the Army, than how to Attack the Enemy. But Minutius was so deaf to his Ad­vice, that even while Fabius was urging those safe Counsels, he was meditating how by all means possible he might bring it about to give the Enemy Battel. This was the posture of Affairs in Italy, while Asdrubal at the head of an Army in Spain, having equipp'd a Fleet of thirty Vessels (during the Winter) which had been left him by his Brother, and adding to them ten more, with all their Equipage that had been sent him from other parts, he departed in the beginning of Summer from New-Carthage; his Fleet, consisting of forty Ships, he committed to the care of Hamilcar, with Orders to coast it along the Shore, while he with his Land-Army march'd at the same time, keeping near the Sea, with intention to joyn both Armies near the mouth of the Ri­ver Eber. Cn. Scipio coming to the know­ledge of the Carthaginians purpose, determin'd forthwith to march out of his Winter-quarters, and endeavour to get before them. But, after he had been inform'd of their great Strength, both in numbers of Men, and all sorts of pro­vision of War, he declin'd his Purpose of dealing with them by Land, and equipp'd a [Page 157]Naval Army, consisting of five and thirty Ships, and putting on Board the best Men of the Land-Army, made Sail and got before the Enemy. Two Days after his departure from Tarragona he arriv'd near the mouth of the Eber, and about ten Miles from the Car­thaginian Fleet; from whence he dispatch'd two Scout-Vessels of Marseilles, to discover the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy; these Vessels were the foremost in all Dangers, and kept always a head of the Fleet, with a forwardness that prov'd very useful to the Ro­mans. For the Marseillians had always ta­ken part with the Romans, and espous'd their Cause more conspicuously in this Adventure. The Scouts that had been sent out brought advice, that the Enemies Fleet was at an An­chor in the mouth of the Eber: Whereupon Scipio forthwith got under Sail, resolving to make the best of his way to surprize them, as they lay.

But Asdrubal receiving timely notice of the Enemies approach by certain Beacons that he order'd to be provided on the Hills, put his Land-Forces in order of Battel on the Shore, and order'd the Marine Army forthwith to imbark. As the Romans drew near the Ene­my, they caus'd their Trumpets to sound, and came to Blows with them out of hand. But the Carthaginians, after they had stub­bornly disputed the Victory for a while, at length began to retire. But their [...]-Ar­my [Page 158]that was drawn up on the Shore, prov'd as it fortun'd rather a Mischief than a Benefit, by how much their presence so near at hand gave the Sea-men a more certain prospect of Safety by slight, than by fighting; where­fore, perceiving the Romans likely to prove superior to them, they stood about and fled as fast as they could toward the Shore, after they had sustain'd the loss both of Men and Gallies. But the Romans vigorously pursuing the Advantage, forc'd them at last quite a­shore, where deserting their Vessels, they sav'd themselves by escaping to their Land-Forces that were drawn up hard by; the Romans following them to the Shore, and taking as many of their Vessels as they could carry off, well-pleas'd to have beaten the Enemy at their first essay, taking thirty five of their Vessels, and making themselves Masters of those Seas. After this Victory the Affairs of the Ro­mans began to have a better face in those Parts.

In the mean time the Carthaginians recei­ving Intelligence of this loss, fitted out a Fleet with all Expedition, consisting of seventy Sail equipp'd for War, well knowing of what moment it was to them to preserve their Do­minion of the Sea. This Fleet first touch'd in Sardinia, and then call'd at Pisa in Italy, hoping they might have found Hannibal, to have consulted and concerted Matters with him. But the Romans coming after them [Page 159]with a Fleet of an hundred and twenty Sail of Gallies, the Carthaginians terrify'd with their numbers return'd directly back to Sar­dinia, and from thence to Carthage. Cn. Ser­vilius, General of the Roman Fleet, made chace after them for a while, in hopes of coming to an Ingagement, but finding they had got too much the start of him, he left off the pursuit. Then he made Sail for Lilybae­um with the whole Fleet; from thence he steer'd his course to a certain Island in the African Sea call'd Cercina, where he levy'd Money on the Inhabitants, to purchase ex­emption of their Country from Plunder. From thence he held on his way and came to an Island call'd Cossyrus, which he took, and af­ter he had put a Garrison into the Town, he return'd back to Lilybaeum, where, leaving the Fleet in Harbour he went himself to find out their Land-Forces.

The Senate of Rome receiving Intelligence of Scipio's Sea-Victory, concluded that it was not only convenient, but necessary to the Common-wealth, that they should not neg­lect their Assairs in Spain; wherefore to quick­en the War on that side, and press the Car­thaginians the more in these Parts, they sitted out a Squadron of twenty Gallies, and forth­with gave them into the Charge of Pub. Scipio, dispatching him to his Brother, to the end they might jointly manage the War in Spain. For the Senate justly apprehended, that if [Page 160]the Carthaginians should once be permitted to conquer and possess at their pleasure that. Province, they would soon recover their Do­minion of the Sea, attack and make Descents in Italy with ease, and be enabled to re-inforce and supply Hannibal both with Men and Mo­ney. Wherefore, I say, the Romans, con­cluding that keeping the War on foot in Spain was of great utility to their Assairs, dispatch'd Pub. Scipio with a Naval Army to joyn his Brother; who, after his Arrival, when they came to unite their Strength, proceeded with great Success. For albeit the Romans had ne­ver yet attempted to pass the Eber, but thought it a great deal for them, that the People on this side the River were dispos'd to enter into Friendship and Confederacy with them; yet now they adventur'd to pass those Bounds, making War on remoter Nations, and Fortune approv'd their Enterprize: For, after they had terrify'd the People that inhabit on the Banks of the Eber, they advanc'd toward Saguntum, and encamp'd within five Miles thereof, in the neighbourhood of the Temple of Venus, and so posted themselves, that they were every way cover'd from Attempts of an Enemy, and where whatever they wanted might with case be supply'd them, for their Fleet by Sea kept pace with them on Land, coasting it along the Shore at the same rate they march'd.

But in the mean time there happen'd an oc­currence which avail'd further toward the Prosperity of the Roman Assairs. Upon Han­nibal's departure on his Expedition to Italy, he took Hostages of all the Towns of whose Affection he was not well assur'd; making choice for that purpose of the Children of the principal Inhabitants, and sending them to be carefully kept under a good Guard at Sagun­tum; that place being not only well fortify'd, but the Garrison he had left in it well dispos'd to his Service. Among those there was one Abilyx a Spaniard, a Man of the first Rank in his Country, both for his Authority and Manners; and, above all, reckon'd among the most faithful Friends of the Carthaginians. This Man, taking the present posture of Af­fairs into Consideration, and observing the Romans likely to prosper, took a Resolution worthy of a Spaniard and a Barbarian, which was to bring it about that the said Hostages might be deliver'd up, believing that by com­passing some remarkable Service to the Ro­mans, he should become very Popular, and be well receiv'd among them.

Asdrubal had committed the Government of that Province to Bostar, a Man of Autho­rity among the Carthaginians, with Orders to oppose the Romans, when at any time they should attempt passing the River Eber; but he, wanting Resolution to withstand them, had retir'd from his Post, and march'd and [Page 162]encamp'd near Saguntum towards the Sea. Now Abilyx well knew, that Bostar was a plain well meaning Man, of easie Faith, un­practis'd in subtile Arts, and had a good O­pinion of him: He therefore imparts to him what he seign'd was the best Counsel he could take; namely, that since the Romans had now gain'd their passage over the River, the Car­thaginians would be no longer able to hold the Spaniards in subjection by fear; but that it imported them, in the present evil Con­juncture of their Assairs, to acquire by some extraordinary means the Affection and Good­will of the Natives: That the Romans were already under the Walls of Saguntum, which was in a manner besieg'd, and would be soon streightned: That therefore if he would give a check to their Ambition and Success, he could not take a wifer or more safe course, than presently to resolve on the restoring all the Hostages to their Parents and Relations: For that the Enemy coveted nothing with more passion, than to be able to get them into their hands; to the end, that by deli­vering them up, they might acquire and con­ciliate thereby the good Opinion of the Spa­niards: That, in a word, it would be an act of great Wisdom in him to obviate this Inconvenience, by restoring the Hostages himself, which would bind the Spaniards to him for ever; and that he, for his part, would labour his utmost, that the Carthaginians [Page 163]might reap the best fruit of so fair a proceed­ing, if they should think sit to commit the Conduct thereof to his management: For if it were transacted by him, he should be both able and willing to negotiate the Affair, with such regard to the Interest of the Carthagini­ans, in the respective Towns concern'd, that their Relations should not only be made sen­sible of the Benefit, but the People in general dispos'd to acknowledge their Good-will, when they beheld such remarkable Instances of the Carthaginians Friendship. He likewise gave Bostar himself hopes of a valuable Re­ward, from those whose Children should be so deliver'd; and that, in short, by his resto­ring in so generous a manner, and contrary to all expectation, what was so dear to them, every one would emulate the other in their Expressions of Gratitude to such a Benefactor. In a word, he dealt with Bostar by all the fair Arguments he was able to urge, to win him over to his purpose. After this Confe­rence, matters being concluded between them, and a Day set when he should return with all necessary Preparations to receive and conduct the Hostages, Abilyx return'd home. The following Night he went to the Roman Camp, where after some Discourse with certain Spa­niards that serv'd in the Army, he was by them conducted to the Scipio's; to whom he made it appear by many Reasons, That the whole Body of the Spaniards would come in [Page 164]to them, were it but once known that their Hostages were in their Possession; and there­upon gave them his Word to deliver them in­to their hands. Publius list'ned with great pleasure to the Proposition; and after solemn promise of a noble Recompence, and the time when, and the place where they should attend to execute the Design, agreed on, he dismiss'd them, who return'd back to Sagun­rum. And now Abilyx, having provided Per­sons proper for his Enterprize, came to Bo­star; and after the Hostages were put into his hands, he departed by Night from Sagun­tum, as feigning thereby to be able to go more conceal'd from the Enemy's Sentinels. But having pass'd their Camp, he then took another way, and led them at the time agreed on, to the place appointed, where he deliver'd them to those who had been order'd to take charge of them. This was so great an In­stance of Abilyx's Good-will to the Romans, that Scipio held him ever after in great e­steem, making use of him in conjunction with People of his own, to see the Hostages re­stor'd to their Parents and their Country: who went accordingly from Town to Town; where he negotiated so well for the Romans, giving the People such Impressions of their Generosity and Humanity, and declaiming so justly against the Carthaginians Cruelty and Insidelity, and producing himself as an Ex­ample of deserting them, that he wrought [Page 165]many Towns over to the Romans, who en­ter'd into Confederacy with them. Bostar, who had committed these Children to the Faith of Abilyx, acted a very Child's Part himself, and not like an Officer of his Age and Experience, becoming afterwards there­by liable to many and great Dangers. But forasmuch as the Season of the Year forbad any further present action, they withdrew on both sides into Winter-Quarters. Afterwards the Romans (Fortune changing in favour of their Affairs) receiv'd manifold Advantages by means of the Hostages they had so given up, being thereby greatly assisted in their fu­ture Enterprizes. Thus have we deliver'd a state of the Occurrences in Spain.

But to return to our History of Hannibal: He receiving intelligence by his Spies, That there was much Corn at Luceria and Geruni­um, and that Gerunium was a commodious place wherein to make his Magazines; there­upon resolv'd to make that Country his Win­ter-Quarters, and so lead his Army by the way of the Mountains of Liburnum, to the said Towns. When he arriv'd at Gerunium, which stands about twenty five Miles from Luceria, he sought by all fair Means and large Promises, to win them to take part with the Carthaginians, offering to bind himself by Oath to the punctual execution of the Con­ditions that should be accorded to. But see­ing he could not so prevail, he sat down be­fore [Page 166]the Town; and laying siege to it soon [...] it, putting all the Inhabitants to the [...]word, reserving the greatest part of the Buildings undemolish'd, whereof to make Granaries; and lodging his Troops under the Walls, fortify'd his Camp with a good Re­trenchment. From thence he sent two third parts of his Army to gather in Corn, order­ing them by turns to supply daily the other third part that remain'd with him, with a certain quantity for their Expence, he con­tinuing with them constantly in Battalia, as well for the guard of the Camp, as to pre­vent any sudden attempt on those who were employ'd in gathering in the Corn. In short, the Country being very fertile, and the time of Harvest at the heighth, they daily brought in very great quantities.

As soon as Minutius had receiv'd the Com­mand of the Army from Fabius, as we no­ted, he lost no time, but march'd by the tops of the Mountains to find out the Enemy, hoping for an occasion to deal with Hannibal there. But when he came to understand, That he was already Master of Gerunium; that the Carthaginians were spread all over the Country gathering in Corn, and that the Army was encamp'd under the Walls of the Town, he forthwith descended from the Hills into the Champaign Country, and encamp'd in the Territory of Larinam, on a high Ground call'd Calela, with a full determina­tion [Page 167]to do his utmost to come by any means speedily to a Battel. Hannibal having notice of the approach of the Romans, permitted on­ly one part of his Army to pursue their Har­vest-work, while he with the other two thirds advanc'd toward the Enemy, posting himself on an Eminence about two Miles distant from Gerunium, to try if he could from thence awe them, and also to be in a better Post to suc­cour his Foragers, in case they should chance to be press'd. But there happening to be a piece of high Ground between the two Ar­mies, which commanded near the Roman Camp, he sent thither in the Night two Thousand of his light-arm'd Troops to take possession thereof. This being observ'd in the Morning by Minutius, he immediately order'd out his light-arm'd Soldiers likewise against them, who attack'd them in their Post. The Dispute was very warm for a while; but in the end the Romans prevail'd; and dislodging the Enemy, came and posted themselves there.

Hannibal after this, remain'd quiet in his Camp for some Days with all his Troops, for that they had the Romans now so near Neigh­bours; but after a while he was necessitated to send abroad for Forage for his Horse, and to fetch in Corn for the supply of his Camp; for that he was unwilling not only to spend out of the Store they had laid up, but solli­citous to add to what they had already ga­ther'd, [Page 168]to the end they might live in plenty during Winter, both Horse and Man, placing his greatest hopes of success in the Service of his Horse.

In the mean time Minutius, being inform'd that the Enemy was abroad in great numbers, dispers'd here and there about the Country, for the Services above-mention'd, order'd his Troops to march at an Hour he thought most proper; and, being not far from the Enemies Camp, drew up his Army in Battalia, and ordering his Horse and light-arm'd Troops to be drawn up in Parties and small Divisions, commanded them to march and attack the Foragers, and to give no Quarter. This Action did not a little perplex Hannibal, who had not then Strength enough at hand to make head against the Enemy, nor to succour those who were scatter'd stragling about the Country.

Those of the Romans, who were comman­ded out against the Foragers, kill'd many as they found them wand'ring to and again; and those, who stood drawn up in Battalia, began so to contemn the Carthaginians, that not satisfy'd to confine them to their Camp, they were hardly with-held from attempting their Works; insomuch that Hannibal seem'd to be greatly streight [...]ed: Yet albeit he was reduc'd to that extremity, that it was all he could do to keep his Ground and defend the Camp, yet he deserted not his Post. In short, [Page 169] Asdrubal receiving those into the Camp un­der the Walls of Gerunium, that had escap'd thither from the Enemy, march'd at the head of four Thousand Men to the relief of Hannibal, who, being now in some sort re­insorc'd, advanc'd against the Romans, and stood some time in Battalia, not far distant from their Camp, so that in the end he came fairly off of the Danger that threaten'd him, tho' with difficulty enough; but, in a word, he came off. Minutius having slain many of the Enemy in this Rencounter, and more of the Foragers, retir'd to his Camp full of assurance of future Success; and on the Mor­row, upon the Carthaginians marching out of their Works, he follow'd them and took possession of their Camp: For Hannibal fear­ful lest the Romans should by surprize in the Night attempt and assault his Camp at Geru­nium, which was not in a very good state of Defence, and might thereby become Masters of their Baggage, their Plunder, and all the Stores they had there laid up, was therefore determin'd to return and abide in those Quar­ters. In the mean time the Carthaginians forag'd for the furture with more caution, and the Romans manifested less apprehension of the Enemy.

The news of this Action being brought to Rome, and publish'd with more Vanity than Truth, there was great Joy in the City. For, after the Consternation they had been in, [Page 170]they reckon'd it a Change greatly for the better, and as an Omen of their future good Fortune; and, that if their Armies had not of a long time perform'd any thing to the purpose, it was not at least through the Cow­ardice of the Soldiers, but the pusillanimity of the Dictator, who apprehended every thing. So that all the World began now to reproach Fabius, and blame his Conduct, for having lost so many fair occasions plainly through want of Resolution. But they heap'd so many Praises on Minutius, that in the end they decreed him an Honour that was with­out any example in the Republick. For they invested him with absolute Authority; ima­gining that by that act, they should put it in his Power to give a speedy Period to the War; and now by this Decree they came to have two Dictators at one and the same time to Conduct their Affairs, which never happen'd at any time before among the Ro­mans. When Minutius came to understand how highly he was exalted in the Opinion of the People, and that they had given him full Power, he grew more determin'd and forward to attempt every thing how hazardous so­ever.

In the mean time Fabius returns to the Army, without any change of Judgment through the Injuries which had been done him; but rather more confirm'd in the Rules he had laid down to himself; and observing [Page 171]that Minutius was now become insolent, and uneasie to him, by his new Authority and Successes, and that he oppos'd him in every thing through a kind of Jealousie he had con­ceiv'd, and that he was likely to push Mat­ters to a decisive Battel, he therefore put it to his choice whether they should command the Army by Days alternately, or divide the Army and command the distinct Bodies apart, and have two separate Camps, and act as each of them saw good? Minutius thereupon inclin'd to divide the Army, whereupon the Legions were divided, and encamp'd a-part, about a Mile and an half asunder.

Hannibal, as well by the Prisoners he had taken, as by their Proceedings, had now learn'd there was an ill understanding between the two Generals, and well knew too the Mind of Minutius; wherefore rightly judg­ing that this posture of their Affairs would in the end work more Mischief to them than to him, he began to contrive how to lay Baits for Minutius, that he might a little re­strain his Insolence and confound his Designs. And observing a small rising Ground between his and Minutius's Camp, by which either might incommode the other, Hannibal there­fore resolv'd to possess it; and for that he was well assur'd, the Roman embolden'd by his late Success would oppose him, he therefore devis'd this Stratagem. The Country round about, near this piece of Ground, was, in [Page 172]truth, plain and Champaign, no part thereof seeming in any wise capable of Ambushes; but, forasmuch as in the plainest Countries there are little insensible Risings and Fallings, Turnings and Windings, Rocks and Caverns, where Men may be conceal'd, as here there was, wherefore in these places he hid five Hundred Horse, and five Thousand Foot, di­vided into Parties of two and three Hundred in a Division, according to the capacity of the places where they were to lodge; and to be so dispos'd that the Enemies Foragers might not discover them: This done, he order'd his light-arm'd Troops to march, and take possession of the Ground we mention'd; whereupon Minutius, who concluded the E­nemy had given him a new occasion of Vi­ctory, orders out his light-arm'd Troops to attack them, and after these his Horse, while he himself follow'd with the gross of the Ar­my in Battalia, keeping their Order.

The Sun was now risen, and while every Bodies Eyes were fix'd on the place of Action, Hannibal's Ambush riseth, and advanceth by degrees unobserv'd by the Romans. While Hannibal in the mean while was not slack to send Succours constantly to the Charge, and at length advancing himself at the head of his Horse, and the rest of the Army, the Horse on both sides came soon to ingage. Where­upon the light-arm'd Romans, not being a match for the Carthaginian Horse, were bea­ten, [Page 173]and retreated to their Body, putting them in great disorder. Hitherto the Am­bush remain'd expecting the Signal to fall on, which being now given, they come boldly to the Charge, and attack the Romans on all sides, as well on the gross as the light-arm'd Troops, so that the dispute was very warm and bloody. And now Fabius, who saw how things went, and fear'd lest Minutius and his Army should be lost, march'd out of his Works, and came in to his relief, who was at his last stake; whereupon the Romans, who before were broken and disorder'd, observing his approach, took Heart and rally'd about their Ensigns, and made a stand, after their having lost many of their light-arm'd Men, and more of the best and bravest of their Le­gionary Soldiers. Upon the coming in of the fresh Legions that advanc'd to the Relief bold­ly and in firm order, Hannibal began to be in doubt, and therefore founded a Retreat, and commanded his People from the Pursuit. And now all Men justly judg'd, who were ingag'd in the dangers of this Action, and in a word concluded, that the Romans had been beaten by the rashness of Minutius, and that the Common-wealth had been at this time, and always heretofore, preserv'd and rescu'd through the wise and slow Temper of Fabius. And they were soon satisfy'd in Rome of the wide disserence there was between the Pru­dence of a good General of an Army, and a [Page 174]rash hot-headed Soldier. Wherefore the Ro­mans now taught by sharp Experience, thought it Wisdom for the time to come to abide in a Body, and in one Camp, and that none was sit to be obey'd but Fabius. As for the Car­thaginians, after they had made a Retrench­ment between their Camp and this piece of Ground, and had Garrison'd and well Forti­fy'd the Post, and perform'd what was ne­cessary to secure it from any further danger, they betook themselves to their Winter-Quar­ters.

And now the time for election of their Consuls at Rome was come, where L. Aemi­lius and C. Terentius were chosen, and the Dictator's Authority thereby superseded. As to the last Years Consuls, Cn. Servilius and M. Regulus, who had fill'd the place of Fla­minius, they were invested by Aemilius with Pro-consular Power, and having the Camp committed to their Charge, had the entire present Conduct of the War. In the mean time Aemilius took care to make new Levies, after he had imparted his Counsels to the Senate, and sent Recruits likewise to fill up the Legions. Orders were also dispatch'd to Servilius to be careful not to ingage in a ge­neral Battel, but to exercise the Troops as of­ten as occasion serv'd in Skirmishes and Ren­counters, to acquaint the young Soldiers with Danger and their Duty, and qualifie them for more important Occasions. For they were [Page 175]persuaded that much of their misfortune in the War hitherto, was owing to the rawness and inexperience of their Troops, who had not for the most part seen any Action of weight. The Senate likewise dispatch'd the Praetor Posthumius into Gaul, to endeavour to bring over those who had taken Arms under Hannibal to another Mind; furthermore, it was committed to his Care to Conduct over the Army that had winter'd at Lilybae­um.

They likewise supply'd the Scipio's, who conducted the War in Spain, with whatsoever they could be thought to need. In a word, both Consuls and Senate acted with great at­tention in all things that might avail towards a vigorous prosecution of the War. As soon as Servilius had receiv'd the Consuls Orders, he carefully put them in execution, perform­ing every other thing that related to his Charge; but for Occurrences, there happen'd nothing memorable enough to be related; whether it was that his Instructions were too much limitted, or that the Season of the Year permitted him not to enter on any considera­ble Action, but little was done towards the advancement of their Affairs. What was per­form'd was by Pickeering, and small and fre­quent Skirmishes and Rencounters, wherein the Leaders were not without their share of some Praise, acting in their Posts always with singular Temper and Prudence.

Thus then the two Armies remain'd en­camp'd in view of each other all the Winter, and a good part of the Spring. But as soon as Hannibal saw there was Forage to be had, he decamp'd from under Gerunium, conclu­ding there was nothing so advantageous for his Affairs, as to labour by all ways possible to compel the Enemy to come to a Battel. In the mean time, he besieg'd and took the Citadel of Cannae, where the Romans had laid up their Corn and Provisions of War for the Service of the Army. The Town had been demolish'd the Year before; and having now lost the Fortress, with all their Provision and Stores within it, the Roman Army became greatly streighten'd; and were not only press'd through want of Provisions, which they could not now obtain but with great difficulty, the Enemy being possess'd of their Magazine; but also because the Fortress of Cannoe com­manded the whole Country round about.

They therefore dispatch'd Messenger on Messenger to Rome, for Instructions how to comport themselves; letting them understand, That if the Enemy approach'd and press'd them, there would be no means left to avoid coming to a Battel; and that the Country being every-where wasted and destroy'd, their Allies began to grow jealous of their Safety, and seem'd only at present to stand in a sort of doubtful Neutrality, to take their measures as the success of a Battel should determine [Page 177]them. Whereupon the Senate came to a Re­solution that they should give the Enemy Battel: Howbeit, they admonish'd Cneius to deferr it, if possible, to the coming of the Consuls, whom they now dispatch'd away. All People's Eyes were now on Aemilius, their Hopes being in him, as well on account of his Vertue, as for that he had not long before conducted the War in Illyria, much to the Honour of the Republick. It was decreed, That the Roman Army should consist of eight Legions; which was what the People of Rome had never before done; and that each Legion should consist of five Thousand, over and a­bove the Succours of the Confederates. For, as we have hitherto observ'd, the Roman Cu­stom was to march out every Year with four Legions, each containing four Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse; but now that they were thus threaten'd, they thought sit to com­pose their Legions of five Thousand Foot, and three Hundred Horse, to which was added an equal number of Latin Auxiliary Foot, and for the most part thrice the number of Horse. It was the custom to assign to each Consul the one half of these Auxiliary Troops, with two Legions, when they march'd on any Expedi­tion; but they seldom employ'd more than one of their Consuls to manage any one War, with two Legions and the Auxiliaries, as we have observ'd; and but very rarely it hap­pen'd, that the Romans were driven to em­ploy [Page 178]all their Forces to finish any one War. Nevertheless, they were now so terrify'd, that they conceiv'd eight Legions to be little e­nough.

After the Senate then had exhorted Aemi­lius to comport himself in that occasion as became the Majesty of the Common-wealth, and had remonstrated to him of what mighty importance a Battel at that conjuncture was, they dismiss'd him. As soon as the Consuls arriv'd at their Camp, they caus'd the Army to be drawn together, imparting to them the Pleasure of the Senate, and exhorting them to behave themselves as became them. It was Aemilius who spoke to them; whose Dis­course principally tended to Apologize for past Failures; for the Soldiers had been so di­spirited by so many calamitous Adventures, that they stood in need enough of good Ad­monition. He therefore did his best to per­suade them, That if they had been vanquish'd in former Occasions, it was not one or two, but manifold Reasons that might be render'd for their Misfortunes; but that now if they had the Hearts of Romans, there was not one which he could foresee, that might debarr them of Victory, and triumphing over their Enemy: That their two Consuls never were join'd before, to conduct their Affairs with their joint Legions, all assembled in one Bo­dy: That the Soldiers till now were not fit for Service, the State being serv'd by an Army [Page 179]of Novices, raw and untrain'd to their Busi­ness, and unus'd to the Toils and Perils of War; and what was of greater moment, t [...]ey had to do with a strange Enemy, whom they had hardly ever seen, before they came to en­gage with him: That, in short, those who had been defeated near the River Trebia, were hurry'd to a Battel, within two Days after their arrival from a wearisome Voyage from Sicily: That the others, who lost the Day in Tuscany, did not so much as see the Enemy that beat them; not only before the Battel, but during the Action it self, the Mist and Darkness so hid them; but that now at this time, there was not room to alledge one of these Reasons: For first, they had with them both the Consuls, who were not only them­selves equally expos'd to the Dangers with them; but they had so prevail'd, that the last Year's Consuls themselves, whose Magistracy was now expir'd, did not refuse to stay and partake the Fortune of the Battel: That as to the Soldiers, they had now had time to acquaint themselves with the Enemy, their Arms, Order, Numbers, and manner of Fight­ing, it having been near two Years that they had been in continual action against them; so that Circumstances being totally chang'd from what they were, they ought likewise to expect a change of Fortune. And further, That it was not to be doubted, nor scarce possible to come to pass, that having van­quish'd [Page 180]the Enemy in so many late Combats and Rencounters, without any odds in their numbers, they should fail of Victory in a Battel, while they were to fight with an Ar­my surmounting the Carthaginians by at least one half. In a word (Fellow-Soldiers, says the Consul) since every thing seems to pro­mise Victory, it only rests that you should car­ry your Hearts with you into the Field, and a Determination to Vanquish; and yet when I have said all, it is not you that stand in need of Exhortation; such Methods are only proper for Mercenaries, who sight meerly for Pay, or Allies who are constrain'd by Stipulations to hazard themselves for their Confederates, and without any prospect of bettering their Fortune, let the Success happen which way it will: But you who come not into the Field to sight a fo­reign Cause, but for your selves, your Country, your Wives and Children, who are at present in a doubtful case through the many Dangers that threaten them, and whose Condition the Success of a Battel will greatly change: You (I say) need but only to be minded, not admo­nish'd of these things: For who is he among you, who had not rather vanquish by Fighting, or otherwise die in the Dispute, than lead a wretched Life, beholding these dearest Pledges I nam'd, a Prey to a merciless Enemy. In a word then, resolve without Incitements from any thing I can utter, and take Counsel from your own Reflections, of the difference between [Page 181]the Vanquish'd and the Victor, what Recom­pences you are to hope, and what Calamities to fear: And draw your Swords inspir'd with such Thoughts, and bear in mind that you sight not now only for the Honour and Preservation of an Army, but for your Country and the Roman Empire; and in such case, what use can there be of Persuasions? If you sight un­successfully, and chance to be Vanquish'd, your Country will be left wholly without Succour; she hath deposited all her Strength in your hands, all her Power, all her Hopes of Safety; you will do well therefore, Fellow-Soldiers, to determine not to violate so great a Trust, in an Occasion of such mighty moment; act then correspondent to such an Obligation, and express your Gratitude as becomes you. In a word, be­have your selves so, that it may appear to the whole World, that if heretofore the Common­wealth hath sustain'd Damage and Reproach, it was not because the Roman Vertue gave place to the Carthaginian, but meerly to be attri­buted to the Inexperience of our Armies in those times, unlucky Conjunctures, and ill choice of Ground to fight in. After this Discourse, and others of the like Contents, to animate the Soldiers, he dismiss'd the Assembly.

The next Day the Consuls march'd the Army toward the Enemy, and the Day after came within six Miles of their Camp. Aemi­lius, who observ'd the Country to be all plain and champaign Ground, declar'd his Opinion [Page 182]against coming there to a Battel, forasmuch as the Enemy much over-match'd them in Horse, and that it therefore concern'd them to draw the Carthaginians, if possible, into such Ground as gave the advantage to Foot; but, in regard Terentius, who knew no bet­ter, would not be won to his Opinion, it came to pass, which seldom fails in Military Affairs, that the two Leaders sell at vari­ance.

The next Day then, when Terentius had the Command, (for it is the Custom of the People of Rome, for the Consuls to Command in their turns) decamp'd the Army much a­gainst Aemilius's liking, and advanc'd to­ward the Enemy. Whereupon Hannibal, see­ing them approach, mov'd toward them with his light-arm'd Troops, and his Horse, and boldly attack'd them: But the Romans su­stain'd the first shock by mingling some of their heavy-arm'd Troops among their light-arm'd Soldiers, and re-inforc'd these with their Archers and their Horse, and in the end had the better of the Dispute. The reason where­of was, that the Body of the Carthaginian Troops did little or nothing to sustain those that fought, while the Romans had mingled, I say, certain Cohorts with their light-arm'd Soldiers, who fought at the same time. In short, the Night parted them, but in truth with other Success than what the Carthagini­an expected when he engag'd: And the next [Page 183]Day Aemilius, who approv'd not the Resolu­tion of coming then to a Battel, and saw he could not now retreat from the Ground where he was, without great Hazard, intrench'd himself near the River Aufidus, with about two third parts of the Army. This River only, of all the rest in Italy, takes its course through the Apennines, for all the other Ita­lian Rivers are dispers'd, some emptying them­selves into the Sea of Tuscany, others toward the Adriatick Sea; but the Aufidus, which crosseth the Apennines, hath its source in that part of Italy that borders on the Tuscan-Sea, and runs into the Adriatick. Aemilius then posted the rest of his Army on the other side the River, toward that part that is Fordable, somewhat more than a Miles distance from his other Camp, and a further space from the Enemies; in this place he order'd them to intrench, to the end he might be the better able to succour and sustain his Foragers that went from either Camp, and to attack with more ease the Enemies, whensoever they ven­tur'd abroad on the same Errand.

And now Hannibal, perceiving the time of Battel to approach, and fearing lest his ill Suc­cess in the last Ingagement, should have blun­ted the Mettle of his Soldiers, thought it therefore advisable to speak to the Army, and thereupon Orders them to be drawn together to that purpose; and when they were assem­bled, [...]he bid them behold and survey the [Page 184]Country round about, and then demanded, what they could wish more, if the Gods them­selves had left them at liberty to chuse a place to fight in, than that wherein they now stood, surpassing (as they did) the Enemy so much in Horse? We ought first then (says he) to acknowledge it a Blessing from Heaven, that in order to Victory hath conducted the Enemy hither. In the next place, you are to allow me a share of your Thanks, by whose management they are at length driven to a necessity of gi­ving us Battel; for they cannot chuse now but fight, in a place which of all others they would refuse, were it left to their choice. In short, I see no necessity to entertain you with many Words to animate you to go on chearfully. I might perhaps speak to you on that Subject, and labour to incite you to do Gallantly were you now to learn what the Romans can do, for then indeed it might concern us to endeavour, both by Words and Examples to inspire you with Thoughts worthy of you; but at this time of Day, after we have thrice vanquish'd them in three successive pitch'd Battels, what Speech, or what Eloquence can so well perswade you, as the Success of your own Actions? By the Battels you have already won, you have sub­du'd the Country, and by that means reap'd the Harvest of plenty of every good and needful thing, and my Promise to you therein made good; and the Effects have prov'd, that I meant what I said. It now only remains, that [Page 185]we make our selves Masters of their Cities and Towns, and the Riches and Treasure they con­tain: If we compass that, Italy it self is ours. This single Battel will finish all our Labours; and by giving us the Empire, and all that the Romans call theirs, we become Masters and Lords of the Ʋniverse. There is no need then of Language but of Hearts and Hands, and I trust, by the Favour of the Gods, you will soon see the happy accomplishment of all I have pro­mis'd you.

After Hannibal had thus spoken, and the Army had given evidence both by their Voice and their Actions, that they approv'd what he had said, he remanded them to their Posts; having first prais'd their. Forwardness, and the Resolution they had manifested, and presently march'd and encamp'd on the other side the River, where the gross of the Roman Army lay. The next Day, after having order'd the Army to take their repast, he bid them pre­pare for Action; and, the Day following, drawing up his Troops along the River, he presented Battel to the Romans. But Aemili­us not liking the Ground, and believing that want of Provision would soon constrain Han­nibal to decamp, he therefore mov'd not, but took care only to have the two Camps well fortify'd; Whereupon Hannibal march'd back to his own, after having stood a while drawn up in Battalia in expectation of the Enemy. [Page 186]After this he sent out his Numidians to mo­lest those of the lesser Camp as they came to their watering place; but Terentius not in­during they should thus dare him so near his Works, and hinder his Soldiers from supply­ing their Necessities, became the more pro­vok'd by such Bravado's to come to blows, nor were the Soldiers less impatient; so true it is, that no time seems so tedious, as the space between Resolving and Executing, when once we have determin'd to abide the Dangers and Difficulties that lie in the way to our Pur­poses.

When the News came to Rome that the Armies drew near each other, and that they were daily Pickeering and Ingaging by Parties, the People were every where in great fear and suspence, and the memory of so many late Defeats terrify'd them with the apprehension of the issue of the approaching Battel; it be­ing easie to foresee the deplorable state of the Republick in case of a Defeat. Nothing was talk'd of in Rome but menaces out of their Sibyl's Books, and scarce any thing was seen in Temples and Houses, but Spectres and ill-boding Prodigies, so that all their time was spent in Vows, Sacrifices and Supplications. For 'tis a Custom among the Romans, in any Extremities or Streights in their Affairs, to omit nothing that they conceive may be of use to avert the Anger or Danger that threa­tens them either from the Gods or Men; and, [Page 187]in a word, there is nothing on such occasions done or said among them, that is held either Superstitious or unbecoming the Dignity of the Government.

The Day being now come when Terentius had the Authority, he took the Fasces, and the Sun was hardly risen, when he order'd the Army to move out of their Camps, rang­ing those in the greater Camp in order of Battel as they march'd out; those of the les­ser Camp he drew up in a long Line, joining them at the extremity with the others, pos­sessing all that side of the Ground that look'd toward the South. In the Right-Wing he posted the Roman Horse, filling with them the space between the rest and the River The Foot he dispos'd in the same manner, but in closer Order in the Rear than in the Front, in regard the number of the Cohorts was doubled. On the left Wing was plac'd the Horse of the Consederates, the light-arm'd Troops were advanc'd some distance before the Line of Battel; the whole Roman Army (taking in the Troops of the Allies) consist­ing of fourscore Thousand Foot, and six Thou­sand Horse.

In the mean time, Hannibal order'd the Baleares and light-arm'd Troops to pass the River, posting them advanc'd before the En­signs. Then commanding the Gross of the Army to march, he pass'd the River likewise in two places, and rang'd them in order of [Page 188]Battel fronting the Enemy. On the left point, being the part nearest the River, he posted his Spanish and Gaulish Horse, opposed to that of the Romans; next these he plac'd the one half of his African Foot, who bare weighty Armour, their Flank being likewise secur'd by the rest of the Africans. His Numidian Horse he posted on the Right Wing; and af­ter having thus form'd his Line of Battel, drawn out in length, and of equal depth, he made the Centre, or middle Battalions, which was compos'd of Spanish and Gaulish Legiona­ries, to move a little forward, in such man­ner as that the Figure, when they had so done, with the two Wings, might be liken'd to a Yoak, Crescent-wise or convex'd in the mid'st; for having propos'd that the Gauls and Spaniards should first engage, the Afri­cans were posted at hand so as to fortifie and sustain them.

His Africans were arm'd after the Roman manner, being well furnish'd for that Service out of the Spoils of the Enemy in former Bat­tels. The Spanish and Gaulish Bucklers were of one sort, but their Swords were not alike. The Spaniards wear Swords short, stiff, and pointed, fit both for cutting and thrusting; but the Gauls were only for cutting-strokes. In a word, it was a surprising Sight to behold them; for the Gauls were stripp'd naked from the Waste upward; and the Spaniards clad in white Linen-Cassocks, border'd with Purple, [Page 189]after the fashion of their Country. In Han­nibal's Army there were ten Thousand Horse; but the Foot, taking in the Auxiliaries and all, did not exceed forty Thousand. In the Roman Battel, Aemilius was posted in the Right, Terentius in the Left, and the last Year's Consuls, Marcus Attilius and Cn. Ser­vilius led the Body. On the part of the Carthaginians, Asdrubal was posted on the Right Wing, Hanno on the Left, and Hanni­bal led the Body, accompany'd by his Bro­ther Mago. The Roman Army fac'd toward the South, and the Carthaginians consequent­ly towards the North; so that the rising Sun molested neither.

The Forlorn, or advanc'd Parties began the Day, and these light-arm'd Troops contended for a while with equal Courage and Success; but as soon as the Spanish and Gaulish Horse on the Left Wing advanc'd against the Ro­mans, the Battel grew hot and bloody: For they fought not now, as had been the custom in other Battels, by charging and wheeling off, and then returning to the Charge: But here, when once they came to join, the Horse-men mingling, and often disengaging from their Horses, fought it out Man to Man on Foot. But the Carthaginian Horse in the end prevail'd, killing the greatest part of the Romans on the place, tho' their Behavi­our was without blame. Those who endea­vour'd to escape, took along the River, but [Page 190]were most of them cut off, Asdrubal giving no Quarter. And now the Cohorts taking place of the light-arm'd Troops, it was there likewise hotly disputed for a space; but the Spaniards and Gauls, who did not presently lose their Order, were at length broken, and forc'd to give ground to the superior number of the Romans; and retreating back, the Cre­scent, or convex Part of the Figure, which was form'd by this Body of Men, and who first engag'd, sunk back into the void space in the Rear. The Roman Cohorts eagerly pursuing the advantage, easily pierc'd the Body of the Enemy's Battel, which was but weak, and compos'd only of Gauls, to the place where the Battalions stood in close or­der [...]at had been drawn thither for that pur­pose, during the Fight from the Right and Left Wings, where all the Danger was. In short, the Romans thus pressing the Enemy, who open'd to the Right and Left to give them passage, advanc'd so far into the void space, that they had now the African Foot, who bare weighty Armour on their Flank both ways; who moving from the Right and Left Wings inwards, charg'd the Romans on both their Flanks at once, each acting as the pre­sent occasion advis'd.

In short, every thing came to pass as Han­nibal had skilfully devis'd; for the Romans pursuing the Gauls, whom he well knew were not their match, became at length encom­pass'd [Page 191]by the Africans: By which means they were so enclos'd, that they were not able to fight in a Body, but, as it were, Man to Man, or by small Parties against strong Bo­dies that press'd them from all Parts. And now forasmuch as Aemilius, who was posted in the Right Wing, and had his share in the Conflict with Asdrubal and the Horse; yet being hitherto unhurt, and willing to equal his Actions with his Words, by which he had encourag'd the Army, seeing that all the Hopes they had left was in their Foot, he charg'd through the Enemy's Battel, killing and forcing all that stood in his way, where he did his utmost to encourage his People; Hannibal acting the same Part in the same Post, having from the beginning conducted that part of his Army in Person.

As to the Numidians, who fought in the Righ: Wing against Varro, and the Horse that were posted in the Left Wing of the Ro­mans, neither they nor the others acted any thing memorable on that side, saving that the Numidians so amus'd the Romans, by beating about them, now offering to charge in one place, now in another, that they were thereby prevented from succouring those that were elsewhere distress'd. But now that Asdrubal had compleated his Victory, and destroy'd the greatest part of the Horse whom he had fol­low'd along the River, and was return'd to re-enforce the Numidians; then the Horse of [Page 192]the Roman Allies beholding their Danger, turn'd their backs. 'Tis said that Asdrubal in this occasion perform'd an artful and prudent part; who well knowing that the Numidians were singular at the pursuit of a slying Enemy, he therefore order'd them to follow hard after the running Romans, while he, heading a Body of Foot, advanc'd to re-enforce the Africans; and coming in, fell on the Rear of the Romans Battel, and charg'd them likewise elsewhere with certain Squadrons of Horse, which great­ly hearten'd the Africans, and as much terri­fy'd the Romans. L. Aemilius, having re­ceiv'd many Wounds, dy'd in the Battel, af­ter he had liv'd to act in every thing the part of an able and vertuous Citizen, and especial­ly in this occasion. The Romans resisted yet: a while; but as their Men fell, their Ground by degrees became more and more streight­ned, till at length they were so huddled up, that they had not space to move and weild their Arms; so they were all put to the Sword. The two Consuls of the preceding Year like­wise fell in this occasion, Men of great Repu­tation for their Wisdom and Probity, and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Vertue. While matters pass'd thus here, the Numidians, who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse, kill'd the great­est part of them, and took some Prisoners. A few got into Venusia, and among these the Consul Terentius Varro, a Person every way [Page 193]unworthy, and who was chosen into the Ma­gistracy for a Curse to his Country.

This issue had the Field of Cannae, famous for the number of illustrious Men there pre­sent on both sides, as well on the part of the Vanquish'd, as the Victors. And certainly the Action it self witnesseth its own Great­ness; for of six Thousand Roman Horse, there escap'd no more than Seventy, who got with the Consul into Venusia; and about three Hundred of the Allies, some by one means, some by another. As to the Foot, ten Thou­sand were made Prisoners, who were not in the Action: Of the rest, not above three Thousand escap'd, all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands, to the num­ber of Seventy Thousand. In a word, the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse, mainly contributed to their Success; and pro­sitable Instruction may be gather'd by remark­ing from hence, That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less, while you exceed the Enercy in Horse, than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battel. But this Victory came not cheap to the Car­thaginians; for there dy'd in Battel on their part, four Thousand Gauls, fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans, and about two Hun­dred of their Horse.

The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battel, for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack [Page 194]that of the Enemy after the Battel should be­gin, thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition, in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard, and in case he did, he was sure to find his Army thereby diminish'd, and the Romans with less business on their hands. These then were taken much after this manner. Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard, nevertheless, as soon as the Battel be­gan, the Romans, pursuant to their Orders, march'd to the Attack; the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them, but at length, when they were on the point of yielding to the superiour force of the Enemy, Hannibal, who was by that time Master of the Field, came in to their Relief, and routing the Ro­mans, forc'd them to take Refuge in their own Camp; of these were kill'd about two Thou­sand, the rest were taken alive. Such as were scatter'd and dispers'd about the Country, and had got into Fortify'd Places, shar'd no better Fortune, for the Numidians attack'd them where-ever they went, taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners, as we before noted. The issue of this Battel prov'd in effect what either Party foresaw; for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possess'd, in a manner at least, of all that part of Italy call'd the Ancient Province, and Mag­na-Graecia. Those of Tarentum, the Arpinates, and some Capuans, putting themselves present­ly [Page 195]into their hands, and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations to­ward them. Nor was Hannibal in doubt, but that Rome it self would be his on the first Attempt; while the Romans became now de­sperate (after this Defeat) of preserving their Dominion of Italy. And under these Agita­tions, terrify'd at once at their own and Coun­tries Danger, expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates. And, as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the Dreggs of this bitter Cup, they receiv'd news shortly after (while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity) that their Praetor, whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls, was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off, by an Ambush they had laid in his way. Howbeit, the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent. They call'd on the In­habitants to strengthen the Works of the City, and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit, as by the success soon appear'd. And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness, that the Romans at this time were vanquish'd, and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy; never­theless, it will also be confess'd, That what by their Constancy of Mind, and the Wisdom of their Counsels, they overcame at length these their Conquerors, and not only rescu'd their Country, but added not long after to their recovery of Italy, the Conquest of the World.

Here then we have thought it proper to si­nish this Book, which contains so many me­morable Tranfactions, as well in Spain as Italy, during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad. And when we shall have spoken of the Occur­rences of Greece, during the same Olympiad, we shall then return to Rome, and discourse at large on the subject of that Common-wealth; being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected, will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian, but of excellent use both to those, who would im­prove their Minds in such Contemplations, as others who are actually in the Ministry of Publick Affairs; as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments, as the form­ing and founding of new Common-wealths.

The End of the First Volume.

A Catalogue of BOOKS Printed for Rich. Wellington, at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard, and Sam. Briscoe, near Co­vent-garden.

THE Italian Voyage; or a compleat Journey through Italy: In two Parts; being an exact Character of the People, and a Descripti­on of the chief Towns, Churches, Monasteries, Tombs, Libraries, Pallaces, Villa's, Gardens, Pictures, Statues, Antiquities; as also of the Interest, Government, Rules, Force, &c. of all the Princes. By Richard Laswell, Gent, the se­cond Edition, with large Additions; by a modern Name.

A Discourse of the Nature and Faculties of Man in several Essays, with some Considerations on the Occurrences of Humane Life. By Tim. Nourse, Gent.

Familiar Letters: Written by John, late Earl of Rochester, to the Honourable Henry Savile, Esq and several other Persons of Quality; with Love-letters; writ by the ingenuous Mr. Otway, with several other Letters writ by his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, Sir George Etheridge, and Mr. Tho Brown. In 2 Vol. Each may be had singly.

The Histories and Novels of the late ingenu­ous Mrs. Anne Behn, Vol. I. viz. Oroonoko, or the Royal Slave: The fair Gilt; or Prince Tar­quin, Agnes de Castro, or the Force of generous [Page]Love. The Lovers Watch; or the Art of ma­king Love, being Rules for Courtship for every Hour in the Day: The Ladies Lookinglass to dress themselves by; or the whole Art of charm­ing Mankind: The lucky Mistake: Memoirs of the Court of the King of Bantam: The Nun; or the perjured Beauty: The Adventures of the Black Lady. These three never before pub­lished; with the Life and Memoirs of Mrs. Bohn; written by one of the fair Sex; with Love-let­ters written between her and Myn heir Van Brain a Dutch Merchant. Next Week will be published the second and last Volume of Mrs. Br [...]'s Histories and Novels; which make her Works Compleat.

The whole Works of that excellent practical Physitian Dr. Tho. Sydenham; wherein not only the History and Cures of acute Diseases are treat­ed of, after a new and safest way of curing most chronical Diseases; the second Edition, correct­ed from the Original Latin. By John Pechey of the Colledge of Physitians.

Reflections on antient and modern Learning; by William Wotton, Chaplain to the Right Honou­rable the Earl of Nottingham, the second Edition enlarged; to which is added, A Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris Themistocles, Socrates, &c. By Dr. Bentley. Printed for Richard Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard, where you may be furnished with most Plays.

THE HISTORY OF POLYB …

THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS The MEGALOPOLITAN: CONTAINING A General Account OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

And Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE. During the First and Second Punick Wars, &c.

Translated by Sir H. S.

VOL. II. III.

The Second Edition.

LONDON, Printed for Samuel Briscoe, at the Corner of Charles-Street, in Covent-Garden. MDCXCVIII.

The Mapp of Antient GREECE Expressing especially the Places mentioned in Polybious by Sr H. S. Vol: II.

POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.

VOL. II. BOOK IV.

IN our foregoing Book we have related the Causes of the Second War that fell out between the Romans and Carthaginians: We have deliver'd the Particulars of Hannibal's March, and Invasion of Italy; and have recounted the Adventures of the two Armies, to the time of the Battel that was sought on the Banks of the River. Anfidus, [Page 2]near Cannae. Now the Occurrences of Greece, during the same Period of time, shall be the Subject of our Pains. But we have thought it necessary to remind the Reader briefly: First, Of what hath been already observ'd of the Greeks in our Second Book, and princi­pally of the Achaians. Inasmuch as it hath so come to pass, that in the short space of ours and our Fathers Days, that Republick hath grown to a marvellous Greatness. For being founded by Tisamenes, one of the Sons of Orestes, we have observ'd that the Achaians were first govern'd by Kings, who sprang from him in a continu'd Line of Succession to the Reign of Ogyges: From whose time, the Supreme Power being translated to the People, became establish'd in an excellent form of Government: Which was afterward first broken and dissolv'd by the Kings of Ma­cedon, when the Cities and Towns thereof became independent; each governing accor­ding to their own Rules, without any com­mon Subjection to a Supreme General Tri­bunal, to which they might have recourse. After this Revolution, we shew'd how they came to Unite and Incorporate into one Body; at what time it was that they came to this Resolution; and who they were that gave the Occasion. In short, we have related by what Means and Counsels the Towns being drawn to Unite, the whole People of Peloponnesus grew to have one common Appellation, and [Page 3]to be under one and the same Form of Com­mon-wealth. After having treated in gene­ral of that Enterprize, and said something in particular touching the Actions of the Achai­ans, we pursu'd the Story down to the time, that Cleomenes King of the Lacedaemonians was despoil'd of his Government. Then we gave a brief Recapitulation of general Occurrences to the Death of Antigonus, Seleucus and Pto­lemy, who all dy'd about the same time; having promis'd to begin our History at that Period, which gave an end to those Matters we have now last recited.

In conclusion, I determin'd, that I could not any where better begin than from thence: First, In regard that there Aratus fi­nisheth his Commentaries, so that by conti­nuing the Thread of his Discourse, we shall thereby make the relation of the Greek Af­fairs, as far as we propose to touch them, all of a piece; and then it will come to pass, that the time succeeding, and that which shall compose our History, will be so united to the foregoing Period, that in part what shall be related of our own, and the Transactions of our Fathers Days, will be compriz'd in one Body. For as I have been a Witness to a good part of what shall be deliver'd, and compos'd the rest from the Relations of such as could yield me the like certain Testimony; so I have shun'd the delivering of remoter [Page 4]Occurrences, through the doubts to which they are subjected: And have thought no­thing worthy of an Historian's Pen beyond that Period. Nor indeed can Truth farther fairly be shewn, nor Men consequently safely judge of any thing they hear otherwise deli­ver'd. A farther particular Motive we had for taking our beginning from thence was, that Fortune seem'd at that time to have made an universal Revolution, and given a new Face to the Affairs of the World.

Tho' Philip, Son of Demetrius, were yet a Child, nevertheless he soon came to sway the Scepter of Macedon. Achaeus, who govern'd the Countries of Asia on this side Mount Tau­rus, did not only bear the Port of a Prince, but was in effect vested with Sovereign Au­thority. Antiochus, sirnam'd the Great, a little before, succeeded his Brother in the Kingdom of Syria; being then but very young. And Ariarathes took possession at the same time of the Kingdom of Cappadocia, which was deliver'd into his hands. About the same time Ptolemy Philopater reduc'd E­gypt to his Obedience. And a little after Ly­curgus became establish'd King of the Lacedae­monians. The Carthaginians on that side had newly made Hannibal their General, in order to those Attempts we have already recounted. So that the Government, as one may say, of the World being put into new hands, it could not by the Law of Nature but beget new [Page 5]Counsels, and produce new Things. The Romans then enter'd upon the War we have related. Antiochus and Ptolemy were soon in Hostility one against the other, for the Do­minion of the Lower Syria: And the Achai­ans and Philip joyn'd in a War against the Lacedaemonians, and those of Aetolia: The reasons of which War we shall now deli­ver.

The Aetolians had been long weary of Peace, which oblig'd them to live Honestly at their own Expence, who had been us'd heretofore to subsist on Spoil and Rapine. And whosoever hath lead that sort of Life, without prospect of other Profit, than what ariseth by the Damage of another, after the manner of Savage Beasts, are without any sence of Friendship or Alliance; reckon all their Enemies they can prey on; and believe they have a right to any thing they can take away. Nevertheless, during the Life of An­tigonus, the sear the Aetolians were under of the Lacedaemonians, withheld them a while from Violence; but he was no sooner dead, and Philip, then very young, come to the Crown, when setting little by his Youth, they meditated by what means or pretexts they might make War on the Peloponnesians; whom after their ancient Custom they had a mind to plunder; and believ'd they had a better right to make War on the Achaians, than any other People whatsoever. While [Page 6]they were thus consulting, there happen'd an accident that further'd their purpose, and which, in short, they made use of to colour it. Dorimachus of Trichonia was Son of Ni­chostratus, who had acted so perfidious a part in the Assembly of the Baeotians. This Do­rimachus, a turbulent young Man, and every way an Aetolian, (and after their manner) looking with a covetous Eye on other Mens Possessions, was employ'd by Publick Autho­rity to Phigalia, a Town of Peloponnesus, un­der a shew of taking care for the Security and Defence of the Town and Territory; but in­deed his Commission was to make Observati­ons from thence of the Transactions of Pelo­ponnesus. Soon after his arrival there drew a numerous confluence thither from sundry Quarters, of loose piratical People, who re­sorted to him, then residing in that Town, which was a Confederate of the? Aetolians, and situate on the Frontiers of the Messenians; and he, not being able to gratisie these Rob­bers with the Prey they hunted after, (the Peace of Antigonus as yet subsisting among the Greeks) and, in short, having no better way to entertain them, permitted them to spoil the Messenians of their Cattel, who were also Friends and Confederates of the Aetoli­ans. Who beginning on the Skirts of their Frontiers, driving away their Herds from thence, their Insolence grew at length to at­tempt such of their Habitations by Night, as [Page 7]lay at any distance dispers'd about the Coun­try. The Messenians were thereupon urg'd to dispatch their Deputies with Complaints of those Outrages to Dorimachus, and to demand reparation of the wrongs they had receiv'd; who did not only not incline to redress them, but seem'd rather to incourage those who bare Arms under him, and indeed to inrich himself by sharing a good proportion of all their Booty. But at length being press'd by new and frequent Importunities, his People continuing to act every day new Villanies, he told the Deputies he would come himself to Messina, and do right to those, who had com­plain'd of Injuries done them by the Aetoli­ans. But upon his coming, and the Appli­cation of those who had been thus molested, some he dismiss'd with Scoffs, others by ad­ding further Injuries to those they had su­stain'd, and terrifying others with hard and menacing Language. In short, it so happen'd, that while Dorimachus remain'd at Messina, this lewd Rabble approaching near the Town in the Night, rifled a certain Country-House call'd Chyron, where killing all that made re­sistance, they bound the rest in Chains, and carry'd them away, together with the Cattle. Whereupon the Messenians, who had long lain under the resentment of this barbarous Treatment, and the little account Dorimachus seem'd to make of their Complaints, cited him to appear before their Assembly. Sciron [Page 8]happen'd to be at this time their Chief Magi­strate, of whom so his Vertue his fellow Ci­tizens had a singular esteem. He was of O­pinion that Dorimachus should be held under restraint till reparation were made of the Damages they had suffer'd, and the Authors of the Slaughter that had been committed were deliver'd into their hands; which Coun­sel was thought but just, and had the ready concurrence of the Assembly. Dorimachus inrag'd at this proceeding, angrily told them, That they shew'd themselves but weak in such a Determination, if they could not distinguish that thereby they did not affront him, but the whole Aetolian People; that their Pro­ceeding was unaccountable; and that it would not be long ere it were reveng'd. There was at this time a certain ridiculous Fellow in Mes­sina call'd Babyrtas, who was every way so like Dorimachus, that had he been habited like him, the resemblance both in Person, Countenance, and Voice was so great, that it would have been difficult to know them a­funder. Hereof too Dorimachus had been in­form'd: Who, on occasion, treating the Mes­senians after his insolent and menacing man­ner, Sciron a little transported; How now Babyrtas, saith he, do you think that you or your Threats can awe the Messenians? To this Affront Dorimachus made no Reply, and not able now otherwise to avoid it, yielded that the Messenians should pursue the Reparation [Page 9]of the Injuries that had been done them, and the Punishment of those who were sound Guilty. But he was no sooner return'd to his Country, when this Ou [...]rage they had done him, so wrought in his Mind that without any other known Motive, he prevail'd with the Aetolians to make War on the Messe­nians.

Ariston was at that time Praetor of the Ae­tolians; whose Infirmities did not permit him to be at the Head of their Army; to him Do­rimachus was ally'd, as likewise one Scopas; to Dorimachus then he committed, in a man­ner, the intire Execution of his Authority; who nevertheless did not adventure in their Publick Assemblies to persuade them to this War with the Messenians, not being furnish'd with Matter sufficient to determine them to such a Resolution; and he knew moreover, that his meaning would be too well under­stood; and that his Revenge and his Profit were the true Motives to such Counsels. So that forbearing to press it publickly, he la­bour'd to win Scopas to assist him in his De­signs against the Messenians. Telling him, there was nothing to be feared from the Ma­cedonians, while the Authority was in such raw hands; Philip not having attain'd the Age of Seventeen Years; he further added, that the Eleans were the Aetolians fast Friends, and in Alliance with them, and concluded there could be no hazard from thence, in [Page 10]breaking the Peace with the Messenians. But the Argument that weigh'd most with Scopas, as an Aetolian, was the great Profit and Plunder that would arise thereby. For that their Country was rich, naked, and unguarded, and might be easily surpriz'd; and in a word, he promis'd himself greater Advantage by how much that in the Cleomenic War, that Territory alone had escap'd the Rapine and Violence of the Soldiers; and had felt none of those Evils of War by which the whole Country beside had been wasted. He further, and above all things, endeavour'd to persuade him, that nothing could fall out more agree­able to the Aetolians. And for what could happen with respect to the Achaians, if they should chance to oppose their march, they could have no just subject of Complaint, while they did no other than barely repel Force by Force; and in case they attempted nothing, that then the execution of what they had projected would be so much the more feasible. That after all that had been said, there were not wanting fair Pretexts to take up Arms against the Messenians, who had long given occasion enough, by their entering in­to Security to the Macedonians and Achaians, to take part with them in all their Enterprizes. Thus he prevail'd with Scopas, and his Friends, and wrought so far upon them, that without attending the Resolution of a general Con­vention of the Aetolians; or so much as im­parting [Page 11]their Purpose to the Magistrates in being; or making any one step according to ancient Custom; they did at once, and of their own Heads, in effect, declare War a­gainst the Messenians, Epirots, Achaians, A­carnanians, and Macedonians.

At the same time they sent out their Fleet of Pilserers to infest the adjacent Seas; who meeting with a Ship of the Kings of Macedon off of Cythera, made Prize of her, and carry­ing her into Port, sold both the Ship and her Company. In short, they proceeded to plun­der all along the Coast of Epirus, imploying for that service Vessels of Cephallania, and made an attempt on Thyrea, a Town of Acar­nania. Afterwards dispatching Troops by se­cret ways into Peloponnesus, they surpriz'd and kept possession of a Fortress call'd Clari­um, in the heart of the Megalopolitan Terri­tory; which they made use of for a Retreat, and place of Refuge, and to lodge and secure their Plunder: But some time after they lost it again to Timoxenus, Praetor of the Achai­ans, assisted by Taurion; who had been left by Antigonus on his departure out of Pelo­ponnesus, to administer the Affairs of the Kings of Macedon in those Parts. For Antigonus was in possession of Corinth, which he took and held by the consent of the Achains, during the Reign of Cleomenes; and had not restor'd Orchomenus, which be had taken by force, but on the contrary kept it still in his Hands, [Page 12]and held it for his own. His Motive it may be presum'd for so doing, being not only to preserve by that means, an easie ingress into Peloponnesus; but to be able by keeping a Garison in Orchomenus to secure and awe the neighbouring Territory to better Obedi­ence.

Dorimachus and Scopas then chusing their time, when the Praetor Timoxenus was upon re­signing up his Charge, and Aratus who was to succeed him not yet invested in the Authority, call'd an Assembly of the Aetolians in Rhium, and having given their Orders to have the Cephallenian Vessels in a readiness, they em­bark'd their Troops, and transported them in­to Peloponnesus, taking their march towards Messina, and passing through the Territories of Patroe, Pharoe, and Tritoea, they made show to the Achaians of having no design to molest them in their Passage. Howbeit the covetous Soldiers withheld not their Hands, but plunder'd and spoil'd the Country every where as they went, till they came to Phiga­lea. This Town they made their place of Arms, and the Seat of the War, and from hence made their Inroads on the Lands of the Messenians, without any regard to the right of Nations, and the ancient Friendship and Alliance that had been made and continu'd between them; but led by their Avarice a­gainst all Rules of Honour or Equity, robb'd and spoil'd the Country with impunity, the [Page 13] Messenians not finding themselves of strength sufficient to adventure out against them.

The Achaians, in the mean time, accor­ding to Custom, assembled at Aegium, where the Patroeans and Pharoeans preserr'd their Complaints of the Damages that had been done them by the Aetolians in their march through their Country. The Messenians like­wise complained of their Outrages and perfi­dious Dealing, and sent their Deputies to pray speedy Succours. After the Assembly had de­liberated on these Matters, it was concluded, That the resentment of those of Patroe and Pharoe was just, and ought to be prosecuted; and that the case of the Messenians was to be commiserated: And it was especially agreed, That the State in general had been affronted by this insolent proceeding of the Aetolians, who had presum'd in hostile manner to enter upon Achaia, not only without their permis­sion, but against the Treaty of Peace. Where­upon, justly provok'd by these Infractions, they resolv'd to send Succours to the Messeni­ans; and that as soon as the Praetor should have put them in Arms, they would then proceed further to execute what should be thought expedient by the Assembly. Timo­xenus, who was yet in the Praetorship, was not very well pleased with the Expodition, no [...] consequently with the Decree of the Assem­bly; for his Authority being not yet expir'd, he had no mind to the Command, as having [Page 14]but a doubtful Opinion of the Achaian Mi­litia, which had been long unexercis'd in Arms. For after the expulsion of Cleomenes, the Peloponnesians weary of former Wars, and believing the present peaceable posture of their Affairs was likely to endure, had totally re­linquish'd the Trade of Warfare, and neg­lected the use of Arms. But Aratus provok'd at the Indignities they had suffer'd by the audacious Aetolians, pursu'd the matter with another Spirit; nor was this the first occasion he had conveiv'd of aversion to that People. Wherefore he lost no time in putting the A­chaians under Arms, but determin'd to come speedily to a Battel with the Aetolians. In a word, five Days before he was to enter on his Charge, ( Timoxenus delivering up the Seal) he dispatch'd his Orders to all the Towns and Cities, assigning them a Day when all their young Men, fit to carry Arms, should assem­ble at Megalopolis. And here we have thought it a Debt due to the Merit of Aratus to say something of him in particular.

Aratus was endu'd with almost all the good Qualities, that could be wish'd, to com­pose a Man for great and publick Employ­ments: He was able in the Art of Persuasion; conceiv'd rightly, and readily executed; and when it was prudent to be silent, he very well knew how to hold his peace. He had not his Equal in supporting with constancy the Dis­sentions of his fellow Citizens; second to [Page 15]none in composing them, and artful in ac­quiring Friends and Confederates. He was subtile to contrive and conceal his secret Pra­ctices, and none better at devising Stratagems, and laying Ambushes against an Enemy. And in a word, he compass'd the most difficult En­terprizes by Patience and Application: Where­of manifold Instances may be enumerated; namely and principally, his surprizing of Si­cyon and Mantinoea; his expelling the Aetoli­ans out of Pellene; and his getting possession of Acro Corinth by intelligence. And yet af­ter all, it is as true, that at the Head of an Army in the Field he was quite another Man; for as he was too slow in his Resolutions, so was he too backward in Danger; and wanted assurance to look on any Attempt, that bore the least appearance of Terrour; which were defects that gave occasion of great advantage to the Enemy, who spoil'd and pillag'd the whole Country of Peloponnesus; and coming once to know his unguarded part, they never fail'd of succeeding when they attack'd him there. So true it is that Nature hath not on­ly diversify'd Men in their Bodies and Minds; but triumphs in dissimilitude of Mind in one and the same Man, who will be found not only capable and insufficient in things that are divers, but in the self-same things; we shall see him Wise and Weak; Brave and a Cow­ard by fits. Nor is there any thing new in what we remark on this Subject; or remote [Page 16]from common Observation and Experience, if we but consider with attention. Some Men in heat of the Chace will boldly attack a wild Beast, and do as bravely in single Com­bats, yet cannot endure the dangers of a Bat­tel, and are not to be trusted in any Solemn Occasion in the Field. Thus the Thessalian Horse are not to be broken or resisted, when form'd into a Body in a Line of Battel; but singly and Man to Man they are but a slight People. The contrary whereof is found of the Aetolians. The Candiots are wonderful in their way, by Sea and Land; their Dexte­rity in Ambushes, Piracies, Surprizes, attempts by Night, and beating up of Quarters; and, in short, in every thing that requires Subtilty and Address, wherein they are superiour to all others: But in a pitch'd Field, they are hard­ly to be brought to look an Enemy in the Face. While it is found quite otherwise with the Achaians and Macedonians.

We have taken occasion of this Digression, to the end the Credit of our History may un­dergo no blemish with the Reader, when he shall chance to find the Characters of the same Men so inconsistent with themselves, and see them acting different Parts on the same Sub­ject. After the Achaians, pursuant to the Decree, had assembled all their able Men for the Service of the War; the Messenians repea­ted their Supplications by their Deputies, that they might not be abandon'd to the Mercy [Page 17]of the Enemy, and declar'd their willingness to be admitted into the League; but the Achai­an Ministers demurr'd to the receiving them into the Confederacy, without the Concurrence first obtain'd of King Philip, and the rest of the Allies. For the general Treaty that was made by the procurement of Antigonus, du­ring the Reign of Cleomenes, between the A­chaians, Epirots, Phocians, and Macedonians, Boeotians, Arcadians, and Thessalians; had been continu'd yet without infraction. Ne­vertheless the Messenians had leave to hope, that as soon as their Troops were form'd, a supply of Succours should be given them; on condition they sent the Sons of their Principal Citizens to be kept as Hostages at Lacedaemon, whereby to give Security to the Allies, that they should not come to any Accord with the Aetolians without their Concurrence. The Lacedaemonians were at this time with an Ar­my on the Frontiers of the Megalopolitans, pursuant to the Conditions of the Treaty, but in effect more to observe from thence the E­vent of these Agitations, than to act the part of honest Allies. And now the Affairs of the Messenians being concluded, Aratus sent to the Aetolians to let them know what had been determin'd; to require them to depart out of the Territory of Messenia, and not to march into Achaia on peril of being treated as Enemies. When Scopas and Dorimachus had receiv'd this Resolution of the Achaians, [Page 18]and understood they were now in Arms, and drawn together at the place of Rendezvous; they concluded together, that it was their best course to yield to their Demands, and thereupon dispatch'd Messengers to Cyllene, and to Ariston the Aetolian Praetor, desiring them to take up all the Merchant Vessels they could procure in those parts, and send them with expedition to the Island of Phlias, where they were to attend further Orders. In the mean time the Aetolian Army (two days after) took their march with their Plun­der, taking their way towards the Eleans. For with that People they had preserv'd a fast Friendship, thereby to keep their Passage o­pen to invade and spoil the Peloponnesians. A­ratus confiding too easily on the Aetolians, so quickly executing what they seem'd to pro­mise, dismiss'd the Achaians and Lacedaemoni­ans, and march'd himself towards Patroea with only three Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse; to whom were joyn'd the Troops of Taurion. Dorimachus and Scopas receiving intelligence in the mean time that Aratus was in their Neighbourhood with an Army, and fearing lest they should be attack'd at their Embarking, and being well enough dispos'd to have the War continue; dispatch'd away their Booty to the Fleet under a good Guard, with Orders to make Sail to Rhium with their Cargo, and there to attend, as if it had been their purpose to Embark there. [Page 19]When they themselves, after they had a while march'd after their Plunder, the better to se­cure it; and observing every where as they went the disposition of the Country, turn'd off and march'd towards Olympia. As soon as they had the news of Aratus and Taurion's being in the Territory of Clitoria, with the Troops we mention'd, they then concluded they should not be able to Embark at Rhium without Danger or a Battel: And therefore were of Opinion, that their best course was to endeavour to come to Action as soon as they could, before the Enemy should be re­inforc'd with more Troops; and while they continu'd secure, and without any apprehen­sion of a surprize. For they reckon'd that if they could be able to put them into the least disorder, they should then compass their Re­treat without difficulty, with the Spoils and Plunder they had taken; and before the States of Aetolia could come to the Assembly; or in case the Enemy, terrify'd with the suddenness of the Attempt, should refuse Battel, they should then likewise not fail of gaining their Passage according to their own desire. With these Thoughts they held on their march till they arriv'd near Methydrium, in the Territo­ry of Megalopolis, where they incamp'd.

And now albeit the Achaian Generals were well aware of the Enemies approach; yet they conducted their Affairs with so little fore­cast, that they may be said to have neglected [Page 20]no one thing that might avail to perfect the Character of Folly and Insufficiency. For, in short, as soon as they had quitted the Fron­tiers of the Clitorians, they came and in­camp'd near Caphya; and when the Enemy on their moving from Methydrium, took their March by Orchomenus, the Achaians drew out and appear'd in Battel in the Fields of Caphya; being defended on one side by the River that runs through that Country. After the Aeto­lians had well consider'd the Ground; that the Enemy was advantageously posted; that they had cut many. Trenches along the Bank of the River, whereby it was hardly any where passable; and after they had farther remark'd a strong desire in them to come to Blows; they upon deliberate Thoughts con­cluded it their safest course to avoid a Battel; contrary to their first Determination; conti­nuing therefore in good Order, they march'd on, taking their way towards Oligyrtus, keeping the high Grounds: And thought they should gain a great Point at that time, if they could compass their Passage without molestation, or being oblig'd to give the Ene­my Battel. After Aratus and Taurion had staid till they saw the Van of the Aetolian Army to have now gain'd the Hills; and the Horse in the Plains bringing up and sustaining the Rear; and who now drew near an Emi­nence call'd Propus: They sent out their Horse after them, to whom they joyn'd their [Page 21]light-arm'd Troops under the leading of Epi­stratus the Acarnanian; these had order to fall on their Rear-guard to make some proof of the mettle of the Enemy. Now, if it were reasonable to come to a Battel, they could not have made a worse choice than to attack the Enemy in the Rear, for their Gross had already pass'd the Plains; but to have done as they ought, would have been to have ingag'd their Van, as soon as they had enter'd on the Champaign Ground. In which case they had had the benefit of fighting with the Advantage, both in the nature of their Arms, and the strength of their Order, wherein in plain Ground they were in both superior to the Enemy, who could not possibly have then fought without great odds against them. But while they committed this over-sight, and attack'd not the Aetolians till they had gain'd the Advantage of Ground, it was no wonder that the Success fell out accordingly. For the light-arm'd Troops no sooner came to the Charge, when the Aetolian Horse had gain'd the Mountain, firm and in good order, keep­ing a good round march, whereby to come up and Joyn their Foot.

Aratus, who could not very well discover how the Affair went, and not rightly judging of the Danger to which he was going to ex­pose himself; imagining the Enemies hasty Motion to be no other than Flight, detach'd his Curiassiers from the Wings, and command­ed [Page 22]them to advance to the Charge, to rein­force and sustain the light-arm'd Soldiers. In the mean time drawing up the rest of his Troops into one Battalion, he march'd him­self at the Head of them, and hastily advanc'd towards the Enemy; doing every thing with precipitation. But the Aetolian Horse had no sooner pass'd the Plain, and joyn'd the Foot who had the Rear-guard, and had now gain'd the Mountain; when they immediate­ly made a halt, and ordering their Foot on the Flanks, incourag'd one another to fear no­thing: And now facing about, the Shouts they made caus'd those who were at a distance to return and hasten to their assistance; so that their number increasing, in confidence of their superiour Strength, and the benefit of charging from higher Ground, they boldly attack'd the Enemies Horse, and their light­arm'd Troops, and after a long and obstinate Dispute the Achaians were worsted: Who flying, so terrify'd those who were coming in no very good order to their Relief, that they likewise retreated as fast as they came; partly out of ignorance of the state of the Battel, partly by meeting those of their Party, who were flying for Safety from the Enemy. This was the reason why it came to pass, that this Party only of five Hundred of their Men was beaten; and above two Thousand betook themselves to flight without ingaging. And now the Aetolians, who took Counsel of the [Page 23]present posture of the Field, follow'd them hard in the Rear with great Shouts and Ac­clamations. In short, while the Achaian Troops were retreating back to the Gross, as they thought of the Army, which they hop'd would afford them a safe reception; their Re­treat was Soldier-like, in good and safe order; but as soon as they perceiv'd them to have quitted the advantageous Post they had taken; that their Order was broken and confus'd; marching in a Defileé, then they sell into Con­fusion likewise, and scattering and dispersing themselves here and there, some got into neighbouring Towns, others meeting a Bat­talion of their own Troops, that advanc'd to their Succour, so terrify'd each other, tho' no E­nemy were near, that they both broke and di­spers'd. Of those that shifted for themselves, as we observ'd, some got into the Towns round about, and a good Party escap'd to Orchome­nus and Caphya, which were not far off. For had they not had those safe Retreats at hand, they had been intirely ruin'd.

Thus have we related the Story of this Bat­tel, which was fought near Caphya.

As soon as the Megalopolitans came to un­derstand that the Aetolians were encamp'd in the Territory of Methydrium, they drew their whole Forces together, and march'd to the Assistance of the Achaians; but they arriv'd not till the Day after the Battel, and their coming prov'd of no other use, than to take [Page 24]care of burying the dead Bodies of those with whom they expected to have joyn'd, and hop'd to have reliev'd. So that digging a great Ditch in the Territory of the Caphyans, they there bury'd the dead, performing the Obsequies of those unfortunate Men with great Honour and Solemnity. And now the Aeto­lians having obtain'd a Victory so contrary to their Hopes, by the single service of their Horse, and light-arm'd Soldiers, took their march thereupon, without fear or danger, quite cross the Country of Peloponnesus. And after making an attempt on Pellene, and har­rassing the Territory of Sicyon, they took their way by the Isthmus. These matters then which we have now related were the cause of the Confederate War; and the Decree that was conceiv'd thereupon, and confirm'd in a general Assembly of the Allies at Corinth; (where King Philip, who procur'd the same, and was present) was the beginning of the said War.

In the mean time the Achaians soon after this Defeat call an Assembly; where Aratus was severely prosecuted with Complaints on all hands: As having been manifestly the oc­casion of the loss and dishonour they had su­stain'd. And by how much his Enemies press'd him with Accusations, and with strong Reasons laid open his mismanagement; by so much did the Hatred and Indignation of the People increase against him. First, there was [Page 25]no dispute but that Aratus had greatly err'd; in having, as one may say, usurp'd the Ma­gistracy, by taking it upon him before he was regularly elected into his Charge: And he could not deny, but that what he had enter­priz'd thereupon had very ill succeeded. Fur­thermore they blam'd him, for that seeing the Aetolians yet in the heart of Peloponnesus, he had been prevail'd with to dismiss the A­chaian Troops, notwithstanding he had been before well assur'd that Scopas and Dorimachus were sirmly determin'd to embroil their Af­fairs; and to do all they could to ingage them in a War. The third Article against him was, His adventuring to ingage with so few Troops, when he might with ease have made a good Retreat to the neighbouring Towns, where he might at leisure have reinforc'd his Army; and then given the Enemy Battel, if he had seen cause. The last and heaviest Charge a­gainst him was, That after he had resolv'd to give the Enemy Battel, he did not make one Soldier-like step in the whole Conduct of the Action. For it had been in his choice to have sought on plain Ground, which would have been much to his advantage; for there the heavy-arm'd Troops could have ingag'd, from whose service he could hardly have sail'd of Success: While on the contrary he chose to fight on the skirts of the Hills, where his light-arm'd Soldiers only were brought to fight, than which nothing could have been [Page 26]contriv'd more to the advantage of the Ene­my. But as soon as Aratus appear'd in the Assembly, and had first spoken of the many Services he had render'd the Commonwealth, he then reply'd to the Reproaches that had been utter'd against him. And made it ap­pear that the loss they had sustain'd was not through his Default; nevertheless he besought their Pardon; if he had been found wanting in any thing in that occasion; and pray'd they would not censure him with more Rigour than Humanity. In short, he so wrought with the People, that they grew inrag'd against those who had so violently prosecuted him, and it was long e'er they forgave them; and in the mean time renewing their good Opi­nion of Aratus, they gave themselves intirely up to his Counsel and Conduct, in all their future Enterprizes. These things came to pass, in the hundred and forty ninth Olym­piad: While what we have now further to deliver, happen'd during that which fol­low'd.

The Assembly then proceeded to decree, That Ambassadors should be dispatch'd to the Epirots, Boeotians, Acarnanians, and to King Philip; to remonstrate to them that the Ae­tolians having now the second time violated the general Treaty, had in Hostile manner invaded Achaia; and further to demand Suc­cours according to the Covenants of the Trea­ty, and to move that the Messenians might [Page 27]be taken into the Confederacy. Moreover, they decreed, That their Praetor should raise an Army of five Thousand Foot, and five Hundred Horse; that he should march to the Relief of the Messenians, in case the Aetolians should return to Invade them: And in con­clusion, came to a determination with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, about the pro­portion of Horse and Foot which they were to furnish respectively toward the Forces that were to be rais'd for the general Service of the War. These things being concluded, the Achaians (who could not forget their late disgrace) would not abandon the Messenians, nor the Enterprize they had projected. The Ambassadors therefore acquitted themselves of their Commission. The Praetor levied Troops among the Achaians, pursuant to the Decree of the States, and concluded with the Lace­doemonians and Messenians, that they should each of them bring into the Field two Thou­sand five Hundred Foot, and two Hundred and Fifty Horse; to the end they might have an Army on foot to answer any present occa­sion, consisting of ten Thousand Foot and a Thousand Horse.

The Aetolians in the mean time were not wanting to themselves, who (the day of their assembly now approaching) resolv'd to do their best to deal with the Confederates of the Achaians; and not only to endeavour a Peace with the Lacedaemonians and the Allies, but [Page 28]even with the Achaians themselves, on con­dition they would exclude the Messenians; and came to a Resolution, That in case they would not abandon them, that then War should be declar'd against them; than which nothing could be a more manifest In­justice. For being themselves in League with the Achaians and Messenians, they denounc'd War against those in case they held Friend­ship with the others; and on the contrary would enter into Friendship with the Achai­ans, provided they would become Enemies to the Messenians. But they made no difficulty to act such irregular Parts as these.

The Epirots and King Philip, having un­derstood the case of the Messenians, yielded to their being receiv'd into the Confederacy. And while they condemn'd the Proceedings of the Aetolians, they were not surpriz'd at the Relation; it being nothing new or con­trary to the practice of that People. They concluded however to give no further Proofs of their Resentment, but resolv'd to continue at Peace with them. So much easier it is to pass by the Injuries done by those who have by a custom of transgressing taught us to for­give, than of such as take us by surprize, and from whom we could not have expected foul play.

Thus the Aetolians, who were held for the common Outlaws and Robbers of Greece, and whose manner it was to strike without warn­ing, [Page 29]and make War without any previous or publick declaration, disdain'd to make any Apology for their Doings to those who had charg'd them with their injurious Dealing: On the contrary, they treated their Accusers with mockery and contempt. As to the Lacedaemonians, who tho' they had been but lately rescu'd from the Tyranny of Cleomenes, by the Favour of Antigonus, and the Affection of the Achaians, nevertheless forgetting what they ow'd for that good Office, and the As­surances they had given to King Philip and the Macedonians to enter into no Engage­ments prejudicial to the Interests of the Achai­ans; they secretly, notwithstanding sent their Ambassadors to the Aetolians, and became their Confederates.

And now when the Achaians had form'd an Army of their ablest Men, and the Lace­doemonians and Messenians had promis'd to bring in their quota of Succours, behold a Naval Army arrives, consisting of Ninety Sail of Ships from Illyria, under the Com­mand of Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of Pharus; who passing by the Island, which was the Bounds prescrib'd by the Treaty with the Ro­mans, made their first descent near Pylus, which they attack'd, and after many fruitless At­tempts were repuls'd. Afterwards Demetrius with a Fleet of fourscore Sail proceeded as far as the Cyclades, where he got Money from some, and plunder'd others of those Islands. [Page 30]As to Scerdilaidas, he made Sail directly for the Coast of Illyria, and came to Naupactus with a Fleet of forty Ships, favour'd and in­courag'd by Amina King of the Athamenes, with whom he was in Alliance. And after­wards by the procurement of Agesilaus en­tering into Conditions touching the distribu­tion of the Plunder, he ingag'd to march a­gainst the Achaians. As soon as Agesilaus, Dorimachus and Scopas had finish'd this Trea­ty with Scerdilaidas, and had given him the Town of Cynoetha for Caution, they march'd with the Illyrians into Achaia, the Aetolians being at the Head of an Army as good as they could possibly raise.

Ariston Praetor of the Aetolians, during these Agitations, remain'd at home, not only without acting in any thing, but seeming ig­norant of all that was done, profess'd to be in Amity with the Achaians; wherein he shew'd himself a weak Man, and a slight Mi­nister. For which way could he hope to con­ceal by words, what was made by deeds so publick and notorious? But in short, he was held by all the World for one of little worth. Dorimachus, taking his march through the Territory of the Achaians, came to Cynaetha. The Inhabitants of this Town, who are of Arcadian Extraction, had been long vex'd with civil Dissentions; and had express'd their hatred one to another by Murders, Banish­ments, and all kinds of Violence: And had [Page 31]come to a Resolution of making a Division once again of their Lands; and, in short, the Faction that favour'd the Achaians being at that time uppermost, the Power was in their hands; and the Governour himself was an A­chaian. This being the Posture of Affairs in that Town, those who were under sentence of Bunishment, had a little before the arrival of the Aetolian Army, labour'd about a Re­conciliation, and besought the Government, that they might be restor'd to their Country. Upon which Overtures the Citizens were pre­vail'd with to yield to their admittance; but to the end they might not transact any thing without the concurrence of the Achaians, they first dispatch'd their Deputies to them, to obtain their Approbation. The Achaians readily accorded to the request of the banish'd Persons, conceiving they should thereby in­gratiate themselves and gain the good will of both Parties; of those in whose Hands the Magistracy was then lodg'd, for their greatest hopes was in the Achaians; and of the others who were restor'd to their Country, as owing the benefit to their Favour. So that these Differences being compos'd, the Cynoethians dismiss'd their Garison and their Governour, and being now reconcil'd to their Exiles, who were to the number of about three Hundred, receiv'd them to their Friendship; who gave them all the evidences of Fidelity and fair Dealing, that could possibly be interchang'd [Page 32]between People firmly dispos'd to love and oblige one another. But without the least appearance of any new Motive of Dissention, they were no sooner receiv'd into the Town, when they conspir'd together to betray their Country, and destroy those who but just be­fore, had been the Authors of so great a Be­nefit. So that it may be said, That while they were protesting Fidelity by the Victims on the Altar, they were meditating the most horrible Crime, that could be conceiv'd a­gainst God or Man. For they had scarce made an end of swearing Fidelity on their be­ing receiv'd into the Town, when they call'd in the Aetolians, and deliver'd it into their Hands, proud of being the Authors of their Countries ruine, that had given them Being, and of inslaving those who had redeem'd them.

Behold the manner how this piece of Trea­chery was contriv'd. Some of the Exiles had been Polymarchs (that is) they had been in command in the Army: Which sort of Ma­gistrates (it seems) had a right to take charge of the Gates of the Town; had the custody of the Keys, and by Night the Command of the Guard. Now the Aetolians, who were not far off, having Ladders and all proper Provision with them, lay conceal'd waiting the occasion, when the Polymarchs, who had been banish'd (after having dispatch'd their Companions of the Guard, who were not [Page 33]partakers of the Villany) presently threw o­pen the Gates. Whereupon one Party of the Aetolians enter'd that way, and another scal'd the Walls. In the mean time, the Inhabitants, terrify'd at an attempt so surprizing, were confounded in their Judgments what to do, or which way first to go; for, in short, they no sooner advanc'd against those who had en­ter'd by the Gate, when they were alarm'd by the others who were scaling their Walls; but those who enter'd by the Gate being the greater number, found them more than work enough. So that in the end the Aetolians became Masters of the Place, and amidst the many Crimes they committed, perform'd this one act of Justice, namely, to cut those in pieces first, who had betray'd the Town into their Hands; making Booty of their Goods. Howbeit the rest afterwards far'd no better, their Houses being expos'd to Plunder, and many of the Inhabitants put to Torment, on suspicion they might have conceal'd their Goods of greatest value. After this severe treatment of the Cynoethians, they plac'd a Garrison in the Town, and march'd with their Army towards Lussi, when arriving near a Temple of Diana, between Clytoria and Cy­noetha, a place of great Devotion, and a Sanctuary among the Greeks, they were a­bout to rob the Goddess of the sacred Cattel, and all that was near the Temple. But to prevent this Violence, and with-hold them [Page 34]from greater Crimes, the Lussiatoe freely be­stow'd part of what appertain'd to the God­dess upon them. Whereupon they dislodg'd from thence, and went and encamp'd before Clytoria.

In the mean time, Aratus, Praetor of the Achaians, having sent to demand Aids of King Philip, proceeded to make extraordinary Le­vies of Men, and call'd on the Lacedaemonians and Messenians for the Succours they were ob­lig'd to contribute, pursuant to the Treaty. The Aetolians likewise press'd the Clytorians to renounce their Alliance with the Achaians, and take part with them. Which being re­fus'd, they endeavour'd to reduce them by force, scaling the Walls of the Town. But be­ing resolutely oppos'd by the Inhabitants, they were compell'd to retire. From thence they return'd to Cynaetha, pillaging the Country all about, and carrying away the sacred Cattel of the Goddess. Then they propos'd to put the Town into the hands of the Eleans; which not being accepted, they resolv'd to keep it for themselves, putting in Euripides for their Governour. But shortly after being allarm'd, at the news of the approach of the Macedonians, they burnt the Town, and re­tir'd; taking their march towards Rhium, with purpose to pass that way into Aeto­lia.

In the mean time, Taurion having notice of the Success of the Aetolians, and of what they had done at Cynaetha, and hearing that De­metrius of Pharus was arriv'd from the Cy­clades to Cenchrea, he importun'd him to come to the Assistance of the Achaians; to draw his Vessels over the Isthmus, and fall on the Aetolians in their passage. Demetrius, who had fled from the Rhodians, that were in pursuit of him, and had brought with him no less Shame than Plunder from the Cyclades, readily yielded to the Demand; especially in regard Taurion was to be at the expence of transporting over the Vessels. But that Work was no sooner over, when they understood that the Aetolians had gain'd their Passage two Days before; whereupon Demetrius, contenting himself to make Inroads on them here and there, near the Sea-coast, retir'd to the Port of Corinth. In conclusion, the Lace­doemonians, industriously and with evil intent, deferr'd sending those Aids, to which by the accord they were oblig'd; covering their mali­cious Purpose, however, with dispatching an in­considerable Supply of Horse and Foot. While the Achaian Troops rendezvous'd about Ara­tus, who in short govern'd his Affairs in such sort in that occasion, as render'd him rather a cautious and wise Citizen, than an able Ge­neral of an Army. For indeed the reflection on his late Disasters had so warn'd him, that he remain'd long undetermin'd how to pro­ceed, [Page 36]till at length Dorimachus and Scopas, ha­ving leisure given them to act the Part for which they came, return'd home without molestation: While Aratus in the mean time well knew, they must of necessity take their March by such Ways and Passes, so difficult and dangerous, that as one may say, they might have been beaten by the Sound only of a Trumpet. As for the Cynaethians, tho' their usage from the Aetolians was barbarous e­nough, yet so it was that all the World look'd on their Misfortunes as a Punishment justly in­flicted.

But forasmuch as the Arcadians are in some Reputation for Vertue among the Greeks, not only for their laudable Manners, and the Hu­manity wherewith Strangers and all People are receiv'd among them; but chiefly for their Devotion to the Gods; it will not therefore be amiss, that we give some account of the Brutality of the Cynaethians, and how it came to pass that being of Arcadian Extraction, they should have so degenerated, as to surpass in all sorts of Crimes and Barbarities the whole Greek Nation beside. For my own part, I am apt to conclude, that this their Depravity sprang from their being the first and almost only People among the Arcadians that apo­statiz'd, and renounc'd the wholesom and wise Institutions of their Forefathers; and the com­mon and natural Ties of Humanity, so strict­ly observ'd by all the Arcadians beside. Mu­sick [Page 37]is esteem'd useful every-where, but to the Arcadians it is necessary; I mean the true Mystery and Science of Musick. And no Credit is to be given to a Saying of Ephorus, so unworthy of the Author, who in the be­ginning of his Writings tells us, That Musick was invented to deceive and abuse us. Nor is there any ground to conclude that the Cretans and Lacedaemonians did, without Reason, in­troduce the Use of the Flute and Singing, in­stead of the Trumpet in War: Nor that the original Arcadians did not, on solid Grounds, alott the Preference to Musick, as to give it a Part in the Establishment of their State; and whatsoever Austerities they may otherwise profess, they make it an indispensible Part of the Education of their Children, and enjoin the Study of Musick to their Young Men till they arrive at the Age of Thirty Years, And most certain it is, that there is hardly any People beside the Arcadians, who in their private Families accustom their Children from their tenderest Age, (and which is grown in­to a Law) to sing Hymns to their Heroes and their Gods; every one according to the Stile and Mode of his Country. Then after their Children have been instructed in the Musick of Philoxenus and Timotheus, they are brought yearly to the Theatre, where they celebrate the Feast of Bacchus with Songs and Dances; as likewise the Games, call'd the Games of Childhood, as their Young Men perform those [Page 38]call'd the Games of Youth. So that all their Lifelong, they divert not themselves so much in their Entertainments, and Conversation, in the Exercise of their Wit, as their Voices, singing one to another by turns. And in case any one should profess himself ignorant of other Arts and Sciences, he may do it without reproach; but none may presume to want Knowledge in Musick, because the the Law of the Land makes it necessary; nor dare they own their Insufficiency therein, it being held infamous among that People. They are likewise at the Charge of the Publick in­structed in martial Dances, and to Fight and Exercise their Arms, according to the Cadence of Musick, and are seen every Year on the Publick Theatre, to shew the People their Im­provement in that Exercise.

In short, we may safely conclude, That their ancestors did not establish this Custom amongst them, so much for Luxury and De­light, as from a wise Consideration of the Life they lead, and the Climate they inhabit; be­ing a People addicted to Labour, and, in a word, leading a toilsome and industrious Life: Which seems to proceed from the Inclemency of the Air, for the most part cold and melan­choly. For it is an establish'd Law in Nature, that we should partake of the Soil that breeds us. Nor can there be a better Reason ren­der'd for the Unlikeness of Nations, as the dif­rence of the Air they breathe, and the situa­tion [Page 39]of the Countries they inhabit. And hence it comes to pass, that the distance of Climates begets that dissimilitude among us, both in Manners, Make, Humour, and Com­plexion. These gladsome Remedies then we have related, were wisely instituted to cure and calm by Art the Rigours and Defects of Nature. Furthermore, they had a Custom of mixing Men and Women indifferently in their Sacrifices and Publick Assemblies, wherein they frequently met. They likewise institu­ted Quires, where the Youth of both Sexes convers'd, and sung and danc'd together; and in a word, they left nothing unattempted, that might prevail to soften and sweeten those Austerities of Nature to which the Climate had condemn'd them. And the Cynaethians, who by reason of their situation, had of all others the greatest reason to preserve these Customs among them (they being the most Northern part of all Arcadia) no sooner fell to neglect these wholesom Institutions, when they fell into Dissentions and civil Discords; and grew at length into such depravity of Manners, that their Crimes, in number and measure, sur­pass'd all the Nations of the Greeks beside.

Great and manifest Testimonies were given, of the Corruption of this People's Manners, from the Aversion the Arcadians in general had conceiv'd against them, who, when they dispatch'd their Ambassadors to the Lacedae­monians, after their Defeat, they hardly came [Page 40]into any Town of Arcadia, where the Inha­bitants did not warn them out again by Sound of Trumpet, and the Voice of their Publick Crier. And the People of Mantinaea procee­ded yet farther; for they had no sooner caus'd the Cynaethian Ambassadors to depart, when they cleans'd themselves as from Infection, and slew Victims about their Town and Country, and offer'd Sacrifices of Purgation.

We have taken occasion to enlarge on this Subject, to justifie the Arcadian Customs and Manners; and to the end lest the Arcadians themselves, by a wrong Judgment and Belief, that Musick became thus familiar among them, barely for Luxury and the entertainment of idle Minds, should at length fall into Contempt of that part of their own Laws and Institutions. Nor are the Cynaethians themselves without a share of our Commiseration in this Digres­sion; who, if by the Favour of Heaven, they should one Day see an end of their Affliction, may be drawn to return to the ancient Manners of their Country; and embrace and principally cultivate this Science among them, whereby to soften and bend their Minds with those Charms, which have power to tame wild Beasts themselves; than which, no way seems more likely to polish them from the Rust of Barbarity. But having spoken enough of Cynaetha, 'tis time now to return to our Business.

The Aetolians having acted these Violences in Peloponnesus, as hath been related, return'd home without Impediment. In the interim Philip arrives at Corinth to succour the Achai­ans; but coming too late the occasion was lost; he therefore sent his Dispatches to the several Confederates, praying them speedily to send their respective Deputies to him there, that they might deliberate together about their general Affairs. While he himself led his Troops towards Tegaea, on a rumour that the Lacedaemonians were fallen into civil Broils.

The Lacedaemonians, who had been us'd to Kingly Government, and were but newly by the power of Antigonus set at liberty, fell into Factions; and Seditions growing among them, they were labouring to establish Equa­lity in their State. In these Disputes there were two of their Ephori, of whom it could not be discover'd to which Party they were inclin'd, while the other three openly mani­fested their being of the Aetolian Faction: Considering King Philip as not yet of Age ripe enough to Rule the Affairs of Peloponne­sus. But when, contrary to their Opinion, and more speedily than they expected, the Aetolians were retir'd; and Philip arriv'd out of Macedon sooner than was believ'd; the three Ephori began to fall into suspicion of Adimantus, one of the other two; for they well knew he was privy to their De­signs, [Page 42]and testify'd his disapproval of their Counsels; wherefore they apprehended lest he when Philip should approach nearer might reveal to him all that had pass'd. Wherefore imparting their purpose to certain young Men of their Party, they proclaim'd by sound of Trumpet, that all who were of Age to go to War, should assemble with their Arms at a certain place of Rendezvous near the Temple of Minerva Chalciaece, to make head against the Macedonians, who were approaching their Borders. Hereupon the People assembled, terrify'd at this surprizing News; but Adi­mantus disapproving the proceeding, hast'ned to those who were so drawn together, and spake to them after this manner: It would be wholsome Counsel to conceive such Edicts, and make such Proclamations, upon notice that the Aetolians our Enemies were on our Borders; but not at this time, when the Macedonians our Friends, from whose Bounty we have re­ceiv'd so many good Offices, are approaching us; having their King in Person with them. He had no sooner ended these words, when those who were of Intelligence with the other Ephori fell upon him, stabbing him to death with their Poinyards, and together with him Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidias, and many other Principal Citizens. Poly­phontes and some others, who foresaw the Danger, escap'd to King Philip. But the Ephori, becoming by this Action formidable [Page 43]in Sparta, sent forthwith to the King, laying the cause of what had happen'd to the charge of those who had been slain; praying him to deferr his coming to Sparta, till their Tumults should be over, and their Affairs in a more quiet posture: In the mean time they give him solemn assurance of fair Dealing, and that they would perform the Capitulations punctually.

Their Ambassadors found the King near the Mountain of Parthenia, where they per­form'd their Commission. After he had given them Audience, he told them they should re­turn back to Sparta, and let the Ephori un­derstand, that he intended to proceed on his way to Tegaea, where he desired they would dispatch to him proper Persons with whom to confer touching the present posture of Af­fairs. So they commissionated ten of the Principal Citizens of Lacedaemon for that Nego­tiation, appointing Onias chief of the Embassy.

Upon their arrival at Tegaea, they were introduc'd to the King in Council, where they renew'd their Accusation against Adi­mantus; making him the Author of all those Disorders, that had happen'd among them. And, in short, they made the King plausible Promises to act in every thing the part of faithful Confederates, and to proceed in such manner as to make it manifest, that they sur­past in Zeal and Affection those whom he held for his faithfullest Friends. After this Discourse, and more to the like effect, the [Page 44]Ambassadors withdrew. Those who were present in the Council were divided in their Opinions; and being well assur'd that Adi­mantus, and those who had been assassinated were sacrific'd for their Fidelity to King Phi­lip, and that the Lacedaemonians prevaricated, and were dispos'd to enter into Alliance with the Aetolians; counselled the King to make them an Example, and treat them as Alex­ander had done the Thebans upon his coming to the Crown; But others of the graver sort were for more moderate Counsels; remonstra­ting that such a Punishment was too great for their Fault; and that it would be enough to punish the Promoters and Heads of the Sediti­on, by removing them from the Magistracy, and placing the Authority in such Hands as were firm to the Interest of the King.

After they had all spoken their Minds, the King deliver'd his Opinion; if it were true that what he said in that occasion was his own: For, in truth, it is hardly probable, that a young Prince of seventeen Years of Age, could be able to determine with such Sagacity, in an Affair of so much moment. But as it is good manners in Historians, to attribute to the Princes themselves the Reso­lutions that are taken in their Cabinets; so the Readers of History ought to conclude, that such wholsome determinations flow ra­ther from the riper Conceptions of their faith­ful Servants, and such as are admitted to the [Page 45]Prince's Privacy. And there is all the reason in the World to do Aratus the justice of be­lieving him to be the Author of what the King deliver'd on that occasion.

Who said, That if the Confederates had any difference among themselves, what was fitting to be done in such case, was to admo­nish them by Word or Letter, and let them know that their Proceedings were observ'd: That whatsoever was done in violation of the general Alliance, ought to be punish'd by the joint Sentence of the Confederates: But that since it did not appear that the Lacedaemoni­ans had been guilty of any Infraction of the Union; but, on the contrary, had given the Macedonians such Assurances of their since­rity, as they did, there was no reason to deal severely with them. That, in a word, it would not be just in him to animadvert on them for light Offences, whom his Father had pardon'd while they were Enemies, and he a Conqueror. This Opinion then of the King prevailing, That it would be better to connive at what had happen'd, he dispatch'd Petraeus, one of his favourite Servants, in company of Onias, to exhort the Lacedaemo­nians to continue firm to the Treaty, and to ratifie it by a new Oath, while himself march'd with his Army to Corinth; having given the Confederates an admirable instance of his Prudence and Magnanimity, in this his beha­viour towards the Lacedaemonians.

The Ambassadors of the Confederates were already met at Corinth, where, upon the King's Arrival, they fell to deliberate with him about their common Affairs, and what resolution to take touching the Aetolians. The Boeotians accus'd them of having in time of Peace plunder'd and violated the Temple of Minerva Itonia: The Phocians, for attack­ing in Hostile manner the Towns of Ambry­sus and Daulius: The Epirots charg'd them with making Inroads and Plund'ring their Country: The Acarnanians, for their attempt on Thyreum; and after it had been made evi­dent to the Assembly, in what manner they had possess'd themselves of the Fortress of Clarium, in the Dominion of the Megalopoli­tans: That they had ruin'd the Country of Pharus and Patrae in their march, destroy'd Cynaetha with Fire and Sword, prophan'd the Temple of Diana at Lussi, besieg'd Clytoria, made War by Sea at Pylus, and Landed in hostile manner on the Territory of Megalopo­lis. In short, when all these Outrages of the Aetolians had been prov'd, and canvass'd in the Assembly, they accorded unanimously to declare War against them. So after they had prefac'd their Decree, with enumerating the Causes and Provocations of the War; it was concluded, That all those who had been suf­ferers by the Aetolians, since the Death of Demetrius, Father of Philip, should be re­ceiv'd into the Confederacy; and that if any [Page 47]by the violence of the Times had been aw'd into Obedience or Alliance with the Aetolians, and pay'd them Tribute, that they should be forthwith set at liberty, the security of their respective Governments committed to their own hands, and no Garrisons impos'd upon them; but that they should be permitted to return to their ancient Laws and Customs, free from any Tribute or Impositions whatso­ever: That Aid should be given the Amphi­ctyons, in order to their re-establishment in their Privileges, and the restitution of their Right to the administration of the Temple, which the Aetolians had violently wrested from them, to make themselves Masters of that sacred Place, and all the Revenues there­of. This Decree being ordain'd in the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olymphiad, the War of the Allies thereupon ensu'd, which was begotten by the violent and general un­just proceedings of the Aetolians. And now Ambassadors were sent from the Assembly of the States, to all the Confederate Towns, to the end the Decree being every-where re­ceiv'd and ratifi'd by the Suffrages of the Peo­ple, they migh jointly and separately in their distinct States, publish the War against the Aetolians; whom King Philip likewise ad­vertis'd by his Letters, letting them under­stand, That if it were so, that they had just argument or motive whereby to indemnifie themselves, and could fairly wipe off the Im­putations [Page 48]that lay against them, that they would do well to apply themselves to the general Assembly, and endeavour to put a period to so solemn a Process by a Conference: That they did but make Ostentation of their Weakness, by thinking they might with im­punity spoil and pillage, as they did every­where, without any declar'd War, or appa­rent cause for such violence; and that those who underwent these Outrages would rest unreveng'd; or that it would be believ'd the Sufferers would be reckon'd the Aggressors, and Authors of the War, while they only ap­ply'd themselves to such Remedies as their case made necessary.

The Aetolians, on the receipt of these In­timations from King Philip, were at first per­suaded he would not appear, and therefore prefix'd a Day for their assembling at Rhium; afterwards, when they heard of his arrival, they sent to let him know, that they had not Power to determine any thing in their Pub­lick Affairs, till the Convention of the Gene­ral States of the Aetolians. In the mean while, the Achaians assembling at the usual time, ratify'd the Decree by a general Vote of the Assembly, and afterwards declar'd War against the Aetolians. And now the King coming the Aegium, where the Diet was held, he there explain'd himself in many Point, and proceeded in such manner, as greatly pleas'd and oblig'd the Assembly; [Page 49]where they renew'd with him the several Treaties that had been heretofore made be­tween his Ancestors and the Achaians.

About the same time the Aetolians assem­bled in their General Council, where they elected Scopas for their Praetor, he who had been the Author of all those Violencese we have related. By what name then shall we be able to distinguish such a Determination? For to spoil and treat their Neighbours in ho­stile manner, without any Declaration of War; and not only not to punish the Au­thors of such Outrages, but to conferr on the Ring-leaders the prime Authority in the Government, seems to me the extremity of all Dishonesty. For what gentler Terms will so vile an Action bear! But our sense thereof will be better known by what follows. When Phaebidas surpriz'd Cadmaea by Fraud and Per­fidy, the Lacedaemonians, tho' they would not quit their possession, yet they punish'd the Authors of the Action, believing they had done enough to expiate for the Wrong, in the chastisement of the Offenders. In short, they might have proceeded with less severity, and it would have been more beneficial to the Thebans. Afterward, during the Peace of Antal [...]idas, they publish'd a Decree, That Liberty should be restor'd every where to the Greeks, who should enjoy their ancient Laws and Customs; nevertheless, they withdrew [Page 50]not the Governors they had plac'd over the several Towns.

When they dissolv'd the Government, and ruin'd the Town of Mantinoea, they colour'd the Action by asserting they had done them on Injury, in transplanting them from one Town to a great many. But 'tis the summ total of Folly and Depravity, to think because our Eyes are shut, that all the World is blind. Thus both the one and the other of these People, by pursuing these pernicious Maxims in the administration of the States, drew on themselves many and grievous Calamities. Wherefore as well in Private Affairs as Pub­lick Negotiations, such Counsels are never to be follow'd, by any who would consult their own Good and Tranquility.

King Philip having now come to a Reso­lution with the Achaians, touching their com­mon Affairs, return'd home with his Army, to make preparations for the War; having gain'd not only among the Confederates, but the Greeks in general, a mighty Opinion of his Goodness and Magnanimity, by the pub­lication of the Decree we have menti­on'd.

All these Matters were transacted about the time that Hannibal the Carthaginian General was deliberating about laying Siege to Saguntum after he had subdu'd all that part of Spain that lies on the other side of the River Eber. Since the Enterprizes of Hannibal then take begin­ning, [Page 51]and bear data with these Affairs of Greece, there seems to be a necessity that we should treat of them alternately, according to the Method of our preceding Book; to the end, having punctual regard to the Time, we may confront (as one may say) the Af­fairs of both these People of Spain and Greece. But forasmuch as those of Italy, Greece, and Asia were produc'd from different Causes, tho' they had one and the same event; we have therefore thought fit to handle them distinctly and a-part, till such time as we shall arrive at that Period, when the Matters whereof we have made mention come to mingle, and grow to conspire towards one and the same end. By which means, the beginnings and steps of each one respectively, will be made the more intelligible; and the interweaving them afterwards be less subject to confusion, when the time of the respective Occurrences shall be adjusted, and the Means and Causes of things duly set down. In conclusion, they will together compose bu one intire History; and, in short, these Affairs became thus min­gled toward the end of that War, which was finish'd in the third Year of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad. Wherefore there will be all the reason in the World to treat succeed­ing Matters conjointly, as those that go be­fore separately, after having first briefly re­fresh'd the Memory in some Occurrences that fell out about those times. Having propoun­ded [Page 52]to our selves not only to write our History with perspicuity, but so as to engage the Rea­der's esteem, who shall study it with atten­tion.

King Philip pass'd the Winter in Macedon, in making Levies and Preparations for the War, and fortifying his Frontiers against the Attempts of the Barbarians, who were his near Neighbours. Afterward finding out Scerdilaidas, he a little too boldly consided in, and contracted Alliance with him; and promising him Aids towards his acquiring certain Towns in Illyria, and censuring the Actions of the Aetolians, (which pleas'd Scer­dilaidas above all things) he easily won him to his purpose. For private Injuries have their force, and differ not from publick in the na­ture but magnitude of the Offences. And there is nothing so fatal to such as league to­gether in criminal and violent Actions, as the breach of Faith among themselves. This was experimented by the Aetolians; for it was a Stipulation between them and Scerdilaidas, that he should share a proportion in the Spoils and Plunder that should be taken, who was to be a Party in the Crimes that should be committed, if he would joyn wih them in their Expedition against the Achaians. Ne­vertheless on their taking and spoiling the City of Cynaetha, where was found great Booty of Slaves, Cattel, and other movables, they admitted him to no part thereof. Which [Page 53]breach of Articles so distasted Scerdilaidas, that when Philip had refresh'd the sense of that Injury, he was wrought to promise he would enter into the common Alliance, on the terms of being paid yearly the summ of twenty Talents, and would make War on the Aetolians by Sea with a Fleet of thirty Vessels.

And now the Ambassadors, who had been dispatch'd to the Confederate States, first coming to the Acarnanians, treated with them; who frankly confirm'd the Decree, and declar'd War against the Aetolians. And yet tho' they shou'd have taken time to ex­plain themselves, and express'd their just ap­prehensions of the War, there is no People against whom less Offence could have been taken, as being Borderers on the Aetolians; and what is more, were very ill able to defend themselves, and not long before had been deep sufferers by Aetolian Violence.

But there is no doubt but a generous Nati­on, jealous of their Honour, prefers that to all other Considerations, both in their pub­lick and private Treaties; and herein the A­carnanians have surpass'd most of the Greeks, who, weak as they are, have in defence of their Reputation, ingag'd in the greatest Dan­gers. Wherefore there is no People among the Graecians with whom Friendship may be more safely contracted; there being none who profess more regard to publick or private Faith, [Page 54]or will venture further for the love of Liberty. As to the Epirots, tho' they ratify'd the De­cree, yet they would not yield to declare War against the Aetolians, till King Philip should first proclaim it: Wherefore they dismiss'd the Aetolian Ambassadors with promise to continue in good terms with them, wherein they made show of very little Generosity. Ambassadors were dispatch'd in like manner to King Ptolomy, to dissuade him from yield­ing any help to the Aetolians against King Philip, either by supplies of Money, or other­wise. As to the Messenians, on whose score the War first brake out; they reply'd to the Ambassadors, That they would not ingage in the War unless Phigalia, which command­ed their Frontiers, were first drawn off from the Aetolian League: But Oenis and Nicippus, with others who favour'd the Oligarchy, had pro­cur'd this Declaration against the general Incli­nations of the People, wherein they seem to have been much in the wrong. For while I deny not but War is an Evil greatly to be apprehended, so it is as true that our fear thereof ought not to subject us to suffer every thing, and debase us into Villanage to avoid it. For why do we keep such a stir about preserving Equality among the Citizens, and the freedom of Speech in Deliberations? Why, in short, does the name of Liberty bear such a Price among us, if there were not something more valuable than Peace it self? For what [Page 55]Man ever applauded the Thebans, who out of fear of the Dangers they must have been expos'd to, for the sake of the general Good of Greece, during the Median War, enter'd into Confederacy with the Persians. I am not therefore of Pindar's mind, who to de­fend that weak Action hath said somewhere in his Writings, That a wise Citizen, who would study the true Welfare of his Country, prefers above all things the Benefits and Tran­quility of Peace. And he thought perhaps that he had all the World of his side, while on the contrary he could-not have broach'd a more pernicious and scandalous Opinion. For as there is nothing more eligible and pro­fitable, than Peace on Conditions Just and Honourable: So nothing can be more hurtful or shameful, than when 'tis purchas'd by Ser­vitude, and stain'd with base and infamous Ends.

However it were, the Principal Citizens of Messina, who had no further Prospect than private and present Profit, pursu'd Peace more passionately than they ought. 'Tis true, that at the price of many Evils which they were content to suffer, they shunn'd some present Fears and Dangers: But the Disease increasing by degrees, they by those Measures brought their Country at long run into grievous Calamities. The best rea­son that I can conceive may be render'd in their defence, is, That they were Borderers [Page 56]on the two most considerable States, not on­ly of Peloponnesus, but of Greece it self, name­ly, the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians; of whom, the one was always their most im­placable Enemy, from their first possessing of that Country; the other a peaceable Neighbour, wishing them well and desiring their preservation. Nevertheless they had never openly declar'd themselves either Friends to the Arcadians, or Enemies to the Lacedaemonians. Wherefore when at any time those two People chanc'd to differ, or were otherwise engag'd in War, the Messeni­ans found their account thereby, and enjoy'd their repose: But when ever the Lacedaemo­nians were disingag'd from other Wars, they presently enter'd on new Designs to molest and subdue the Messenians; who never pre­sum'd to contend with a Power so much su­periour to their own: Nor had ever made any Friend, who would adventure any thing in their behalf; so they became oblig'd at length, either to comply with the Lacedae­monians, and patiently submit to the Yoke they impos'd; or otherwise to abandon their Country with their Wives and Children. In short, they had already frequently felt these hardships, and but a very little before tasted thereof. And it were much to be wish'd, that the Affairs of Peloponnesus could be settl'd on such a Basis, and the care of its Conserva­tion might so affect Mens Minds, that there [Page 57]should be no occasion of applying such Re­medies, as I shall mention by and by. But in case any general Change or Revolution should threaten, my Judgment is, that there is no Course or Counsel so wholsome for the Messenians and Megalopolitans to preserve them in a safe and lasting Possession of their Coun­try, as the contracting a firm and sincere Union one with another in every thing, ac­cording to the Advice of Epaminondas, and to preserve their Friendship inviolate.

In conclusion, this Counsel may be con­firm'd from ancient Story. For the Messe­nians, not to mention other matters, erected a Column in the Reign of Aristomenes in the Temple of Jupiter Lycaeus, where according to the report of Callisthenes this Inscription was engraven:

Fate will not always favour Tyrants rule;
Messenian Jove their ruin hath decreed.
Whatever Ills are done, no Ills are hid
From the Divinity's all-seeing Eye.
Grant then, O Jupiter, whom all adore,
Arcadia may be still in thy protection.

It is not improbable but that when they were driven from their Country, they then erected this Column, with the Inscription, to implore as it were the Favour of the Gods, to con­serve to them their second abode. Nor was it indeed without good reason; for the Ar­cadians [Page 58]did not only receive them into their City, upon their being compell'd to abandon their Country during the War of Aristomenes, but admitted them to a Fellowship of Privi­leges with their Citizens, and consented to their mixing with them in Marriage. Fur­thermore upon discovery of the evil Purposes of King Aristocrates, they put him to death and exterminated his whole Race with him. But to look no further into ancient Story, what hath come to pass since Megalopolis and Messena were restor'd, makes proof enough of the truth of what we have been observing. For after the Battel the Greeks fought near Mantinaea, where the Victory became unde­termin'd, through the loss of Epaminondas, the Lacedaemonians in hopes of getting Mes­sina into their Hands, would have excluded them from the Treaty of Confederacy, while the Megalopolitans, and the rest of the Arcadi­an Party obstinately oppos'd it; and so far prevail'd in favour of the Messeninas, that they came at length to exclude the Lacedae­monians themselves from the Treaty.

Now if Posterity can but reflect with at­tention on these things, we shall not be cen­sur'd for having thus inlarg'd on the Points we have been treating. And it will be perceiv'd that what hath been deliver'd, is in service of the Messenians and Arcadians; to the end that bearing in mind the Injuries they have receiv'd from the Lacedaemonians, they may [Page 59]be incited to a closer Union in their Alliances: And that whensoever they would deliberate rightly about the security of eithers Estate, it may grow into an establish'd Principle a­mong them to admit no breach in their Con­federacy, either through fear of War, or love of Peace.

As to the Lacedaemonians, they, according to their manner, dismiss'd in the end the Ambassadors of the Allies, without any re­ply; so much had their Folly and Pride pre­vail'd on their Judgment; which verifies a good old Saying, That great Presumption is but another name for Vanity and Weakness of Mind. Afterward, on creation of their new Ephori, those who had been the Trou­blers of the State, and were guilty of all that Bloodshed we have noted, dispatch'd advice to the Aetolians, counselling them to send Ambassadors to Sparta; which they present­ly perform'd, and Machatas soon arriv'd on the part of the Aetolians, whereupon he ap­plies to the Ephori, demanding that Macha­tas might be heard in the Publick Assembly; then he propos'd the coming to a creation of their Kings according to ancient custom, and that it was not to be suffer'd, and against the tenure of their Laws, that the Dominion of the Heraclidae should be discontinu'd. None of the Propositions pleas'd the Ephori; but wanting strength to stem the Current of the opposite Faction; and fearing violence from [Page 60]the hot-headed young Men, they reply'd, That as to what concern'd the Kings, they would take it into deliberation. In the mean time, they were forc'd to assemble the Peo­ple to give audience to Machatas: And being met, he there appear'd, and spake many things to dispose them to an Alliance with the Aetolians; impudently and unjustly ca­lumniating the Macedonians, and extolling and foolishly exaggerating the Praises of the Aetolians. When he had left the Assembly, great and warm Debates arose touching the Propositions he had made, one Party holding with the Aetolians, and another violently opposing them. But at length, after certain of the gravest Senators had reminded the People, on the one hand, of the fruit they had reap'd by the good Offices of Antigonus and the Macedonians; and, on the other, the Outrages of Charixenus and Timaeus, when the Aetolians broke in upon the Lands of the Lacedaemonians, and putting all to Fire and Sword, carry'd a multitude of the neighbour­ing People away captive; and did their best to surprize and ruine Sparta it self, aided therein by those who were under the Sen­tence of Banishment whom they took with them: The People thereupon were wrought to change their mind, and resolve to continue firm to their Alliance with King Philip and the Macedonians. So Machatas return'd home, without any fruit of his Negotiation.

And now the Authors of the late Sedition, dissatisfy'd with these Proceedings, and resol­ving not to acquiesce to the present Methods of Administration, corrupted certain Persons to engage with them in a most detestable En­terprize. It is the Custom of their young Men to asstmble once a Year in Arms, to cele­brate a Sacrifice in the Temple of Minerva Chalciaeca; in the performance of which Ce­remony, the Ephori are oblig'd principally to be present, and direct all things relating to the said Sacrifice. At this Solemnity then, a Party of those, who were in Arms to cele­brate the Feast with greater Pomp, fell on the Ephori while they were ministring, killing them in the very Temple, tho' it were a San­ctuary even to those who were under Sentence of Death: And forgetting what was due to that sacred Place, murder'd those of their Party at the Table, and before the Altar of the Goddess. Afterwards, to compleat what they had projected, they caus'd Gyridas, and many other Senators, to be put to death, and banishing the rest of the anti-Aetolian Fa­ction, came to an Election of new Ephori of their own Stamp, and proceeded to en­ter into Confederacy with the Aetolians. So great was their Hatred to the Achaians and Macedonians. But the whole World was wit­ness, that all their other Counsels were con­ducted by the same Steps of Imprudence and Temerity; being indeed dispos'd to that man­ner [Page 62]of Government through their Inclination to Cleomenes; whose escape from the Aegypti­ans and return to Sparta, they wish'd and daily expected. Such Impressions of Love doth the Gentleness of Princes leave in Men's Minds, that whether present or absent, i [...] kindles such Sparks of Gratitude and Good­will, as are not presently extinguish'd: And tho' it were now three Years since Cleomenes's flight, and the City had been govern'd ac­cording to their ancient Institutions, there had not been so much as one motion made in Sparta for the Election of their Kings: But the news of his Death was no sooner publish'd when both the People and Ephori proceeded to deliberate thereupon. The Ephori, who were of the Faction of the Seditious, and had made Alliance with the Aetolians, chose for one of their Kings Agesipolis, whose Father was Cleombrotus, who succeeded Leonidas, he being the nearest in Blood. They appointed for his Governour Cleomenes the Son of Cleom­brotus, and Brother to the first Agesipolis. As to the other King, altho' Archidamus left two Children begotten of the Daughter of Hippo­medon; and there were others of the same Lineage, but more remote, tho' they were of the Family; yet these were rejected, and the Royalty conferr'd on Lycurgus, who de­scended not from any one Ancestor that had worn the Crown. But at the price of a Talent he bestow'd on each of the Ephori, he bought [Page 63]his Adoption to Hercules, and his Title to the Crown of Sparta. So true it is, that all Villainies are every-where bought at a price. And it will be seen, that the Authors of these Violations, were not punish'd in their Chil­dren, or Children's Children, but they them­selves liv'd to share the Fruit of their Folly.

Machatas receiving notice of these Procee­dings, return'd speedily to Sparta, where he labour'd his utmost with the Kings and the Ephori, to dispose them to declare War with the Achaians, there being no other means left, whereby to vanquish the Difficulties they were now under, with those who oppos'd the Alliance with the Aetolians, who had like­wise a Party in Aetolia it self. But having at length prevail'd with the Kings and the Ephori, he return'd back to his Country, after having, by the Weakness of those whom he had gain'd to his purpose, successfully executed his Com­mission.

As to Lycurgus, he march'd out, and made Incursions on the Frontiers of the Argians with the Troops he had rais'd, with whom was join'd the Militia of the City: So that ta­king the Argians thus by surprize, the Enemy easily effected their purpose. Soon after he took Polichna, Prasia, Leucas, and Cyphas. He got possession likewise of Glimpes and Za­rax; after which good success, the Lacedae­monians proclaim'd War with the Achaians. Thus all things sorting to the Wish of the [Page 64] Aetolians, they enter'd on the War with great assurance, while, on the contrary, the Achai­ans had but a melancholy prospect of their Af­fairs: For King Philip, on whom they most rely'd, was yet but forming his Army. The [...] Epirots were slow in their Preparations; and the Messenians continu'd Neuters, while the Aetolians, assisted by the Eleans and Lacedae­monians, attack'd them on every side.

At the same time Aratus's Praetorship ex­pir'd, and Aratus his Son was, by the Suffra­ges of the Achaians, chosen Praetor in his Place. Scopas likewise was Praetor of the Ae­tolians, whose time was now half expir'd, the Aetolians Election of Magistrates being in in the Month of September, the Achaians March. Aratus the Younger then enter'd on his Charge early in that Summer, which was remarkable for the beginning of so many Wars: For Hannibal was then meditating the Siege of Saguntum. The Romans dispatch'd L. Aemilius at the Head of an Army into Illyria, against Demetrius the Pharian, where­of we have made mention in our preceding Book. Antiochus enter'd on the War, which was wag'd for the Lower Syria, after Theo­dorus had deliver'd up to him Tyre and Ptole­mais. Lycurgus King of Sparta arrogating the same Authority as heretofore Cleomenes did, laid siege to Athenaeum, belonging to the Me­galopolitans. The Achaians made Levies of Horse and Foot to sustain the War that so [Page 65]much threatned them. Philip march'd out of Macedon with an Army of Ten thousand heavy-arm'd Troops, Five thousand Targe­teers, and Eight hundred Horse. These were the hostile Preparations that were then every­where making. Besides that, the Rhodians were at the same time engaging in a War with the Byzantines, the Quarrel being grounded on the Reasons we shall now deliver.

The Byzantines are situate the most com­modiously of any People, who by their neigh-hood to the Sea, have all things transported to them that minister to the supply of human Life, or Luxury; but they cannot boast of the like Felicity by Land with respect to the Sea; their City stands so on the Coast, that no Vessel can go or come without their Per­mission. And whatever can be supply'd by the Pontic Sea, which yields abundance of every needful thing they are Masters of. In a word, the Countries bordering on that Sea, afford us plenty of Hides, and of good Slaves, Honey, Wax, salted Flesh, and all sorts of the like Commodities. The Byzantines enjoy likewise, by the Benefit of Navigation, all things of the growth of our Countries; as, Oil, Wine, and the like. Bread-Corn is also a Commodity among them, which sometimes they buy, and at other times they sell. It will concern the Greeks then, either not to deal at all in these kinds of Merchandice, or to resolve to Trade without Advantage; if the [Page 66] Byzantines should at any time enter into League with the Thracians or Galatians: Or in short, totally to abandon all Commerce with those Countries; for we should be no longer at liberty to Navigate in the Pontic Sea, by reason of the straitness of the Inlets, and the multitude of Barbarians that possess the Country round about. There is no doubt then, but 'tis the Felicity of the situation of Places to which Byzantium owes the many Advantages it enjoys; for be it either for the Consumption of such things whereof they abound, or the Supply of what they want, they Negotiate both with ease, by the benefit of their Navigation; nor are those who hold Commerce with them, without their share of Commodity: Wherefore as they are beneficial to every one, so the Greeks in gene­ral have a just Consideration for them: And they do not only think they have a right to their Thanks, to but their Succours and Assi­stance, whensoever they are invaded or press'd by their barbarous Neighbours. But foras­much as the Nature and Situation of this Place is known but to a few, it lying out of the way of the general Commerce of the World; we have therefore thought it worth our Pains to shew how it comes to pass that Byzantium enjoys so many Advantages, superiour to most other Cities. For it is our purpose to be ever very particular in this sort of Subjects, and to endeavour to give such a prospect of those things as shall be found worth remark­ing, [Page 67]as to paint them as it were to the view; at least to engrave such a Picture of them in the Mind, that the Images shall be but just short of Truth it self.

That which we call the Pontic Sea then, contains in Circuit about nine hundred Leagues; it hath two Outlets or Streights, the one into the Propontis, the other gives it Communication with the Palus-Maeotis; whose Circuit is upwards of three hundred Leagues. And forasmuch as many eminent Rivers of Asia, and more of the principal Ri­vers of Europe, discharge themselves into this Lake, it comes to pass that when it swells by the Tribute of so many Waters, it enlargeth and emptieth it self by the Streight into the Pontus, and the Pontus is deliver'd by the Pro­pontis. The Mouth or Streight of Palus-Maeo­tis is call'd Bosphorus Cimmerius; which is in Length about threescore Furlongs, in Breadth about thirty, the Extremities whereof are every-where full of Flats and Shelves. The Outlet of the Pontus is call'd the Bosphorus of Thrace, being in Length about one hundred and twenty Furlongs, but the Breadth is un­equal; for at the entrance of the Narrow be­tween Chalcedon and Byzantium, it is about fourteen Furlongs over; but further out about Hieron, a Place so call'd on the Coast of Asia, it is not above twelve Furlongs broad; it is reporred, that Jason first sacrific'd here to the twelve gods. In a word, there are two cau­ses [Page 68]to which is attributed the perpetual Cur­rent one way, that is observ'd to run in these two Streights: The one plain and intelligible, to every one. For while their Waters are inces­santly replenish'd, by the Income of so many great Rivers, there is no other way but by these Streights to discharge them; for being bounded and confin'd every-where by the Coast, the surplus of Water necessarily and naturally flows out by these passages. The other cause is this; namely, that the Rivers swelling with the great rains, their Streams be­come thereby so rapid, that mighty quantities of Sand and Soil are by the Torrent convey'd down; which lodging at the bottom, occa­sion the Water to swell so much the higher and consequently augments the Stream we are speaking of. These are the true Causes then of this constant Current; and we are not to hearken to the Reports of Sea-faring People in these cases, but to have recourse to the Evi­dence of solid Reason, by which alone the natural Causes of Things are understood.

But since it is our chance to fall on this Discourse, it will concern us to endeavour that nothing may be left unsaid, that may serve to inform the Understanding, touching the nature of the Subject we are treating Wherefore we shall labour to lay things down as plainly as possibly we may, to the end no Doubt may remain on the meanest Capacity. And, in truth, there lies an Obligation on [Page 69]us, who live in the present Age, to examine things with our utmost care and circumspecti­on. For as there is nothing remains in these our Days undiscover'd of Earth or Seas, it would be a reproach to fly to Fiction with the Poets and others, who have paid us with Fables, to give us Notions of what themselves knew nothing. Nor will it become us to tread in the steps of Historians, who have gone before us, who (as Heraclitus observes) by their weak reasoning, leave doubtful things more in the dark. Our business therefore must be to win the Faith of the Reader, by the force and evidence of Reason. We con­ceive then that the Pontus and Palus Maeotis have been ever receiving, and do at this Day continue to receive, and fill up with the Sand and Rubbish that is brought down by the Ri­vers we mention'd, and will at last be totally fill'd up and levell'd; taking it for granted, that the Countries continue their situation, and the Causes hold their force. For since Time is without limits, and the Space subject to the Accidents we have noted, every-where bounded and enclos'd; what wonder is it to conceive, That tho' the matter convey'd thi­ther be never so inconsiderable, that in pro­cess of Time that little will amount to fill a great space? And, in short, 'tis a Rule in Na­ture, That such things as are subject to in­crease and diminish, have their period some time or other, let the steps of Progression be [Page 70]never so slow or invisible. But forasmuch as the quantity of Matter brought into these Seas, or Lakes, is not a little, but without question great, beyond all computation, there remain [...] no dispute but the Effect we prognosticate will be soon seen, and is indeed now visible: For the Palus-Maeotis is almost already fill'd up, where in some places there is not now above fifteen or twenty Foot depth of Water, insomuch as there is no more adventuring to navigate with Ships of Burthen without a Pi­lot, who is acquainted with the difficulties. Furthermore, whereas this Sea (as our Fore­fathers have observ'd) was heretofore reple­nish'd with salt Water, as the Pontus at this day is, 'tis observable that it is now a fresh-Water Lake, the surface of the salt Water be­ing surmounted by the accession of so much Matter, as is accumulated and brought thi­ther by the means we mention. The like must in time fall out in the Pontus, and is in some measure already come to pass: But this cannot be yet so easily remark'd, by reason of the very great depth of Water in the Channel. Howbeit, those who carefully examine the Matter, may be satisfy'd of the truth there­of. Hence the Danube discharging his Waters out of Europe by several Outlets, hath be­gotten a List or Bank of Earth at least forty Leagues long, swelling above the surface, di­stant a Day's Sail from the Shore: Which Bank is observ'd to encrease daily by the ad­dition [Page 71]of new Matter constantly brought thi­ther; insomuch as whensoever Vessels hap­pen to light upon any of these places, which Sea-faring Men call Shelves or Banks, they are for the most part broken, and suffer Ship­wreck. Take then my Opinion how it comes to pass that these Mounds or Banks of Earth, grow at that distance from the Continent, and not nearer to the Shore: The Soil and Rub­bish then, which by the force of the Torrent is convey'd down, is by the prevalence of the Current transported still forward into the Sea, as long as there remains any strength in the Stream that keeps it in motion; but as that declines, (which happens by the depth and spreading of the Waters, which at length are lost in the wide Sea) the Matter which was before by the Torrent press'd on, sinks and settles to the bottom. And in proportion to the greater or less rapidity of the Rivers, these Banks or Bars are at a greater or less distance from the Shore, tho' the depth be great be­tween that and the Continent. This is seen plainly in the gentlest and smallest Streams, whose Bars are nearer the Shoar, which yet in great Floods (their Current being quick­en'd) transport and remove this Bar at a fur­ther distance than ordinary into the Sea, in proportion to the swiftness of the Flood, and the quantity of the Soil it brings down. Hence it will not appear strange, that such a mass of Matter as we have noted, should grow to [Page 72]so great a dimension, as that which is found at the mouth of the Danube; nor that such quan­tities of Sand only, but that Rocks and Trees should be unrooted and rent from their Seats. It will not then be hard, I say, to credit what we have deliver'd, but obstinacy rather to disbelieve it; since we behold the smallest Brooks to make an easie passage through all Impediments, which increasing their Rage they come to pierce, and remove by their violence the hardest Rocks, carrying Sand, Stones, and all before them; filling up, and so changing the face of things, that the View and Landscape becomes in a short space quite another prospect.

Let it not be thought strange then, I say, that Rivers so great and rapid, should produce such effects as we have Calculated, by their descent into the Pontic Sea, which we have maintain'd, must at length be fill'd up, and levell'd. For he who weighs the matter right­ly, will not only perceive it probable, but necessary. For if we reason but from hence, that as the Waters of the Palus-Maeotis are fresher than those of the Euxine, and those of the Euxine in a degree different to those in our Seas; it is a plain consequence, that the Euxine must at long run become a Lake of fresh Water, and at length a Moor or Fen­ny Continent. But this effect must be the product of so much a longer space, than it hath been brought to pass in the Palus-Moeotis, [Page 73]by how much the Euxine is of greater depth and content than the other: Howbeit, we may justly conclude, it will be by some degrees proportionably sooner, by how much more the Rivers there are greater and more nume­rous. We have been thus extensive, the bet­ter to inform such as think it impossible, that the Euxine (which hath already visibly suf­fer'd some advance towards it) should ever become fill'd up; and that so ample a Sea should, in process of time, grow into Conti­nent. We had likewise a further end by thus enlarging on this Subject; namely, to reprove the fond and fabulous Relations of Sea-faring People, and that the Readers may not do like Children, who being yet ignorant of all things, listen with astonishment to every ex­travagant Tale that is told them: But having their Minds cultivated by the notions of Ve­rity, they may become qualify'd to deter­mine of the truth or salshood of what they hear.

But let us further examine the situation of Byzantium. The Streight then that lies be­tween the Euxine and the Propontis is in length about fifteen Miles (as was noted): On that part towards the Euxine, stands the City of Hieron, on the extremity thereof; the other part towards the Propontis, terminates in the space or opening that lies between Byzantium and the opposite Shore: Between these on the side of Europe, and in the very narrow of all, [Page 74]stands the Temple of Mercury, built on a Rock, that like a Promontory jets a good way into the Sea, where the Streight is not above five Furlongs broad. Here it was that Report makes Darius to have built his Bridge, in his Expedition against the Scythians. Now forasmuch as the Coast on both sides, from hence downward towards the Propontis trends away streight, and preserves a parallel distance as it goes, the Current by that means moves equally. But as soon as these vast Waters that descend from the Euxine Sea come to be pent up and streighten'd, by the narrow pas­sage made by the Promontory where the Temple stands, which we but now mention'd, on Europe side, here driven as it were by some mighty force, they recoil over to the Asian Shore, and from thence return to the Coast of Europe, beating on those Head-lands or Promontories call'd Hestiae; and from thence with unspeakable violence take their course over to Asia again, towards that part of the Country call'd the Ox, where there stands a place bearing that Name, and where the Fa­ble tells us Io, having swam over the Streight, first set her Foot. From hence, as one may say, being push'd off, it takes its course at length over to Byzantium, where the Waters now dilated and spreading themselves about the Town, the Current loseth it self, and car­ries but a weak stream into the Gulf, but ter­minates in a manner at the Cape call'd the [Page 75] Horn. In a word, tho' the greatest part of these Waters make their traverse over again towards the Asian Shore; yet forasmuch as the strength of the Current is now lost, the motion ceaseth ere it arrives so far as Chalce­don, situate on that Coast. For after so many reverberations, the Streight now opening wi­der, the force of the Stream being spent, can­not reach directly over; but with a kind of Biass declines and steals away. And leaving Chalcedon, dies in the Channel, and so pur­sues a direct course by the Streight.

Hence it comes to pass that Byzantium en­joys so many Benefits, and Chalcedon so few; while to the view one would be apt to judge their situation equally Advantageous. But as we have noted, the Navigation to the one is very tedious and difficult; while to the other the Stream compels, and gives a quick and easie passage. Hence those, who are bound from Chalcedon to Byzantium, cannot stand directly over, by reason of the strength of the Current; but are forc'd first to gain the Point call'd the Ox, and the Town of Chrysopolis; whereof the Athenians were here­tofore possess'd, and were the first, who by the Counsel of Alcibiades, exacted a Toll from all that Traded into the Pontic Sea. From hence advancing a little, they fall at length into the Current, which then forceth them away directly to Byzantium. The like happens whether you are bound upward or [Page 76]downward to this place. For if Ships are bound from the Hellespont towards the Eu­xine, while the Wind blows at South, or from the Euxine towards the Hellespont du­ring the Levants; the Passage is direct and easie along the Coast of Europe, from Byzan­tium to the Streight of the Hellespont, where stand the Towns of Sestos and Abydus. But those who sail from Chalcedon coasting it a­long, find quite the contrary; for they are forc'd to ply and turn to Windward, by rea­son of the Land of the Cyzicenians, which runs far out into the Sea. In short, as 'tis difficult for those who are bound from the Hellespont to Chalcedon to Coast it along on the Europe side; so when they arrive near Byzantium 'tis as hard to fetch over to Chal­cedon, through the exceeding violence of the Current, and the other Impediments we have mention'd, which cross their Passage. It is impossible then to arrive directly from thence at the Coast of Thrace, by reason of the strength of the opposing Current and con­trary Winds; which, let us stand which way soever we can, blowing almost constantly Trade, is ever out of the way for that Navi­gation. For as the Southerly Winds blow fair to waft us into the Pontic Sea, and the opposite Point is fair to bring us back; so but with one or the other of these two Winds 'tis impossible to gain our Passage. Thus have we open'd the Causes from whence these great [Page 77]Benefits arrive to the Byzantines by Sea: And what we shall now further observe, will ex­plain the Reason of their Misfortunes by Land.

Byzantium stands in the Country of Thrace, which borders on and begirts their Territory quite round from Sea to Sea, whence it comes to pass that the Byzantines are in perpetual Hostility with that People. And by how much these Barbarians are a very numerous Nation, and govern'd by many Princes; by so much is the Task more difficult to reduce them; nor have the Byzantines any prospect of being able, with all the Provision they can make, ever to deliver themselves from the Molestations of that War. For when at any time they chance to obtain any signal Victory over any one of these Princes, they are sure to have three or four combine with much greater Power to revenge and ingage in the Quarrel. And in case they should be dispos'd for Peace sake to yield to pay the least Ac­knowledgment to any one of these their Neighbours, they were to expect by gaining one Friend to purchase five Enemies. Whence it falls out, that in this Warfare there can be no end; and there is nothing more irksome than the Neighbourhood of so brutal a Race of Men, or more terrible than Hostility with a barbarous Enemy. Furthermore, over and above all these Evils to which they stand ex­pos'd to the Landward, they are condemn'd [Page 78]to one kind of suffering, not unlike that to which the Poets have sentenc'd Tantalus. For possessing a rich and fruitful Territory, which they take care to Cultivate, their Harvest is no sooner ripe, when these Thieves visit them, and rob them for the most part of the Fruit of their Labour; which misfortune they lament in vain. Thus then the Byzantines become familiar with the Calamities they suffer, and by the force of Custom endure the Hardships of incessant Hostilities, persisting to preserve their ancient Alliances with the Greeks invio­late. But after the Gauls (to fill the Measure of their Adversity) came to be their Neigh­bours, under the leading of Comontorius, their Condition became then most deplorable.

These Gauls were a part of those who swarm'd out of their Country with Brennus; who, after the execution done on them at Delphos, did not presently pass into Asia on their arrival at the Hellespont; but invited by the Fertility of the Country about Byzantium, resolv'd there to six their Abode. Afterwards subduing the Thracians, they establish'd a Regal Seat in Tula, and grew quickly to be Formidable to the Byzantines, whom they drove to great Streights; being oblig'd on Comontorius his invading and spoiling their Frontiers, to buy off that Burden by an An­nual Present; sometimes of three Thousand Aurei; sometimes of five Thousand; and some Years it amounted to no less than ten [Page 79]Thousand, whereby to redeem their Country from the Rapine of these Barbarians. Till at length they became driven to be plain Tribu­taries to the yearly summ of fourscore Ta­lents, which lasted to the Reign of Clyarus; In whom the Gallic Dominion expired; the whole Nation being utterly exterminated by the Thracians. It was at this time that the Byzantines, sinking under the weight of their Adversity, sent their Ambassadors to sollicit Succours from the Greeks, and seek Relief from the many Hardships they endur'd. And, in a word, press'd by their Wants they came at length to a Resolution of exacting a Toll, from all who navigated into the Pontic Sea; for but few of the Greeks, it seems, laid their Sufferings to Heart. But they no sooner be­gan to levy this Duty, when the Innovation was resented on all Hands, and the Rhodians above the rest were censur'd, who being at that time Masters of the Sea, submitted to so undue an Imposition. And this, in a word, produc'd the War which we are about to re­late.

The Rhodians then provok'd, as well by their own seeling of this new Tax, as through the Instigation of others, dispatch'd their Am­bassadors jointly with those of their Allies to the Byzantines, to persuade them to abolish it. But the Byzantines could not be brought to accord to the Proposition, in confidence of the Equity of the Motives they had for what [Page 80]they did, and they were the more confirm'd in their refusal by the Authority of Hecato [...] ­dorus and Olympiodorus; who, being at tha [...] time first in the Magistracy of the City, op­pos'd it with all their Power: Whereupon the Ambassadors return'd home with a Negative Reply from the Byzantines, and the Rhodian [...] thereupon declar'd War against them, and [...] the same time sent to sollicit King Prusias to joyn and take part with them, being well as­sur'd that Prince did not abound in good Will towards that People.

The Byzantines by the Example of the Rhodians dispatch'd likewise their Ambassadors to Attalus and Achaeus, to sollicit Aid from them. They found Attalus dispos'd to assist them; but he was not in a present Condition to yield them any great effects of his Friend­ship, inasmuch as he had been lately com­pell'd by the Power of Achoeus to retire and confine himself to the ancient Limits of his Father's Kingdom. As to Achaeus, who now held the Dominion of the whole Territory in Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and had late­ly assum'd the Title of King, he fairly pro­mis'd the Byzantines, and frankly embracing their part, put them in mighty hopes; and thereby gave matter of apprehension both to Prusias and the Rhodians.

Achoeus was of Kin to Antiochus, who suc­ceeded to the Kingdom of Syria, and became possess'd of the Power he held, by the means [Page 81]we shall now relate. After the Death of Se­leucus, Father of Antiochus, and that Seleu­cus his Eldest Son had taken possession of the Kingdom, Achaeus accompany'd him in his March and Passage over Mount Taurus, about two Years before those Matters were transact­ed, whereof we shall by and by make relati­on. Seleucus had no sooner taken possession of the Kingdom, when he receiv'd Intelligence that Attalus had already seiz'd and brought under his Dominion all that part of Asia ly­ing on this side Mount Taurus; whereupon he forthwith fell prudently to deliberate a­bout the Affairs of his Government. But he had no sooner pass'd Mount Taurus, at the Head of a powerful Army, when by the treasonable Practices of Nicanor, and Villainy of one Apaturius a Gaul, he was Murder'd. But Achoeus soon compass'd a just Revenge on the Traytors for the Death of the King his Kinsman; and taking upon him the Conduct of the Army and the Government, manag'd all things with great Prudence, and mani­fested in all his Deportments a singular suffi­ciency and vivacity of Mind. And albeit the Soveraign Authority became now left to his Election, and the People freely courted him with Tenders of the Diadem, he nevertheless rejected the Offer; and determining to re­serve the Succession to Antiochus, Brother of the dead King, led the Army from place to place, and manag'd the War so prosperously, [Page 82]that he soon recover'd all that had been lost on this side the Mountains. But vanquish'd at length by the Temptations of his Felicity, and after having beaten and confin'd Attalus to his own City of Pergamus, and reduc'd all those places that had been forceably possess'd, he renounc'd all those noble and generous Purposes he had taken; and invading the Dominion, consented to be call'd King, and became the most active and formidable Prince of all on this side Mount Taurus; insomuch, as barely on the prospect of his Friendship and Assistance, the Byzantines took assurance to wage War against the joint Forces of King Prusias and the Rhodians. Prusias had an old grudge against the Byzantines; who either out of inadvertency, or in contempt, had omit­ted to dedicate certain Statues, which they had once decreed to erect to him. He had a further motive of Indignation against them, for that they had interpos'd their utmost good Offices to give a period to the War, that had fallen out betwixt Attlus and Achaeus, judg­ing rightly that their Reconcilement would not turn to his account on many Considerati­ons. Furthermore, he was displeas'd with the Byzantines, in that they had sent their Ambassadors to Attalus, on the occasion of his celebrating the Feast of Minerva; but sent none to him when he solemniz'd the Soterian Festival. Thus having hoarded in his Mind so many various motives of Displeasure, it was [Page 83]no wonder he embrac'd with joy the occasi­on the Rhodians gave him to discharge his Spleen; so they resolv'd by their Ambassadors, that the Rhodians should attack them by Sea; and he would prosecute them no less vigorously by Land.

These then were the Causes and the begin­ning of the War which the Rhodians declar'd against the Byzantines: And, in a word, the Byzantines engag'd therein with Courage e­nough, while their Hopes of the Friendship of Achaeus lasted: And in prospect of Tibites coming to their assistance from Macedon, they took assurance to conclude, that Prusias (whom they most apprehended) would then share with them the danger of the War.

Prusias pursuing the Dictates of his Anger, had already fallen on the Byzantines, taking Hieron, a Town they had bought some Years before, at the price of a great Summ of Mo­ney, in consideration of the commodious situ­ation of the Place, both with respect to the security of their Commerce and Navigation into the Pontic Sea, and the greater safety of their Slaves, and other Profits arising by their Trade on that Coast. He likewise seiz'd on all they possess'd in Mysia, a Territory in Asia, whereof they had been long Masters; while the Rhodians furnish'd out six Men of War on their part, to which the Allies adding four more, with this Squadron of ten Sail, they stood towards the Hellespont, the Command [Page 84]being given to Xenophon. Of these, nine re­main'd about Sestos, to obstruct all Com­merce with the Pontic Sea, while the Com­mander in Chief, with one Vessel only, shap'd his course towards Byzantium, as well to ob­serve their Motions there, as to see whether these Preparations for the War had not wrought a change in their Resolution. But finding them firm and determin'd to abide the War, he return'd to the rest; and without any Action sail'd with the whole Squadron back to Rhodes. At the same time the Byzantines dispatch'd Ambassadors anew to Achaeus, to solicite speedy Succours from him; they like­wise sent to Tibites, to persuade him to come in Person from Macedon: For it was the ge­neral Opinion that he had a more rightful Claim to the Kingdom of Bithynia, than Pru­sias who was his Nephew. In a word, the Rhodians observing this firmness and diligence in the Byzantines, were as careful on their part to prosecute their purpose.

They observ'd, That this Obstinacy which appear'd in the Byzantines to sustain the War, was grounded principally on their prospect of Aids from Achaeus; and knowing that Andro­machus, Father of that Prince, was at that time under restraint in Alexandria, and that he labour'd by all means possible to obtain his Enlargement, they therefore resolv'd to send Ambassadors to Ptolomy, to prevail with him to put Andromachus into their hands. This [Page 85]Matter had been under Treaty heretofore, but not so solemnly; but at this time it was solicited earnestly, to the end they might be thereby enabled to transact their Affairs with Achaeus with better effect. In short, Ptolomy giving Audience to the Ambassadors, did not readily yield to their Demands; for Andromachus being both Father to Achaeus, and Brother to Laodice, the Wife of Seleucus, he propos'd to make a better Bargain of him for himself: For the Matters that had been in dispute between him and Antiochus, were not yet compos'd. And Achaeus having now lately taken the Title of King, was become very powerful, extending his Dominions far and wide. Nevertheless, he was at length pre­vail'd with to gratifie the Rhodians, who at that time could do any thing with him: So he de­liver'd up Andromachus to be by them restor'd to his Son. By which grateful Office of theirs, with other Honours publickly decreed to Achaeus, they won him from the Byzantine Party, in whom lay their greatest hope of Succours. Another Misfortune besel them of almost equal prejudice to their Affairs: For Tihites, whom they had perswaded to leave Macedon to come to their assistance, dy'd in his Journey; whose Death so perplex'd their Counsels, that they began to sink in their Resolution; while Prusias, animated by their Afflictions, rais'd his Hopes, and press'd the War with greater vigour, levying Forces in [Page 86] Thrace, whereby he so streightned the Byzan­tines, that on the side of Europe they durst not look abroad: So that, in a word, being thus frustrate of their sairest Hopes, and hard­ly streighten'd and in danger from all Quar­ters, they fell at length to deliberate how they might fairly deliver themselves.

Cavarus, King of the Gauls, happen'd to be at that time in Byzantium, who greatly co­veting to be a means of composing these Ho­stilities, most readily and with great Affecti­on offer'd his Mediation between Prusius and the Byzantines; whereupon they agreed to commit their Differences to his Arbitrement. When the Rhodians came to understand this Negotiation of Cavarus, and that Prusias had yielded to a Treaty (tho' they would much rather have prosecuted their first purpose) they dispatch'd however Aridices their Ambassador to Byzantium; but at the same time order'd Polemocles with three Triremes to make the best of his way thither, to offer to them first, as 'twas said, their choice of Peace or War.

Upon the Arrival of the Ambassadors, a Peace in short was concluded, Hieromnemon Cothon, the Son of Calligiton, being present: The Terms of the Treaty with the Rhodians were, viz. That the Byzantines should exact no Toll from any Ships that Traded into the Pontic Sea. On which consideration, the Rhodians and their Allies oblig'd themselves to preserve Peace with the Byzantines. As to [Page 87]King Prusias, the Articles of the Treaty with him were, That there should be perpetual Peace between Prusias and the Byzantines: That the Byzantines should never lead any Army against King Prusias, nor Prusias a­gainst the Byzantines: That Prusias should make restitution of the Lands, Towns, Peo­ple and Prisoners that had been taken during the War Ransom-free: Furthermore, that he should restore such Vessels as had been taken at the beginning of the War; all the Arms that were seiz'd in their Magazines, together with all the Timber, Marble, Brick, Tyle, and all whatsoever Materials had been carry'd a­way: (For Prusias apprehending the approach of Tibites, had caused to be dismantled all such places as might be of use to the Enemy) and, in a word, oblig'd himself to cause resti­tution to be made to the Mysians, who were under the Dominion of the Byzantines, of all that had been taken from them by any of the Bithynians. Thus was the War enter'd upon and determin'd, that sell out between King Prusias and the Byzantines.

At the same time the Cnossians sent Ambas­sadors to the Rhodians to demand the Ships that Polemocles had Commanded, together with four Brigantines, which they had lent them towards the War. This being effected, and the Vessels arriving in Candia, the Eleu­thernaeans believing themselves to have been outrag'd by Polemocles, who to oblige the [Page 88] Cnossians, had caus'd Timarchus, a Citizen of theirs, to be slain; having first publickly pro­claim'd their Right to demand reparation of this Violence of the Rhodians, declar'd War against them. There happen'd likewise, some time before this, a strange Adventure to the Lyttians, or rather an incurable Calamity. To set down therefore, in few words, a State of the Affairs in Candia in those Days, take them a little more or less, as follows.

The Cnossians and Gortinians being in league, had by combining their Forces, subdu'd the whole Island of Candia, the City of Lyttia only excepted; which standing singly out a­gainst them, and refusing to submit to their Domination, they agreed to make War upon them, resolving totally to destroy them, to the greater terror of those who should medi­tate the like Designs. Whereupon the rest of the Candiots in general fell on the Lyttians. But it was not long before a slight occasion (as is the custom of that People) set them at variance amongst themselves; so that Facti­ons were form'd, and Seditions grew between them. The Polyrrhenaeans, the Creetaeans, the Lampaeans, Oryans, and Arcadians left the Cnossians; and by common Consent took part with the Lyttians. In Gortinea, the grave and experienc'd Inhabitants favour'd the Cnos­sians; but the younger sort taking part with the Lyttians, begat great Disorders in the City. The Cnossians terrify'd at these Com­motions [Page 89]among their Allies, procur'd an Aid of a Thousand Men from the Aetolians; whereupon the Party that sided with them, getting the Cittadel, gave it into the possessi­on of the Cnossians and the Aetolians; and af­ter having slain some that oppos'd them, and pursu'd some, and terrify'd the rest, they gave them up the Town likewise.

The Lyttians, in the mean time, led their Troops into the Enemy's Country, while the Cnossians getting notice of their Expedition, march'd and surpriz'd their Town, which they had left with little or no Guard: The Women and Children they sent to Cnossus, but the Town they burnt and totally de­stroy'd, exercising all the Spight and Cruelty practis'd in the most raging War, and so re­turn'd home in Triumph. When the Lytti­ans came from their Expedition, and beheld the Desolation of their City, they were struck with that horror, that not one of them ad­ventur'd to set his Foot within the Walls; but marching in a Body round the Ruines, celebrated as it were by their Cries and La­mentations the Obsequies of their Native Place, and then march'd away to the Lam­paeans, who receiv'd them with all hospitality. So that in the space of only one Day, they were banish'd their Country, which they had utterly lost, and receiv'd as free Citizens into another, with whom they incorporated, and prosecuted the War against the Cnossians. [Page 90]Thus Lyttia, a Colony of the Lacedaemonians, the most ancient City of Creet, the Mother of a People surpassing all the rest of that Island in Courage and Virtue, was destroy'd and disappear'd (as one may say) in a mo­ment. The Polyrrhenaeans and Lampaeans, and, in short, all the rest of the Confederates, seeing the Cnossians have recourse to the Aeto­lians for Succours, whom they knew to be Enemies to King Philip and the Achaians, dispatch'd their Ambassadors to these to solli­cite Aid, and make Alliance with them; with whom entering into Confederacy, they sent them four Hundred Ill [...]rians under the Com­mand of Plator, two Hundred Achaians, and an Hundred Phocians. The arrival of these Recruits wrought a great Change for the bet­ter in their Affairs; for they soon prevail'd with the Elenthernaeans, Cydoniates, and Ap­teraeans (whom they had confin'd within the Walls of▪ their Towns) to enter into the League, and abandon the Interest of the Cnossians. In a word, the Confederates fol­lowing the Advice of the Polyrrhenaeans, sent to King Philip and the Achaians a supply of five Hundred Candiots, the Cnossians having some time before sent a Thousand of their People to the Aetolians. Thus they inter­chang'd Supplies one with another to conti­nue the War. At the same time the Gortine­ans, who were in Banishment, getting pos­session of the Port or Haven, and surprizing [Page 91]that of the Phaestians, from thence they in­sested and wag'd War with those of their own City. In this posture, at that time, stood the Affairs of the Island of Candia.

At the same time Mithridates declar'd War against those of Sinope, which became, in ef­fect, the occasion of all those Calamities that afterward befel that City. Upon the Sinope­ans demanding Succours of the Aetolians to sustain the Wa [...], the Aetolians made choice of three Persons for that Service, to whom they distributed the Summ of about one Hun­dred and forty Thousand Drachma's, where­with to purchase Supplies of all things need­ful for the defence of the place. With this the said Agents made provision of ten Thou­sand Vessels of Wine, three Hundred and Sixty Pound weight of Hair-Cordage, an Hundred and Twenty Pound of Nerve-Cordage, a Thousand Suits of Arms, giving their Ambassadors in Money about Three Thousand Pieces of Coin'd Gold. They like­wise furnish'd them with four Machines for casting of Stones, with Men skilful in the use and, management of them; whereupon ha­ving receiv'd this Supply, the Agents return'd home. Those of Sinope apprehending lest Mithridates should Besiege them by Land and Sea, that Fear gave occasion for the extraor­dinary Preparations they made. Sinope is si­tuated on the right Hand as we Sail toward Phasis in the Pontic Sea; it stands in a Pe­ninsula, [Page 92]which stretches a good distance out into the Sea. The Town fills the whole breadth of the Peninsula, which is join'd to the Continent of Asia, by a neck of Land not half a Mile broad. The rest of the Peninsula advances, I say, far into the Sea, and being every-where Low-Land, the Town lies ex­pos'd to be attack'd from that side. The ex­tremities of the Seaward are with difficulty approach'd, where scarce a single Vessel can with safety adventure to the Shoar; and there are but few commodious Places there for Landing.

Those of Sinope then fearing Attempts of Mithridates both by Land with Machines, and to the Seaward by landing and possessing the level and lower Grounds which lie near the City; they therefore resolv'd to fortify the whole Circuit of the Peninsula towards the Sea; accordingly they barricado'd all the Avenues with a good Palisado, and the same fear advis'd them to furnish every proper place with Arms, and a sufficient Garrison where it was thought needful. In short, the extent of the Ground is not great, and may be defended by a small strength.

While these things were thus agitating at Sinope, King Philip march'd out of Macedon at the Head of an Army, (for there we broke off our Discourse, when we were relating the Transactions of the Consederate War) which he lead through Thessaly, and the Kingdom of [Page 93] Epirus; purposing by that way to fall on the Aetolians. But in the interim Alexander and Dorimachus having found Men wicked enough for their Design, plotted to surprize the Town of Aegira by Treachery, for which service they assembled twelve Hundred Aetolians, drawing them together at Oenantia, a Town situate on the other side the Water, over-a­gainst the place we mention'd, where they made provision of Vessels and all things ne­cessary for their Design, and there waited the occasion to put it in execution. For this Ser­vice certain Aetolian Fugitives were found, who had made their Residence some time in that place, and had taken notice that the Sol­diers, who had charge of the Aegian Gate, kept but a careless Guard, minding nothing but Drinking and their Pleasure; they had therefore frequently given Dorimachus inti­mation of what they had observ'd; and know­ing him to be fit for such Projects, invited him to ingage in the Attempt. Aegira is situate in that part of Peloponnesus that is wash'd by the Waters of the Corinthian Gulf between Aegi­um and Sicyon, standing on high Ground, and by Nature strong and hard of Access. The Town looks towards Parnassus and the Towns adjacent, and not a Mile distant from the Sea. In a word, Dorimachus, when Matters were ripe for execution, [...]mbarks his Troops, and arriving by Night came to Anchor near the River that runs by the foot of the Hill where­on [Page 94]on the Town stands. Alexander and Don­machus, together with Archidamus, Son o [...] Pantaleon, at the Head of a good Body [...] Aetolians, attack'd the Town on that sid [...] which regards Aegium; while one of the F [...]gitives (well acquainted with all the Avenues) at the Head of a small Party of their braves and most knowing Men, took his way ove [...] the Rocks and Precipices, and getting Passag [...] into the Town by a certain Aquaeduct, sur­priz'd the Guard that had charge of the Gate, yet asleep; which having put to the Sword▪ and forcibly broken down the Barrier, they open'd the Gates to the Aetolians, which they heedlesly enter'd without any precauti­on, taking for granted they were now Ma­sters of the Place. But this precipitation o [...] theirs turn'd to their destruction, and gave the Inhabitants the opportunity of rescuing their Town. In a word, the Aetolians be­lieving themselves now sure of Success, stood but a small space under their Arms in the Market-place, but pursuing their natural love of Plunder, began by degrees to Disband, and fell to pillaging the neighbouring Houses, it being now broad Day. The People of the Town were so terrify'd at this Surprize, that all who were in their Houses, which the Ene­my plunder'd, betook themselves to flight, and got out of the Town, giving all for lost to the Aetolians. But those whose Houses had not been yet rifled, having more leisure [Page 95]to bethink themselves, and coming out to make Head against the Enemy, hasten'd to the Cittadel; where their Number increasing every moment, their Resolution augment pro­portionably. While on the contrary the Ae­tolians grew weaker and weaker, through the Avarice of those who incessantly le [...]t their Ranks to hunt after Booty; by which means their Numbers and their Courage became greatly diminish'd. When Dorimachus began to perceive the Danger that threaten'd his Party, he endeavour'd to rally and recall his scatter'd Troops, and march'd to Attack the Cittadel; making account that the boldness of the Attempt would so terrify the Multi­tude, that were drawn together for the De­fence of that Fortress, that they would incon­tinently fly before him. But the Aegirates otherwise minded, animating one another, oppos'd themselves bravely against the Ene­my, and advancing to the Charge, came man­fully to the Sword's point with the Aetolians. For the place being without any considerable Works about it, the Contest was for the most part at hand, and a Combat as it were of Man to Man: And, in short, the Dispute we may imagine was such, as when on the one part Men fight for the Liberty of their Coun­try, and their Families; and on the other, for their Lives and Safety. But the Aetolians at length began to retire, and the Aegirates as warmly to pursue them, when they once [Page 96]perceiv'd them to give Ground. The great­est part of the Aetolians then fell on the place, or were crowded to Death in the Gate. In conclusion, those of them who were not kill'd on the Spot, perish'd among the Rocks and Precipices by which way they endea­vour'd to escape. Some that gain'd their Vessels having basely quitted their Arms, wondring at the fortune of their Escape, immediately Embark'd and made Sail away. Thus those of Aegira having lost their Town through their Negligence, had the Fortune to recover it by their Resoluti­on.

At the same time likewise Euripides (whom the Aetolians had sent to the Aelaeans for their General) having plunder'd the Territory of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, return'd to Elis with much Booty. As to Micas of Dyma, who was at that time the Achaian Praetor's Lieutenant, he assembled all the Forces of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, and advanc'd af­ter the Enemy, who was now retreating. But pursuing with more Precipitation than Pru­dence, he fell into an Ambush, where he suf­fer'd someloss; about forty of his Men being slain, and two handred taken Prisoners. Eu­ripides, exalted. by this Success, soon after took the Field again, gaining a Fortress be­longing to the Dymaeans, call'd Tychos, stan­ding very commodiously. This Place, as Fables say, was built by Hercules, at what [Page 97]time he wag'd War with the Eleans, and was his retreat when he made Inroads on the E­nemy.

Those of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, who had met with so ill Success in their pursuit of the Enemy, beginning to be in pain for the [...]uture, (after the taking the Fortress of Tychos) dispatch'd Advice to the Praetor of the Achai­ans, imparting to him what had befallen them, and demanded speedy Succours; each of them apart sending afterwards their Ambas­sadors with Instances to the same effect. But it so happen'd, that Aratus could make no Levies of Strangers, inasmuch as in the Cle [...] ­menic War, they had withheld part of the Pay that was due to those who had serv'd in their Army. And Aratus himself was, in a word, but a very slow Mover in all Military Delibe­rations and Enterprizes. And that was it that gave Lycurgus opportunity to surprize Athe­naeum of the Megalopolitans; and afterward (as we have noted) to Euripidas to get pos­session of Gorgona of Telphussa.

When those of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea perceiv'd they were to expect no Relief from Aratus, they resolv'd in their Assemblies to contribute no further to the Confederate Stock, but to raise Forces of their own for their proper Desence; so they listed three hundred Foot and fifty Horse, which they sent to the Frontiers. In this Determination it was agreed by every one, that they had [...] [Page 98]done very wisely for themselves, but very ill for the Confederacy and Common Cause of the Achaians. But a great part of this Failure may justly be imputed to the Praetor, whose custom it had been to amuse and deceive them by his Coldness and Procrastinations, tho' their Affairs were never so pressing. But 'tis, in short, incident to People in Danger, that while there is hope of Aid from their Confede­rates and Friends, their greatest Reliance and expectation of Support is from them; but those Hopes once lost, and streightned by Adversity, they become driven to apply Re­medies of their own, and convert all their Strength to their single and particular Safety. Wherefore there seems to be no blame due to the Pharaeans and the rest, for having made Levies for their own defence, while the Achaian Praetor fail'd them. But they are not without imputation of having done amiss, in refusing to contribute however to the Common Stock of the Confederacy. And as there is no doubt but their care for themselves in particular was just; so while they were able, they were indispensibly bound to contribute to the Ge­neral Concernment of the League; especially considering that by the Articles of the Treaty of Alliance, they were to be repaid, whatso­ever they should contribute, and what was of further weight, they themselves were the Au­thors of the Confederacy of the Achaians.

While matters were thus transacted in Pe­loponnesus, King Philip, having march'd through Thessaly, came to Epirus; where af­ter he had incorporated the Epirot Supplies, who were to join him with his own Troops, together with three hundred Slingers that had been sent him from Achaia, and three hundred Cretans, who were supply'd by the Polyrrhe­naeans, he continu'd his march; and having cross'd the Kingdom of Epirus, he came to the Frontiers of Ambracia: And in case he had made no delay, but had led his Army di­rectly into Aetolia, and sallen by surprize with so strong a hand on that People, he had in all likelihood given a period to the War. But the Epirots being instant with him to set first down before Ambracia, he by that means gave the Enemy time to fortifie and provide for themselves. Thus the Epirots preferring little private Gain, to the general Benefit of the Confederacy, their passion to get Ambracia into their hands, incited them to labour that Phi­lip might make the Siege of that Place his first Enterprize, coveting nothing more than to win Ambracia from the Aetolians, which nevertheless they saw not how it could be ef­fected, without first becoming Masters of Am­bracium, a Fortress of good strength, having a strong Wall about it, and standing in the midst of a Morass that surrounded it on all sides; to which there is but one strait access or passage, being a Causey made of Earth brought [Page 100]thither for that purpose. In short, this Place stands very commodiously for infesting the Country of the Ambracians, and the City it self: Wherefore Philip, by persuasion of the Epirots, sat down before it, and dispos'd things for the Siege.

Scopas, in the mean while, at the head of all the Aetolian Forces, takes his march thro' Thessaly, and falls into Macedon; where pas­sing the Plains of Pieria, he ravag'd the Country without opposition: And after ha­ving taken much Plunder, he march'd toward Dlum; which Place being deserted by the In­habitants, he dismantled, burning the Porti­co's belonging to the Temple, and destroying all the Ornaments, and whatever was of use to the People when they assembled to cele­brate their Festivals. He likewise spoil'd and threw down all the Statues of the Kings of Macedon: And he, who from the beginning of these Troubles, and in his first Expedition, made War not on Men only, but against the Gods, was, on his return home, not only not censur'd as an impious or sacrilegious Per­son, but honour'd as a Man of Merit, and a good Servant of the Commonwealth; and (by the promise of further success he made them) much animated the Aetolians, who now concluded none would dare to approach their Country in a hostile manner, while they themselves pillag'd with impunity not only Peloponnesus, but Thessaly and Macedon it self.

King Philip soon receiv'd advice of this In­vasion of his own Kingdom; and tho' he en­dur'd with pain the Obstinacy and Ambition of the Epirots, nevertheless he resolv'd to con­tinue the Siege of Ambracium: And when he had perform'd all that could be expected in the like cases, and had terrify'd the Inhabitants by his Works and Approaches, at length took it on composition, after a Siege of forty Days. So turning out the Aetolian Garrison, consist­ing of about five hundred Men, who by Ar­ticles were to suffer no ill treatment, he gave Ambracium to the Epirots, and thus gratify'd their Ambition. This done, he leads his Ar­my along the River Charadra, with purpose speedily to pass the Gulf of Ambracia, where it is narrowest, near the Temple of the Acar­nanians, call'd Actium. This Gulf comes out of the Sicilian Sea, and parts the Kingdom of Epirus and Acarnaria; the Mouth is but nar­row, being little more than half a Mile broad; but it soon widens, and is in some places twelve Miles over, stretching in length about forty Miles in, from the Sicilian Sea, running between the above-nam'd Countries. Epirus is on the North-side, and Acarnania on the South. After he had pass'd this Gulf with his Army, he took his march through Acarna­nia, and drew towards Phaerea, an Aetolian Town; and recruiting his Army with two thousand Acarnanian Foot, and about two [Page 102]hundred Horse, he invested that Place; and after many vigorous Attacks, for two Days together, the third it capitulated, the Aeto­lian Garrison marching out with their Bag­gage, as it was articled. The following Night, there arriv'd five hundred Aetolians, who came to the relief of the Place, thinking it had been still their own. But the King, receiving an account of their march, possess'd himself of certain advantageous Posts in their way; and falling on them, cut of the greatest part of them, taking the rest Pris'ners, a very few only escaping. Then after he had distribu­ted thirty Days Corn to the Army (the Grana­ries of this Town being very well replenish'd) he march'd towards Strategica; and coming within little more than a Mile of the Place, he encamp'd by the River Achelous? From thence continuing his march, he ravag'd the Country round about, no Enemy appearing to with­stand him.

About this time the Achaians, beginning to feel the ill effects of the War, hearing the King was at hand, sent their Ambassadors to wait on him, and demand Succours. These found him near Stratus; who when they had done their Commission, represented how pro­fitable an Enterprize it would be to march to Rhium, and fall by that way on the Aetolians. After Philip had given Audience to the Am­bassadors, he did not presently dismiss them; but holding them in hand, told them he would [Page 103]deliberate on their Proposals: So decamping, he march'd the Army to Metropolis and Conope. At Metropolis the Aetolians held the Citadel, but [...]tred the Town, which the King de­stroy'd, and so prosecuted his march to Conope.

In the mean time the Aetolian Horse were got together, and boldly resolv'd to attempt the obstructing his Passage over the River, about two Miles from the Town, believing they should be able either to hinder his pas­sing, or at least to do the Army much damage in the attempt. But the King, who had knowledge of their Purpose, commanded the Buckler-Men first to enter the River, and to ap­proach the other Bank by Troops or Cohorts well cover'd with their Bucklers, after the Tortoise manner. These Orders being ob­serv'd, as they gain'd the other Shoar, the Ae­tolians attack'd the advanc'd Party, and in truth made some dispute; but when they ob­serv'd these to halt, and to draw into close order, and that the second and third Cohorts joining them, compos'd as it were a Wall of Defence with their Bucklers; they then gave back, and retreated into the Town, despair­ing to perform any further Service.

After this occasion, the Aetolians presum'd no more to come into the Field, but shut themselves up in their Places of Defence. Af­ter the King had pass'd the River, and spoil'd all the low Country without opposition, he advanc'd to Ithoria, a Place fortify'd and [Page 104]strong by Art and Nature, and standing in the way of his march. Nevertheless, on the ap­proach of the Army, the Garrison thought it best to retire and abandon their Works. Thus becoming Master of this Place, he order'd it forthwith to be dismantled and demolish'd, commanding his Troops that ravag'd the Country far and wide, to do the like to all the Fortresses they could get into their hands.

After he had pass'd this Streight, he mov'd by easier marches, the better to enable the Soldiers to carry their Plunder. Then having furnish'd the Army with all things necessary, he led them towards Oeniade, and by the way sitting down before Paeanium, (which Town he resolv'd to be first Master of) he took it by force, after many Assaults. This was a Place of no great extent, being hardly a Mile about, but no way inferiour to the others, as well for the Beauty of the Buil­dings, as the Strength of the Wall and Works. He caus'd the Fortifications to be raz'd, and the Edifices to be demolish'd, taking order with the Timber and Rafters to make Floats to transport himself to Oeniade. The Aetoli­ans seem'd at first resolv'd to fortifie and keep possession of the Citadel of that Place; but on the approach of King Philip, the fear pre­vail'd; so they quitted that likewise. After the King was become Master of Oeniade, he march'd into Calydonia, where he invested a well-fortify'd Place, having a strong Wall, [Page 105]and which was well furnish'd with Stores and Provisions of War. For King Attalus it seems had supply'd the Aetolians with all things needful to the Defence of this Town: But Phi­lip taking it by force, the Macedonians wasted all the Country of Calydonia; and afterwards he march'd back to Oeniade. The King ha­ving well consider'd the commodious situa­tion of the Place, as well for the passage it gave into Peloponnesus, as other Advantages, resolv'd to fortifie and begirt it with a Wall. Oeniade is situate on the Sea, upon the very out-skirts of Acarnania, where it borders on the Aetolians, at the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth; it stands fronting towards Pelopon­nesus, and lies opposite to the Coast of Dyma, and not distant above twelve Miles from the Country that borders on Araxus; wherefore he fortify'd the Castle, and laid the Design of joining the Arsenal and the Port, and destin'd for that Service the Materials he had caus'd to be transported from Paeanium.

But while these Things were under conside­ration, he receiv'd Letters from Macedon, whereby he understood that the Dardanians believing he had taken his march into Pelopon­nesus, had resolv'd to fall on him at home: That they had levy'd Forces for that Enter­prize, and were making great Provision of all kinds for prosecuting the War. Whereupon judging it but just to repair to the relief of his own Country, he therefore dismisseth the A­chaian [Page 106]Ambassadors, giving them assurance, That as soon as he should be able to compose his Affairs at home, there was nothing more in his Thoughts than to come and give them his utmost Assistance. Whereupon he de­parted, marching with great diligence back by the same way he came. At his passage of the Gulf of Ambracia, in his way out of Acar­nania into Epirus, he was met by Demetrius of Pharus, who had been compell'd to fly out of Illyria by the Romans (as we have already noted) having only one single Vessel with him. The King receiv'd him kindly, ordering him to go first to Corinth, and from thence to take his way through Thessaly, and come and meet him in Macedon.

After Philip had pass'd through Epirus, he continu'd his march without halting; and on his arrival at Pella, a Macedonian Town, the Dardanians, who had got intelligence of his return, by certain Thracian Fugitives, terri­fy'd at his diligence and sudden appearance, dismiss'd their Army, after they were got near the Frontiers of Macedon. Whereupon having notice that the Dardanian Army was broken, he dismiss'd the Macedonians that were then with him, to go and gather in their Harvest, passing himself into Thessaly, to spend the remaining part of the Summer at Larissa. About the same time, Paulus Aemi­lius triumph'd magnificently at Rome, for his Victory over the Illyrians: And Hannibal, [Page 107]after taking Saguntum by storm, march'd his Army into Winter-Quarters. The Romans now assur'd of the loss of Saguntum, sent Am­bassadors to Carthage, to demand the delive­ring up of Hannibal; but did not in the mean time respite their Preparations for the War, having created Publius Cornelius Scipio, and Tiberius Sempronius Consuls. But forasmuch as we have treated at large of these Occurren­ces in our preceding Book, we only give here this hint thereof, a little to refresh the Rea­der's Memory, and to the end contemporary Affairs may be the better understood. And here we are come to the end of the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad.

The Aetolians having in their Assembly created Dorimachus Praetor, he was no sooner seated in his Authority, when assembling their Troops he led them into the upper Epi­rus, where he acted all the Violences of War, not so much now in prospect of Profit to him­self as in Malice to the Epirots. And on his arrival near the Temple of Dodona, he there burnt and demolish'd all the Portico's, spoiling the Ornaments, and destroying in short the Temple it self. Thus the Aetolians, careless of what is practis'd in time of Peace or War, acted such outrageous Parts in both Peace and War, as shew'd them ignorant of the Rights and Customs of human Nature; persisting to execute what they had once resolv'd without [Page 108]regard to Gods or Men. As to Dorimachus, after he had done all the spoil he could, he re­turn'd back to Aetolia. And now albeit the Winter was not yet over, and the Season af­forded no hopes of King Philip's returning yet awhile; that Prince notwithstanding, taking with him three thousand of that sort of Troops they call Chalcaspides; from their carrying Brazen Shields; two thousand Buckler-men, three hundred Candiots, and about four hun­dred Horse; with this Body of Men he de­parted from Larissa, and took his march through Thessaly, and so to Eubaea, and thence by Cynus to Corinth; marching by the Fron­tiers of Boeotia and Megara; and in short perform'd his Journey with so great secresie and expedition, that the Peloponnesians had not the least notice of it. On his arrival at Corinth he caus'd the Gates of the City to be immediately clos'd, and placing Guards on all the Avenues, sent the next day to Sicyon for the elder Aratus, and dispatch'd Letters to the Achaian Praetor, and the several Towns of Achaia, requiring them to let him know, how soon they could be able to assemble their Troops, and to assign a place of Rendezvous. This done he continu'd his march towards Dioscurium a City of Phliasia and there en­camp'd.

At this time Euripidas having with him two Cohorts of Eleans, and certain Pirats and mercenary Strangers, amounting in all to a­bout [Page 109]two and twenty hundred Men: With these Troops he departed from Psophis, taking his march by Phoenice and Stymphalia, (igno­rant of King Philip's return) with design to attack and plunder the Territory of Sicyon. But so it chanc'd, that the same Night that Philip encamp'd near Dioscurium, he march'd by, leaving the King's Army somewhat in his Rear, expecting the next Morning to fall on the Sicyonians. But his People lighting on certain of the Candiots, who had been com­manded out to Forage; by these Prisoners Eu­ripidas got notice of the arrival of the Mace­donians. Whereupon he march'd back with his Troops without imparting his Intelligence to any Body, taking the same Road by which he came, purposing to prevent the Macedoni­ans, and take possession of the Rocks and Ground beyond Stymphalia that commands the Passage. The King, who knew nothing of his Design, departed the next day as he had purpos'd, with intention to march by the Town of Stymphalia it self, and so to Caphya; the place appointed for the Rendezvous of the Achaian Troops

At that very instant then, that the Van­guard of the Macedonians came to the foot of the Mountain Apeaurus, not a Mile from the Town of Stymphalia; the Van of the Eleans in like manner approach'd the same Ground: Which when Euripidas perceiv'd, and by what he was told, and by reasonable conje­cture [Page 110]became throughly satisfy'd that it was so; he takes with him a Party of Horse only, and to get himself out of danger, escapes to Psophis, passing over Rocks and By-ways, the better to conceal his flight. The rest of his Troops beholding themselves abandon'd of their Leader, and being astonish'd at the sur­prize, stood a while to consider what was best to be done: For the principal among them were at first of Opinion, That it was only: Party of Achaians that had been drawn toge­ther, and came to the relief of the Country: Then perceiving they bore brazen Shields, they took them for Megalopolitans: For it seems that People had made use of these Arms in the Battel that had been fought with Cleo­menes near Selasia, Antigonus having so or­der'd it. So that keeping themselves in good Order, they continu'd their March, and with assurance approach'd the Mountain. But they no sooner became certain that they were Macedonians, when quitting their Arms, they betook themselves to slight. About twelve Hundred of them were taken, some cut in pieces on the place, and many perish'd among the Rocks and Precipices; and, in a word, not above one Hundred of the whole Party made their Escape: So Philip sending the Pri­soners and the Booty to Corinth continu'd his march.

This Victory pass'd for a kind of Miracle among the Peloponnesians, the news of Philip's [Page 111]Coming and Conquering being told at one and the same time. After he had travers'd Arcadia, and surmounted the Hardships of the Snows, and Difficulties of the Ways, he arriv'd in three Days at Caphya. Here the King halted for two Days to refresh his Army; then taking with him Aratus the younger, with the Achaian Troops which he had there drawn together, amounting to Ten Thousand Men, he march'd the Army toward Psophis by the way of Clitoria, seizing on the Arms and Ladders in all the Towns in his march. Psophis is confess'd by all without contradicti­on to be the most ancient City of Arcadia: Its situation, with respect to Peloponnesus, is in the heart of that Country; with respect to Arcadia it stands on the West-borders thereof, towards the Achaian Frontiers, in the Neigh­bourhood of the Elean Territory, with whom at that time they were in League. Hither Philip arriving in three Days from Caphya, Encamp'd on certain Eminences that lie front­ing the Town; from whence there is an easie prospect (out of all danger) both of the Town and Neighbouring Villages round about. From hence then taking a view of the great strength of the place, he grew in doubt what to determine; for on the West side there runs a rapid Stream, which during almost all the Winter is no way fordable: This on that side fortifies the Town, and by the depth of its Channel, renders it almost inaccessible, the [Page 112]Waters falling from on high, having in pro­cess of time worn it to great depth. On the East-side runs the Erymanthus, a great and violent River, whereof many Tales are told, and are in every ones mouth. On the South­side, where the Torrent empties into the E­rymanthus, the Town is environ'd with many Waters, which give it great strength on that Quarter. As to the other part that regards the North, there stands an Eminence very strong by Nature, and exceedingly improv'd by Art; and this work serv'd them for a Citadel. Furthermore, the Walls and Works about the Town were considerable both for height and structure. And over and above all this, the Eleans had furnish'd the place with a good Garrison; and Euripidas, who had escap'd in the late Defeat, was in the Town.

When Philip had well weigh'd all these Matters, sometimes he resolv'd not to adven­ture to Besiege them; but soon again he be­came of another Mind, when he reflected on the great Importance of the place: For as it greatly annoy'd at that time both the Achai­ans and Arcadians, so it was a Rampier and Bulwark of the Eleans; he foresaw that were it once in his possession, it would become an admirable Fortress whereby to cover the Ar­cadians against the Insults of the Enemy, and an excellent place of Arms and retreat for the Allies, who made War on the Eleans. Where­fore [Page 113]he became at length resolv'd to attempt the Siege; and ordering his Troops to refresh themselves, and to be in a readiness under their Arms by break of Day, he commanded them to march down and pass the Bridge o­ver the Erymanthus; which they did without any Impediment, none suspecting they would adventure on so hardy an Enterprize: Then bravely approaching the Town, they came and lodg'd themselves at the foot of the Wall. Upon this, Euripidas and all within the Town were struck with great Terror and A­mazement, having always concluded it most improbable, that the Enemy would ever be so adventurous, as to make an essay of their Strength against a place so well fortify'd and provided; nor to resolve on a long Siege, by reason of the Winter and bad Weather. Ne­vertheless, with these Thoughts were mix'd certain Jealousies among themselves, and an apprehension lest Philip should become Master of the Place by intelligence. But these Fears were soon over; and after they found there was no ground of Suspicion of that, there being none so much as inclin'd to Philip's Party, they then unanimously betook them­selves to the defence of the Works, the great­est part of the Garrison mounting the Walls, while the Elean Mercenaries made a Sally by a Gate in the upper part of the Town, to surprize the Enemy on that side. In the mean time, the King having appointed three [Page 114]several Attacks, order'd Ladders to be rais'd by People destin'd to that particular Service, against each assign'd place, with a sufficient Guard of Macedonians to sustain them: Then commanding to sound to the Charge, they advanc'd to the Assault on all Quarters of the Town. The Garrison for a space made brave resistance, casting down many of their Lad­ders. But it coming to pass that their Darts, and other Weapons of Defence in such occa­sions, beginning to fail them (for they were drawn to the Walls in haste, as was noted) and the Macedonians bravely maintaining the Attack, notwithstanding the opposition they found, new Men boldly succeeding and fil­ling up the places of those who had been cast from the Works; that the Townsmen, no longer able to withstand them, deserted their Defence, and betook themselves for safety to the Citadel: So the Macedonians mounted, and became possess'd of the Walls; while the Candiots, who were come to Blows with the Party that had made the Sally, beat them back, and in the pursuit enter'd pell-mell with them into the Town; whereby it so chanc'd, that the place was subdu'd and taken in all Quarters at once. The Inhabitants, with their Wives and Children likewise took San­ctuary in the Citadel, as did Euripidas, and all that had time to provide for their safe­ty.

The Macedonians were no sooner Masters of the Town when they fell to plunder and rifle both publick and private Places, where they remain'd till they should receive further Orders. In the mean while, those who had retir'd to the Citadel, foreseeing what must inevitably besal them, having nothing there to sustain them, deliberated on yielding it up; accordingly they sent a Trumpet to the King, who gave them his Pass for the securi­ty of those whom they should appoint to Treat; who were the principal Men of the City, and with them Euripidas, who obtain'd Indemnity for all who were retir'd to the Ci­tadel, both Towns-Men and Strangers. Ne­vertheless, the Deputies were order'd to re­turn back, and there to remain till the Ar­my should be drawn off, lest some of the un­ruly Soldiers, less observant of the King's Commands, should be tempted to rifle them.

The Weather being bad (much Snow fal­ling) the King was constrain'd to take up his abode here for some days, where assembling all the Achaians that were with him, he first discours'd with them touching the situation of the Place; that it was well fortify'd, and of great use to them in the War they had on their hands. Then repeating the assurances of his fast Friendship to the Nation in gene­ral, he bestow'd the Town upon them, tel­ling them, he was fully determin'd to give them all the assistance in his utmost Power, [Page 116]and would let no occasion pass, whereby he might express his Affection to them. After Aratus, and the rest of the Achaians had express'd their grateful Acknowledgments for so many Favours and good Offices, the King dissolv'd the Assembly, and march'd the Army away towards Lasion; upon which the Psophidians left the Citadel, and came down into the Town to their respective Habitati­ons. As to Euripidas, he departed thence to Corinth, from whence he went to Aetolia. The Magistrates of the Achaians gave the Government of the Citadel to Proslaus the Sicyonian, placing therein a good Garrison, and Pythias they made Governor of the Town. Thus were Matters accommodated at Pso­phis.

The Elean Garrison in Lasion receiving no­tice of the approach of the Macedonians, and being inform'd of what had pass'd at Psophis, deserted the Town; into which the King im­mediately enter'd; on his arrival, to give further instance of his Kindness to the Achai­ans, he made them a Present likewise of this Place. He also restor'd Stratus to the Tel­phussians, which the Eleans had abandon'd; and, in short, in five Days marcht to Olymphia, where after he had sacrific'd, and magnificent­ly treated the prime Officers of the Army, and allow'd three Days to repose and refresh his Troops, he march'd them into the Territo­ry of the Eleans; where he no sooner enter'd, [Page 117]when he sent Detachments abroad to waste and plunder the Country, himself encamping in the Neighbourhood of Artemissium, whi­ther having order'd the Booty to be brought, he afterwards return'd back to Dioscurium. And here, tho' they put all to Fire and Sword where-ever they came, and took many Pri­soners; nevertheless, the greater part sav'd themselves by flying to the neighbouring Towns and Places of strength. For the Ter­ritory of the Eleans is the best Peopled Coun­try of all Peloponnesus, and the most abound­ing in all things; for the Inhabitants are for the most part so in love with a Country Life, that how Wealthy soever they are, they can­not be drawn from thence to inhabit their Towns.

The reason of this seems to be, that the Government greatly incourageth that sort of Life, whereby their Lands become better cul­tivated and improv'd; insomuch as they re­ceive from them all kind of Protection, and want no Privilege or Support it can give them. For my own part, I can easily believe they have been ever heretofore addicted to that manner of Living, as well through the fertility of the Soil, as the innocence and sim­plicity of the Manners of the ancient Inhabi­tants, while by the general consent of the Greeks they enjoy'd their Possessions without any Molestation; or fear of War or Violence; [Page 118]in consideration of the Olympic Games that were there celebrated.

But after the Arcadians had now Challeng'd a right to Lasion and Pisa, and they were be­come oblig'd to take Arms to defend their Possessions, they became chang'd in their Manners, and forgot the ancient Customs of their Country: without thought of recover­ing their old Liberty, and have long conti­nu'd for the most part in that state. Where­in, [...]methinks, they manifest a very stupid neglect of their own proper Benefit, and the Advantage of Posterity. For since Peace is a Blessing which Mankind in general ask of the Gods; and for the sake whereof there is hardly any thing we are not ready to do or suffer; and since among all those things that bear the name of Goods of Human Life, that alone remains undisputed; does it not seem a mighty Error then, and blindness of Mind, that while this Blessing may be honestly ob­tain'd, and perpetually enjoy'd to despise such a Treasure, and not esteem it a Felicity pre­ferable to all others? But let it be Objected, That such a sort of Government would expose them to the Insolence and Injuries of those, who should have a mind to make War on them, and violate their Faith. But this can but very rarely come to pass, and the gene­ral sense of such Violences, and the ready Succours of the whole Greek Nation would [Page 119]soon remedy such an Evil. And after all, Riches being the certain Product of long Peace, they would never want Mercenaries for their Money, whereby to strengthen them­selves, and Garrison their Places of Defence; while now in these our Days, out of a vain fear of what is very unlikely ever to happen, their Jealousies one of another beget nothing but War and Violence; and the mutual De­struction of each other. We have thus light­ly touch'd this subject in our way, to give a hint only to the Eleans of their proper Inte­rest, and the rather inasmuch as they can ne­ver hope to see a more favourable conjuncture, whereby to regain their lost Rights and Pri­vileges. In a word, if the Eleans chance at this Day to retain any kind of preference to their ancient manner of Country Employ­ments, it seems to be no other than some faint remains of their old Customs, which are not yet quite extinguish'd.

Hence then it came to pass, that when Philip fell in upon them, so many Prisoners were taken, and yet that so many notwith­standing made their escape into their Towns. To the Fortress of Thalamé especially many resorted, where they secur'd much Cattel, and great quantities of their Moveables; that Place being strongly situate, and the Avenues difficult, and standing remote from all Com­merce, and almost every way inaccessible. But when the King became inform'd, that [Page 120]many of the Enemy had retir'd thither, he thought himself oblig'd to attempt (at least his best) to dislodge them: Wherefore having first gain'd all the difficult Passes, whereby his Army might march with security, he left his Baggage in the Camp, guarded with a good part of his Army, and taking with him only his Buckler-men, and light-arm'd Troops, march'd through the Defiles which lead to­wards Thalamé. Those who were within the place, terrify'd at his approach, having been but little conversant in War, and wanting e­very thing for their defence; and there being great numbers of the baser sort of People mix'd with them, soon submitted, albeit they had a strength with them of two hundred Mercenary Soldiers that had been brought thither by Amphidamas an Officer of the Eleans.

As soon as Philip was Master of Thalamé, and the Booty they had there lodg'd, toge­ther with five Hundred Men, who were made Prisoners, and much Cattel of all sorts, he re­turn'd back to his Camp. And now his Ar­my being over-charg'd with Booty, whereby they became greatly hinder'd in their march, and all Military Expeditions, he found it ne­cessary to retire further, and re-encamp at Olympia.

Among the Tutors and Governors left by Antigonus to King Philip, who came a Child to the Crown, Apelles was one, who had [Page 121]preserv'd a powerful influence over the young Prince. This Person then having conceiv'd a project of reducing the Achaians to the state wherein the Thessalians then were, began his Design by means malicious enough: For tho' it seem'd to him, that the Thessalians were a free People, and liv'd in the enjoyment of all their Rights and Liberties, and their Condi­tion quite otherwise than that of the Macedo­nians; nevertheless, he was therein deceiv'd, for there was little or no difference between them, the Thessalians living liable to the same usage with the Macedonians, being oblig'd to do and submit to every thing the great Men of the Kingdom thought fit. Now forasmuch as Apelles bent all his Thoughts towards the compassing his Design, his first essay was on the Patience of the Achaian Soldiers, who serv'd at that time in the Army; he there­fore caus'd the Macedonians frequently to dis­lodge them, and possess their Quarters, when they found them at any time better provided than themselves; and often to deprive them of their Plunder. In a word, he caus'd them to be severely treated by the common Execu­tioners on every slight occasion: And if at any time they complain'd, or the Soldiers ap­pear'd to rescue their Friends from such hard Treatment, he caus'd them to be taken into Custody; conceiving, that by this sort of u­sage, he should be able, by degrees, and un­observ'd to bring the Achaians to bear by Cu­stom [Page 122]any burthen the King should think fit to lay upon them.

Thus Apelles was not without hopes of compassing his purpose, from his having ob­serv'd, that heretofore in the time of Antigo­nus, the Achaians cheerfully underwent many Hardships, to purchase their exemption from the Authority of Cleomenes. But so it chanc'd, that certain Achaian Soldiers, provok'd by this Usage, assembled themselves, and went and imparted the Project and Practice of A­pelles to Aratus: Who thereupon apply'd himself to the King, to obtain a Remedy for this Evil ere it got a head. Philip now in­form'd of what had been done, call'd these Soldiers to him, and gave them assurance that care should be taken for the future, that no such Injury should be offer'd them, bidding them rely on his Word; and accordingly he order'd Apelles to determine nothing at any time about the Achaian Soldiers, without first communicating with their Praetor, or Chief Officer. Thus Philip acquir'd a mighty Re­putation, not only among his own Subjects, but throughout all Peloponnesus; as well by his manner of Treatment of the Allies in the Camp, as by his personal Courage, Vigilance, and Abilities in War. And in truth it would have been hard to find a Prince to whom Na­ture had been more bountiful in those Gifts and Qualities, that are found necessary to the acquisition of Power and Empire: His Un­derstanding [Page 123]was clear, his Memory excellent, and his Person and Fashion bore the Majesty he held; but his brightest Vertues were his Resolution and Military Abilities. But in re­gard it would be too long a digression, to re­count here how it came to pass that he lost this excellent Character, and from a great King became a Tyrant; we will therefore re­ferr that Story to a more proper place.

King Philip then decamping from Olympia, march'd towards Pharae, and soon after came to Telphussa, and from thence to Heraea, where he caus'd all the Booty to be sold. Here he order'd a Bridge to be made over the River Al­pheus, whereby to facilitate his passage into the Territory of the Tryphalians. At the same time Dorimachus Praetor of the Aetolians, sent six hundred of that Nation under the Com­mand of Phylidas, to the Aid of the Eleans, who had demanded Succours against those that wasted their Country. Phylidas on his arrival joining five hundred Mercenaries to his own Troops, who were listed into the Aeto­lian Pay, and adding to them a thousand of the City-Bands, together with certain Taren­tines, march'd to the relief of the Tryphalians. This Country takes its Name from an Arca­dian Boy call'd Tryphalus: It stands in the Maritime parts of Peloponnesus, between the Eleans and Messenians, looking towards the Lybian Sea, on the skirts of Achaia towards the North-West. The Towns of this Coun­try [Page 124]are Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, Typa­naea, Pyrgus, Aepyum, Bolax, Styllagium, and Phryxa. The Eleans having of late days sub­du'd and reduc'd all these Places to their Obe­dience, to which they added Alipheraea, here­tofore an Arcadian Town; and Megalopolis it self, by the procurement of Alliadas, while the Soveraignty was in his hand, which was negotiated by way of exchange, for cer­tain Reasons best known to him and the Eleans.

The King being now quit of his Plunder and Baggage, passing the Alpheus which runs by the Walls of Heraea, came to Alipheraea: This Town is seated on an Eminence, which lies steep and sloping every way, being an ascent of above a Mile to the top, where stands a Fortress, in which there is a Statue of Brass of Minerva, famous for its Magnitude and the Excellence of the Workmanship. The Inha­bitants themselves can give no very clear ac­count why it was there plac'd, nor at whose Charge it was done. But as to the Work­men, all conclude it to have been wrought by the hands of Hecatodorus and Sostratus; and that it is the most beautiful and fi­nish'd Piece they ever perform'd. Philip ha­ving order'd those who carry'd the Sca­ling-Ladders to be ready by Day-break, at certain places assign'd them, sent his Mer­cenaries before, and to sustain them a Body of Macedonians, giving them Orders to begin [Page 125]all together to mount the Hill, at the instant the Sun appear'd above the Horizon: Which Directions were punctually and with great Re­solution observ'd by the Macedonians. Those of the place hastening to that part where they saw the Macedonians in greatest number, gave the King opportunity at the head of a Party of cho­sen Men, to pass unobserv'd by those of the For­tress, over certain broken Grounds, full of Rocks and Precipices: From whence giving the Signal, they approach'd with their Ladders to mount the Works. Philip himself first enters, and takes possession of an unguarded part of the Place, which he immediately sets in a flame; whereupon those, who were defending the Wall, beholding all on fire, terrify'd at the Danger they saw so near them, and fearing they should lose the Citadel, which was their last Refuge, forthwith abandon'd the Defence of their Wall, and hastned thither. Where­upon the Macedonians became presently Ma­sters of the Works and the Town. But those who were retreated to the Citadel, soon sent to the King, and, on composition for their Lives, yielded it up. This Success spread Fear throughout all the Country of Tryphalia, and every one began to deliberate how to preserve themselves and save their Country.

As to Phylidas, he having quitted Typa­naea, and committed some Spoils on the Al­lies, retir'd to Lepreum. For in those times, the Confederates of the Aetolians were accu­stom'd, [Page 126]tho' in Amity, not only to be by them deserted in their greatest straits, but suf­fer'd themselves to be plunder'd and betray'd by them; and endur'd at their hands (who call'd them Friends) all the Outrages that could be fear'd from a conquering Enemy. Those of Typanaea gave up their City to King Philip; and the Hypanaeans follow'd their example. In the mean time, the Phialians having understood what pass'd in Tryphalia, detesting the Aetolian League, resolutely took possession of the Palace, where the Pole­marchs or Magistrates resided. As to the Aetolian Pilferers, who held their abode at Phialia, with design to spoil from thence the Lands of the Messenians, and were at that time consulting about enterprizing something on the Phialians themselves; when they came to understand that the Inhabitants were de­termin'd to stand on their guard, and repel Force by Force, they thereupon chang'd their purpose, and after having taken certain Security of those of the Town, they march'd out with all their Baggage; whereupon the Phialians dispatch'd their Deputies to the King, giving their Town and Country up to his discretion.

During these Transactions, the Lepreans seizing a quarter of the Town into their hands, attempted to force out of the Citadel, the Ae­tolians, Eleans, and the Troops that had been sent to their relief by the Lacedaemonians. But [Page 127] Phylidas at first set light by this their At­tempt, seeming resolv'd to do his best to pre­serve the Town in Obedience, and terrifie the Inhabitants. But on Philip's sending Taurion with part of the Army towards Phia­lia, and himself now drawing near, his Cou­rage began to sink; whereupon the Lepreans grew more assur'd, and did an Action in that occasion very memorable. For albeit there were at that time in the Town a thousand Eleans, five hundred Aetolians, and two hundred Lacedaemonians, and the Citadel over and above in their hands; they had ne­vertheless the Resolution to enterprize the de­livering of their Country, and would not con­sent to betray themselves by a slavish Fear or Submission. Wherefore Phylidas perceiving the Citizens determination, march'd toge­ther with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians out of the Town; as to the Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartiatae, they return'd by the way of Messina to their own Country, and Phylidas retreated to Samicum. As soon as the Lepreans became Masters of their Liber­ty, they dispatch'd their Deputies to Philip to make tender of their City, and put it into his hands. After the King had given them Audience, he dispatch'd a part of his Troops to Leprea; and continu'd his march with his Buckler-men, and light-arm'd Troops, being determin'd to attack Phylidas; who (with the loss of all his Plunder and Baggage) was, [Page 128]as we said, retreated to Samicum, whither the King speedily came, and encamp'd in view of the Place; and sending This Orders for the rest of his Troops to join him from Leprea, made countenance of resolving to be­siege it. Whereupon the Eleans and Aetoli­ans, who were unprovided for Defence; and had nothing but the bare Walls to trust to began to capitulate; so it was agreed they should march out with their Arms; from whence they went to Elea. Thus the King became Master of Samicum. And now upon the Supplication of the Towns round about, he receiv'd them all into his Protection; as, namely, Phryxa, Styllagium, Epia, Bolax, Pyrga, and Epitalia, and so march'd back to Leprea, having in the space of six Days com­pass'd the Reduction of all Tryphalia to his Obedience.

After some Conference with the Lepreans, suiting the time and occasion, he put a Gar­rison into the Citadel, and led his Army to­wards Heraea, leaving Ladicus the Acarna­nian his Governour in Tryphalia. Upon his arrival at Heraea, he order'd the Booty to be divided and distributed to the Soldiers; and after he had victual'd the Army, and supply'd himself with all things necessary, he departed from Heraea, being then mid­winter, and march'd towards Megalopo­lis.

While Success thus waited on the Arms of King Philip in Tryphalia, Chilon the Lacedae­monian, conceiving the Right of Succession to the Crown to be in him, and not longer able to suffer the Injury that had been done him by the Ephori, (who in his wrong had preferr'd Lycurgus to the Royalty) was determin'd to attempt something towards doing himself Justice. Wherefore being persuaded he should win much on the People, if by the ex­ample of Cleomenes (and many others) he gave them hopes of a new division of the Lands; he by that means meditated how to put his Enterprize in effect. After he had imparted his purpose then to his Friends, whereof there were no less than two hundred, who engag'd in the Conspiracy, he resolv'd to lose no time. But forasmuch as he well knew, that Lycurgus and the Ephori who had elected him, were the main Impediment, he first attack'd them, and surprizing the Ephori as they sat at Table, kill'd them there. Thus did Fortune bring those Men to suffer what their Practices had demerited; for whether we consider either the Actor, or the Action, it cannot but be confess'd their end was just. After they had dispatch'd the Ephori, Chilon hastens to the House of Lycurgus, but chanc'd there to be disappointed; he, by the help of his Friends and Servants being secretly con­vey'd away, making his escape to Pellene, by private ways, unknown to his Enemy. And [Page 130]now tho' Chilon fail'd of effecting the most important part of his Enterprize, and had but an indifferent prospect of Success; never­theless, he was under a necessity of prose­cuting what he had began. Wherefore go­ing into the Market-place, he there attacks and kills all he could find, whom he knew to be his Enemies; greatly animating his Friends and Relations, and giving some hopes to the Multitude. But beholding at length when he had done all, that few or none took part with him; on the contrary finding himself in danger, he secretly withdrew and depart­ed; taking his way through the Territory of Laconia, and so escap'd into Achaia, when he liv'd as a banish'd Man.

The Lacedaemonians apprehending the ap­proach of King Philip, secur'd their Effects in the Country, slighted Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans, and dismantled the Works.

Thus the People of Sparta, who had long liv'd in the injoyment of so excellent a form of Government, from the time that Lycurgus gave them their Laws; and who held so great a share of Power and Reputation till the Ba [...] ­tel of Leuctra, sell at length (when Fortune had forsaken them) into deplorable Calami­ties. Their Reputation diminish'd every day intestine jarrs vex'd and tormented them, un­der colour of dividing their Lands, till is the end they were brought so low as to sub­mit to the Tyranny of Nabis, who heretofore [Page 131]could not brook to hear so much as the Name of Tyrant. But enough has been said by o­thers on the subject of the ancient Lacedae­monians and their Actions, and every Body knows what befel them, as soon as Cleomenes had subverted the establish'd Laws and Form of their Republick; nor shall we omit to make further mention of them as occasion shall be given. From Megalopolis Philip march'd his Troops by the way of Tegaea to Argos, where he pass'd the remainder of the Winter; having acquir'd a Reputation much greater than his Age promis'd, through the many, noble, and early Actions he had al­ready perform'd. In the mean time, Apelles (of whom we have already spoken) had not so given over his Project as to be without hopes, as was plainly seen, of bringing by degrees the Achaians Necks to the Yoke. But he well knew that Aratus, both Father and Son, withstood his Design, and that the King held them in singular esteem, especially the Father, who had been in great Reputati­on with Antigonus, and was known to be a very powerful Man among the Achaians; and the King himself, I say, valu'd him for his Prudence and great Abilities. Wherefore Apelles resolv'd to attack these two, and by fraud and address do his best to ruine them with King Philip. Pursuant to which, he first carefully informs himself of their Ene­mies, and all who among the Achaians were [Page 132]of the opposite Faction; and being well in­structed in their several Interests and Cha­racters, he sends for them to Court; and on their Arrival, employs all his Arts to win and engage them to his Friendship, acting in their Favour with the King, whom he labour'd to persuade, That if he continu'd to treat the Aratuses with so much Deference, he could never hope to gain any thing on the Achaians, further than what was stipulated by the Arti­cles of the Confederacy. But if he should please to countenance and encourage those he should recommend, he would soon compass whatever he desir'd, and dispose of all Mat­ters in Peloponnesus at his pleasure. Further­more, the time of Election of their Prae­tor drawing nigh, he resolv'd to do his best to conferr that Dignity on one of his own Party, and to diminish by all means possible the Power of the Aratuses Administration, as being in no wise proper for his use in the Part he had to act; whereupon he prevail'd with the King to go as it were in Progress to Ae­gium, and to be present at the Achaian As­sembly. So Philip follow'd his Counsel, and fail'd not to be there in due time; where Apelles by Threats on the one hand, and Persuasion on the other, compass'd with great difficulty the Election of Eperatus the Pha­rian, to the Praetorship, in preference to Ti­moxenus, who had been set up by Aratus.

Soon after, the King departed from Aegi­um, marching the Army towards Patroe and Dymas, and came to the Fortress of Tichos, which stands on the Borders of the Dymaeans, and whereof, as hath been elsewhere observ'd, Euripidas had been long before possess'd. The King then being very desirous to win back this Castle, and restore it to the Dymaeans, encamp'd with the whole Army by it; where­upon the Elean Garrison within became so ter­rify'd, that they quickly deliver'd it up. This place, tho' but small, is exceeding strong; it is not in circuit above a Furlong, but the Walls are not less than five and fifty Foot high. So the King restor'd it to the Dymae­ans, and then led his Army into the Country of the Eleans, wasting and plundering far and wide; and after he had loaden the Sol­diers with Booty, return'd back to Dymas-Apelles, who began now to think he had ad­vanc'd far in his Enterprize; having obtain'd an Achaian Praetor of his Faction, he renew'd his Attempts on the Aratuses, being deter­min'd totally to destroy their Interest with the King. He pursu'd them then with Ca­lumnies, which he thus manag'd: Amphida­mus, chief of the Eleans, who had been ta­ken Prisoner at Thalamé, (whither he was retir'd, as hath been told) being brought a­mong others to Olympia, so wrought by the mediation of Friends, that he was admitted to a Conference with the King; in which [Page 134]Audience he persuaded him, That it would be no difficult matter to procure him the Friendship of the Eleans, and that he well knew by what means to effect it, and make that People covet his Alliance. The King being wrought to believe him, forthwith dis­charg'd him without Ransom; impow'ring him to assure the Eleans, That on condition of their ent'ring into League with him, all their Prisoners should be enlarg'd Ransom-free: That he would protect their Country from Plunder, and all the wasteful effects of War, and confirm and preserve their rightful Liberties, so as they should live in the entire enjoyment of all their Privileges, and be ex­empt both from Garrisons and Tribute. And now albeit these Overtures contain'd so much favour, and might be thought sufficient to engage them; nevertheless the Eleans would not be drawn to listen to them, but remain'd immovable.

This incidence arm'd Apelles with Calum­nies against the Aratuses, who charg'd them with Insincerity to the King, and that they did not, as they ought, serve the Interest of the League in which they were engag'd with the Macedonians, telling the King, if the E­leans had shewn any aversion to his Friend­ship, it was wholly due to the Artifices of the Aratuses: That, in short, upon Amphido­mus's departure from Olympia towards Elis, they took an occasion to have Conference [Page 135]with him, and so prevail'd, that he became of another Mind, and chang'd his Purpose; being by them persuaded, That it would be in no wise for the Interest of the Peloponnesi­ans, that King Philip should acquire any Pow­er over the Eleans; and that this was the cause why the Eleans receiv'd the King's Pro­posals so coldly, and persisted in their Con­federacy with the Aetolians, and endur'd so patiently the Mischiefs they suffer'd from the Macedonians.

As soon as Philip had heard these things, he order'd the two Aratuses to be sent for, to the end he might confront them with their Accuser, who should be oblig'd to charge them to their Faces with these Matters, where­of they had been accus'd to him in private. Whereupon they came and heard what Apelles had to say; who charg'd them roundly and with great assurance, and a Countenance full of Menaces; adding, in the King's Presence (who had not yet spoken) That since the King had discover'd their Ingratitude to him, and that they had render'd themselves so un­worthy of his good Offices, he had therefore deliberated on calling an Assembly of the A­chaians, to whom he would impart the Cause, and then return with his Army into Macedon. Whereupon the elder Aratus reply'd, praying the King not over-hastily to give credit to what he heard; and that whensoever he should stand accus'd of any Matters to him, by any [Page 136]Friend or Ally, he would vouchsafe to fift [...] and examine every thing with Caution, before he came to believe a Calumnious Impeach­ment against him: That furthermore, as it became the Justice of a Prince so to do, so the thing in it self was advantageous to him: That in the mean time, it would be but fair-dealing in Apelles to cause those Persons to be produc'd who were Witnesses to the Confe­rence, whereof he had been accus'd, and the Person likewise himself who had given Apelles the Information: That, in short, nothing ought to be omitted, whereby the King might arrive at the certain Truth of the Mat­ter, before he should determine to discover any thing thereof in the Assembly of the Achaians. The King became of Aratus's Mind; and reply'd, That he would not in any wise resolve hastily, but would carefully first inform himself in every particular of the Matter; and thereupon dismiss'd the Compa­ny. Not long after this Controversie (over and above that Apelles never produc'd any Proof of the Accusation) a chance happen'd, which greatly favour'd the Cause of Aratus. Amphidamus falling under suspicion of the Eleans, about the Time Philip was wasting their Country, they had therefore form'd a Design to secure his Person, and sending him Prisoner to the Aetolians. But he having some suspicion of their Purpose, withdrew himself, and escap'd first to Olympia; after­wards [Page 137]being inform'd, that the King intended to remain some Days at Dymas, where he di­vided the Booty, he departed from thence, and came thither to him. Aratus was well pleas'd with the Escape and Arrival of Am­phidamus; he therefore with the assurance of an innocent Man, pray'd the King to order him to be brought to his Presence, who with­out Controversie would be best able of all o­thers rightly to inform him, he being a prin­cipal Person to whom the Secret was said to be imparted, adding, That there could be no doubt of his Sincerity in the Relation he should give, considering he had been compell'd now to abandon his Country on the score of the King, and had no other recourse but to him. This Request of Aratus was thought but reasonable; wherefore Amphidamus was brought to the King, by whom the untruth of the Accusation was made to appear. This prov'd the occasion that the Good will of King Philip grew now more and more to­wards Aratus, whom he held in very great consideration; and, on the contrary, of his change towards Apelles, whom he came by degrees to dislike: Howbeit, he dissembled that and many other things all he could, through the long possession of Power he had acquir'd with him.

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In the mean time, Apelles neglects not to pursue his Design, prevailing to have Taurion, who was Governour for the King in Pelopon­nesus, to be remov'd from that Trust; not by any Accusation he preferr'd against him, but more artfully by praising his Abilities, and that it was for the King's better Service to have him present with him in his Wars and Expeditions; when his meaning was, to have it in his Power to provide a Governour of his own stamp in Peloponnesus. Thus by this new way are Praises converted into Calum­nies, and Men are undone by Recommenda­tion. A malicious refin'd Artifice, forg'd and put in practice by those who live in the Courts of Princes, the effects of Jealousie and Ambition. Furthermore, Apelles took all occasions to diminish the Credit of Alexander with the King, who had the Command of his Guards, to the end he might have it in his Power likewise to dispose of that Place, and, to conclude all in a word, bent his utmost Endeavours to introduce a total Change in the establish'd Order of Government, which had been left by Antigonus; tho' that Prince, while he liv'd, rul'd the Kingdom and the young King with great Wisdom, and at his Death provided as wisely for every thing. For in his Will he left his Reasons to the Ma­cedonians, of the whole Method of his Con­duct, and laid down Rules and Prescriptions for their future Government; appointing to [Page 139]whom the administration of Affairs should be committed; and aiming by all means possible so to settle the Kingdom, as to leave no mo­tive of Dissention or Discord among the Mi­nisters and others, whom they should em­ploy. Wherefore he nominated Apelles for one of the young King's Tutors, who at that time was jointly trusted with him in other Matters. To Leontius he gave the Com­mand of the Buckler-men; Megalea was made Secretary; Taurion was appointed Go­vernour of Peloponnesus; and Alexander had the Command of the King's Guards.

But in conclusion, Megalea and Leontius being Creatures of Apelles, he dispos'd them as he pleas'd, and therefore set all his Arts at work to remove Alexander and Taurion from Authority, that himself might have the Pow­er, or execute it by instruments of his own; all which Designs, he had in great likelihood brought to pass had he not engag'd in that secret War with Aratus. Wherefore he came at length to feel the smart of his Folly; and reap'd the Wages of his Ambition; it being his Lot to suffer those Evils he was preparing for others. But we will not prosecute his Story here, but leave to another place the recital of the manner and reasons of all that befel him, it being now time to put an end to this Book.

In conclusion then, after these things were brought to pass, which we have been relating, King Philip return'd to Argos, where he spent the Winter among his Friends, sending in the mean time his Army into Macedon.

Finis Lib. IV.

POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.
VOL. II. BOOK V.

THE Year of the younger Aratus's Praetorship expir'd about the time of the The be­ginning of April. rising of the Pleiades (for so the Achaians computed) who was succeeded by Eperatus; Dorimachus hold­ing then that Trust in Aetolia. About the same time Hannibal, having openly declar'd War against the Romans, departed from New-Carthage, [Page 142]and passing the River Eber, enter'd on the execution of his Design, and began his march towards Italy. While at Rome Ti­berius Sempronius was dispatch'd towards A­frick, and Pub. Cornelius Scipio towards Spain at the Head of their Armies. Furthermore, Antiochus and Ptolomy, coming to despair by Conferences and Embassies to compose the Differences that were grown between them a­bout the Lower Syria, had likewise enter'd in­to Hostility one with another.

As to King Philip, he coming to want Mo­ney and Provisions for his Army, had convo­cated by their Magistrates the Assembly of the Achainas; which according to custom was held at Aegium. Where perceiving Aratus (ill satisfy'd with the Practices of Apelles) had willingly resign'd his Authority; and finding Eperatus unqualify'd for business, and in no esteem with the People, he came at length to discern the foul play of Apelles and Leontius, which renew'd his esteem for Ara­tus, whom he now consider'd more than ever. Not long after, having prevail'd with the Magistrates, that their next Convention should be at Sicyon, he there had private Con­ference with the two Aratus's; and imputing all that had pass'd to the Artifices of Apelles, pray'd them to forget their Wrongs, and con­tinue him in the same degree of Affection as heretofore. Whereupon coming to a new Accord, the King went to the Assembly, [Page 143]where without difficulty he obtain'd by their procurement all he defir'd towards the fur­therance of his Affairs. The Achaians then decreed, That as soon as the Army should begin to march, fifty Talents should be ad­vanc'd to the King, being three Months pay to the Army; together with Ten Thousand Measures of Corn. And it was also further resolv'd, That while the King made War in Person in Peloponnesus, he should receive seven­teen Talents Monthly. After these Acts of the Assembly they separated, and retir'd to their respective Cities.

And now, when the Army began to move from their Winter-Quarters, it was resolv'd by the King in Council, to prosecute the War likewise by Sea; concluding it to be the only means whereby to surprize and attack the Enemy from all Quarters, by making descents and invading them, where their Towns were distant and remote from Suc­cour; whereby every one would be oblig'd to consult their own single Safety through the uncertainty of their Motions, and it would be in their power to carry their Arms with more case, whithersoever they should judge it most expedient; for they had to do at once with the Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and E­leans. After this had been resolv'd, the King order'd the Fleet, both his own and the Achai­an Ships to Rendezvous at the Port of Lechoe­um, where he commanded the Soldiers of the [Page 144] Macedonian Phalanx to be exerciz'd and in­structed in the use of the Oar; for the Mace­donians apply themselves cheerfully to every thing, and learn with facility whatsoever they go about. And, in short, are no less brave and active by Sea than by Land. No People indure Hardship better, or are more patient of Labour, whether it be in their Fortificati­ons and Encampments, or any other painful or hardy Employments incident to the Life of a Soldier. In conclusion, Hesiod seems to give us their Picture in his Character of the Aeacidoe.

To whom soft Ease and Lust less Pleasure yield,
Than Martial Toils and Perils of the Field.

While King Philip and the Macedonians remain'd at Corinth, employ'd about their Naval Preparations; Apelles who could not brook the diminution of his Credit, nor work any change in the Mind of his Master, en­ter'd into Compact with Leontius and Mega­leas; with whom it was agreed, that they, on their part, who were to act in the Army about the King, should labour with their best Arts secretly to thwart and obstruct him in all his Designs; while he making his abode at Chalcis, would take care so to shorten and retard his Supplies of every thing from all Parts, that he should be so streighten'd on [Page 145]that side, that the want of Necessaries to the advancing his Expeditions should be a great impediment to his Progress. After Matters had been thus concerted between them, this crafty old Courtier soon found reasons where­by to dispose the King to approve of his Voy­age to Chalcis, whither he went; and where he perform'd Articles so punctually with the other two, that he brought the King under such streights, that he became constrain'd to pawn his Plate to supply his Wants. As soon as the Naval Army was drawn together, and it was thought the Macedonians were now suf­ficiently exercis'd, and instructed in the ma­nagement of the Oar; the King, causing Bread and Pay to be distributed to the Soldi­ers, embark'd with Six Thousand Macedoni­ans, and Twelve Hundred Mercenaries, and steer'd his Course towards Patroe, where he arriv'd the next Day after his departure from Corinth.

About the same time Dorimachus the Aeto­lian Praetor dispatch'd Agelaus and Scopas with Five Hundred new rais'd Candiots to the Aid of the Eleans. For these being un­der some apprehension that the King had some design on Cyllene, had taken Foreign Troops into their Pay, and levied others of their own Subjects, and took care to Fortify and Garrison that Place. Wherefore Philip composing a Body of all the Stranger-Troops, of the Achaians, the Candiots that were with [Page 146]him, some Gaulish Horse, and Two Thousand choice Achaian Foot, put them into Dyma; both for a reserve, if occasion should require, and to strengthen and secure that Place in case the Eleans should have a mind to attempt any thing that way. Then sending his Dis­patches to the Messenians, Epirots, Acarnani­ans, and Scerdilaidas, requiring them to hasten with their Ships, and meet him at Ce­phalenia, he parted from Patroe at a Day pre­fix'd, and came to Pronos a Port of that Island. Where observing the very great difficulty of succeeding by laying siege to that Place, the Country about it being very streight, he pro­ceeded further, and steer'd towards the Town of Palé: Here finding plenty of Corn on the Ground whereby to sustain his Army, he dis­embark'd, and sat down before that Place, drawing his Vessels ashoar, and securing them with a good Ditch and Palissado, he sent out his Macedonians to Forage, while he approach'd to view the Place, whereby to make a Judg­ment, where he might best apply his Engines to the Walls; it being his purpose there to attend the coming of the Confederate Forces, and to become Master of that Place, thereby to deprive the Aetolians of the Benefit it yielded them: For whenever they had any design of making a Descent on Peloponnesus or to plunder the Coast of Epirus or Acarna­nia, they made use of the Vessels of Cephalenia. Furthermore, he consider'd this Town would [Page 147]make a safe retreat both for himself and Friends, and be of great use to them in all their Attempts on the Enemy on that side. For Cephalenia stands not far from the Gulf of Corinth, looking likewise toward the Sicili­an Sea, and that part of the Coast of Pelo­ponnesus, that lies North and North-West; and is in the Neighbourhood chiefly of the Epirots, Eleans, Aetolians, and Acarnanians, whose Coast trends away West and South-West.

This Town then lying so commodiously for assembling the Forces of the Confederates, for annoying the Enemy, and protecting of Friends and Allies; the King was therefore very desirous to get the Island into his posses­sion. After he had well consider'd that a great part of the Town was inviron'd by the Sea, and by Rocks that were inaccessible, and that there was but one small spot of good Ground lying towards the way of Zacinthus, whereby they might approach, he therefore resolv'd there to apply his Engines, and make that the principal Attack. In the mean time, there join'd him fifteen Vessels sent by Scer­dilaidas; for the Commotions that had hap­pen'd in Illyria among the Governours of those Provinces, who had fallen into dange­rous Dissentions among themselves, was the cause he could not send a greater Supply, Aids came likewise from the Epirots, Acarna­nians, and Messenians; for after the taking [Page 148]of Phialea, the Messenians readily took their share of the War.

And now, when all things were prepar'd, and the Machines for casting of Stones and Darts in a readiness, the King order'd them to approach the Walls, after he had encou­rag'd his own People, and had began to sap their Works. The Macedonians then who wrought chearfully at the Work, had soon undermin'd a great part of the Wall, strongly sustaining the Burthen with great Posts of Wood as they proceeded, whereupon the King summon'd the Town to surrender: But they having no disposition to submit, he or­der'd Fire to be apply'd to the Props that su­stain'd the Wall, whereupon a Breach was quickly made. Then he order'd the Buckler­men, who were under the Command of Le­ontius, (dividing them into Parties) to march to the Attack, and enter the Town over the Ruines of the Breach. But Leontius, mind­ful of the Agreement he had made with Apel­les, with-held certain forward Men, who were already advanc'd to the top of the Breach from proceeding any further. And having before corrupted some of the principal Officers of the Army, and acting his own part but coldly, it came to pass, that after great loss of their Men, they were beaten off, when they had the fairest opportunity that could be wish'd of taking the Town. When the King therefore had consider'd the backward­ness [Page 149]of his Officers, and that the Macedoni­ans had much suffer'd in this Attack, he rais'd the Siege, calling a Council to debate what was best next to be done.

While King Philip was thus busie here, Ly­curgus march'd with an Army into the Terri­tory of the Messenians, and Dorimachus with part of the Aetolian Forces into Thessaly, both with the same design of obliging the King to raise the Siege. Whereupon Ambassadors were dispatch'd to him from the Acarnanians and Messenians. Those from Acarnania pro­posing his falling on the Lands of the Aetoli­ans, so to compel Dorimachus, by spoiling the Country, to return to their relief. But the Messenians pray'd present Succours; ad­ding, That now while the Etesian Winds blew, they might in a Day's fail gain their passage from Cephalenia to the Coast of Messenia; where Gorgus the Messenian was of Opinion, they might endanger the surprizing of Lycur­gus, and that the Enterprize promis'd great advantage. Leontius, who saw this Counsel tended to his purpose, strongly seconded the Advice, foreseeing that if the King follow'd it, he would spend the whole Summer with­out effect.

In short, it was true, that to Messenia 'twas a short and easie passage, but it was impossible to return back during the season of those Winds; so that in all probability should the King have follow'd that Advice, he would [Page 150]have been shut up in Messenia during the sea­son of Action, without doing any thing to the purpose, while the Aetolians would be at liberty to spoil at their ease, and put all to Fire and Sword in Thessaly and Epirus. This Counsel therefore was very pernicious; where­fore Aratus labour'd to divert the King, shew­ing how much better it was to fall on the Aetolians by Sea, and that the occasion of making Descents with their Fleet was not to be lost, now that Dorimachus with the Aeto­lian Forces was diverted elsewhere.

The King, who had already conceiv'd a doubtful Opinion of Leontius, as well through his late Behaviour in the Siege, as by other grounds of suspicion he had given him of his Fidelity, became inclin'd to follow the Coun­sel of Aratus: Whereupon he writ to Epera­tus the Achaian Praetor to assemble his Troops, and march to the relief of the Messenians, while he himself weighing Anchor the next Day, gain'd his passage under covert of the Night from Cephalenia to Leucas; where all things having been duly prepar'd at the Isth­mus of Dioryctus, he caus'd his Vessels to be drawn over, and so pass'd into the Gulf of Ambracia, which, as we have observ'd, comes out of the Sicilian Sea, and runs far up into the Country of Aetolia. Having perform'd this Journey somewhat before Day, he made sail towards a Town call'd Limnoea: Here causing the Army to take a short refreshment, [Page 151]and to be in a readiness to march, and to take no Baggage with them but what they could not be without; and having procur'd store of good Guides, he became exactly in­form'd by them of the nature and situation of the Country and Towns, and instructed in every thing he had a mind to know.

Here Aristophontus the Acarnanian Praetor came to the King, at the head of all the For­ces of that People; for having been hereto­fore great Sufferers by the Aetolians, they came with Minds full of Revenge, and to re­pay them in their own Coin. Wherefore they embrac'd the occasion with great joy of being thus assisted by the Macedonians; so that not only such as by the Law were oblig'd to go to the War, but those who were ex­empted by their Age, listed themselves for this Expedition. The Epirots incited by the like Motives, were not less forward; tho' by reason of the great extent of their Country, and the sudden arrival of King Philip, they were not so well able to draw their Troops together. Dorimachus, as was noted, had led with him the one half of the Aetolian Forces, leaving the other half at home, which he conceiv'd would be strength sufficient to an­swer any sudden occasion, and be guard e­nough to the Towns and the Country. And now the King, leaving the Baggage under a good Guard, departed in the close of the E­vening from Limnoea; and after they had [Page 152]march'd about eight Miles, he caus'd the Ar­my to halt to take some refreshment; and af­ter [...] short repast he continu'd his march, and by break of Day came to the River Ache­lous, his purpose being to surprize the Town of Therme.

Leontius, who had two Reasons to con­clude on the probability of his Master's Suc­cess, and that all the present strength of the Enemy on that side would be too little to defend them; for the Macedonian Army had surpriz'd them, and came both when and where they were least look'd for, being per­suaded that Philip would not be so prodigal of his own proper safety, to hazard himself among such Fastnesses and Defilées as the parts about Therme abound with. Where­fore persisting in his treacherous purpose, he advis'd the King to incamp about the River Achelous, to give some repose and refreshment to the Army after so hard a Night's march; being willing to do his best at least, that the Aetolians might have some small space to be­think them, and provide for their defence. But Aratus, who judg'd rightly of the impor­tance of the occasion, that it was now fa­vourable, but would not stay; and perceiving Leontius openly now to withstand all whole­some Counsel, and promising Designs, urg'd Philip by no means to consent to the least de­lay, nor upon any reason whatsoever respite his March, the success whereof lay in the dis­patch. [Page 153]Wherefore the King approving his Advice, would not be drawn to make the least stay; but after the Army had pass'd the River, march'd away directly towards Therme, putting all to Fire and Sword that lay in his way. On his Left he march'd by Stratus, Agrinium and Thestium; on his Right he left Conope, Lysimachia, Triconium and Phoeteum: Then he arriv'd at a Place call'd Metapa, standing on the entrance of a Pass or Defilée near the Lake of Trichonium, about eight Miles distant from Therme. Wherefore he took possession of that Place, which had been abandon'd by the Aetolians, and strengthned it with a Garrison of five hundred Men; fore­casting; it might be of use to him, and be a good retreat in case he should be press'd in his march in or out of the Defilée. For the Lake is surrounded with mountainous and broken Ground, and inclos'd every where else with thick and unpassable Woods, leaving no ac­cess but by this streight and difficult Passage. In short the King order'd his march after this manner: In the Van of the Army march'd the Mercenaries, after them the Illyrians; then the Buckler-men and the Legionaries of the Macedonian Phalanx; in the Rear of all march'd the Candiots, the Thracians, and light-arm'd Troops covering the Right; their Left being defended by the Lake.

After they had march'd a while by thi [...] Streight, they came to a Place call'd Pam­phia, where the King plac'd a Guard, and [...] prosecuted his way to Therme, by a Passag [...] not only broken and difficult, but barrac [...] ­do'd and bounded on both sides by stee [...] Rocks, and so narrow in many places, that the Passage it self was not without danger. Thi [...] Desilée, tho' at least four Miles long, Phili [...] soon pass'd; the Macedonians marching like Soldiers in pursuit of Victory, and arriv [...] near Therme when it was now broad Day As soon as the Army was encamp'd, he per­mitted the Soldiers to plunder and ravage fat and wide, and to spoil and plunder both th [...] Town and Territory, which abounded not only in Corn, and all sorts of Provision and Military Stores, but in the Town was found great quantities of the most valuable Mova­bles of the Aetolians. For over and above that their Fairs were kept, and their Feasts celebrated there, and it was the place where their Assemblies met, the Aetolians had lodg'd both for their use, and the better security thereof, all they had that was most preciou [...] in Therme, in confidence that there was n [...] Place more secure, it having never at an [...] time before been visited by an Enemy, an [...] by reason of its situation was held for the Bulwark of Aetolia. Furthermore, through the long Peace they had enjoy'd all the Hou­ses in the Neighbourhood, and round about [Page 155]the Temple abounded so much the more with costly Goods and Furniture. The Army remain'd that Night in the Town, loaden with all sorts of Plunder, and in the Morning, chusing out what was most valuable and easie to be transported, they made an heap of the rest, and burnt it before the Camp. They made choice likewise of the best Arms, which they found in their Magazines, exchanging them for such of their own as were less service­able, burning the rest to the number of above fifteen thousand Suits.

Hitherto their Proceedings were but just, and the War fairly made, but whether what they did afterwards will bear that Name, is a doubt: For calling to mind what the Aeto­lians had done at Dium and Dodona, they were provok'd not only to burn and destroy the Portico's of the Temple and all the Orna­ments thereof, which were wrought with great Art and Expence. But not herewith contented, they proceeded to demolish the very Walls, and levell'd the Structure to the Ground. Furthermore, they cast down all the Statues to the number of two thousand, defacing and breaking in pieces the greatest part of those that were not consecrated to, or erected in representation of the Gods. While to these they reserv'd a Respect, ingraving on certain Stones those Verses, that were after­ward so much spoken of, being written by Samus Son of Chrysogonus, who had been edu­cated [Page 156]with the King, and began to give some proofs of his Wit:

Dium, behold how far our angry Shafts
Have pierc'd in thy Revenge!

In short, the Desolation was such as to strike the King himself and those about him with a kind of Terrour, while they believ'd however that they had not over acted their Revenge, for the Sacrilegious Impieties of the Aetolians at Dium. Nevertheless, we must take the libertty to be of a different Opinion, and it will not be hard to discover whether we are in the right or no, by barely enume­rating some Examples of the Actions per­form'd by the Ancestors of this Prince, with­out seeking further. When Antigonus had overcome Cleomenes, King of the Lacedaemo­nians in Battel, and compell'd him to sly the Land, he thereby became Master of Sparta. And albeit it was then in his Power to dispose of them, both City and People at his pleasure; nevertheless, far from evil intreating the van­quish'd, he restor'd them to their Liberty and Privileges, and giving them other Marks of his Bounty, return'd home to his Country; by which Magnanimity he acquir'd the Title of Benefactor of the Lacedaemonians, and their Redeemer, after his death; and won a glori­ous Name not only among that People, but with the whole Nation of the Greeks.

King Philip, who began and laid the Foun­dation of the Macedonian Power, raising his Family to that pitch of Greatness, gain'd not more by his Arms than his Humanity, after he had vanquish'd the Athenians near Chae­ronea. For as he subdu'd those who encoun­ter'd him in the Field by Force, so he reduc'd the whole City and People of Athens by his Goodness and Moderation. Nor was it his manner to give the Reigns to his Indignation in time of Hostility, nor to pursue his Enemies by Arms any longer than till he had gotten it in his Power to make them Examples of his Clemency. Thus by restoring the Athenian Prisoners without Ransom; by giving decent Burial to those that were slain, and sending their Bones by Antipater to Athens; and, in a word, by Clothing many of those that re­turn'd home, he gave an easie Period to a most difficult Enterprize. For by this Method and Greatness of Mind, he so charm'd the proud Athenians, that from Enemies they be­came Friends, and approv'd themselves ready to serve and assist him on all occasions.

What shall we say of Alexander afterward? 'Tis true, his Indignation so far transported him against the Thebans, that he raz'd their City, and sold the Inhabitants by Out-cry, yet he nevertheless forgot not what was due to the Gods; expresly forbidding, that on no score whatever they should violate either Temple or any Sacred Thing. When he pass'd [Page 158]into Asia, to revenge the Outrages done by the Persians against the Greeks; he did his utmost, 'tis true, against the People, and was willing to render their Punishment propo [...] ­tion'd to their Fault; but still he spar'd the Temples, and every thing that was dedicated to the Gods. Albeit the Persians, in the [...] Invasion of Greece, had therein principally exercis'd their Rage. Philip then ought to have practis'd according to these excelle [...] Examples, whereby to give proof, that he did not succeed these his glorious Ancestors less in Magnanimity, than in State and Authority. But, in short, he labour'd all his Life long▪ to give proofs of his being descended from Philip and Alexander, but too little care to imitate their Vertues. Wherefore as his Acti­ons had no resemblance with those of his Pre­decessors, so his Reputation fell likewise short of that which they had acquir'd. And it was visible by what he did at that time; for his Indignation against the Aetolians wrought him to act the same Outrages he would be thought to punish; and, as the Saying is, to remedy one Evil with another; but he be­liev'd himself in the right, when he did no more than repay them measure for mea­sure: And while he himself incurr'd the same Guilt, to revenge the Sacrileges of Dorima­chus and Scopas, dream'd not that he should fall under the same Imputation, and share the like Infamy. For to do our utmost to de­prive [Page 159]an Enemy of his Fortresses, Towns and Ports; and, in short, of all that can be right­fully call'd their own; and even to pursue to destruction both them and theirs, to com­pass Success to our Enterprizes, is not accoun­ted Criminal, or against the Law of Arms, which compel to such Violences. But to act such Parts as are neither profitable to our selves, nor a weakning to the Enemy; such as casting down and defacing of Statues, de­stroying of Temples, and spoiling the Orna­ments; Who can reckon this other than Rage, and the effect of Madness? In a word, it is the Office of a Man of Honour, tho' in Hostility with the vilest Enemy, to pursue them no further than the Correction of their Faults, and the Reparation of the Injuries they have sustain'd. To distinguish between the Innocent and the Guilty, and not involve them in the same Punishment; and when he cannot discriminate between them, he ought to preserve the Guilty for the sake of the In­nocent. For 'tis the Property of a Tyrant to be ever acting Mischief, and to Reign by Violence; to hate his Subjects out of Fear, and be detested by them. While 'tis the Cha­racter of a King, to be Beneficent to all Man­kind, to acquire the Love of his Subjects by Clemency and Acts of Grace, and so to ma­nage their Minds, that he shall not more de­sire to reign, than they to be govern'd.

But Philip had no mind to walk by these wholesom Maxims; and if we reflect how the Aetolians were likely to have understood it, in case he had pursu'd a less violent course, and not profan'd their Temples, and left his other Excesses unacted; for my own part I take for granted, they would have been com­pell'd to consider him with Veneration, as [...] Prince abounding in Honour and Goodness; and would themselves have been seiz'd with remorse, for their own Inhumanities at Dium and Dodona; while they knew it was in his power to have dealt them the like usage, but was restrain'd by Motives of Clemency and Magnanimity. Most certain it is, I say, that the Aetolians would have been driven to blush at their own Proceeding, while they should behold King Philip, out of a truly generous and Kingly Spirit, so mindful of his Duty to­wards the Gods, while he was wreaking his Revenge on his Enemies. For what can be more Noble than to vanquish our Foes by Ver­tue and Moderation! And how much more glorious and safe, than to subdue them by Arms! Victory acquir'd by Force, compels Obedience; but when 'tis gain'd by Gentle­ness and Humanity, it attracts it. The one reduces not the stubborn Mind but at the cost of mighty Evils and grievous Calamities, while the other leads us, and engages our Consent. Furthermore, where Victory is won by Arms, the Soldier hath his part of the Me­rit; [Page 161]but the other way the Prince reaps all the Glory.

But it may be objected, That this Errour was not entirely due to Philip, who was then but young, but ought principally to be ascrib'd to the Counsels of those about him; of which number were Aratus and Demetrius the Pha­rian: But it will not be hard to determine which of those two was likeliest to give such Advice, albeit he had not been then present at Council: For it will be no-where found in the whole Life of Aratus, that he ever acted any thing temerariously, and without solid Deliberation; while, on the contrary, Deme­trius never did any thing but with precipita­tion. And we shall shew, and plainly evi­dence by their Behaviour in the like Occur­rences, the difference of the Minds and Man­ners of these two Men, as occasion shall be given us.

But to return to our Story: Philip taking with him all that could conveniently be car­ry'd, march'd from Therme by the way he came. The Booty he order'd to go in the Van, guarded by his heavy-arm'd Troops: The Reer guard was assign'd to the Acarna­nians and mercenary Strangers, being himself extreamly solicitous to get his passage through the Streights with what expedition he could, thereby to prevent the Aetolians, who in confi­dence of the Strength of those Fastnesses, were likely enough to attempt their Reer in their [Page 162]march: Which, in short, came to pass; for assembling to the number of about three thou­sand Men, under the leading of Alexander the Trichonian, they let the Van of the Army march without approaching, concealing them­selves while the Macedonians kept the open Field: But as soon as the Reer began to move, they march'd into Therme, and fell on and charg'd them roundly, insomuch that they put their Reer-Ranks into great disorder; which the Aetolians perceiving, and favour'd by the advantage of Ground, press'd them so much the more, killing many. But Philip in foresight of what might happen, had order'd a Detachment of Illyrians, and some of his best Buckler-men, to be lodg'd in ambush un­der colour of a rising Ground; who unex­pectedly appearing, fell on the Enemy, who had now charg'd beyond them, killing above a hundred of them, and taking as many Pris'­ners; the rest sav'd themselves by flight among the Rocks and Woods.

After this repulse, those who march'd in the Reer of the Army, set fire to Pamphion; and having pass'd the Strait, join'd the Macedo­nians again. Philip in the mean time encam­ping near Metapa, to attend their coming up; and the next Day, after he had order'd the Place to be demolish'd, he pursu'd his march, and came and encamp'd near a Town call'd Acras; from whence departing the next day, he pillag'd the Country all along as he went till he came to Co­nope, where he remain'd a day to refresh his Ar­my; [Page 163]and then continu'd his march'd towards Stratus, along the River Achelous; where en­camping out of shot of their Works, on an Emi­nence that commands the Town, he from thence vex'd and molested the Inhabitants. But coming to understand that the Enemy had strengthen'd the Garrison with a Recruit of Three Thousand Aetolians, and Five Hun­dred Candiots; and none daring to adventure out against him, he decamp'd and march'd to Limnoea, purposing from thence to imbark. Nevertheless, as soon as the Reer of the Army began to move, and was gotten some distance past the Town, a Party of Aetolian Horse made a Sally, and charg'd them; these being back'd by the Candiots, and more Aetolians that came out to sustain them, compell'd those in the Reer-guard to face about and make head. At first it was an equal Dispute; but as soon as the Illyrians came in to back the Mercenaries, the Aetolians began to give Ground, and the Horse betook them to slight, and were pursu'd to the very Gates of the Town, and at least a Hundred of them kill'd on the spot. After this Repulse, those of the Town adventur'd no more out; and the Reer of the Army mar [...]'d without molestation, coming safe to the Camp, and to their Vessels.

Here King Philip having commodiously Encamp'd the Army, sacrific'd to the Gods, and did other Acts of Devotion for the good success of that Expedition, and at the same time gave his Officers a Royal Entertainment. [Page 164]In short, his Attempt was look'd on by all Men to have been very daring, to adventure as he did among those dangerous and untra­vel'd places, which no Army had ever done before. Nevertheless, he succeeded in his Enterprize, marching and returning in safety, after he had throughly executed what he had design'd. Wherefore to express his Joy, he made a solemn Feast for his Officers; where Megaleas and Leontius, who had been much disappointed, and look'd with an evil Eye on the good Fortune of their Master, having, as we have heard, complotted with Apelles to give him all the Impediments they should be able, but could by no means prevent the good Fortune which attended his Arms, were however present; tho' their Behaviour there express'd so much distaste, that it was not un­observ'd by the King, and those about him; who thereby collected, that they had diffe­rent Sentiments from the rest, touching the prosperity of his Affairs. And now, when all were well warm'd with Wine, Megaleas and Le­ontius being oblig'd to do as others did, came at length more openly to manifest their Minds; for being now drunk, they went from place to place in search of Aratus; and meeting him as he was returning from the Feast, they first attack'd him with rude Language, and afterwards came to offer violence. Whereup­on a Tumult arose, and the Soldiers came a­bout them from all Quarters, insomuch as the [Page 165]whole Camp was in disorder. The King, up­on notice hereof, immediately sent to appease the Tumult, and to have an account how it happen'd: Where after Aratus had reported to him how every thing had pass'd, and had vouch'd it by the Testimony of such as were present, he retir'd to his Tent. Leontius, having in the mean time conceal'd himself in the Crowd, privately withdrew.

The King being now fully inform'd of every thing, commanded Megaleas and Cri­non to be brought before him, whom he very severely reprov'd: But they were not only not humbled and made sensible of their Fault, but adding Insolence to their Error, plainly told the King, That they should not be drawn to change their Mind, till they had been tho­rowly reveng'd on Aratus. Whereupon the King, greatly mov'd at this their Behaviour, immediately condemn'd them in a Fine of twenty Talents each, and put them under an Arrest; and sending the next Day for Aratus, express'd his sense of the violence which had been offer'd him, giving him assurance of his Protection, and that he would take due care to do him right.

Leontius being inform'd how the King had proceeded with Megaleas, came boldly to him, accompanied with a Party of his Buckler-men, thinking thereby to put him into some appre­hension, he being yet but young, and to awe him into another Resolution touching the [Page 166]Offenders; wherefore he boldly demanded of him, who it was that had presum'd to lay hands on Megaleas, and cast him into Prisons? But when the King firmly reply'd, and with an Assurance worthy of Himself, That what­soever had been done, was by his express Command, Leontius was confounded, and betwixt Grief and Indignation retir'd from his Presence.

Here Philip embark'd, and arriv'd with his Fleet soon after at Leucas; where when he had directed those who had the charge of dividing the Booty to hasten the distribution thereof: He assembled his Council, and fell to debate about the Affairs of Megaleas; where Aratus charg'd him, and the rest of that Fa­ction, with all those criminal Practices we have noted. He farther laid to their charge the Murther that had been committed after the departure of Antigonus, and opened the whole Matter of the Conspiracy of Apelles, shewing in what manner they had obstructed the King's Business in the siege of Palaea. And forasmuch as he urg'd nothing against them that was not vouch'd by solid Reasons, and made evident by competent Witnesses; Me­galeas and his Complices became so hard set, that they had nothing to say in their defence; wherefore they were with one Voice found Guilty. Crinon continu'd a Prisoner; but Leontius became Caution for Megaleas, bind­ing himself for the payment of the Fine the [Page 167]King had laid on him. This was the success of the treasonable Conspiracy of Apelles and his Adherents, which had quite another issue than they look'd for, having promis'd to themselves that they should oblige Aratus to retire from the King out of fear; and that after they had remov'd the rest of his Ser­vants, who had any Trust about him, they should then Reign alone, and Rule all as they list; but their Project fail'd them.

About the same time Lycurgus return'd from Messina and Lacedaemon, having done nothing worth recording: Afterwards, on a second Expedition, he seiz'd on Tegaea; where the Inhabitants retiring into the Citadel, he resolv'd to besiege it. But after many fruit­less Attempts, despairing of Success, he was oblig'd to march back to Sparta. In the mean while the Eleans made perpetual In­roads on the Lands of Dymas, where the Horse of that Place, which march'd out to succour the Country, were drawn into an Ambush, and defeated with little difficulty. Some Gauls were kill'd on the place, and certain of the Inhabitants made Prisoners; among whom were Polymedes of Aegium, and Agesipolis and Megacles of Dymas.

Dorimachus also took the Field with the Aetolian Troops, in confidence, as hath been noted, that he should be able to ravage Thes­saly, and thereby oblige the King to rise from before Palaea: But Chrysogonus and Patroeus [Page 168]prevented them, being there ready to receive them with an Army; which oblig'd Dorima­chus to keep the Mountains, and not to ad­venture into the Plain Country. Who, short­ly after, being inform'd that the Macedonians had invaded Aetolia, march'd out of Thessaly, and hasten'd to the relief of his Country; but before he arriv'd the King was retir'd. Thus Dorimachus coming always too late, made many vain Expeditions.

In the mean time King Philip having em­bark'd his Troops at Leucas, and plunder'd the Coast of Hyanthes in his way, arriv'd with his Fleet at Corinth, where landing his Army, and ordering the Vessels to be drawn over to the Port of Lechoeum; he dispatch'd his Let­ters to all the Confederate Towns of Pelopon­nesus, appointing them a Day when they were to Rendezvous their Troops at Tegaea. And making but short stay at Corinth, he march'd his Army by the way of Argos, and came the next Day to Tegaea; where joining such of the Achaian Horse as were there ready, he proceeded, marching over the Mountains with design to fall by surprize on the Territo­ry of the Lacedaemonians. And after four Days march through a Desart Country, he gain'd the tops of those Eminences that lie o­ver-against, and give a prospect of the City of Sparta, and leaving Menelaium on his right, came close by Amycla.

The Lacedaemonians beholding his march from the Town were greatly alarm'd, and to seek what to do. For the news of the plun­dering of Therme, and the many gallant Acti­ons perform'd by King Philip in his Aetolian Expedition, gave them both present. Terror, and future Caution. There was indeed a Ru­mour among them, as if Lycurgus should be sent to the Succour of the Aetolians: But no Body could suspect that King Philip would be able to compass such a march in so short a space, while they consider'd him too of an Age, more to be contemn'd than fear'd. Wherefore seeing now Matters to succeed so contrary to their Expectations, it was no won­der they became surpriz'd. But in a word, his Deliberations and their Effects so far sur­pass'd the expectation of his Age, that his E­nemies every where were held in fear and su­spension. For marching out of the heart of Aetolia, he cross'd the Gulf of Ambracia, and gain'd the Port of Leucas in the space of one Night; where remaining but two Days only, he parted early the third, and plundering in the way all the Coast of Aetolia, he arriv'd safely at Lechoeum. From thence continuing his march, he came in seven Days near Me­nelaium, gaining the Hills that give a view of the City of Sparta. So that whosoever shall compute the expedition of his Motions, would not be able without difficulty to be­lieve what they saw; which was the subject [Page 170]of the Lacedaemonians astonishment, who knew neither what to do or resolve.

The King's first Encampment was near A­mycla, a Town distant from Sparta about four Miles, surpassing all others in excellent Fru [...] and delightful Gardens; where there is a Temple of Apollo, inferiour to none in the whole Country of Laconia, both for Dignity and Riches. The next Day plundering all the Low-Country as he march'd, he came to a Place call'd Pyrrhus-Castle; and after doing all the spoil he could for two Days together in that Neighbourhood, he came and en­camp'd near Carnium. From thence he le [...] the Army to Asina, where he made a fruitless attempt to become Master of that Place. Wherefore he decamp'd, and ravag'd all the Country as far as Tenarus which lies toward the Sea of Candia, putting all to Fire and Sword. Then turning off, he took his march by the way that leads to the Port of the La­cedoemonians call'd Gythium, where there is [...] good Haven: Which Place is likewise distant from Sparta about four Miles. But soon leav­ing Gythium on his right, he came and en­camp'd near Elia, the best and most spacious Country of the whole Spartan Territory. From thence, sending out Parties, he spread War and Depredation far and wide, making grievous spoil on the Corn and Fruits of the Country. He plunder'd also Acria and Leuca, and the Lands of Baeara.

In the mean while the Messenians, having receiv'd King Philip's Letters, whereby they were enjoyn'd to take the Field with their Troops; forthwith compos'd a Body of two Thousand chosen Foot and Two Hundred Horse; and came short of none of the Con­federates in their readiness and good Will. But forasmuch as it was not possible for them, by reason of their remote distance, to com­ply punctually with the day the Troops were to assemble at Tegaea, they remain'd a while in suspence, uncertain how to proceed. How­beit, doubting lest their delay should be in­terpreted an effect of their former backward­ness, they came to a determination to march, and to take their way by Laconia, through the Territory of the Argians, and to joyn the King's Forces with what speed they might. Accordingly they took the Field, and arriving near Glympia, a Fortress on the Borders of the Argians and Lacedaemonians, it chanc'd that they did not encamp with that circumspecti­on which they ought, having neither Re­trenchment or Pallisade; nor was the place where they Encamp'd well chosen; but in confidence of the good Will of the Inhabitants, they quarter'd themselves under the Walls of the place. Lycurgus coming to understand the Messenians were arriv'd, took with him his Mercenaries, and a small Party of Lace­doemonians, and march'd to attack them; and coming upon them about the close of the E­vening, [Page 172]boldly attempted their Camp. And now, tho' the Messenians had acted otherwise imprudently in every thing, and had march'd with too small a Force, and destitute of Offi­cers in whose Judgment and Abilities they might rely; nevertheless, their behaviour in this Rencounter was without blame, consi­dering the surprize. For as soon as they re­ceiv'd notice of the arrival of Lycurgus, leav­ing all their Lumber, and whatever might trouble them behind, they retir'd to a certain Fortress, so that the Enemy got nothing but their Baggage and a few Horses; of their Foot they lost not a Man, and of their Horse not above eight or nine, who fell on the spot. After this Defeat the Messenians return'd home by the way of Argos; and Lycurgus exalted with his Success march'd back to Sparta, where he fell to making of new Levies, and to deliberate with his Friends how to pro­ceed so as to oblige Philip to come to a Bat­tel before he left Laconia. But the King ne­vertheless march'd from Elia plundering and ravaging the Country all along in his way, and four Days aster return'd to Amycla with his Army in view of the Enemy.

As soon as Lycurgus had given the necessa­ry Orders to his Friends and Officers touch­ing the Battel they had resolv'd on, he com­manded the Troops to draw out of the Town, consisting of about Two Thousand Men, ta­king Possession of all the nearest Posts to Me­nelaium; [Page 173]leaving Instructions with those that were appointed to remain within the Town, to have a special regard to a Signal that he would give them; which, as soon as they saw, they should issue out of the Town with all expedition, and by as many ways as they could, and draw up on a certain Ground where the River ran nearest to the Town.

In this posture stood Matters between the two Armies: But lest our Relation should seem obscure through want of due light in the nature and situation of Places about which we treat, we shall therefore do our best to be as clear in that, as in our accounts of matters of fact, which shall be our manner throughout our whole Work. Some Places which are unknown, we shall describe by comparing them with others that are known, distinguish­ing them by Marks and Notes of common Observation: For through want of a right Information herein, many and great Errors have been committed in the Conduct of En­terprizes both by Sea and Land. But we shall labour our utmost, that the Readers of our History may be instructed as well in the man­ner as matter of Occurrences; and that no­thing may be left unsaid touching the De­scription of Towns and Countries, and prin­cipally in Military Adventures, wherein the better to explain our Mind, we shall have re­course sometimes to some certain Port of the Sea, sometimes to an Island, sometimes to [Page 174]some conspicuous Temple, Promontory, o [...] Mountain, or the Name of some Country; and, in short, the divers Regions of the Hea­vens, as being things generally known, and familiar to Mankind. 'Tis by this Method then, I say, that we hope to be able to lead the Reader to a just Conception of Places and Situations, to him otherwise unknown.

To give a general description then of th [...] City of Sparta, 'tis observable, that in figure it is round; it stands on a plain or bottom, where there rises here and there certain Hil­locks or Eminences; and some places are waste and barren. On the West-side runs the River Eurotas, which is deep and unford­able at certain Seasons of the Year. The Mountains of Menelaium are on the other side of the River, regarding the North-East part of the Town; these being almost inaccessible and exceeding high, command all the space of Ground lying between the Eurotas and the Town; which space, in a word, taking likewise the River into the account, which runs by the foot of the Hills, is not above a Furlong and an half wide. Now, by this way King Philip was oblig'd to pass in his return from his Expedition, having on his left the Town, and the Lacedaemonians drawn up in Battalia, and on his right the River, and the Troops of Lycurgus posted on the skirts of the Hills. Furthermore, the Lace­doemonians having stop'd the course of the [Page 175]River, had brought all that space of Ground, we mention'd, under Water; so that it became impossible for their Foot, much less their Horse, to march. Wherefore the King's Army had no other way to go, but in defilée along the foot of the Mountains; by which means, neither Party could sustain or relieve the other; and the whole Army would run a mighty hazard, marching so expos'd to the continual shot of the Enemy. Philip there­fore well weighing the Peril, resolv'd that no­thing could be better first done, than to at­tempt Lycurgus, and endeavour to beat him from his Post. Wherefore taking with him his Mercenaries and Buckler-men, which were sustain'd by the Illyrians, he pass'd the River, and march'd directly towards the Hills. Ly­curgus, who could not but understand the King's purpose, put himself in a posture to receive him; and at the same time gave Sig­nal to those within the Town; who imme­diately sally'd out, and drew up as they had been order'd, placing the Horse on their right. When Philip was advanc'd somewhat near to Lycurgus, he order'd the Mercenaries to march to the Attack; and so began the Battel. For a while the Lacedaemonians, ha­ving the advantage both in their Arms and the Ground, had also the better in the Dis­pute: But as soon as the Buckler-men advanc'd to sustain the others, and that Philip himself with the Illyrians fell on their Flank, the [Page 176]Mercenaries on the coming up of this Relief took new Courage, and engag'd with so much Bravery, that Lycurgus was worsted, and be­took himself to flight, leaving about an Hun­dred of his Men dead on the place, and [...] greater number that were taken Prisoners. Many got into the Town; and Lycurg [...]s himself, favour'd by the coming on of the Night, got likewise through by-ways into Sparta. Whereupon Philip, having now the Mountains to friend, where he plac'd the Illy­rians on the Guard, return'd himself with the Buckler-men and Mercenaries to the gross of the Army.

At the same time Aratus came from Amy­cl [...]e with the Phalanx; on whose approach to the Town, Philip repass'd the River to coun­tenance his march, posting himself with the Buckler-men and light-arm'd Troops, to co­ver those also who carry'd heavy Arms during their passage by that streight piece of Ground along by the foot of the Hills. In the mean time, those who were drawn up nearest the Town attack'd the Horse, who were posted to cover the march of the rest. In which oc­casion the Dispute was very obstinate, where the Buckler-men perform'd excellent Service. But in conclusion, the King had the better here likewise; and pursuing the Enemies Horse to the Gates of the City, pass'd the River without difficulty, and joyn'd the Phalanx. But Night now approaching, he found it be­hoveful [Page 177]to hasten his Retreat, and was oblig'd to Encamp on a piece of Ground, just with­out the Streight or Defilée.

It so chanc'd, that the Guides themselves had pitch'd on that very place wherein to Encamp, being so advantageous a Spot, that whosoever would make Incursions into Laco­nia, 'tis impossible to choose a more commo­dious Post: For it lies in the way to Tegaea, and the Inland parts of the Country on the Banks of the River commanding the entrance of the Defilée, distant about a quarter of a Mile from Sparta, that side which looks to­ward the Town being cover'd by the Brow of an inaccessible Hill. It lies, I say, just un­der the Rocks and Precipices thereof, being a level piece of Ground, plentifully supply'd with Water, insomuch as it seems d [...]stin'd by Nature to ensure to the Soldier a saf [...] entrance and retreat; where being once Encamp'd, and Masters of the Eminence, they may with assurance say, they are both safe and possess'd of a most pleasant Post, which commands the Passage in and out of the Streight.

Here Philip, having pass'd the Night with­out any Alarm, in the Morning caus'd his Baggage first to march; and leading the Ar­my into the Plains, he there drew up in Bat­talia, in view of the City of Sparta, where he remain'd a while, to see if the Enemy were dispos'd to further Action: Then making a short turn, took his way toward Tegaea; and [Page 178]coming to the Ground where the Battel had been heretofore fought between Antigonus and Cleomenes, he there Encamp'd. And the next Day after he had well observ'd every thing, and sacrific'd on the top of either Mountain, the one being call'd Olympia, the other Eva, securing his Rear-guard, he prosecuted his march to Tegaea, where he commanded the Booty to be sold, and then return'd by Argo [...] to Corinth with the whole Army. There he was met by Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios, who were dispatch'd to him on the subject of a Pacification. The King gave them Audience, and made semblance of an Inclination to a Peace with the Aetolians, with whom he wish'd them to conferr and delibe­rate by what means it might be brought to pass: So dismissing the Ambassadors, he went to Lechoeum, purposing to Embark from thence, in order to a Descent on the Lands of the Phocians, where he had meditated some Enterprize of great importance.

About this time Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolomy, being not yet totally out of hopes of giving some apprehension to King Philip, endeavour'd (so to cover their old Crimes) to foment a murmuring among the Buckler-men and the King's Guards (and they them­selves instill'd the like seditious Opinions) that they who were first in all Hazards, and secur'd the rest of the Army from Danger, were not treated according to their Merit; and were [Page 179]not only not consider'd and distinguish'd by any particular Reward for their Service; but even such Booty as fell into their hands was taken from them, notwithstanding the con­stant custom in the like cases to the contrary. After this manner they had so inflam'd them, that assembling in Parties, they attempted and rifled the Quarters of the King's chief Friends and Favourites; insomuch that their insolence grew to that height, that they for­bore not at length the King's own Lodgings, breaking the Roof thereof.

This Mutiny spread so great Terror and Disturbance about the City, that the King having notice thereof, came with all possible expedition from Lechoeum; and immediately assembling the Macedonians, partly by Re­monstrances, partly by Menaces, appeas'd the Tumult. But forasmuch as on such occasi­ons Men are of divers Minds, some advising to find out and seize on the Authors of the Sedition to make them Examples; others, that it were better to reduce things to Order, and pacifie the Tumult without any further Process or Inquisition; wherefore the King, hiding his Purpose for the present, and seem­ing well satisfy'd with what he had already done, exhorted them only to Union and bet­ter Obedience, and so dismiss'd the Assembly. Not but that he was well aware who had been the prime Movers and Instigators of the Sedi­tion, but thought it Wisdom at that time to [Page 180]seem less knowing than he was. But these stirs were soon over, and King Philip's Ph [...] ­cian Expedition likewise at that time for cer­tain Reasons respited.

And now Leontius, coming to perceive the vanity of his guilty Projects, and the dange­rous state he had contracted, had recourse to Apelles, soliciting his return from Chalcis, and giving him frequent intimations of the many difficulties he met with; and that the King grew into greater dislike of him in every thing Now 'tis to be noted, That during Apelle [...] residence at Chalcis, his Deportment was more like a Sovereign Prince than a Subject, go­verning all things with an Arbitrary Autho­rity, and labouring to be thought singular in his Sufficiency and Power, and that the King acted nothing but by his Counsels; by which means he disposed absolutely of every thing Wherefore all who were in the Magistracy, and had charge of the Affairs in Macedon and Thessaly ever apply'd to him, and took his directions in all their Consultations. And i [...] short, when at any time any of the Gre [...] Towns had occasion to publish any new Law or Ordinances, or to confer Honours or Pr [...] ­ferments, there was hardly any mention mad [...] of the King, but of Apelles.

Wherefore when Philip came to be rightl [...] inform'd of all these things, he grew justl [...] sensible of the Outrage that had been don [...] him: Nor was Aratus wanting to warm hi [...] [Page 181]Indignation; howbeit; he carry'd his Resent­ments so close, that none were privy to his Purpose, or knew any thing of his Mind. Apelles therefore, far from suspecting the least coldness from the King, was persuaded, that he should be receiv'd at Court, after his wont­ed manner, and soon dispose of the King's Mind at his pleasure, wherefore he left Chal­cis to come to the Aid of Leontius. And now as he drew near to Corinth, Ptolomy, Leontius and Megaleas, who commanded the Buckler-men, and had prime Authority in the Army, so wrought that the Flower of the King's Troops went out to meet and accompany him. Insomuch, that what with Officers and Soldiers they compos'd a pompons Train, with which he made his entrance into the Town, and so went directly to wait on the King. But while he attempted (according to his manner heretofore) to enter into the Pre­sence, an Officer, who had receiv'd Orders to that effect, with held him, telling him, that he must wait, for that the King was bu­sie. This was a sore rebuke to Apelles, who stood astonish'd without any Reply, and after he had attended a while, retir'd to his Lodg­ings, accompany'd only with his own Dome­sticks; all the rest having already deserted him. Behold the uncertain state of mortal Greatness, where in one and the same Mo­ment Men are rais'd to highest Promoti­ons, and sunk to the lowest ebb of Fortune; [Page 182]and this principally in the Courts of Princes, where like Counters their Value rises and falls according to the place they are set in; for those who follow the Court are Great and Little at the Pleasure of their Master, who holds their Fortune in his keeping.

As soon as Megaleas (contrary to his hopes) came to understand there was no prospect of safety by the Mediation of Apelles, he began to see his danger nearer, and bethought him of seeking security by flight. For, in short, tho' it may be said, that after this Apelles was suffer'd at Court, and appear'd in ordinary Deliberations, yet he was never after admit­ted to the King's Cabinet, where Matters of weight were principally handled. Some time after the King came to resolve to Embark at Lechoeum, to pursue his Phocian Design, where­of he had so long meditated, taking Apelles with him; but that Affair not succeeding, he steer'd another course, and came to Ela­tea.

Megaleas then, without any consideration of Leontius, who was his Surety in the summ of Twenty Talents, made his Escape, and got into Athens; but the Government of that Place not permitting his stay there, he went from thence to Thebes. In the mean time, the King with the Court departing from Cir­rha, sail'd to Sicyon, where the Magistrates came out to receive him, and invited him to a Palace, prepar'd to entertain him, which he [Page 183]thankfully excus'd, making choice of the House of Aratus, with whom he spent whole Days in Deliberations about his Affairs. Du­ring his abode there he dispatch'd Apelles to Corinth; and as soon as he came to know of the flight of Megaleas, he sent Taurion to Tri­phalia at the head of his Buckler-men, whose chief Officer was Leontius, seeming to have some extraordinary occasion of their Service; who were no sooner departed, when he caus'd Leontius to be secur'd for the payment of the Twenty Talents wherein he stood bound. But the Buckler-men coming to hear thereof, by a Messenger which Leontius had dispatch'd, sent their request to the King; praying him, that if Leontius Commitment was on any other account than that of his Surety-ship, that he would be pleas'd not to determine any thing against him, during their absence; and that they should interpret any Sentence in his prejudice, as an Injury done to them, and should accordingly so resent it; (it having been a Custom among the Macedonians to use that liberty with their Kings) that in case Le­ontius was imprison'd to secure the payment of the Money due on account of Megaleas, they would readily contribute towards satis­fying that Debt. But this their Affection shown to Leontius prov'd unseasonable, and was so ill taken by the King, that it became the occasion of his Death sooner than he in­tended.

While these Matters were under agitation, the Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios re­turn'd from Aetolia, bringing with them Pro­positions for a Cessation of Arms for thirty Days; reporting that the Aetolians were very inclinable to a Treaty, and that they had ap­pointed a Day for their assembling at Rhium, where they pray'd the King to give them a meeting, promising all the Advances possible on their part towards a Pacification.

After the King had ratify'd the Treaty of Truce, he sent his Dispatches to the Confe­derates, requiring them to send their respe­ctive Deputies to Patroe, there to treat about the Peace with the Aetolians; then setting sail from Lechoeum, he came the next Day to Patroe. About the same time Letters were sent him out of Phocia, that had been writ by Megaleas to the Aetolians, whereby he in­cited them vigorously to prosecute the War, for that King Philip, through want of Provi­sions and Stores of War, was at the point of Despair. Furthermore, the said Letters con­tain'd very reproachful and injurious Reflecti­ons on the King, which plainly evidenc'd the Man's Hatred to him. Upon reading these Letters, the King became firmly assur'd, that Apelles was at the bottom, and Author of all these Evils; wherefore he order'd him to be taken into Custody, and forthwith brought to Corinth, together with his Son, and a Youth his Favourite. He also dispatch'd Alexander [Page 185]to Thebes, in pursuit of Megaleas, ordering that he should be conven'd before the Magi­strates, in order to the payment of the Debt, for which security had been given. This Com­mission. Alexander executed with diligence. But Megaleas prevented him by killing him­self, not being willing to adventure a Tryal. At the same time Apelles was put to death, together with his Son and Favourite. Thus perish'd the Conspirators, whose end was no other than what was due to their manner of Life past, and principally their practices a­gainst Aratus.

As to the Aetolians, they were sincerely dispos'd to Peace, being grown weary of the War, all their Projects having succeeded quite otherwise than they had propos'd; for they expected to have to do with a Prince raw and unfit to govern, King Philip being not arriv'd at an Age, as they thought, of Conduct and Experience, while in the mean time they sound him a ripe and enterprizing Leader, able and qualify'd both for Counsel and Execution; and the weak and unwise Part seem'd to be turn'd on themselves, as well with respect to the Ad­ministration of their particular Affairs, as the Conduct of the War in general. But when they came to hear of the Mutiny of the Buck­ler-men, and the Death of Leontius and Apelles, hoping these Troubles would beget Distracti­ons at Court, they therefore respited their meeting at Rhium, which they did from time [Page 186]to time; while King Philip, who had a hope­ful prospect of the issue of the War, and was indeed come to give all the impediment he could to the Treaty of Peace, was glad of the occasion they gave him. Wherefore, after he had exhorted and animated the Confederates to the prosecution of the War, he weigh'd Anchor again, and sail'd back to Corinth. Then sending his Macedonians to their Winter. Quarters in their own Country, they took their march home through Thessaly, while he himself, after his departure from Cenchrea, coasting it along the Attic Shoar, came by the Euripus to Demetrias, where Ptolomy, the only remaining Conspirator in the Treason of Apelles, was sentenc'd by the Macedonians, and accordingly put to death.

It was about this time that Hannibal, having gain'd his Passage into Italy, was encamp'd on the Banks of the Po, in view of the Roman Army; that Antiochus, having reduc'd to his Dominion a great part of Syria, had put his Army into Garrisons; and that Lycurgus, fear­ing ill-dealing from the Ephori, had with­drawn and retir'd into Aetolia: For he had been wrongfully accus'd to them, as if he had meditated some Innovation in the Govern­ment. Whereupon assembling in the Night, they came and beset his House; but he ha­ving timely notice of their Purposes, had with his Domesticks made his escape.

The King being now return'd home about the beginning of Winter, the Achaian Troops holding Eperatas the Praetor in contempt, and the mercenary Strangers in like manner con­sidering him as a Man of no worth, insomuch that they came to despise his Authority, refu­sing to pay him Obedience; by which means it came to pass, that they wanted Troops to guard and defend their Frontiers.

This became a motive to Pyrrhias, (whom the Aetolians had sent to command the Elean Forces) to compose an Army consisting of fourteen hundred Aetolians, about a thousand Mercenaries and Militia of the Town, and two hundred Horse, making in all about three thousand Men; and with these he did not only waste the Territory of Dymas and Pharoe, but proceeded to Patroe; and taking posses­sion of the Mountain Panachaicus which com­manded the Town, he plunder'd and put to Fire and Sword all the Country that lies in the way to Rhium and Aegium; insomuch that those Towns of Achaia which labour'd under these Evils, and saw no hopes of redress, be­came constrain'd to submit to lie under Con­tribution: For the Soldiers being in Arrear of their Pay, refus'd to receive Orders, when at any time they were commanded to march on any Expedition for the relief of the Country. Whereupon the Affairs of the Achaians grew from bad to worse, their mercenary Troops daily deserting the Service: All which Cala­mities [Page 188]were, in a word, to be ascrib'd to the Insufficiency of Eperatus the Praetor. Matters stood in this posture then in Achaia when Epe­ratus's Authority expir'd, who was succeeded, early in the Summer, by Aratus the Elder.

Hitherto we have spoken of the Affairs of Europe only; now pursuing the Order of Oc­currences, we are arriv'd, as it were, at a fair and easie passage to those of Asia; let us proceed then to recount the Hostilities trans­acted in those parts of the World, contempo­rary with the others we have already related.

We shall begin, as we promis'd, with the History of the War, that was wag'd between Antiochus and Ptolomy for the Lower Syria. For albeit Hostilities were yet on Foot between these two Princes, at the time we brake off our Relation of the Grecian Affairs; neverthe­less, we had good reason to pursue that Me­thod, for the better uniting the Parts of our History. And to prevent the danger of Mi­stakes in the Reader, touching the Date of Transactions, we conceive we have therein done enough, when in speaking of what was there acted during that Olympiad, and what at the same time in Greece, we have punctual­ly remark'd the beginning and end of the Asian Transactions. Furthermore, for the better perspicuity of our History, and that we may render it more intelligible, we have judg'd it most behoveful not to mingle the Oc­currences of that Olympiad, but to refer it to [Page 189]subsequent Times, when wo shall assign to each Year its peculiar Actions and Adven­tures in order as they happen'd. For having undertaken to write not any particular or se­parate History, but to recount all that was done every where at the same time; and for­asmuch as we have engag'd in a Work supe­riour to all who have gone before us; we ought therefore to make it our chief Business so to dispose of the several Members, and u­nite the Parts in such order, that the whole may appear uniform and entire: and yet that no one part thereof may be liable to obscurity. Whereof after we shall have here first hinted some distant matters touching the Reigns of Antiochus and Ptolemy, we shall then proceed to give our Story such a beginning, as shall be evident and known to all, and of a piece with the Occurrences which preceded.

The Ancients have somewhere said, That a good beginning is half the Work; whereby they would instruct us, that in all our Under­takings, our principal Care should be to be­gin well whatsoever we go about: And 'tis possible some may object, That they have herein gone too far, while in my Judgment they have said less than the matter will bear. For I think it may with safety be maintain'd, That not the half only of any Enterprize is effected when 'tis well begun, but the whole well-nigh brought to pass: For 'tis impossible to enter successfully on any Design whatso­ever, [Page 190]without having first form'd and dige­sted the whole Project, and meditated with deliberation both on the beginning, progress, and end. For who can be able to give a Sum­mary, or Recapitulation, of what he hath written at the end of his Discourse, if there be not connexion or coherence in what he hath deliver'd, whereby it may be discern'd, from whence, why, and how matters have been conducted to that issue? He therefore who would write a General History, or would but study it as he ought, should above all things labour to begin well, and then he may con­clude the better half of his Work done. And this shall be our utmost Endeavour.

Nevertheless, 'tis seen that most Historians say with me, That they write a General Hi­story, and that their Work is the greatest that hath ever been undertaken. But of all these Authors, I know none, Ephorus excepted, who was the first and only Writer that hath propos'd indeed to compose a General History. But I will not arraign any one here in parti­cular; and only remark, that there have been Authors in these our days, who undertaking to write History, have in three or four Pages, comprehended the Wars of the Romans and Carthaginians, and with assurance are bold to boast they have therein written the whole Story of the Universe. True it is, that that Age was celebrated for many great Actions both in Spain, Africk, Sicily, and Italy; and [Page 191]the War of Hannibal exceeded all others, both for Dignity and Duration, except the first Punick War, when the Dominion of Sicily was contested; which, in short, was such as held the whole World in suspence, all Nations under great Fear and Uncertainty attending the Event. But who is so stupid or incu­rious, that is not in some measure instructed in these Adventures? And yet there are Histo­rians, who tho' they have touch'd never so superficially those matters, would neverthe­less persuade us they have left nothing unsaid of the Affairs of the Greeks and Barbarians; and these I think may be fitly compar'd to those Painters, who according to the custom of some States, draw on the Walls of their Publick Buildings, the History of their Ex­ploits in divers Ages and Places, and would be thought to have therein represented every thing just as it was done.

If it should be demanded then, how Histo­rians come to be guilty of this Vanity? I an­swer, That it is easie to promise any thing, and as easie to undertake and engage in the most difficult Enterprizes by Words and Dis­course; but few there are who rightly weigh the Difficulty of the execution. The one is common and familiar, the other rare and next to impossible; and whosoever he may be that hath compass'd it, it must have been at the cost of mighty Pains, and the product of ma­ny Years of Life. Thus much I have thought [Page 192]fit to say, in reproof of such as over boasting­ly magnifie their Works, and vain-gloriously ex [...] their own Merit. But now let us pro­ceed to our Business.

Ptolomy King of Egypt, surnam'd Philopa­ter, took on him the Government of that Kingdom on the death of his Father, and the murder of Megas his Brother and his Adhe­rents; by which means, and some other Acts of Caution, he reckon'd himself secure against any Attempts from those of his own House, and concluded Fortune Herself had cover'd him from all Dangers abroad. Furthermore, Antigonus and Seleucus being now dead, and Antiochus and Philip succeeding them, who were yet but young, and hardly out of their Childhood: Ptolomy, I say, for these Reasons beholding himself shelter'd on all sides from Danger, govern'd his Kingdom as if his Plea­sure and Ease had been now his only Business, and resign'd up to a voluptuous Life, forgot the Duties of his Dignity, and grew to neglect every body and every thing; all access to him became difficult, as well to those of his own Court, as others who had charge of Publick Affairs, both within and without the King­dom; albeit the Kings his Predecessors had been no less solicitous for the one than the other, and as jealous of their Authority abroad as at home. For the Lieutenants of their Pro­vinces in Caelo-Syria and Cyprus were wont to wage War with the neighbouring Princes of [Page 193] Syria by Land and Sea; and those, who had the Government of their principal Towns on the Sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Helle­spont, and who had the Command of the Country bordering on Lysimachia, kept a watchful Eye on the Actions of the Princes of Asia, and of the Islands; while those that rul'd in Aenus, Maronea, and the Towns be­yond them, were as careful to observe the Macedonians and the Occurrences of Thrace. Insomuch that the Aegyptian Kings, embra­cing so wide a Dominion, were cover'd, as one may say, with a Buckler against all those Princes, and never took thought for Egypt it self, while the Avenues were so carefully kept. But forasmuch as the King we are speaking of now left all things at random, while himself, dissolv'd in Love and Wine, took care for no­thing; it was not strange that he should soon find Enemies, who would conspire against both his Life and Kingdom.

The first of these was Cleomenes of Sparta, who attempted nothing during the Life of Ptolomy Euergetes, with whom he was in great Friendship, and by whose Favour and Assistance, he had hopes of recovering his Kingdom. But after his Death, and his own Affairs inviting him to try his Fortune, Anti­gonus being also now dead, and the Achaians diverted by War; and what Cleomenes had ever ardently labour'd to effect being come to pass, namely, that the Aetolians confedera­ting [Page 194]with the Lacedaemonians (who equally hated the Achaians and Macedonians) should jointly enter into a War against these two States. These things, I say, falling out, were a motive to press by all means possible his de­parture from Alexandria. And first he mov'd the King therein, demanding Succours both of Men and Stores of War. Afterwards per­ceiving him to lend no very willing Ear to his suit, he besought him at least for permission for himself and Followers to depart; for that be could not hope for a more favourable Con­juncture, than that which now offer'd, for the recovery of his Kingdom. But Ptolomy, amus'd neither with future nor present things, giving himself up to his Pleasures and De­bauches, came to no Resolution touching the Request of Cleomenes.

Furthermore, Sosibius, who at that time was first Minister of State, and govern'd the Affairs of Egypt, coming to consult with his Friends thereupon, it was concluded among them, that it was not safe not only to supply Cleo­menes with what he demanded, but even to let him depart the Kingdom. For after the death of Antigonus, they came to neglect their Frontier Provinces, taking for granted, that the expence of those Affairs was now needless They furthermore consider'd, that Cleomenes having now no Rival in Greece that could withstand him, became jealous lest coming to recover the Dominion of that Country, he [Page 195]might not become a formidable Enemy to them; knowing, as he so well did, the Frail­ties of their King, and the general State of the Egyptian Affairs, and that their Provinces were remote and disjointed, which he might greatly improve to their damage: For at Sa­mos they had a numerous Fleet, and at Ephe­sus a great Body of Troops. Wherefore, I say, they resolv'd that it would not be Wis­dom to permit not only that Cleomenes should go with an Army, but not safe to permit him to quit the Country at all, considering the Greatness of his Character, and how he had been disoblig'd, which he would consequently study to revenge. It remain'd then that they must determine to detain him by force; and yet they wanted Resolution to conclude there­on, looking on it as a dangerous Attempt to imprison a Lion among a Flock of Sheep; and Sosibius himself became of that mind, for the Reasons we shall now deliver.

At what time they were deliberating about putting Magas and Berenice to death, fearing; lest their Design might miscarry through the great Power and Resolution of Berenice. The Conspirators therefore were oblig'd to flatter and treat, with better usage than ordinary, some Persons about the Court; and to give them Assurances of great Advantages, in case their Design succeeded. Wherefore Sosibius well knowing of what importance it was to Cleomenes to acquire the Good-will of the [Page 196]King, whose Assistance he needed, and that he was an able and well experienc'd Person, came to reveal the Conspiracy to him, adding many fair Promises, and Assurances of his good Offices in his Service; whereupon Cleo­menes taking hotice of the Disturbance he was under, and that they very much appre­hended Danger from their Mercenaries, told him he might be ought of pain in that par­ticular, for that those People should give them no molestation; but, on the contrary, if need were, should lend them their assistance. This was a surprizing Saying to Sosibius, while Cleomenes proceeded; adding, that there were few less than three thousand Peloponnesians in the Army of Mercenaries, and at least a thou­sand Candiots, who, upon his least beck, would be at his Command; and from the Troops of Syria and Caria, there was no danger to be fear'd. In short, this Discourse at that time greatly pleas'd Sosibius, and animated him to the murder of Berenice. But afterwards as often as he ruminated on the Folly and Weak­ness of the King, and the hardy and enterpri­zing Qualities of Cleomenes, and the Affection the mercenary Soldiers bore him, he could not contain his Fear. Wherefore he prevail'd with the King and those about him, to con­sent that Cleomenes might be taken into cu­stody: And the better to compass his pur­pose, he made use of an occasion we shall now relate. There chanc'd to be at that time in [Page 197]these Parts, a certain Messenian call'd Nicago­ras, who had been an old Friend of the Fa­ther of Archidamus King of Sparta; and albeit with Archidamus himself he had not had that intimacy, nevertheless upon his lea­ving the City out of fear of Cleomenes, and re­tiring to Messena, Nicagoras did not only hospitably receive him into his House, and supply him with all things necessary, but grew at length to cultivate a Friendship with him, equal to that which had been heretofore between him and his Father. Wherefore when afterwards it came to pass, that Cleome­nes had given Archidamus some hopes of his return, and that there appear'd some likeli­hood of an Accord, Nicagoras interpos'd his good Offices, and acted in the Treaty between them.

After all things seem'd to be adjusted, and that Archidamus on the Faith of Nicagoras's Treaty was returning, and on his way to Sparta, he was intercepted by Cleomenes, and slain, but without any Violence offer'd either to Nicagoras, who was in his company, or any body else of his Train. Wherefore Nicago­ras, tho' he made publick profession of his Obligation to Cleomenes for sparing his Life, nevertheless he harbour'd in his Mind Re­sentments suitable to that Outrage. This Nicagoras then coming to Alexandria, to dis­pose of certain Horses he had brought over, as he was landing meets with Cleomenes, who [Page 198]with Panteus and Hippitas were walking on the Strand. As soon as Cleomenes knew him, he came and saluted him in friendly manner, demanding what business had brought him thither? And when he told him, he had brought over some Horses to sell; Cleomenes reply'd, That he would have made a better Voyage, if he had brought a Cargo of Buf­foons, and Beautiful Boys, for that the present King like'd that sort of Merchandise much better. At which saying Nicagoras smiling, reply'd little; but a while after coming to have some Discourse with Sosibius about the disposal of his Horses, he told him what Cleo­menes had said, not without design of doing him an ill Office at Court; and perceiving Sosibius pleas'd with the Relation, he proceed­ed to reveal to him the Subject of his Hatred, and the Aversion he bore to Cleomenes.

Sosibius, coming thus to discover that Nica­goras was an Enemy to Cleomenes, prevail'd with him by Gifts and Promises to write a Letter to him, containing Accusations against Cleomenes, which Letter should be lest with one of his Servants on his departure, to be by him brought some Days after, as if Nicagoras had dispatch'd him for that purpose. Accord­ingly a Letter was written, and the Matter conducted as had been agreed, and as soon as Nicagoras was gone, the Messenger brought the Letter to Sosibius, which, together with the Bearer, he immediately carried to the King. The [Page 199]Contents were, that in case Cleomenes were not speedily dispatch'd with a Body of Troops, and all things necessary for his Enterprize, he would be the occasion of great Troubles in the Kingdom. This then was the Engine whereby Sosibius wrought with the King and his Creatures to determine on putting Cleome­nes under Confinement, and securing him with a good Guard. Whereupon he was secur'd, having a large House appointed him for his Prison, which differ'd from others in nothing, but that it was more spacious. And now Cleo­menes perceiving there was no hope left him, resolv'd however to attempt his Inlargement by all the ways he could imagine, whereby to compass it; not that he saw how it could pro­bably be effected, being destitute of all ne­cessary means to put his purpose in Execution, at least he resolv'd to die like himself, and ne­ver yield to stain that Vertue which had ren­der'd him so considerable in the World. And I am ready to believe he had his Mind prepos­sess'd, and set before his Eyes what all great Men do in the like Exigencies.

To urge their Fate with safety to their Fame,
And to Posterity consign a Name.

Cleomenes then being inform'd of the King's purpose to make a Progress to Canopus, con­triv'd to have it bruited among his Guards, that he was to be speedily set at liberty; and [Page 200]on that pretext he caus'd Provision to be made for a great Entertainment to those of his Fa­mily, sending to his Guards plenty of Meat and Wine, Garlands of Flowers, &c. insomuch that the Soldiers drinking too plentifully, he took that occasion about mid-day to escape out of Prison, with all his Domesticks in his Company; who with their drawn Swords meeting in the Market-place with the Gover­nour of the Town, they threw him out of his Chariot, and kill'd him on the place amidst his Guards, who stood astonish'd at the bold­ness of the Action; in the mean time, crying Liberty, Liberty, as they pass'd along. But when they saw none appoach to join them, all People standing amaz'd at the Greatness of the Enterprize, they then betook them to­wards the Castle, with design to set all the Prisoners at liberty, and to make use of their assistance: but those who Commanded in that Fortress suspecting their purpose, and streng­ [...]hened the Guards, and secur'd the Gates: Whereupon Cleomenes and his Followers see­ing now no hopes on that side, turn'd their Swords on each other, and so generously dy'd (and as one may say) Laconian-like. Thus fell Cleomenes, a Personage most agreeable, and admirably gifted for Conversation; but above all things qualify'd for the Conduct of great Affairs; and, in conclusion, one whom Na­ture had endow'd with all the advantages re­quisite to a great Captain and a King.

Not long after, Theodotus an Aetolian, Go­vernour of the Lower Syria, revolted; partly out of Contempt of the King, who led so in­famous a life, and partly out of an apprehen­sion of ill Offices done him by the great ones at Court some time before; notwithstanding the good Service he had done the King in ma­ny occasions, and principally in the War a­gainst Antiochus for the Lower Syria: Never­theless, he was so far from being consider'd according to his Merit, that being command­ed to come to Court, he there ran great ha­zard of his Life. Wherefore on these Provoca­tions, Theodotus resolv'd to apply himself to Antiochus, and to put the Towns of that Country into his Hands; which Overture was gladly receiv'd by that Prince, and the Design soon after put in Execution. But that we may Treat of the Family of this Prince in the same Method we have done the last, we shall have occasion to go a little back; and taking our beginning from the time of Antio­chus's coming to the Crown, we shall descend to the Subject of the War, whereof we pur­pose to Treat.

Antiochus the Younger then, was the Son of Seleucus, who was sirnam'd Callinicus; who after the Death of his Father, and the Accession of his Elder Brother to the Crown, went into the Ʋpper Asia, where he held his Abode for some time. But on the Death of Seleucus his Brother, who was Treacherously [Page 202]slain in his Expedition over Mount Taurus, as we have elsewhere Noted; Antiochus Succeed­ed him who made Achoeus Governour of all that part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and gave to Molon and his Brother, the Go­vernment of the Upper Provinces; namely, to Molon the Satrapie (so call'd) of Media, and to Alexander, that of Persia.

But these two Brothers contemning the Youth of the King, and being in hopes Achoe­us would join with them in the like Design; and apprehending above all things, the Cruel­ty and perverse Mind and Calumnies of Her­mias, who at that time Rul'd Affairs at Court; wherefore they came to a Resolution of cast­ing off their Obedience, and of endeavouring to withdraw the other Satrapa's from their Duty to the King. Hermias was a Carian by Birth, and receiv'd his Authority, and the Administration of the Government, at the Hands of Seleucus; who at his Departure to­wards Mount Taurus, had committed the Af­fairs of the Kingdom, during his Absence, to his Care; who beholding himself thus Exalted, grew to Envy and Suspect all who had any Trust or Share in the King's Esteem. In a Word, being naturally a Tyrant, he would ordinarily punish the slightest Faults with Ri­gour, making them greater by his Exaggera­tions; and often appear'd a Cruel and Inexo­rable Judge towards others who had no Faults but of his finding. But above all things, he [Page 203]was bent on the Ruine of Epigenes, who had the Charge of leading back the Troops, that were Assembled out of Affection to Seleucus. For he well knew him to be a Man both Elo­quent and Able for Execution, and who had great Authority in the Army. This he could not brook; wherefore he watch'd him with a Malicious Eye, and study'd by all ways possi­ble, to render him Obnoxious. In short, it chanc'd, that while they were deliberating in Council about the Rebellion of Molon, and on the King's Command, that every one should deliver his Judgment freely, touching the Means of Suppressing the Rebels; Epigenes speaking first, gave it as his Opinion, That it was an Affair that would not endure delay, and that the Remedies ought speedily to be applied to the Disease: That he Conceiv'd the King's Presence was absolutely necessary, whose Authority on the place would weigh much: That in such case neither Molon nor his Partizans would have the assurance to per­sist in their Errour, beholding the King him­self at the Head of his Army: Or should they chance to continue obstinate, the very Sol­diers would Mutiny, and deliver them up to the King.

Hardly had Epigenes finish'd his Discourse, when Hermias in passionate manner reply'd, That this was not the first Traiterous Counsel he had given: That he had long harbour'd Evil Purposes towards the King: That it now [Page 204]pleas'd him however to behold him openly, declaring his Wickedness in the pernicious Ad­vice he had offer'd, wherein he plainly shew'd his Design of giving up the King into the Hands of the Rebels. He added nothing fur­ther at that time on that Subject, seeming content to have thus sown the Seeds of Suspi­cion and Calumny against him, expressing ra­ther his Indignation than Hatred. In a Word, his Ignorance in Military Affairs (it may be) gave him greater Apprehension of the Dan­ger than needed: Wherefore his Advice was, That no Army should be sent against Molon, but that they should March against Ptolomy; who being a Vicious and Careless Prince, he concluded that War would be Manag'd with less danger. Howbeit, after he had thus asto­nish'd the Assembly, he yielded that Molon should be Prosecuted by War, and that the Chief Command in that Expedition should be given to Xeno and Theodotus, Counselling the King to pursue the Recovery of the Lower Syria, to the end that Young Prince being Engag'd and Surrounded with Troubles from all Quarters, and keeping him in perpetual Action, he might, as he conceiv'd, render himself the more necessary, and cover with more safety, the Crimes of which he was Conscious, and better secure his Credit with his Master. Pursuant to which Design, he Forges Letters from Achoeus, and brought them to the King; which Letters contain'd [Page 205]King Ptolomy's Solicitations to him, to take on him the Royalty, promising him his As­sistance both of Money, Ships, and all things he should stand in need of, provided he would Assume the Crown, and the other Marks of Regality, whereof he was in effect already Possess'd, tho' he shun'd the Title, and ne­glected the Tender of a Diadem which For­tune her self made him. This Letter found so much Credit with the King, that he there­upon determin'd forthwith earnestly to pursue the War in Caelo-Syria.

While these Matters were under agitation, Antiochus being at Seleucia, Diognetus his Ge­neral at Sea arriv'd, bringing with him Lao­dice the Daughter of Mithridates, who was Espous'd to Antiochus. This Mithridates boasted of his being Descended from one of the Seven Persians, who slew the Magi, hold­ing Possession of that Dominion, which Da­rius had heretofore given to his Ancestors, ex­tending as far as the Coast of the Euxine Sea. Antiochus went in great Pomp to receive this Princess, whom he presently Marry'd, the Nuptials being Solemniz'd with all possible Magnificence. As soon as the Ceremony was over, he carry'd her to Antioch, where he caus'd her to be receiv'd as Queen; and then turn'd his Thoughts to prepare for the War. In the mean time Molon had prepar'd the People of his Government for every thing he might be dispos'd to attempt, as well by the [Page 206]hopes of Reward, as through the fear where­with he had possess'd the Principal Officers, by angry and menacing Letters counterfeited from the King. Furthermore, his Brother was in a readiness to join him; and he had well provided against all danger that might threaten from the Neighbour-Provinces, ha­ving been at great Expence to Purchase the Good Will of those, who had any Authority among them; and, in a Word, March'd with his Army to Incounter the King's Forces. While Xeno and Theodotus were so terrify'd at his approach, that they retir'd and secur'd themselves in the Neighbouring Towns. Whereupon Molon making himself Master of the Territory of Apollonia, became supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War in great a­bundance, and was already grown formidable in appearance, and in effect: For, first the King's breed of Horses was intirely in posses­sion of the Medes; which Country moreo­ver abounds in Corn and all sorts of Cattel. As to its Strength, all that can be said, would not amount to half what the Subject will bear. Media is Situate in the heart of Asia, and if comparison be made between that and the other parts, it will be found to surpass all the Provinces thereof, both in extent of Territo­ry and height of the Mountains that surround it. They have many powerful Nations that are their Borderers: On the East are the De­sarts which lie between Persia and Parasia. [Page 207]The Caspian Pass call'd the Gates, is in their keeping, where they touch on the Mountains Tapyroe, which are not far from Hyrcania. It extends towards the South to Mesopotamia, and the Territory of the Apolloniates. Nor is it re­mote from Persia, being cover'd on that side by the Mountain Zagros, which hath an ascent of above twelve Miles. And whereas this Mountain is divided and broken into many Parts and Eminencies, it comes to pass that there are divers Vallies and deep Descents, which are inhabited by the Cossoei, Corbrenoe and Carchi, and other Barbarous Nations, who are generally given to War. Towards the West they approach the Country of Atropatii, who are not far from those People, whose Dominion extends as far as the Euxine Sea. The Frontiers of Media towards the North, are in the Neighbourhood of the Elymaei, Aria­racoe, Cadducoei, Matiani, and in short, over­look those Countries on the Pontic Sea, that join the Palus Moeotis. The Country is also parted into sundry Divisions, by Mountains, which run through it from East to West, be­tween which there are Plains abounding with Cities, and Peopled Places.

As soon as Molon had made himself Master of this Country, the most proper of all others wherein to establish the Seat of his Dominion; over and above that, he was become formida­ble, as was noted, by the Power he had ac­quir'd; he grew likewise into such Reputation, [Page 208]that the People of Asia believ'd he was not to be resisted; especially when they saw the King's Army had been forc'd to Retreat into Towns for safety; which they took for grant­ed, was no other than yielding up the Field: This Success greatly augmented the Courage and Expectations of his Army. Wherefore he resolv'd to pass the Tigris, and march to the Seige of Seleucia. But being prevented in that Design by Zeuxes, who had seiz'd on the Vessels of Transportation, he retir'd to a Place call'd Ctesiphon, where he made plenti­ful Provision of all Necessaries for the Winter­ing of his Army. When the King came to understand that Molon Advanc'd, and that his own Army retir'd, he then resolv'd to go at the Head of his Forces, and to respite for a while, his Expedition against Ptolomy. But Hermias continu'd firm to his Purpose, and prevail'd to divert him; so Xenoetas an Achai­an, was sent with an Army, having as abso­lute Authority as if the King had been there in Person; Hermias demonstrating that 'twas enough for Princes to make War against Rebels by their Lieutenants, but that Kings ought to oppose themselves only to their Equals, where Glory and Empire is the Subject in Dispute. Thus having the young Prince intirely in his Possession, he prevail'd to carry on his first Design, so they went to Apamea, where they Assembled the Troops. From thence the King lead his Army to Laodicea, then march­ing [Page 209]through the Desart, they came to the Valley of Marsya between the Mountains Li­banus and Anti-Libanus, a Place very streight and inclos'd by those Mountains which come almost to touch; and there where it is nar­rowest, it is full of low and watery Ground, where they gather Odoriferous Dew. The Castle of Brochi Commands on the one side of the Streight, on the other that of Gerra; there being only a narrow way between them. After some time had been spent in their March through this Vale, and the taking in some Neighbouring Towns, the King approached Gerra; but both the one and the other For­tress being in the Hands of Theodotus the Aetolian, who had likewise well Fortify'd the Defilée about the low Grounds, and Posted Troops Commodiously for Defence, the King resolv'd to force his Passage. But when he had well consider'd, that by Seiges he should Harrass his Army, and be more a Sufferer him­self than the Enemy; and having some Reasons to believe that Theodotus would shortly be wrought over to his Service, he forbore to Pro­secute that Enterprize; so that having no pre­sent Prospect of succeeding here, and receiv­ing notice of the Defeat of Xenoetas, and that Molon Victorious had subdu'd many Provinces, he resolv'd to relinquish all other Designs, and deliberate on those Affairs which more nearly concern'd him. For Xenoetas, as we noted, being sent with an Authority full and absolute, [Page 210]could not well bear that Degree of Greatness, which he had never hop'd to attain, but grew insolent towards his Friends, and acted in­considerately against the Enemy. For taking his march towards Seleucia, having Diogenes Governour of Susiana, and Pythias with him, who brought his Troops from the Coast of the Red-Sea, under his Command; he came and encamp'd in view of the Enemy, being cover'd on that side by the Tigris.

In the mean time many Deserters from Mo­lon's Army, swimming the River, came over to Xenoetas, who gave him assurance, that in case he pass'd the River with his Army, the greatest part of the Enemies Troops would revolt to him, many of the Leaders being dis­oblig'd by Molon; and that the Soldiers in general were dispos'd to return to their Duty. Xenoetas, incourag'd by these Reports, re­solv'd to pass over the Army, and shew'd a purpose to make a Bridge at a certain place where by the force of the Stream the Earth is cast up in form of an Island, but he did not prosecute that Design: Whereupon Molon made a Jest of his Project. Nevertheless, Xenoetas, in the mean time, caus'd Boats to be built, and seiz'd on others where they could be sound, to put in execution what he had purpos'd. Then picking out a Body of the best Troops of the Army, both Horse and Foot, and leaving Zeuxes and Pythias with the rest to guard the Camp, he wasted over [Page 211]his Men by Night, marching and encamping about Ten Miles above the Enemy, where he made choice of a commodious and well-de­fended piece of Ground to encamp in; for the River inviron'd it almost quite round, and the rest was secur'd by a Moor, and deep boggy Ground. Molon, upon knowledge hereof, detach'd a Body of Horse with Command to march towards the Enemy, partly to prevent the passing of those that remain'd behind; and partly to attack those who were already got over. But on their approach to Xenoetas's Camp there was no need of the Swords of an Enemy to defeat them; for being, it seems, unacquainted with the Ground and Country about it, they chanc'd to fall among the Bogs and watery places, whereby not only their Design miscarried, but most of the Party were lost. Wherefore Xenoetas, now persua­ded, that if he drew nearer to the Enemies Camp, the greatest part of the Army would desert to him, took his march along the Ri­ver, and came and Encamp'd close by them. Whereupon Molon, either out of Stratagem, or some real doubt of the Soldiers Disposition, left his Camp by Night, with all his Baggage, seeming to take his march towards Media. Xenoetas now believing that Molon had forsa­ken his Camp through [...]ear upon his approach, or through distrust of his own Troops, took possession thereof, where he quarter'd his Ar­my, giving his Orders, that the Horse and [Page 212]Baggage of Zeuxes Camp should forthwith pass over and joyn him. Then assembling the Soldiers, he incourag'd them, by giving them hopes of a good issue of the War, for that Molon had already thought it his safest course to sly before them; so commanding them to refresh and repose themselves, he or­der'd them to be in a readiness to march by break of Day in pursuit of the Enemy.

And now the Army of Xenoetas, full of Assurance, and being possess'd of so great plen­ty of all things, fell to Feasting and making Merry, Drinking to excess, and acting in e­very thing the parts of careless dissolute Peo­ple. While Molon, when he thought he was got far enough, made an halt; and taking some space to refresh his People, fac'd about, and march'd directly back by the way he came; and advancing to the Camp, found the Enemy negligently scatter'd here and there, plung'd in Sleep and Wine. Where­fore attacking them at Day-break. Xenoetas, astonish'd at the surprize, and not able to a­waken and draw his Troops together to make head against the Enemy, lost his Life, gal­lantly fighting. The greatest part of the Army were cut off in their Tents, the rest casting themselves into the River, hop'd to gain the Camp on the other side, but very few escap'd over. Here might be seen the divers Scenes of Tumult and Confusion in the Ar­my; for all had their share of Terror, at an [Page 213]Attempt so unlook'd for: And while they view'd their Camp on the other Bank of the River, without regard to the violence of the Stream, or the difficulty and danger of the Passage, such was their Passion to escape the Swords of the Enemy; their fear, I say, had so blinded their Judgment, that to save them­selves from the hands of those that pursu'd them, they committed themselves to the Wa­ters, making their Horses, Baggage, and all attempt to pass the River, as if they thought some special Providence had commanded the Flood to yield them succour, and waft them safe to the other Shore; so that it was a lamen­ble sight to behold at once Men, Horses, Arms, Baggage, the Dead and Living floating and mingled together in confusion.

Molon becoming Master of Xenoetas's Camp, afterwards pass'd the River without impedi­ment, none withstanding him; for Zeuxes, who might have hinder'd him, was fled; wherefore he took possession likewise of the other Camp. Then upon this Success he march'd speedily to Seleucia, which soon fell into his hands; for that Zeuxes and Diome­don, who was Governour of the Place, had deserted it. Then reducing the upper Pro­vinces to his Obedience, where he found none to oppose him, he march'd on, and subdu'd the whole Country of Babylon, and all the Territory extending as far as the Red-Sea. From thence he march'd to Susa, which was [Page 214]taken by Assault, as other Places had been; but he in vain attempted the Fortress of that Place, for that Diogenes the Governour had made timely provision for his Defence: Where­fore he forbore to use force, but leaving Troops to block it up, took his march back to Seleu­cia, where he refresh'd and recruited his Army; and then after he had well encourag'd them, he proceeded on further Enterprizes. Thus Molon reduc'd all the Country to the City Europus, and all Mesopotamia as far as Du­ra.

When Antiochus came to be well inform'd of these Occurrences, he quitted the barren Country of the Lower-Syria, (as we have no­ted) and turn'd his Thoughts wholly on this War. Wherefore assembling his Council once again to deliberate about it, and requiring e­very one to deliver his Opinion plainly touch­ing the War of Molon; Epigenes again first gave his Judgment, saying, That it had been well for the King's Service, if they had follow'd his first Advice without any de­lay or loss of time; for the Enemy had made so great a progress, that he was confirm'd in his former Opinion; namely, That it was most necessary the King should march with the Army, and manage the War in Person. But Hermias thereupon renew'd his Indignati­on against Epigenes, charging and blaming him as heretofore; and came to exaggerate his own Praises to that degree, that every body [Page 215]despis'd him; and contesting with the King himself, labour'd all he could to make him persevere in his Syrian Expedition; insomuch, that great Offence was taken by Antiochus himself, who notwithstanding interpos'd his Authority in vain to reconcile them, Hermias being by no means to be wrought from his Aversion to Epigenes. Howbeit, his Advice at length prevail'd, as being the most safe and profitable; which Hermias not being a­ble now longer to hinder, seem'd on the sud­den to accord entirely to what he cou'd not prevent; and becoming (as one may say) a­nother Man, resolv'd, that laying aside all other Affairs, the War with Molon ought to be vigorously prosecuted: Wherefore he ap­ply'd himself with great diligence, and turn'd all his Thoughts to make preparation for car­rying it on.

And now when the King's Troops were as­sembl'd at Apamea, there grew a Mutiny in the Army about the Arrears of Pay. Where­upon Hermias perceiving the King to be sur­priz'd, and to seek what to do, made an Offer to him, proposing to satisfie the Soldiers Ar­rears out of his own private Fortune, provi­ded he would yield that Epigences might not be employ'd in that Expedition; pretending, that the Differences which had happen'd be­tween them, would be the occasion of Dis­putes, that would greatly hinder him in the management of his Affairs. The King, in [Page 216]truth, lent a very unwilling Ear to the Pro­posal, believing it to be for his Service to take Epigenes with him, who was well seen in Mi­litary Matters, and in every thing an able Counsellor; but won by the Artifices of Her­mias, who had gain'd likewise those about him, he was not Master of his own Resolutions: Wherefore yielding to present Necessity, he comply'd with the Demand of Hermias. Whereupon Epigenes retir'd to Apamea, pur­suant to the Orders he receiv'd from the King.

All of the King's Council were ill satisfy'd with this Resolution, while, on the other hand, the Soldiers, who had receiv'd satis­faction of their Demands, express'd great Af­fection towards Hermias, by whose means they had obtain'd their Arrears. Nor was there any remaining Stirs, saving among the Cyrrhestae, of whom there revolted from the King's Service to the number of Six Thousand, who for a while gave him some Trouble; but being pursu'd and attack'd, they were defeat­ed by those that were sent against them, the greatest part being cut off, and the remainder returning to their Obedience.

And now Hermias, having subdu'd those about the King by his Authority, and gain'd the Good-will of the Soldiers by his Bounty, departed with Antiochus and the Army; but forgot not, by means of Alexis, who was Governour of the Citadel of Apamea, to form [Page 217]this Design for the Destruction of Epigenes. He forg'd a Letter from Molon to Epigenes; and having corrupted one of his Servants by Promises of a great Reward, gives him the Letter, with Orders to lay it among the rest of his Master's Papers. Whereupon Alexis comes to Epigenes, and demands of him if he had not receiv'd Letters from Molon? To which Epigenes reply'd with Indignation, That he held no intercourse with Rebels. But A­lexis boldly affirming the contrary, demanded leave to search; and ent'ring by force into his Lodgings, he found the Letter; with which pretext he immediately kill'd Epigenes on the place, the King being perswaded to think him Guilty. And tho' the principal Men about him were aw'd into Silence, and did not dare to move therein, nevertheless the Action gave them great Jealousie and Offence.

Upon the Army's arrival at Euphrates, An­tiochus join'd the Troops that he found there, and pursu'd his march; and coming near An­tioch in Mygdonia, Winter being now at hand, he there remain'd till the Colds were over, and in forty Days after arriv'd at Liba. Here he fell to deliberate with his Officers what course was best to take to find out Molon, and by what means they should sustain the Army in their march; for Molon was in possession of all the Country about Babylon. Hermias propos'd to keep along the River Tigris, by which means they should have the benefit of [Page 218]that River, and two others, Lycus and K [...] ­pros, to cover and defend their Camp. But Zeuxes, tho' he wanted assurance to deliver his Mind as he ought, having the Fate of Epi­genes before his Eyes; nevertheless, such was the Weakness and Danger of Hermias's Ad­vice, that with some difficulty he reply'd, That there was a necessity of their passing the Tigris; and made appear the great Impedi­ments they should meet with, in holding their march along the River. He principally urg'd, that after a long and tedious Journey, and a march of six Days through a continu'd De­sart, they would come to a place call'd, The King's Ditch; which place, if it should chance to be possess'd by the Enemy, would entirely bar their further Progress; which might be the means of exposing the Army to great dan­ger, by their being compell'd to return by the Desart, where (which was especially to be consider'd) they should be reduc'd to want every needful thing. On the other hand, he made appear, That in case they pass'd the Tigris, it was more than probable, that those of the Country of Apollonia would see their Error, and return to their Duty, who, it was plain, were compell'd, and not out of Good­will, but out of Fear and Necessity, had taken part with Molon. Furthermore, being to march through a plentiful Country, there would be no danger of being driven to streights for any thing. And what was of further im­portance, [Page 219]when Molon should see his passage [...]ack into Media shut up, and behold himself [...] streights for Provision, he would be con­strain'd either to come to the issue of a Battel, [...] in case of refusal, would hazard the deserti­on of his Troops to the King.

This Advice of Zeuxes was approv'd, pur­suant to which the Army being divided into three Bodies, they pass'd over the Troops with their Baggage in three several places. So they prosecuted their march towards Dura, which was at that time streighten'd by one of Mo­lon's Officers, who on their approach left the Siege. Then continuing their march with­out halting, they pass'd by Oricum in eight Days and came to Apollonia. And now Mo­lon being inform'd of the King's Arrival, and not being very well assur'd of the Good-will of the Susians and Babylonians, whom he had but lately reduc'd, and who were surpriz'd into submission; and further, fearing the E­nemies design of blocking up his Passage back into Media, he resolv'd to lay a Bridge over the Tigris, and passing his Army, determin'd to gain the Mountains of Apollonia before An­tiochus should arrive; for he rely'd much on his Slingers, which they call Cyrthii. Where­upon putting in execution what had been re­solv'd, he march'd the Army away with great diligence. But the King chancing to move with all his Troops about the same time from [Page 220] Apollonia, that Molon's Army approach'd the Mountains, certain advanc'd Parties of choice Men of either Army happen'd to meet on the Hills. These had some dispute, and pickeer'd for a while, but on the approach of the gross of the Army, they retir'd, and the two Armies Encamp'd about five Miles asunder. But Molon, during the Night made reflection, how dangerous it was for Men in Rebellion to march against their Prince in broad-day and give him Battel; wherefore he became of Opinion, that the much safer course would be to fall on Antiochus by Night, which was accordingly resolv'd; so detach­ing a Body of select Troops, he lead them by secret ways towards the Mountains, and from thence determin'd to fall on the Ene­mies Camp from high Ground. But while he was on his March, he was given to un­derstand, That Ten of his People had de­serted and stole away to the King; where­upon he desisted, and return'd back by the way he came; but coming to the Camp about break of Day, he fill'd the whole Army with Fear and Tumult: For being surpriz'd and awaken'd with the Noise, the Terror grew to that degree, that they had like to have abandon'd their Works; but by Molon's Care and Diligence all was ap­peas'd.

In the mean while the King, who was pre­par'd to come to a Battel, order'd his Troops to march out by break of day. On the right of the Battel he rang'd the Lanciers under the Leading of Ardyes, of whose Conduct in War he had receiv'd sufficient Proofs. After these he posted the Candiots, who had been sent pursuant to the Treaty of Peace. These were join'd by the Galatians and Tectosages; and next these he plac'd the Mercenary Stran­gers, who were brought from Greece. The King himself was at the head of a strong Bat­talion, where the Cohorts were dispos'd after the same manner. On the left he posted the Horse, that are call'd the Troops of the King's Allies, ordering his Elephants by tens, with Intervals between them, a little advanc'd before the Battel. On the Wings were posted the Au­xiliary Troops, both Horse and Foot, who had Orders to attack the Enemy in Flank, as soon as the Battel should begin. Then the King going from Rank to Rank, spoke to the Soldiers, and in few words, as the time and occasion permitted, animated them to their Duty. He gave the leading of the Left-Wing to Hermias and Zeuxes, remaining himself in the Right.

Molon also march'd out his Army, and rang'd them with difficulty enough, by rea­son of the last Night's disorder; nevertheless, he form'd his Troops according to the Mea­sures the other Army had taken, and plac'd [Page 222]his Buckler-men, Galatians, and heavy-arm'd Soldiers in the Centre. He distributed his Ar­chers, Slingers, and all his light-arm'd Troops without the Horse, on the Right and Left; posted his Chariots arm'd with Sithes, advanc'd before the Line of Battel. He gave the Com­mand of the Left to Neolaus his Brother, re­serving the Right to himself.

Being thus drawn up, the Battel began; and, in a word, the Right of Molon's Army preserv'd their Fidelity to the last, engaging Zeuxes with great Resolution. But the Left no sooner advanc'd near the King, when they deserted and went over to him; which Acci­dent, as it greatly terrify'd Molon's Army, so it increas'd the Courage of the King's. And now Molon, beholding himself deserted, and as it were abandon'd on all sides, and reflect­ing on the Punishment that awaited him, sear­ing to fall alive into the Enemies hands, kill'd himself; and all who had been Complices with him, and cou'd escape home, ended their Days after the like manner. Neolaus saving himself out of the Battel, got into Per­sia, and came to Alexander his Brother, where he kill'd the Wife and Children of Molon, and afterwards dy'd himself on their dead Bodies, ha­ving persuaded Alexander to do the like. After the King had pillag'd the Enemies Camp, he order'd Molon's Body to be fix'd on a Cross, and plac'd on one of the highest Mountains of Media; which was immediately put in execu­tion [Page 223]the Body being carry'd into the Coun­try of the Chalonitidi, and plac'd on the most conspicuous part of the Mountain Zagra, where where was fix'd on a Cross.

As to the Rebel-Army, after the King had severely reprov'd them, he vouchsaf'd them his Pardon; appointing certain Officers to lead them back into Media, who were to remain there to regulate the Affairs of that Pro­vince.

In the mean time the King return'd to Se­leucia, where he apply'd himself to the esta­blishing the Affairs of the neighbouring Pro­vinces, practising his customary Prudence and Clemency. As to Hermias, he continu'd the same Man still, loading the Seleucians with many Accusations, and condemning them in a Fine of two thousand Talents, sending their Diganes (for so their Magistrates are call'd) into Banishment; and exercising his natural Cruelty on many of the Citizens, dismem­bring some, and putting others to death. But in the end the King's Humanity prevail'd, and put a period to those Evils, sometimes by ordering things his own way, sometimes by interposing to soften the Severities of Her­mias; and contented himself with diminishing the Mulct of the Seleucians to five hundred Talents; on the payment whereof he receiv'd them into Grace.

After these things, Diogenes being left Go­vernor in Media, Apollodorus in Susa, and Ty­cho the King's Chancellor being sent into the Countries bordering on the Red Sea, an en­tire Period was given to the Rebellion of Mo­lon, and all the Troubles that fell out there­upon were compos'd. Antiochus encourag'd by this Success, that he might terrifie the Princes of the Barbarians bordering on his Dominions, and deterr them for the future from taking part with his Rebellious Subjects, or entring into Alliance with them, he re­solv'd to invade them. And first he propos'd to attack Artabazanes, who was esteem'd su­periour to the rest both in Power and Military Abilities, being over and above Lord of that People they call Atropatii, and other neigh­bouring Nations. But Hermias unwillingly engag'd in that War, as well in regard of the Danger it threatned, as for that his Mind was more bent on that against Ptolomy, according to the Resolution that had been formerly ta­ken: Nevertheless, on the News of the Queen's having brought a Son, and conceiving the King would run some hazard of his Person in a War with the Barbarians, he came to pro­mote the Proposition of invading them, in hopes of being deliver'd of Antiochus; pro­posing that in case he could by any means be rid of him, the Government of the Empire, and Tuition of the Infant-Prince would fall to his share. Wherefore after all things were [Page 225]prepar'd for the Expedition, the Army march'd over the Mountain Zagra, and fell on the Territory subject to Artabazanes. The Coun­try lies on the Borders of the Medes, separated only by a ridge of Hills that lie between them. It extends on the one side to the Pontus, where the River Phasis runs into that Sea; and stretcheth as far as the Caspian Sea. The Region abounds in good Soldiers, especially Horse; it is plentifully stor'd with Provisions, and all things needful to sustain a War, the Kingdom having continu'd ever since the dis­solution of the Persian Empire, having it seems been neglected by Alexander. But Artaba­zanes being old, and towards the period of his Days, and terrify'd it the Kings arrival, thought it safest to submit, and purchase Peace with Antiochus, on whatsoever Condi­tions he should please to impose.

After this Affair was accommodated, Apol­lophanes, the King's beloved Physician, per­ceiving Hermias to aspire yet beyond that degree of Power and Greatness to which he had been rais'd, began to fear, and take thought for the King's safety and his own; wherefore taking a proper occasion, he im­parted his Jealousie to Antiochus, praying him not to rely over-confidently on Hermias's Fidelity, concerning which, there wanted not grounds of distrust: That, in short, it behov'd him to be on his guard, and not to defer the means of his Preservation, lest he [Page 226]fell into the like Snare with his Brother: He told him he thought the Danger at hand; wherefore he conjur'd him to determine with speed touching the means of his own and his Friends Preservation.

Antiochus hereupon dissembled not to his Physician the Hatred he bare to Hermias, and that he had long entertain'd suspicious Thoughts of him: He told him he took in good part his care for his safety, and prais'd his Resolution in opening so frankly his Thoughts. This Discourse confirm'd Apolle­phanes that he had oblig'd the King, and that his Sentiments were conformable with his own; which gave him both Joy and As­surance. In conclusion, Antiochus enjoining him to have a careful eye to his and his Friends Preservation, not only in words, but in effect. And Apollophanes manifesting his readiness to act any part to insure his safety, they came, after a long conference, to agree, That the King should feign himself indispos'd in his Head, insomuch that for a while none were to be admitted to his Chamber. Howbeit, at length such of the King's Servants as he most esteem'd, were to be permitted to wait on him; by which means they dealt apart with such as they thought fit; and when they had imparted the Conspiracy to those who were propos'd to be engag'd, (which was not hard to bring to pass through the general Hatred Hermias had contracted) they deliberated [Page 227]how to put it in execution. The Physicians then advis'd the King to take the Morning's Air, while the Season was yet cool, and to walk abroad early: So that Hermias was not wanting to give his attendance at the Hour appointed; and with him those to whom the King had communicated his purpose, but none else, in regard the King's walking out was design'd to be sooner than ordinary. Thus Hermias was led abroad; and coming to a lonely place, where the King stepping aside, as on some necessary occasion, he was in the mean time kill'd by those who were about him; a Punishment in truth too gentle for his Crimes.

The King now deliver'd of this Troubler of his Affairs, resolv'd to lead his Army home, all the Provinces through which he pass'd re­ceiving him with Acclamations of Praise, and applauding principally his Justice in taking Hermias out of the World; whose Wife and Children were at the same time ston'd to death by the Women of Apamea.

Upon Antiochus's return home, he dispos'd his Army into Winter-Quarters, and sent to expostulate with Achoeus about his invading the Crown, and presuming to call himself King. Afterwards he let him understand, that the League he had made with Ptolomy, was come to his knowledge; and charg'd him with many other Acts contrary to Ju­stice, and in violation of his Duty. It seems [Page 228]that at what time the War was undertaken a­gainst Artabazanes; Achoeus imagining the King might miscarry in that Expedition; and tho' that should not happen, yet the King being thereby drawn so far out of the way, would give him a safe opportunity to fall on Syria, and seize on that Kingdom for himself, aided therein by the Cyrrhestoe, who at that time had withdrawn their Obedience from the King: Wherefore with this Determination he march'd his Army out of Lydia. Further­more, he caus'd himself to be Crown'd at Lao­dicea of Phrygia, receiving and giving Au­dience to Ambassadors; and in his Letters to the Cities, he assum'd the Regal Title; flat­ter'd principally into this Attempt by the In­stigations of a certain Exile call'd Syniris. But after some days march, and that they now approach'd Lycaonia, there happen'd a Muti­ny in his Army, the Soldiers refusing, it seems, to be led against him, whom Nature had de­stin'd for their King. Whereupon Achoeus perceiving the Army to have chang'd their Mind, chang'd also his Purpose; and to per­suade them that he never design'd to invade Syria, he took another way, and march'd and plunder'd Pisidia. After which Expedition, having inrich'd the Soldiers with Booty, and confirm'd their Affection, he return'd home.

The King then, who was well inform'd of all these Passages, had, as was noted, let A­choeus know so much by menacing Messages, and in the mean while prepar'd for the War against Ptolomy. To which purpose, early in the Spring, he assembled his Troops at Apamea, and call'd a Council to deliberate on the best way to make his entrance for the in­vading of Syria; on which subject were long Debates of the Nature of the Country, Situa­tion of Places; of the Provision to make, and of what Benefit a Fleet would be towards the furtherance of the Enterprize. But the Ad­vice of Apollophanes the Seleucian, the Physi­cian we have already had occasion to name, prevail'd above the rest; who maintain'd, that the Design on Caelo-Syria was vain; and it would be an unprofitable Expedition to make War there, while they left Ptolomy in quiet possession of Seleucia, a Royal City, and in effect the Metropolis of the Kingdom: That not to mention the Dishonour to have that City in the hands of an Aegyptian King, the re­covery thereof would redound greatly to the Service of the King's Affairs in many Points: That in the interim, while it remain'd in the Enemies hands, it would be a mighty Impedi­ment to the progress of the King's Success in the Enterprize he was upon: For which way soever he had a mind to carry the War, he would find it necessary (over and above all other Preparations) to strengthen all his [Page 230]Towns with extraordinary Garrisons, meerly on the account of the Danger that would threaten from Seleucia: But that if Antiochus made the recovery of that Place his first Busi­ness, it would not only serve as a Bulwark and Frontier against all the other Towns of the Kingdom, but would mainly enable him to prosecute his Enterprize both by Sea and Land.

The Opinion of Apollophanes then was by common Consent approv'd; and it was re­solv'd to open the Campaign with the Seige of Seleucia. The Kings of Aegypt had held con­stant Garrison in this Town, ever since Ptolo­my, call'd Euergetes, offended with Seleucus for the Death of Berenice, became Master thereof; who on that Provocation, had in­vaded Syria. When it was resolv'd then, that Apollophanes's Counsel should be follow'd, An­tiochus order'd Diognetus his Admiral, to Sail with the Fleet to Seleucia, while himself march'd with the Army from Apamea, and came and Encamp'd near Circus. Theodotus was likewise sent with a sufficient Body of Troops into the Lower Syria, with Orders to take Possession of the Streights, and to have an Eye to all Motions in those Parts. As to the Situation of Seleucia, and the Country about it, take it a little more or less, as fol­lows, Seleucia stands on the Sea-Coast, on the Frontiers of Cilicia and Phoenicia, in the Neighbourhood of a very high Mountain [Page 231]call'd Coryphoeus; one side of which Mountain towards the West, is wash'd by the Sea be­tween Cyprus and Phoenicia; the other towards the East, regards the Territory of Seleucia and Antioch. Seleucia stands on the South­side of this Mountain, between which and the City is a deep Vale, waste and full of bro­ken Ground, which extends to the Sea, in­clos'd almost on all sides with Rocks and Pre­cipices. On that side of the City towards the Sea, the Ground is low and watery, where there is a Suburb Fortify'd with a good Wall, like that of the City it self. Seleucia surpasses all the Cities of Syria in the Magnificence of her Temples and other Buildings. It hath but one Communication with the Sea, which is a Passage wrought out of the Rock in manner of Stairs. Not far off is seen the Mouth of the River Orontes, whose Head is in the Coun­try about Libanus and Anti-Libanus, taking its Course through the Plain of Amycoe; and running to Antioch, divides that City as it were into two, which it cleanses of all their Filth and Rubbish, and at length discharges it self, not far from Seleucia, into the Sea we mention'd.

Now before Antiochus would proceed with Hostility against Seleucia, he first sent Offers of Rewards to the Principal Men of the City, and Promises of further future Advantages, to win them to yield it up without strife or resi­stance. But finding he labour'd that way in [Page 232]vain, he corrupted several of their Military Officers, who had Posts distinct, and Com­manded in sundry Quarters of the City; and in confidence of their Compliance, drew out, and order'd his Troops as for an Attack. To the Seaward the Marine Forces were appoin­ted; towards the Land, those of the Camp were order'd to make the Assault. So mak­ing three Divisions of his Army, and anima­ting the Soldiers according to Custom, and Proclaiming by a Herauld, Promise of extra­ordinary Recompences, as Crowns, and such like Rewards to the Officers and Soldiers, who should best behave themselves. He gave to Xeuxes, and those under him, the Attack of the Gate that leads to Antioch; to Hermoge­nes, that of those parts that are nearest the Temple of Castor and Pollux; and to Ardys and Diognetus, the Ars'nal and Suburbs; for it was agreed with the Conspirators, that as soon as the Suburbs should be won, the Town should be Surrendred. And now the Signal being given, the Attack began in all places at once, and was press'd with great forwardness and bravery. But Ardys and Diognetus sig­naliz'd themselves above the rest, both in Resolution and Address. Tho' indeed in other places they could not come to the foot of the Wall to erect their Ladders, without coming to Blows with the Enemy; but at the Ars'nal and Suburbs they approach'd, and apply'd their Ladders without Impediment: So that [Page 233]while the Marine Soldiers Scal'd the Ars'nal, and Ardys the Suburbs, and those of the Town not being able to come to their Relief, being themselves press'd on all Quarters, Ar­dys, after some Dispute, became Master of the Suburbs; whereupon the Officers who had been gain'd by the King, and Command­ed in several Posts of the City, came to Le­ontius the Governour, pressing their Opinion, that there was now no safe way left, but to send immediately to the King to Treat, be­fore the Town should be taken by Assault: Whereupon Leontius, who was ignorant of the Treachery, being frighted with their seeming Fear, dispatch'd a Message to Antio­chus, with Proposals of Conditions that no Violence should be done to any, and that the Inhabitants should be Safe in their Persons.

The King on sight of the Proposals, pro­mis'd that no manner of Injury should be done to any one of free Condition, which were to the number of Six Thousand. And in a word, when the Place was deliver'd up, he did not only deal graciously with those, but recall'd their Exiles, and restor'd the City to its Privileges, and the Inhabitants to their Estates and Authority, leaving only Garrisons both in the Port and Citadel. While the King was busied in these Affairs, Letters were brought him from Theodotus, by which he was Solicited to march with what Expedition he could into Syria, giving him assurance that [Page 234]on his Arrival, he would deliver the Kingdom intirely to his Possession. This News gave the King some trouble and suspence, uncer­tain what to resolve, on the intimation he had receiv'd. Theodotus was by Birth an Aetolian, who tho' he had done Eminent Service to the Aegyptian Kings, nevertheless his Recompen­ces were not only short of his Merits, but coming to Court, as we have elsewhere noted, he there ran great hazard of his life. Where­upon when Antiochus was on his Expedition against Molon, Theodotus having no very good opinion of the state of Ptolomy's Affairs, and jealous of his Interest at Court, had himself taken Ptolemais, and won Tyre by the help of Panoetolus, and had now earnestly invited Antiochus. Who therefore respiting for that time his Expedition against Achoeus, and all his other Affairs; he march'd with his Army, taking the same way he had gone before. And having pass'd the Valley of Marsyas, he En­camp'd near the Streight, where the Fortress of Gerra stands, along the side of the Lake, between the Mountains. There he receiv'd notice that Nicolaus, one of Ptolomy's Cap­tains, had laid Seige to Ptolemais, where Theo­dotus was shut up; wherefore leaving his hea­vy-arm'd Troops behind, and giving Orders for the Besieging the Castle of Brochos, that commanded the Passage by the Lake, he march'd at the Head of his light-arm'd Forces to raise the Seige of Ptolemais. Nicolaus, re­ceiving [Page 235]Intelligence of the King's approach, decamp'd from before the Town, and sent La­goras a Candiot, and Dorymenes an Aetolian, to possess the Streight near Berytus. But An­tiochus hasting after them, forc'd them to a Battel, where they were beaten; so the King himself Encamp'd in the Streight. In which place assembling the whole Army, after he had encourag'd them, he prosecuted his March with the intire Body of his Troops, full of ex­pectation of great Success, whereof there were already so many promising appearances. Theo­dotus and Panoetolus, accompany'd by their Friends, coming out to meet the King, were receiv'd by him with great Courtesie, to whom they deliver'd up Tyre and Ptolemais, with all the Stores of War that were there lodg'd; among other things they found, there were forty Gallies, whereof twenty were co­ver'd and equipp'd for the Sea, and none were less than Quadriremes; the other were Tri­remes, and Vessels of less Rates; these were committed to Diognetus the King's Admiral.

In the mean time Antiochus being inform'd that Ptolomy was gone to Memphis, that his Troops were assembling at Pelusium, and that they had opened the Canals of the Nile, and let loose all their Water-Courses; he thereupon chaing'd his purpose of marching to Pelusium, and divided his Army, resolv'd to attempt the Towns by the way; some by fair means, some by force. Such Places as were not sufficient­ly [Page 236]Garrison'd for Defence, were on his arrival frighted into Submission, and putting them­selves under his Protection, Courted his Fa­vour; but such as had Men and Provisions within, and thought themselves able to with­stand him, preserv'd their Obedience to their Prince; insomuch, that the King spent much time and labour to reduce them.

At to Ptolomy himself, who was manifestly betray'd, he took little or no thought for the better posture of his Affairs; nor dream'd of approaching the Enemy, as he ought to have done; such was his stupidity, and the aver­sion he ever had to Military Employments: Wherefore Agathocles and Sosibius, who were at that time in prime Authority, having the intire Administration of the Publick in their Hands, fell at length to deliberate with the best Advice they could. They resolv'd to make all possible Preparations for Defence; and to win Time, concluded to send Overtures to Antiochus; and to proceed in such manner, as to possess him with assurance, that he was not at all mistaken in the Mind of Ptolomy; namely, that he would never resolve to meet him in the Field, but endeavour by Confe­rence and Mediation to dissuade his Enterprize on Syria. This Counsel being approv'd, A­gathocles and Sosibius, to whom a share of the Management likewise was committed, dis­patch'd Ambassadors to Antiochus, and so wrought that the Rhodians, Byzantines, Cy­zicenians, [Page 237]and the Aetolians themselves, dis­patch'd their Ambassadors to Mediate a Peace. In somuch, that on their arrival, the time that was taken up in Treating and Journeying from one King to another, lent space suffici­ent for Sosibius and Agathocles to prosecute their Preparations for the War. Their Resi­dence was at Memphis, where they held their Conferences with the Ambassadors, according to the Emergency of Affairs; and where they receiv'd and treated with the Ministers of An­tiochus. But while these were well receiv'd, and civilly entertain'd, and held in hand, all the Mercenary Strangers, which Ptolomy had in his Towns and Garrisons throughout the Countries of his Dominion, were assembled at Alexandria. Furthermore, they sent every where to levy Troops, taking care above all things, that due Provision might be made as well to sustain those they had already in Pay, as those whom they expected. Nor were they less mindful of every other Point that might require their Application to advance their Purpose; sometimes the one, sometimes the other, going to Alexandria to provide that nothing might be wanting towards the Exe­cution of what had been resolv'd. To Eche­crates the Thessalian, and Phoxides the Mile­tian, was committed the Care of providing Arms, raising Men, and forming their Troops; who were assisted by Eurylochus the Magnesian, together with Socrates the Boeotian, Cnopias [Page 238]and Aloritas. In short, it was a mighty ad­vantage to the Egyptians, to be furnish'd with those Men who had serv'd under Demetrius and Antiochus, and who were at least seen in some degree in the Conduct of Battels and Military Expeditions. These then proceeded to provide for the War as fast as they could Exercise and Discipline the Soldiers, that were committed to their Care.

First, they caus'd them to be distributed according to their Age, then they arm'd them after such manner as they judg'd proper, tak­ing from them such Arms as they had before been us'd to. They abolish'd the old way of drawing up in Battel, which had been observ'd on the review of their Armies; when they Pay'd the Soldiers, and Model'd them in such sort, as best suited with the Service they were to go upon. Then they accustom'd them to the Word of Command, wherein their Offi­cers kept them in perpetual Exercise; instruct­ing them likewise in the use and management of those Arms they were appointed to carry. At other times they caus'd the whole Army to be drawn up in one place, and Exercis'd toge­ther; wherein Andromachus the Aspendian, and Polycrates of Argos, who were newly ar­riv'd out of Greece, were imploy'd above the rest. These had truly the Courage and In­dustry of Greeks, and well knew how to ap­ply it in occasions of War. Furthermore, they were Men of Experience, and both Eminent [Page 239]by the Reputation of their Country, and the Quality of their Persons. Polycrates was par­ticularly considerable by the Antiquity of his Family, and the Character of Mnasias his Fa­ther, who had often won the Prize in the Olympick Games. Thus then the Officers Exercising and Animating sometimes in Pub­lick, sometimes in Particular, the Soldiers who were respectively put under their Com­mand, they became bold and expert for the Service wherein they were to be imploy'd.

Furthermore, ev'ry one of those we have nam'd, had their particular Posts and Char­ges in the Army, suited to their Talents and Capacity. Eurylochus the Magnesian had the Command of three thousand Men, being of those Troops of the King's Houshold, call'd Agema. Socrates the Boeotian, Commanded two thousand Buckler-men. Phoxidas the Achaian, and Ptolomy the Son of Thrasea, to­gether with Andromachus the Aspendian, had the like Charge in the Phalanx and the Greek Mercenaries. But Andromachus and Ptolomy had the prime Commands in the Phalanx, and Phoxidas of the Mercenaries. The Phalanx was Compos'd of about five and twenty thou­sand Men: The Mercenaries amounted to a­bout eight thousand: The Horse of the King's Houshold came to about seven hundred, who were led by Polycrates, together with those who were brought from Libya; and that were rais'd in Aegypt, making in all to the number [Page 240]of three thousand Men. But Echecrates the Thessalian, had the Command of the Groecian Horse, and the rest of the Foreign Cavalry, be­ing to the number of two thousand in all. And as he had taken great pains in Exercising and Disciplining them, so was his Care visibly re­compens'd in the Service they afterwards per­form'd to Ptolomy. Cnopias also the Aloritan, yielded to none in his Diligence, in Training and Instructing those who were committed to his Charge; who were a Body of three thou­sand Candiots, among whom were a thousand new-rais'd Men, which he put under the Com­mand of Philo a Cnossian. There were like­wise three thousand Africans, Arm'd after the Macedonian manner, whose Chief was Ammo­nius the Baroean. The Aegyptian Troops, or Phalanx, amounted to twenty thousand, the Command of which Body Sosibius reserv'd to himself. They assembled likewise of Thra­cians and Gauls, Subjects of King Ptolomy's, to the number of three thousand; and more, two thousand new-rais'd Men of the same Na­tions; these were put under the leading of Denis of Thrace. The Army of Ptolomy then was Compos'd of this number, and of the di­vers People we have recited.

Antiochus, in the mean time, laid close siege to Dura; but that attempt not succeed­ing, the Place being strong of it self, and Ni­colaus finding ways to recruit and supply them from time to time, he therefore accorded to [Page 241] Ptolomy's Ambassadors (who arriv'd the be­ginning of Winter) a Truce of four Months; telling them, it would not be through his de­fault, if a Peace did not follow. Nevertheless, in that he spake not his Mind; but being un­willing longer to be detain'd out of his own Dominions, he was earnest to withdraw his Army to Seleucia to their Winter-Quarters. Furthermore, there were grounds of suspicion that Achoeus (whom none doubted took part with Ptolomy) was practising Designs against the King.

In conclusion, Antiochus having granted the Demands of the Ambassadors, dismiss'd them, with Injunctions to let him know spee­dily the Resolution of Ptolomy, requiring them to meet him on their return at Seleucia. Then putting Garrisons into proper places, and leav­ing Theodotus in the chief Command, he pre­par'd for his return home. As soon as he ar­riv'd at Seleucia, he dispatch'd his Army into Winter-Quarters; where during their abode, but little care was taken to train and keep them in good Discipline; he holding his O­pinion, that there would be but little occasi­on of fighting, to finish what he had begun: For being already possess'd of a good part of the Lower Syria and Phoenicia, he made no great doubt of acquiring easily the rest; and that what remain'd in Dispute, would be end­ed by Treaty and Conference; and that Ptolo­my would never be drawn to Dispute with [Page 242]him in the Field. The Ambassadors were likewise of his Opinion; for Sosibius, who held the Treaty at Memphis, had entertain'd them with all possible Deference and Respect; and had manag'd his Affairs in such sort, that none of those, who had been sent to Ptolomy, were able to obtain the least information of the Preparations that were making at Alex­andria: Wherefore the Ambassadors, at their return, declar'd that Sosibius was ready to yield every thing.

'Tis observable, that in all the Conferences Antiochus had with the Ambassadors of Pto­lomy, he seem'd most carefully to insist on the advantage of the Right he had, as well as the Success of his Arms, against his Adversary. And on the arrival of his Ambassadors at Se­leucia, when they came to treat about the Conditions of the Peace, pursuant to the In­structions they had receiv'd from Sosibius, the King made but very little account of the violence that had been acted against Ptolomy, whereof the whole World was witness, in his seizing of Towns in the Lower Syria; but fre­quently boasted of that Expedition, affirming he had done no wrong therein to any Man, having but barely attempted the recovery of his Right; and that Antigonus, Cocles, and Seleucus, who were the first Conquerors of that Province, were the rightful Masters, and that therein consisted the force of his Preten­sions to the Lower Syria, in opposition to [Page 243] Ptolomy's. He further said, that it was true that Ptolomy wag'd War with Antigonus; but it was not for Dominion, but meerly as a Friend and Ally of Seleucus, to whom that Country appertain'd. Then he referr'd to the Accord made by the several Princes; at what time Antigonus being defeated and vanquish'd, Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, met in a General Assembly, to deliberate on that Sub­ject, when the entire Kingdom of Syria was adjudg'd to Seleucus. Those who were pre­sent on the part of Ptolomy, labour'd to prove the contrary, and to show the weakness of Antiochus's Pretensions; and further to exag­gerate the Injury, remonstrated the Indignity of breaking the Peace, by the Treachery of Theodotus, and the Expedition of Antiochus: That Ptolomy the Son of Lagus enter'd on the War for the acquisition of Syria: That he join'd his Arms with Seleucus conditionally, that as the Dominion of Asia should be his, so the Lower Syria and Phoenicia should fall to Ptolomy's share. The several Ambassadors urg'd these and the like Reasons in the Con­ferences that were held; but no fruit came of their Debates, through want of one common Mediator: For while Matters were canvas'd by People equally interess'd and partial to their own side, without any one to moderate the Heats that could not but grow between them, what success could be hop'd? The Af­fair of Achoeus was likewise a great clog to the [Page 244]Negotiation: For Ptolomy urg'd to have him compriz'd in the Treaty; but Antiochus could not brook so much as to hear him nam'd ex­claiming how scandalous it was that Ptolomy should entertain so much as a thought of gi­ving protection to one in Rebellion against his Prince.

Thus while these two Princes built on the Equity of their Allegations, the Treaty was defeated; and early in the Spring Antiochus assembled his Troops, with intention to at­tack the Enemy by Sea and Land, and to prosecute his Conquest of what remain'd to be reduc'd of Caelo-Syria. Ptolomy, on the other part, committing his Affairs in those parts to the Conduct of Nicolaus, furnish'd Gaza plentifully with every needful thing for its defence, mov'd also with his Sea and Land Forces. On their arrival, Nicholaus prepar'd with determination to abide the War; and was readily supply'd in all his Demands by Perigenes, to whom Ptolomy had given the Command of the Fleet and Naval Army, which consisted of thirty Vessels of War, and four hundred of Burthen. Nicholaus was an Aetolian by Nation, very brave, and in the Trade of War superiour in Knowledge to most, who at that time were in the Service of Pto­lomy. His first care was with part of his Ar­my to possess the Streights near Platanos, post­ing himself with the other part of his Army in the places near Porphyreon, to prevent any [Page 245]attempt of Antiochus on that side. In the mean while, the Fleet remain'd at Anchor not far off.

On Antiochus's arrival at Marathum, the A­radians apply'd to him with Tenders of Friend­ship and Alliance; whom he did not only kindly receive, but interpos'd his Mediation between the Islanders, and those of the Con­tinent; composing the Difference that had happen'd between them, and establishing Friendship among them. Then marching in­to Syria, by that passage which is call'd Thoû­prosopon, he came to Berytus; took Botris in his march, and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From thence he dispatch'd Theodotus and Ni­carchus, with Orders to possess the Streights which lead to the River Lycus, to be before­hand with the Enemy. In the mean time, himself kept on his march with the Army, and came and Encamp'd by the River Damu­ra, Diognetus, with the Fleet, keeping al­ways near him. From thence, taking with him Nicarchus and Theodotus, with his light-arm'd Troops, he went to view the Streights where Nicholaus was posted; and after he had made Remarks to his Mind, he return'd back to the Camp. The next Day, leaving Nicar­chus with the Command of his heavy-arm'd Troops behind, he march'd himself at the head of the rest of the Army, to put in ex­ecution what he had projected. Now, in re­gard Mount Libanus streightens, and contracts [Page 246]the passage by the Sea-Coast, and the space is bounded by a Valley, waste and inaccessible, it comes to pass, that the way between that and the Sea, is very narrow and difficult. Here it was where Nicolaus had posted him­self; where by placing good Guards in some places, and fortifying others with Works, he thought he should be able, without much difficulty, to withstand Antiochus's Pas­sage.

The King, in the mean time, dispos'd his Army into three Divisions; to Theodotus he gave the Command of one, with Orders to attack the Enemy that was posted along the Mountain; another Division he gave to Me­nedemus, who was expresly directed to at­tempt the Passage that lay in the middle of the Vale; the third he appointed for a reserve, with respect to what might happen in the Naval Conflict: These were lead by Diocles, who was Governour of the Country of Para­potamia near the Euphrates. Antiochus him­self making choice of such a place (attended only by his Guards) where he might stand and have a fair view of all that pass'd on every side, whereby being a Spectator of each Mans behaviour, he was inabled to judge where to supply Succours in case of Need. And now Diognetus and Perigenes drew their Fleets into a Line of Battel, drawing as near the Shore as they could, insomuch as the whole Action by Land and Sea became one single [Page 247]prospect. When the Signal was given they advanc'd to the Attack on all sides. The Fight at Sea continu'd for some time doubtful, their Forces being in every thing equal. And notwithstanding Nicolaus seem'd a while to have the better, having the advantage of Ground; yet upon Theodotus's forcing the Enemy from their Post on the Mountain, and from thence falling on the rest, Nicolaus was compell'd to give Ground, and betake him to flight. About two thousand were slain in the pursuit, and no fewer taken Prisoners, the rest got into Sidon. Perigenes likewise, who once thought he had the better in the Naval Dis­pute, terrify'd to behold his Friends beaten a-shoar, left the Enemy a stern, and flying, se­cur'd himself in the same place.

Antiochus presently thereupon leads his Ar­my to Sidon, and encamps before the Town: But he thought it not advisable to attack it; for as it was very well supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War, so the Inhabitants were numerous, and their Strength re-inforc'd by those who had fled thither after the Battel. From thence then he took his march towards Philoteria, ordering Diognetus his Admiral to make sail with the Fleet to Tyre. Philoteria stands in the neighbourhood of a great Moor, through which runs the River Jordan, which from thence pursues its course through the Plains of Scythopolis. Antiochus becoming Master of the two foremention'd Places, grew [Page 248]into greater assurance of succeeding in his Enterprizes, in regard the Territory subject to those Towns produc'd sufficient of all things to sustain his Army, and yielded over and a­bove enough of every thing he might need to prosecute his Design; wherefore after he had strengthen'd them with good Garrisons, he took his march over the Mountains, and came to Atabyrium. This Town stands on a ri­sing Ground, which by a gentle descent ter­minates in a Plain, from whence to the top of the Eminence it is near two Miles. Here Antochus lodg'd an Ambush, which in effect won him the Place. For after by little Skir­mishes and Disputes he had drawn the People out, in one of these Ingagements, feigning to be too weak, his Party retreated, while the others pursu'd; when presently facing a­bout, the Enemy in their turn retir'd, who meeting the Ambush in Front, many were cut off; and, in short, Antiochus himself pursuing the Advantage, so terrify'd them, that the Town was taken on the first Attack.

At the same time Keroeas, one of Ptolomy's Captain, deserted, and came over to Antio­chus, whom receiving with great Solemnity, it gave occasion for many other prime Officers of the King of Egypt to leave his Service. For shortly after Hippolochus the Thessalian acted the same part, bringing with him to the num­ber of four hundred Horse. Antiochus like­wise Garrison'd Atabyrium, and pursuing his [Page 249]Journey, in his march receiv'd to his Obedi­ [...]e the Cities of Pella, Camus, and Gephrus, which surrender'd.

This great Success so wrought on the Minds of the neighbouring People, that they unani­mously took part with Antiochus, whereby his Hopes increasing, and his Power being augmented by this new accession of his Ara­bian Friends; he advances into Galatis, which reducing, he took Abila, and in it those who were come in to succour it, under the leading of Nicias, a Kinsman and Confident of Menea's. In short, Gadara was the only Place that now remain'd to be reduc'd, which was esteem'd the most considerable for Strength in all that Country. To this Town the King approach'd with his Army, and so terrify'd the Inhabi­tants with his preparations to Attack them, that they yielded themselves up. And now being inform'd that great numbers of the E­nemy were drawn together in a certain Town of Arabia, call'd Rabath-ben-Ammon, or Ra­batamana, from whence they made Excursi­ons, and plundred the Country of those who had contracted Friendship with him; he therefore laying aside all his other Affairs, bent his march that way, and approach'd the Mountain whereon the Town stands. After he had view'd the situation on all sides, he concluded there were but two places by which they could be attack'd; there then he posted his Troops, and caus'd his Machines to ap­proach. [Page 250]The Conduct of the Works he divi­ded betwixt Nicarchus and Theodotus, whi [...] himself kept an equal and vigilant Eve of their Behaviour, and remark'd the Affection that carry'd these two Leaders to advance his Service: Who emulating each other, and la­bouring who should first open a Breach, the Wall was demolish'd by that means much sooner than was expected. That Work done, the King continu'd his Attacks Night and Day, pressing by all means possible to get into the Town; but therein they long labour'd in vain, by reason of the multitude of the Defen­dents. Till at length one of their Prisonen discover'd, to the Besiegers, a Vault or Pas­sage under Ground, by which the besieged descended to supply themselves with Water; which Passage being once stop'd up, the In­habitants, streighten'd by necessity, confess'd themselves vanquish'd, and so yielded up the Town.

Thus Antiochus became Master of Rabata­mana, where he left Nearchus Governor, with a good Garrison, and sending Hippolochus and K [...]roeas, (who had deserted Ptolomy) at the head of five thousand Foot into the Country in the neighbourhood of Samaria, to Com­mand in that Province, and to Defend those who had submitted to him against Incursions of the Enemy, he bent his march towards Ptolemais, there to pass the Winter, for so he had before determin'd. During the same [Page 251]Summer, those of Ped [...]elissa being attack'd and besieg'd by the Selgians, and finding them­selves in danger, apply'd to Achoeus for Suc­cour by their Ambassadors; who readily pro­mising them his Assistance, they sustain'd the Siege with great Constancy, in hopes of his sending them Relief, which he accordingly did, dispatching Garsyeres at the Head of Six Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse.

As soon as the Selgians had notice of the approach of these Succours, they march'd with the greatest part of their Troops to possess the Streights, near a certain Place call'd by those of the Country Climax, or the Ladder; post­ing his Troops on the Passage, or Entrance hard by Saporda, breaking the Ground and barracadoing the Passages every where. Gar­syeres, marching into the Territory of the Milyades, came and encamp'd near Cretom­polis; and finding it was impossible for him to advance any further, for that the Enemy had every where made themselves Masters of the Defilées; he therefore devis'd this Strata­gem: He caus'd his Troops to face about, and march back by the way they came, ma­king show, as if on finding the Ways so for­tify'd, that he could not march on, he had despair'd of his Design of relieving the Be­sieg'd. The Selgians were deceiv'd by this show, and concluded Garsyeres had chang'd his purpose; whereupon one part of their [Page 252]Troops return'd to their Camp, and, the [...] [...] march'd home, for that their time of Harvest was at hand.

This being observ'd by Garsyeres, he there upon march'd back, and gain'd the top of the Mountains, without meeting any force to oppose him; where posting sufficient strength to guard the Avenues, he left Phaylus to Com­mand there, and march'd with the Army to Perga; dealing with other People of Pisidi [...], and with the Pamphylians themselves by Per­sons he dispatch'd to them, setting forth the insolent behaviour of the Selgians towards their Neighbours, and exhorting them to en­ter into the League of Achoeus, and to contri­bute to the Relief of Pednelissa.

While these things were in agitation, the Selgians sent an Army against Phaylus, which being well acquainted with the Country, had conceiv'd hopes of terrifying him, and forcing him from his Post. But finding their At­tempt in vain, and losing many of their Men in the several Attacks they made upon him, they lost their hopes likewise of succeeding that way; howbeit, they would not forsake their Enterprize, but had recourse to their Machines.

In the mean while the Etennenses, who in­habit the Mountains of Pisidia that over-look Sida, supply'd Garsyeres with a re-inforce­ment of eight thousand Men; and the Aspen­dians with four thousand. But those of Sida, [Page 253]who tho' they had a just Consideration for Antiochus, yet bearing no Good-will to the Aspendians, would not be drawn to send re­lief to the Besieged.

Garsyeres however, thus strengthen'd with the Succours of the Allies, march'd towards Pednelissa▪ promising himself to be able to raise the Siege on the first attempt. But when he perceiv'd the Selgians to be under no sur­prize at his arrival, he drew near, and En­camp'd his Army close by them. The Ped­nelissians the mean while were driven to great streights for every thing; wherefore Garsye­res, resolving to put relief into the Town by one means or other, drew out two thousand choice Men of his own Troops, each Man taking with him a certain proportion of Corn, order'd them to march, and endeavour to get into the Town by Night. But this attempt being discover'd by the Selgians, they hasten'd to prevent them; and attacking them, took all the Corn, and cut off most of the Party. This success so exalted them, that they came thereupon to resolve not only to assault the Town, but to attack Garsyeres himself in his Camp. For the Selgians are a People who in War love both those Counsels and Enterprizes best, that are most rash. Leaving their Camp therefore with a good Guard, they drew out the rest of their Troops, and posted them in divers places about Garsyeres's Works, and march'd to the Attack on all sides. Garsyeres [Page 254]finding himself inclos'd every where by this surprizing Attempt, and beholding his De­fences in some places already broken down, and the whole Camp reduc'd to extremity, order'd his Horse to sally out by a way the Enemy had taken least notice of. And now the Selgians, believing the Horse to be fled and escap'd away, made no more account of them, but let them pass unpursu'd; whereup­on, after they had gone some distance, they wheel'd about, and fell on the Enemy's Ree [...], where the Dispute was bloody. Upon this, the Foot, who before were heartless, and on the point of turning their Backs, took Cou­rage, and fac'd the Enemy with fresh Resolu­tion, insomuch that the Selgians, who [...]ut now thought the Day their own, beh [...]ld them­selves on the sudden, surrounded on every side, worsted, and driven to fly. At the same time the Garrison of Pednelissa sally'd and fell on the Selgians Camp, which they forc'd; whereupon the Enemy flying in disorder, they lost to the number of at least ten thousand Men. Those of their Allies who escap'd, re­tir'd home; and the Selgians gaining the tops of the Mountains, got to the City. Garsyeres pursuing them, being desirous to hasten out of the Defilée, and approach Selgia before the Ene­my could have leisure to rally, and consult about their safety. Accordingly he came before the [...] ­ty, with his Army where the Enemy, hopeless of help from their Allies, through the loss they had [Page 255]lately sustain'd in their Service, and terrify'd at their Defeat, grew into doubt both of their own and their Country's safety. Wherefore calling an Assembly, they agreed to dispatch Logbasis, one of their Citizens, in quality of their Ambassador to Achoeus. This Logbasis had been in great esteem with Antiochus, he who dy'd in Thrace; and it seems had the care of the Education of Laodice, (whom he brought up with the tenderness of his own Child) and who was afterwards marry'd to Achoeus.

On these Considerations they concluded him the properest Person to be sent in the pre­sent Exigence, wherefore they dispatch'd him, But Logbasis revealing the Secret of his Em­bassy to Garsyeres, made so little reckoning of his Duty, and the preservation of his Coun­try, that on the contrary he was instant with Garsyeres to let Achoeus understand, that he was ready to put the City into his hands; whereupon Garsyeres, furnish'd with those Hopes, dispatch'd Letters to Achoeus, praying him to dispose himself for his Journey, on the receipt of his Advice, while he in the mean time held a Truce, and enter'd into Treaty with the Selgians; and contriving Disputes about the Articles of the Peace, spun out the time till the coming of Achoeus, and that Logbasis had leisure to conferr with him, touching the execution of their Enterprize.

And now during the Treaty, and the going and coming of Messengers from the [...] to the Camp, and from the Camp thithe [...] ▪ the Soldiers by degrees were admitted into the Town, to traffick and buy Provisions, and what else they wanted; and Over-sight which hath had many bad effects. And it may [...] assurance be said, that as there is no Creature that possesses so great a share of Sagacity and Reflection as Man, so there is scarce any more subject to be deceiv'd: For how many Town [...] ▪ Fortresses, and even Camps, have been by this means betray'd to the Enemy! And albeit there are frequent and fresh Examples of such Disasters, and we know they have befall [...] many; 'tis as true nevertheless, that by I kno [...] not what kind of fatality, we know not how to secure our selves against such Arts, and a [...] always to seek to prevent them; the reason [...] take to be from our want of reflection on o­ther Men's Adventures. Our Providence is seen in making Provision to sustain and pay our Armies, and to furnish our Soldiers with the best and most proper Arms for our De­fence, while at the same time we omit what is both more easie and profitable; namely, to be on our guard against these kind of Evils to which we lie expos'd: For Prudence may be acquir'd at our leisure, and by the study of History, we improve the Understanding with­out difficulty, in the contemplation of things past.

Achoeus fail'd not to be present at the time assign'd, and the Selgians entring into Confe­rence with him, were in hopes on that occa­sion of sharing with others the Benefit of his Gentleness and Humanity. But in the mean time Logbasis, having privately got into his House a good number of those who came from the Camp into the Town, labour'd with the Inhabitants not to lose the occasion, but to improve, while they might, the Offers so bountifully tender'd by Achoeus: That they would do well to convoke their Assembly, and delib [...]rate on their present state, and put a period to the Treaty they had already be­gun. Whereupon they call'd an Assembly of the People, drawing off those who were posted on the Walls and elsewhere, for the de­fence of the Place, pretending the necessity of a General Assembly of the whole Body of the People, solemnly to conclude on the Pro­posals.

While things were in this posture in the Town, Logbasis gives the Signal to the Ene­my, and in the mean time causes the Soldiers he had received into his House, to be ready with their Arms, while himself and his Sons likewise prepare to act their Parts. Acha [...]us then approaches the Town on one side, with one part of the Army, and Garsyeres with a­nother advances towards Cesbedium, which is a Temple of Jupiter, that commands the Town in manner of a Citadel. But it chanc'd [Page 258]that these motions were observ'd by a certain Shepherd, who giving an account to the As­sembly, that the Enemy were approaching the Walls; some hastned to Cesbedium, others to their Posts on the Walls, from whence they had been call'd; while the multitude enrag'd, ran to the House of Logbasis; whose Treache­ry being now manifest, some untile the House, while others attack and force the Gates, and in short kill'd Logbasis, with his Fami­ly, and the whole Party that were with him. Then they proclaim'd Liberty to their Slaves; and drawing up in several Bodies, they march'd to the defence of such Places as had most need of succour. And now Gar­syeres, beholding the Temple in a posture of defence, thought it not safe to advance, while Achoeus, who attempted the Gates, and us'd his utmost Endeavours to get into the Town, was attack'd by the Selgians; who making a Sally, slew about seven hundred Mysians▪ of his Party, and compell'd the rest to re­tire.

After this repulse, Achoeus and Garsyeres return'd to the Camp, while the Selg [...]ans, doubting danger from a Sedition within the Town, (the Enemy being still at hand) sent out some of their gravest Inhabitants to treat with Achoeus, who at length accorded them Peace on the following Conditions: That they should pay down presently four hundred Talents: That the Pedneliss [...]an Pris'ners should [Page 259]be enlarg'd: and that within a certain space, they should pay further three hundred Ta­lents. Thus the Selgians, being reduc'd to manifest danger of losing their Country by the Treachery of Logbasis, had the good For­tune to rescue it by their Resolution, without staining their Liberty, or violating the Alli­ance in which they were engag'd with the La­cedoemonians.

Achoeus, having reduc'd the Country of Milyas to his Dominion, and part of Pamphy­lia, march'd to Sardis, where he wag'd War with Attalus, menacing also Prusias; be­coming formidable to all the Asians inhabi­ting on this side Mount Taurus. But while he was diverted by the War with the Selgians, Attalus having with him the Gauls, Aego­sages, or Tectosages, led his Army to the Towns of Aeolia, and others in that Neighbour­hood, who out of fear had submitted to Achoeus The greatest part of which Towns yielded themselves up, whom he receiv'd with gentle­ness, willing them to understand it in effect of his Grace and Goodness; nor were there ma­ny which exercis'd his Arms to reduce them. The principal Places that submitted were Cuma, Smyrna, Phocoea; and in short, the Aegoeans and the Lemnites terrify'd at his ar­rival, submitted. The Teii and Colophonii also apply'd to him by their Ambassadors, and put themselves and Towns under his Prote­ction.

After he had receiv'd these People accor­ding to the Conditions of the ancient League, and had likewise receiv'd their Hostages, he entertain'd the Smyrnian Ambassadors with singular Benignity; for indeed, that People had above all others distinguish'd themselves by a generous Fidelity towards him. From thence he continu'd his march, and having past the River Lycus, he came to the Towns inhabit­ed by the Mysians, and so proceeded to the Country of the Carsenses, and, in short, spread so much Fear among them, that the Garrison of Didyma-Tiche, where Themistocles had been left Governour by Achoeus, deliver'd up the Two Castles. From thence he march'd and spoil'd the Lands of Apioe, and passing the Mountain Pelecas, he came and encamp'd near the River Megistus. Here there happen­ing an Eclipse of the Moon, the Gauls, who could no longer bear the Toils of so tedious a March, (for they went with their Wives and Children, travelling in Waggons along with them) conceiving the Eclipse to be o­minous, came to a Resolution to march no further. Whereupon, tho' they were a Peo­ple of no use in Attacks, and had all along, during their march, encamp'd by themselves (being subject to no Discipline) and were a proud and refractory Nation: Nevertheless, the King was in pain what to resolve about them; for he was doubtful if he should dis­miss them, le [...]t they should take Arms under [Page 261] Achoeus, and that to punish their Insolence by destroying them, would redound to his dis­credit, they having pass'd over into Asia out of respect to him; wherefore he took that occasion for his return, after he had promis'd to conduct them safe to the place from whence they came, and assur'd them of Lands where­in to plant, and that he would at no time re­fuse to comply with any of their reasonable Demands, but do them all the good Offices in his Power; so after he had led his Gauls to the Hellespont, and treated those of Lamp­sacus, the Alexandrians, and Illians with great Respect (they having continu'd firm in their Fidelity) he return'd with his Army to Per­gamus.

It was now early in the Spring, when An­tiochus and Ptolomy, having made all neces­sary Provisions for the War, were arriv'd at the conjuncture of deciding their Controver­sie by Battel. Ptolomy march'd from Ale­xandria with an Army of seventy thousand Foot, five thousand Horse, and seventy three Elephants; while Antiochus, receiving intel­ligence of the Enemies advancing, assembled also his Troops. His Army consisted of Daoe­ans, Carmanians, and Cilicians, who were light-arm'd; these were commanded by Byt­tachus the Macedonian. Theodotus the Aeto­lian, who had deserted and betray'd the Af­fairs of Ptolomy, was plac'd at the head of twenty thousand Men, arm'd after the Mace­donian [Page 262]manner, chosen Troops, and carry­ing for the most part silver'd Bucklers. The Phalanx was compos'd of about twenty thou­sand, which was conducted by Nicarchus and Theodotus, surnam'd Hemiolius. Menede­mus the Alabandine led two thousand Archers and Slingers, with whom were mingled a thousand Thracians. There were likewise Medes, Cyssians, Caddusians, and Carama­nians to the number of five thousand, who were order'd to obey Aspasianus the Median. The Arabians and others of the Neighbour-Nations, compos'd a Body of above ten thou­sand, whose Chief was Zabdiphilus. The Greek Mercenaries amounted to five thou­sand, and at the head of these was plac'd Hip­polochus the Thessalian. Antiochus had like­wise five hundred Candiots, commanded by Eurylochus, and a thousand new-rais'd Men of the same Country, whose Leader was Zebes the Gortynian; there were also five hundred Lydian Slingers, and a thousand Cardaceans, who had over them Lysimachus the Gaul. The Horse consisted of about six thousand, four thousand of which obey'd Antipater the King's Nephew; the rest were led by The­mison. In conclusion, the Army of Antiochus consisted of seventy two thousand Foot, the Horse above-noted, and a hundred and two Elephants.

Ptolomy first march'd to Pelusium, where he encamp'd; and as soon as the Reer was come up, and he had distributed Bread to the Ar­my, he prosecuted his march through a Country destitute of Water, along the Moun­tain Casius, passing by a place call'd Barathra. When he arriv'd at Gaza, he drew out a De­tachment, with which he march'd and ad­vanc'd before the Army, without any appre­hension of Impediment. The fifth Day he came to a Place where he purpos'd to halt, encamping about fifty Furlongs from Raphia. This is the first City of the Lower Syria, after Rhinocorura, that lies in the way from Aegypt into that Country.

Antiochus at the same time advanc'd with his Army; and passing by Raphia, he en­camp'd by Night about ten Furlongs from the Enemy. For a while their Camps stood at this distance one from another. But shortly after, Antiochus decamp'd, and came and lodg'd nearer the Enemy, as well to better the Conveniences of his Army's abode, as to hearten the Soldiers; so that there was not now above five Furlongs space between their two Camps; insomuch that those who went to Water, and march'd out to Forrage, had frequent Rencounters; and often by Parties both Horse and Foot pickeer'd between their Camps.

Here Theodotus gave an instance of Aeto­lian Resolution, and indeed worthy of a truly fearless Man: For having resided heretofore in Ptolomy's Court, and being well acquainted with the Ways and Manners of that Prince, he got a little before Day-break into the Ene­mies Camp, with two Men only in his com­pany. It was not easie to know him by his Face, it being not yet Day; nor by his Ha­bit, for that the Army consisted of great di­versity of Garbs. He having before observ'd where the King's Tent stood, for that they had frequently pickeer'd near that place, ap­proach'd undiscover'd, and entring the Tent where the King us'd to Eat, and give Audi­ence, he search'd every-where for him, but found him not; Ptolomy it seems having lain that Night elsewhere. Wherefore wounding only two Persons, and killing Androeas the King's Physician, he retir'd in safety, having executed his Design, if we rightly weigh the Hazard, but fail'd only through want of in­formation where the King was lodg'd.

After these two Princes had remain'd five Days thus near each other, they agreed to come to a decision. Ptolomy first march'd out, and soon after Antiochus appear'd in Bat­tel. Their Bodies were compos'd of their Pha­lanxes and chosen Troops, arm'd after the Macedonian manner, who were oppos'd one to another; their Wings were thus order'd, in Ptolomy's Polycrates commanded the Left, [Page 265]with the Horse that were under his Com­mand; and betwixt these and the Phalanx, first march'd the Candiots next to the Horse: These were follow'd by the Regiment of Guards, call'd Agema; after these march'd the Buckler-men, led by Socrates; then the Libyans, arm'd like Macedonians. The Right was led by Echecrates the Thessalian, with the Horse who were under his Command; on the Left next Echecrates march'd the Gauls and Thracians; then Phoxidas with his Greek Mercenaries; after these march'd the Aegypti­an Phalanx. They plac'd forty Elephants to cover the Left-Wing, where the King was to be, and the other thirty three stood on the Right to cover the Mercenary Horse. An­tiochus thus order'd his Battel: On his Right he plac'd sixty Elephants, to cover the extre­mities of that Wing, where he himself propos'd to stand, oppos'd to Ptolomy, giving the Conduct to Philip his Foster-Brother; in the Rear of these were posted two thousand Horse, led by Antipater; next these were the like number drawn up in form of a Tenaile; after the Horse stood the Candiots in front; then the Greek Mercenaries; betwixt these stood the five thousand Men, that were arm'd like Macedonians, under the Command of Bytta­cus the Macedonian. His Left-Wing consisted of two thousand Horse, led by Themison. Af­ter these were the Cardaces, the Lydian Slin­gers; and next those three thousand light-arm'd, [Page 266]who were under Menedemus. The Cyssians, Medes, and Caramanians follow'd; and to these succeeded the Arabs, and their Neighbour-People, which clos'd up to the Phalanx. The Right-point of the Battel was cover'd by the rest of the Elephants, which were conducted by Myiscus, who had been the King's Page.

In this order of Battel were the two Ar­mies drawn up; while the two Kings, at­tended by their Officers and Favourites, went from Rank to Rank to animate their Troops. But forasmuch as they had plac'd their greatest Confidence in their Phalanxes, which may be call'd Legionaries; to these therefore they were more earnest in their Exhortations, wherein Sosibius and Arsinoe seconded Ptolo­my; and Theodotus and Nicarchus, Antio­chus; who were Chiefs of the Legionaries of the one and the other Army. In short, it may be concluded, that the Speeches of these two Princes were near the same, whereby to encourage their Troops; neither being fur­nish'd with stronger Reasons than the other; for they were but young Kings, and had ne­ver yet done any thing very memorable, out of which to collect Matter for their Exhorta­tions; wherefore they labour'd to hearten them to the Battel, by laying before them the Prize of Glory that was to be won, and the Reputation of their Ancestors; and above all, made large Promises of Rewards to the Offi­cers [Page 267]in particular, and the Soldiers in general, to oblige them to their best performance in that occasion. Thus then the two Kings a­nimated their Armies, partly by themselves, and partly by their Interpreters.

As soon as Ptolomy and his Sister Arsinoe were come to the Left-Wing, and Antiochus to the Right of their two Armies, attended by their Guards, they sounded to the Charge, and the Battel began with their Elephants: Some of those Beasts, on Ptolomy's part, came at first boldly on to the Attack; and the Men who fought from the Turrets behav'd themselves well, fighting from thence with their Pikes; but the shock between the Elephants themselves was more remarkable, those Animals attem­pting one the other with an impetuosity hard­ly to be represented; for they fight after this manner: They first make proof of their Strength by engaging with their Teeth, and with a firm foot keeping their Ground, press one against another with their utmost strength, till by this contention one of them prevails, and compels the other to yield ground to his superiour Strength; whereby the Trunk being turn'd aside, he is forc'd, by endeavouring to disengage himself, to expose his Side and Flank to his Enemy, who fails not to hit him there, goring him with his Tooth, as Bulls do with their Horns.

But it came to pass, that Ptolomy's Ele­phants for the most part wanted Courage to stand the Shock; and as the Elephants of Libya, who can neither endure the Smell nor Braying of those of India; so these, frighted at the Strength and Size of the others, turn'd their backs before they came near them, put­ting Ptolomy's Regiment of Guards into dis­order, who were drawn up behind them, up­on whom they fell. In the interim, Antio­chus leading about his Battalion of Guards; and getting before the Elephants, charg'd Polycrates at the head of the Horse; and at the same time the Mercenary Greeks, who were posted near the Phalanx, advanc'd against Ptolomy's Buckler-men, whose Order had been already broken by the Elephants. The Left-Wing of Ptolomy's Army being by this means worsted, turn'd their backs, and be­took them to flight; but Echecrates, who commanded in the Right, and stood waiting to see the issue of the Dispute between the two Points, whereof we have been speaking, observing a thick Cloud of Dust drive to­wards him, and perceiving their Elephants would do nothing, commanded Phoxidas, who led the Greek Mercenaries, to advance, and charge those that were oppos'd to him, while he led the Horse about, and charge those that were posted behind the Elephants, and were cover'd by those Animals; whereupon attacking the Enemies Horse in Flank and [Page 269]Reer, they put them to flight. Nor was Phoxidas and those with him less fortunate, who falling on the Medes and Arabs, had the like success.

Thus the Right-Wing of Antiochus beat, and the Left was beaten; and now albeit the Phalanxes on either side were depriv'd of their Points, they remain'd however entire, and held their Order, attending (betwixt Hope and Fear) the Event. Antiochus, we observ'd, where he fought on the Right, had the better; but Ptolomy retiring into the Pha­lanx, and appearing in view of both the Ar­mies, much discourag'd the Enemy, and gave new Heart to his own People to prosecute the Battel; insomuch, that Andromachus and So­sibius caus'd their Phalanx to charge their Pikes, and advance. The Assyrian Soldiers did indeed for a while sustain the Charge; but those who were under Nicarchus hardly en­during the first Shock, were presently bro­ken, and turn'd their backs. Antiochus, like a young Prince and unexperienc'd Captain, imagin'd because they had beaten the Enemy where he fought, and pursu'd them, that the Victory had been entire; but he was soon un­deceiv'd by an old Officer, who advis'd him heedfully to consider what that mighty Cloud of Dust meant, that came from the middle Battel, driving towards the Camp; so that being soon given to understand the Success, he hastned towards his Camp, attended only [Page 270]by his Troop of Guards; where finding his Army routed, he made speed to Raphia, un­der this Comfortable Persuasion only, that the Battel was not lost through any Default of his, but by the Cowardice of his Soldiers.

Ptolomy, thus winning the Day through the good Behaviour of the Phalanx, many of those that fled being cut off by the Horse and Mercenaries, who fought in the Right Wing, retir'd out of the Field, and remain'd that Night in the Camp. The next Day, af­ter he had caus'd the Dead on his side to be bury'd, and had stripp'd the Enemy that re­main'd on the place, he Decamp'd, and March'd directly towards Raphia. In the in­terim, Antiochus, Rallying and Forming into Troops such as he found, who had fled out of the Field, would have Encamp'd without the Walls; but finding they were for the most part gotten already into the Town, he thought it best to retire himself in likewise; and early the next Morning, Marching out with the Re­mains of his Army, took his March towards Gaza; where after he had Encamp'd, he sent to Ptolomy, to Demand the Bodies of those that were slain; which being obtain'd, he caus'd their Funeral Rights to be perform.

In this Defeat, Antiochus lost no less than ten thousand Foot, and above three hundred Horse, besides Prisoners to the number of four thousand: Thirteen of his Elephants were kill'd in Fight, two died after of their [Page 271]Hurts. On the part of Ptolomy fell about two thousand five hundred Foot, and seven hundred Horse; 16 of his Elephants were kill'd, and the remainder most of them taken. This was the success of the Battel that was fought near Raphia, for the Dominion of Caelo-Syria.

After Antiochus had caus'd the Slain to be buried, he March'd away with the rest of his Army homeward, while Ptolomy receiv'd to his Obedience Raphia, and the other Towns, which contended which should be first in their Submission to the Conqueror. In short, 'tis the Custom of Mankind on the like occasions, to Accommodate their Affairs to their present Fortune; but of all Countries, none produce Minds so pliable that way, as these of this Country, when Fortune will have it so; ne­vertheless, that Nation being dispos'd to a better liking of the Government of the Aegyp­tian Kings, it was a less wonder that they so frankly gave themselves up to Ptolomy And indeed those of the Lower Syria, have ever born a singular Veneration for the Royal House of Aegypt. Wherefore, to acquire the Good Will of this Prince, they forgot no ways of Flattery, Honouring him with Crowns, and Adoring him with Sacrifices and Altars, and doing all things of that Nature.

When Antiochus was arriv'd at the City that bears his Name, he dispatch'd Antipater his Nephew, and Theodotus Hemiolius, his Ambassadors to Ptolomy to Negotiate a Peace; [Page 272]being doubtful least his Enemies should take the occasion to Attack him; and having no great Trust in the Multitude of his Subjects, by reason of his late Misfortune. He was jealous likewise, that Achoeus might make use of the Conjuncture to hurt him. As for Ptolomy, none of these Reflections imploy'd his Thoughts, who contenting himself with unexpected Victory, and pleas'd with the en­tire Recovery of the Lower Syria, so contra­ry to his Hopes, manifested a much greater inclination to Peace, than in Prudence he ought, through the natural Sloth that was in him, and the other Infirmities of Mind, to which he was subject through the whole course of his Life. Wherefore as soon as An­tipater, and the rest of that Commission ar­riv'd, he presently consented to a Years Truce, after having first said some menacing things, and complain'd of the Injuries offer'd him by Antiochus: Then he dispatch'd Sosibius to ra­tifie the Accord; and making about three Months stay in Syria and Phoenicia, to regu­late and settle the Affairs of the several Towns and Cities, he left Andromachus the Aspen­dian, his Governour in those Provinces, and so departed for Alexandria, with his Sister and Favourites; having put a period to the War, to the great Wonder of his Subjects, who so well knew his Life and Manners. In conclusion, after Antiochus had Ratify'd the Treaty of Sosibius, he prepar'd for the War against Achoeus, as he had before determin'd.

About the same time the Rhodians, wisely improv'd the occasion of an Earthquake, that happen'd in that Island, which had Demolish'd their Colossus, their Ars'nal, and the greatest part of their Walls. But this Calamity, by their Wisdom, was Converted to a Benefit: So wide the difference is between the effects of thoughtless Negligence, and prudent Vi­gilance, whether it be in private or publick Affairs: For as the one often turns the best Success into a Calamity; so the other can ex­tract Benefit out of the greatest Disasters. Thus the Rhodians aggravating their Suffer­ings and Losses to the World, by Ambassa­dours which they sent abroad for that purpose; that what by Treating in Publick, what by Private Persuasion, People (especially the Kings) were so much touch'd, and took so sensible a part in their Affliction, that they were not only reliev'd and supply'd, but were Treated with such Respect, that their Bene­factors reckon'd themselves oblig'd by their own Generosity. Hiero and Gelo gave them seventy five Talents to rebuild the place of their Exercises; part of which Sum was pay'd down, the rest soon after. These presented them likewise with Silver Candlesticks, and other Vessels for Sacred Uses, with ten Ta­lents for their Sacrifices, and other ten for the supply of the like Necessities; the whole Sum amounting to an hundred Talents. Further­more, all who Navigated and Traded to [Page 274] Rhodes, they exempted from Publick Duties and Tribute. They presented them likewise with fifty Catapults, or Cross-Bow, of three Cubits long each. In short, after they had shewn their Good Will in so many Noble Expressions of Bounty, as if they them­selves had been oblig'd, they caus'd two Sta­tues to be erected in the principal Market­place of Rhodes, where the People of that City were Crown'd by those of Syracuse.

King [...]tolomy likewise promis'd them three hundred Talents of Silver, a million of Arta­bes, or Measures of Wheat; Materials for building of twenty Quinqueremes, and the like number of Triremes; as namely, forty thousand Cubits of Pine-Timber, a thou­sand pounds weight of Copper Money, three thousand pounds weight of Tow, three thou­sand Masts, three thousand Talents to re-edi­fie their Colossus; an hundred Architects, three hundred and fifty Artificers, and fourteen Ta­lents by the Year, to pay for their sustenance. Furthermore, he gave them ten thousand Ar­tabes of Corn, for the expence of their Sacri­fices and Exercises; and twenty thousand of the like Measures of Corn, for the Service of their Fleet. In short, the greatest part of these particulars were soon deliver'd, and a third part of the Money in Hand.

Antigonus gave them ten thousand pieces of Timber, of sixteen Cubits long each piece; seven thousand Planks, of seven Cubits long [Page 275]each; three thousand pounds of Iron, three thousand pounds of Pitch and Rosin, and a thousand Metreta's or Measures of Tar; further, promising them a hundred Talents of Silver. Chryseis, his Wife, gave them an hundred thousand Measures of Wheat, and three thou­sand pounds weight of Lead. Seleucus, Fa­ther of Antiochus, gave immunity to all the Rhodians, who Navigated on the Coast of his Dominions, ten Gallies equipp'd for War, and two hundred thousand Measures of Corn, be­sides many other things of value.

Prusias, Mithridates, and the rest of the Princes then Reigning in Asia; as Lysanias, Olympichus, and Limnoeus, made them pro­portionable Presents. In a word, 'tis impossi­ble to recount the numbers of Towns, and People, who contributed to the Relief of the Rhodians, according to their Ability in that occasion. Insomuch, that whoever should have consider'd only, how suddenly that City rose from its Ruines, to that wonderful height of Riches and Splendor, both in Publick and Private, would be struck with astonishment. But when consideration is had to its Commo­dity of Situation, and th [...] superfluity of all things that were supply'd them from abroad, that they might be sure to want for nothing; their flourishing State, and the Felicity to which they so soon arriv'd, will then cease to surprize us, and rather defeat our Expecta­tions.

We have a little enlarg'd on this Subject, to exemplifie the Rhodians Love to their Com­monwealth, who have shewn themselves wor­thy of Praise from all Men, and are an excellent Example for imitation. And this we have taken the liberty the rather to say, to the end that both Princes and People may confider and see how the Minds of Men are shrunk, and how little the Liberalities of our Days appear, when compar'd with the Munificence of our Forefa­thers; and to the end that when they have extended a small Favour, they may not exalt their own Generosity, and for little Acts of Grace, exact Remunerations and Honours, equal to what was due to Kings of Old; and that by weighing rightly eithers Merit, neither may want his due.

About the beginning of Summer, Agetas being Praetor of the Aetolians, and the Elder Aratus Elected to that Magistracy by the Achaians, being now enter'd on his Charge, (I think at least, 'twas there we brake off our Discourse of the Social War) Lycurgus the Spartan returning home from Aetolia, being recall'd by the Ephori, who had found the Information false on which the Sentence of his Banishment was grounded, (he I say) in con­junction with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who was at that time the Elean Praetor, resolv'd to fall on the Lands of the Messenians. Aratus, in the mean time, found the Achaian Merce­naries corrupted by Idleness, and decay of [Page 277]Discipline, and the Cities indispos'd to contri­bute towards the War, through the default of Eperatus, who had but ill discharg'd his Office of Praetor. Wherefore after fit Exhortations to the Achaians, and wresting from them by force, as it were, a Decree for his purpose, he apply'd himself with his best diligence to prepare to prosecute the War. The Achaians Decreed to entertain eight thousand Mercena­ry Stranger Foot, and five hundred Horse; and that they should levy at home three thou­sand Foot, and three hundred Horse; and that to compleat that number, the Megalo­politans should contribute three hundred Foot, call'd Chalcaspides, from their bearing Brass-Bucklers, and fifty Horse; and that the Ar­gians should furnish the like number. It was further Decreed, that they should fit out a Fleet, and that three Ships should be sent to­wards Acta, and the Gulph of Argos; and three to hover about Patrae and Dymas, and the Seas in the Neighbourhood.

While Aratus was busy'd in these Affairs, and making Provision for the War, Lycurgus and Pyrrhias led their Troops into the Terri­tory of Messenia, having concerted by their Agents about the time they were to move with their Armies into the Field. But Aratus getting notice of their purpose, took with him the Mercenaries, to whom he joyn'd some chosen Troops, and with these March'd away in haste to succour the Messenians, and to [Page 278]proceed to Megalopolis. In the interim, Ly­curgus takes Calamas, a Messenian Town, by Intelligence; from whence he prosecuted his March to joyn the Aetolians. But Pyrrhias, having drawn but a small Force out of Elea, was Encounter'd by the Messenians on their Frontiers, and worsted, and so compell'd to retire home again. Whereupon Lycurgus, de­feated in his Hopes of increasing his strength by that addition, and not having Force suf­ficient of his own to put his Design in effect, after he had Forag'd the Enemy's Countrey, and done them what damage he was able, with the little strength he had, return'd back to Sparta, having done nothing worth men­tion.

The Enemy thus disappointed, Aratus who was provident to foresee the future, prevail'd with Taurion to order out fifty Horse, and five hundred Foot, enjoyning the Messenians to provide the like number; with which Force, he propos'd to defend the Frontiers of the Mes­senians, Megalopolitans, Tegaeans, and Argians: For that these Countries, lying in the Neigh­bourhood of Laconia, whenever the Lacedae­monians wage War in Peloponnesus, stand ex­pos'd to the first shock of the Enemy. As to the Lands of Achaia, that lie towards Elea and Aetolia, those he resolv'd to defend with his Mercenaries, joyning with them some Achaian Troops.

Aratus, having put his Affairs in this po­sture, dismiss'd the Megalopolitans home, by a Decree of the Achaians; for that having not long before been forc'd to leave their Country entirely ruin'd by Cleomenes; and albeit they were poor, and in no condition to do any thing, Publick or Private, nevertheless they possess'd still the same Courage and Greatness of Mind. But this begat great Disorders and Dissentions among them, as it seldom [...]ails to happen in States or Private Families, when pinch'd with Poverty, and depriv'd of means to Prosecute what they would design. First, a Contention arose about the Structure of the Walls of their Town; some were for confining it to streighter limits, and so to build, that when they should come to erect the Walls, they might compass it without difficulty, and that in case of Ho­stility they might the better defend it. These remonstrating that their Town had not been lost, nor they undone by the Enemy, but through the over-great circuit of their Walls, and their want of numbers to Man them. Furthermore, they propos'd that the Rich, who had Possessions and Inheritances, should contribute the third part of their Estates to­wards the re-peopling the Town. Others were of a different Opinion, neither yielding to build the Town less than it was, nor think­ing it reasonable that the rich should so con­tribute. But the Dispute was heightned on occasion of the Laws of Pritanis, a Person of [Page 280]great Fame; who had been bred among the Peripateticks, and was sent by Antigonus to be their Legislator. But Aratus at length compos'd these Differences, and bringing them to Reason by all the Arts he could, in­tirely reconcil'd them; and had the Articles of Accord ingraven and plac'd on a Column near the Altar of Vestoe.

As soon as Aratus had united the Megalopo­litans, he departed to go to the Assembly of the Achaians, leaving the Mercenaries to the lead­ing of Lycus the Pharoean, who was at that time Pro-Praetor of the Country. The Eleans, who were not pleas'd with Pyrrhias, procur'd to have his Place fill'd by Euripidas, who came to them from Aetolia; he taking the occasion of the Assembly of the Achaians, drew out two thousand Foot and threescore Horse, and led them into the Territory of Pharoea, plundring and spoiling all along as he march'd as far as the Frontiers of the Aegeans, and having got much Booty, retir'd to Leontium, Lycus receiving Intelligence of what had pass'd, march'd out and got before him, with design to make him quit his Plun­der; and Attacking him, kill'd above four hundred of his Party, and took two hundred Prisoners; among whom were Physsias, Anta­nor, Clearchus, Euanoridas, Aristogiton, Ni­casippus, and Aspasius, all Men of note; tak­ing over and above, their Arms and Baggage. At the same time the General of the Achaian [Page 281]Fleet, sailing to Melycria, took there no less than an hundred Prisoners; and after his re­turn, he transported a Body of Troops to at­tempt Chalcea, the Inhabitants of which Town immediately Sallying out against him; nevertheless, he took two of their Ships with all their Men aboard; he made Prize likewise of a Brigandine near Rhium, with all the Sol­diers and Rowers that were in her. And in that Expedition he took much Plunder both by Sea and Land, which produc'd a great Summ of Money, and so great plenty of Pro­vision, that the Soldiers took better heart, in prospect of better Pay; and the People assu­rance to think, they should be now exempt from Taxes and Contributions towards the War.

And now it came to pass that Scerdilaidas, conceiving himself abus'd by King Philip, a good part of the Money that was due by the Stipulations that were concluded between them, being with held from him, fitted out a Squadron of fifteen Ships, with orders to take by reprisal, what by agreement was his due. This Squadron came to the Port of Leucas, where on account of old Friendship they were well receiv'd; and here indeed they acted no Hostility, having no occasion given them. They took only Agathynus and Cassander of Corinth, who arriv'd at the Port in Vessels be­longing to Taurion, and as Friends adventur'd into the Harbour; but these seizing the four Vessels, and making them Prisoners, sent them [Page 282]away to Scerdilaidas, Ships and all. From thence they made sail for Malea, plund'ring all the Merchants Vessels they met in their way.

And now Harvest approaching, and Tauri­on taking no thought for supplying those Towns we mention'd with Succours, Aratus therefore with a chosen Band of Soldiers march'd to assist the Argians in their Harvest; and Euripidas drew out his Aetolians to Fo­rage the Lands of Tritoea. But Lycus and Demodochus, Generals of the Achaian Horse, coming to understand that the Aetolians were march'd out of Elea, immediately gather'd a Body of Troops out of Dymas, Patroe, and Pharoea, whom joyning with the Mercenaries they had with them, they march'd and fell on the Lands of the Eleans; and drawing near to a Place call'd Phyxium, they order'd their Horse and light-arm'd Troops to Forage the Country, concealing the rest of their Forces in the foremention'd place; whereup­on the Eleans marched all out against those that spoil'd the Country, and pursued them who seem'd to fly. Lycus in the mean time rises from his Ambush and attacks them, whom not able to withstand, but facing about at the first sight of them, the Achaians cut off to the number of two hundred, took about fourscore Prisoners, and so march'd home in safety with all their Booty. He who commanded the A­chaian Fleet likewise, making several descents [Page 283]on the Coast of Calydon and Naupactus, pillag'd at pleasure all along the Country, and charg'd and routed in two occasions the Forces that came to the relief: In one of which he took Cleonicus of Naupactus Prisoner, who was soon enlarg'd without Ransom, as being a favourer of the Achaians, wherefore he was not sold with the rest on his being taken.

At the same time, Agetas the Aetolian Prae­tor rais'd an Army out of his own Nation, with which marching into the Lands of the Acarnanians, after he had taken much Plun­der, he made Inroads and Forag'd the Coun­try of Epirus, and then return'd home, and dismiss'd the Aetolians to their several Towns. Upon this the Acarnanians invaded the Ter­ritory of Stratus, where being surpriz'd with a causless Terror, they retreated back with shame, howbeit without loss; the Country-People who made head against them, fearing to pursue them, jealous that their [...]light had been only to draw them into an Ambush. At the same time a piece of mock-Treason was acted in Phanotis, which was manag'd after this manner; Alexander, whom Philip had plac'd his Governour in Phocis, contriv'd with Jason, whom he had made Governor of Pha­notis, this stratagem to catch the Aetolians; he made Jason treat with Agetas, the Aetolian Praetor, about the betraying to him the Ci­tadel of that Place, which by Oath he con­firm'd; whereupon Agetas coming with his [Page 284] Aetolians thither, and at the time concerted between them, chose out an hundred of the best Men of his Party, and sent them towards the Fort, while himself with the rest remain'd conceal'd not far off. Jason, who had Alex­ander himself in the Town ready to sally to his assistance, admitted (pursuant to the a­greement) the Aetolians into the Citadel; whereupon Alexander immediately entring, surpriz'd and took them. Agetas coming to understand by Morning what had happen'd, march'd back with his Army; having been catch'd in the same Snare by which he had of­ten taken others, being singular in those kinds of dishonest Arts.

During these Transactions in Greece, King Philip took the Town of Bylazor in Poeonia, which place commanded so intirely the way by which we go from Dardania into Macedon, that becoming Master thereof, he became thereby safe against all Attempts of the Dar­danians; it being very difficult to invade Ma­cedon, after Philip had got this Place into his possession, which gave him all the Inlets to that Country. As soon as he had strengthen'd it with a good Garrison, he dispatch'd Chryso­gonus with expedition, to conduct a Body of new-rais'd Troops out of the Ʋpper Macedon; going himself to Edesa with those he had rais'd in Bottia and Amphaxitis. And as soon as Chrysogonus return'd with his Macedonians, he march'd and came in six Days to Larissa; [Page 285]from whence continuing his march Night and Day, with reposing as little as possible by the way, he came before Melitea, which place he attempted to take by Scalade; while those within were so terrify'd at an Attack so sur­prising, that he had master'd the Town with little difficulty, had not their Ladders been too short. In which Matter their Officers were greatly to blame; for what is more re­proachable, than to come rashly to the As­sault of a Town or Fortress, without prepa­ration of every necessary thing? As a right knowledge of the height of the Walls, and the like proper Information, whereby to strengthen their assurance of Success. Who will not therefore condemn these of Negli­gence and want of Fore-sight? Or, having themselves taken wrong measures, and com­mitted it to others to pursue their mistakes in providing Ladders and other Machines, which are contriv [...]d and prepar'd without difficulty, and are of indispensible use in such Enterprizes; who, I say, can excuse them of being Authors of their own Shame and Reproach, who con­ceive such Orders? And what is more certain, than to see in these occasions every omission of our Duty punish'd? For the Error is no sooner committed when we see the Damage, and feel the Effects, which appear in divers man­ners. First, the bravest and most forward Men are hereby most expos'd, who being by this means compell'd to retire, the Enemy [Page 286]recovers heart and attacks them with assurance, and pursues them with advantage. This is confirm'd by infinite Examples; for of those, who are forc'd to retire in such occasions, we shall find more to perish, and be reduc'd to the utmost perils than to escape. And it must be confess'd, that such as act thus weakly contract to themselves the misfortune of ne­ver being afterwards trusted; incur a lasting hatred among the Soldiers, and teach the E­nemy to be more on his guard. And such Errors do not only admonish the Spectators how to improve them, but afford instruction to those who hear the relation. Wherefore all Officers and Leaders, who shall be ingag'd in the Conduct of the like Enterprizes, be hereby taught to proceed more regardfully. Nor is it difficult, by the help of a very little Science, to be Master of the means, whereby to compass exactly such heights and measures, as import us to know with assurance, when we have such designs to prosecute. But let us resume our Discourse, referring to another place what we purpose to deliver for the in­struction of those who would not be deceiv'd when they engage in Actions of this nature.

King Philip, hopeless of succeeding in his purpose here, drew off and encamp'd his Ar­my along the River Enipeus; ordering to be brought from Larissa, and the other Towns, all such Stores and Provisions of War, as du­ring the Winter he had caus'd to be provided [Page 287]for the service of Sieges and attacking of Towns; his main design in the Expedition being to attempt the City of Thebes, call'd Phthiotis. This place is situate near the Sea, distant about eight and thirty Miles from La­rissa. 'Tis a Frontier of Magnesia and Thessaly. The Territory borders on Magnesia on the side towards Demetrias; on Thessaly, towards that quarter that is inhabited by the Pharsali­ans and Pheroeans. But forasmuch as the Aetolians were now Masters of that Country, and from thence made incessant Inroads, they greatly annoy'd those of Demetrius, the Phar­salians and Larissoeans, spoiling and plunder­ing as far as a place call'd the Fields of Amy­ricus. Wherefore Philip, concluding the En­terprize to be worth his while, resolv'd to spare no application whereby to become Master of that place. In order to which, he had provided an hundred and fifty extraordinary Catapults, and five and twenty other Engines for casting of Stones, and so march'd and sat down before Thebes; and forming his Army into three Divi­sions, took possession of the nearest Posts to the Town; one Division being posted on the Ground near Scopius, another about Heliotro­pius, and the third possess'd an Eminence that looks into the Town. These three Camps he united by Lines of Communication, which he fortify'd with wooden Redoubts, standing at about an hundred Paces distant one from ano­ther, wherein he plac'd good Guards for their [Page 288]defence. Then securing all his Stores and E­quipage of War in one place, he caus'd his Machines to be drawn out.

During the first three Days, the Inhabitants shew'd great assurance by the brave resistance they made, whereby the Works advanc'd but little; but after by incessant Attacks, which kept them continually in action, and a migh­ty number of Darts and Stones that had been cast into the Town, whereby the better half of the Besieged were either kill'd or wounded, their Resolution began to fail, and the Mace­donians with more success, advanc'd with their Mines. Howbeit, tho' they wrought with their utmost diligence, they were five Days gaining the foot of the Wall, the Ground proving so difficult. But in the end, by work­ing without intermission Night and Day, re­lieving each other by Parties, they had sapp'd about two hundred paces of the Wall, which they sustain'd by strong Posts or Props of Timber. But it so happen'd, that these Props being not of sufficient strength to sustain the Burthen, the Wall fell, before the Macedoni­ans could apply Fire to consume them, as was their Custom. Then they wrought a Mine under the Ruines, to make a passage into the Town; but as soon as the Thebans perceiv'd the Enemy preparing to force their entrance, they yielded. Philip by this success having secur'd the Frontiers of Thessaly and Magnesia, and taken much Booty from the Aetolians, [Page 289]his Army came then to confess, That Leon­tius had justly suffer'd; for it was now evi­dent, That he had not done his Duty as he ought, with the strength he had at the Siege of Palaea.

Philip thus becoming Master of Thebes, sold the Inhabitants, and re-peopling it with a Colony of Macedonians, chang'd its Name to Philippi. Thus having succeeded in all his Enterprizes, new Ambassadors came to him to treat about a Peace, on the part of the Rhodians; also from Chios, the Byzantines, and from Ptolomy himself. But Philip reply'd, as he had done before, That he held the same disposition to give a period to the War, wil­ling them to apply to the Aetolians, to know their purpose; but that in the interim he was resolv'd to pursue his Enterprizes. In order to which, receiving intelligence that the Ships of Scerdilaidas infested the Sea about Malea; that they treated all the Trading-Vessels as Enemies; and that contrary to the Treaty, they had seiz'd some of his own Subjects Ships in the Port of Leucas. He therefore Embark­ing on the Euripus with a Fleet of fifty Sail great and small; some equipp'd for War, o­thers Vessels of Burthen; with this force pur­su'd with great diligence the Illyrians, perse­vering in his purpose to press the War against the Aetolians, being yet totally ignorant of Occurrences in Italy: For about the time that Philip held Thebes besieg'd, the Romans [Page 290]were beaten in Tuscany by Hannibal, the news whereof had not yet reach'd Greece. Philip coming too late to attack the Illyrian Fleet, sail'd to Cenchrea, from whence he sent his Vessels of War to cruize on the Coast of Ma­lea, towards Aegium and Patroe, ordering his other Ships to steer towards Lechoeum by the Cape of Peloponnesus, with instructions there to remain at Anchor, while he himself, ac­company'd with his Friends and Favourites, made haste to Argos, to be present at the Ne­moean Games; at which time he receiv'd Let­ters from Macedon, imparting the news of the Romans Defeat in a great Battel, and that Hannibal was Master of all without their Retrenchments. This news Philip commu­nicates to Demetrius of Pharus, and to no o­ther, to whom he enjoyn'd all possible secre­cy. Demetrius glad of the occasion, advis'd him thereupon to give a period to the Aeto­lian War, with what expedition he could; but his Opinion was, That he should prose­cute his Design against the Illyrians, and pre­pare his Thoughts for an Expedition into Italy. He persuaded him, that such a De­sign would win him the Obedience of the whole Greek Nation for the time to come, that the Achaians would submit through the Affection they bare him, and the Aetolians through fear, after the many Calamities they suffer'd by the War: That Italy, and his Voy­age thither, would be his first step to the uni­versal [Page 291]Dominion, to which none had so great Right to pretend; and that the present Di­stresses of the Romans was a fair and most fa­vourable occasion to incite him to the Enter­prize.

Thus did Demetrius easily work on Philip, who was yet but young, and whose Affairs Fortune had hitherto espous'd; whose Mind was great, and he of a Race, that I, by I know not what kind of Destiny, above all others, yielded with case to the transportments of ac­quiring the Universal Dominion. Philip for the present, I say, communicated the news he had receiv'd to none but Demetrius: But soon after assembling his Friends, he fell to deliberate about a Peace with the Aetolians; to which Aratus appear'd well enough dis­pos'd; weighing, that by how much they had the better in the War, by so much was it likely they should better their Terms in a Treaty of Peace. Wherefore, without at­tending the arrival of Ambassadors, who were to act in that Negotiation, he disp [...]tch'd to the Aetolians Cleonicus of Naupactus, whom he found attending the Assembly of the Achai­ans, and where he had remain'd ever since he had been taken Prisoner. Then taking with him what Ships he found at Cor [...]nth, he went with his Land Forces to Aegium: But the better to hide his Inclinations to a Peace, he advanc'd towards Las [...]on; and taking a small Fortress that was built on the Ruines of that [Page 292]Place, made shew of a purpose to seize on Elea. After Cleonicus had made two or three Journies backward and forward, the Aetoli­ans demanded a Conference, to which Philip consented. And having now his Mind total­ly wean'd from the War, he dispatch'd Let­ters to the respective Cities of the Confede­racy, exhorting them to hasten their Depu­ties to the Assembly, to deliberate together about Peace. In the interim, he imbark'd his Army for Panormus, a Port-Town of Pe­loponnesus, lying against Naupactus, where he Encamp'd, resolving to attend the Arri­val of the Ambassadors, who were to com­pose the Assembly. But he went himself to Zacynthus, where he stay'd till he had notice of their meeting, and then return'd, after he had first by his single Authority settled the Affairs of that Island.

As soon as the Assembly was full, King Philip dispatch'd Aratus, Taurion, and cer­tain others who had accompany'd them to the Aetolians, who at the same time held a General Assembly of their States at Naupactus, whither the Ambassadors likewise came; and after some Conference, whereby they be­came assur'd of the Aetolians being sincerely dispos'd to a Peace, they return'd to im­part the News to Philip. But the Aetolians being in good earnest to put a period to that War, accompany'd them with their own Ambassadors, to persuade the King to come [Page 293]over with his Army into Aetolia, to the end they might by conference give an issue to the Affair, which would be expedited with grea­ter ease, when he should be so near. Philip mov'd by their Intreaties, pass'd over with his Troops, and came to a place within less than a League of Naupactus, where he En­camp'd; and securing his Army and Fleet with a good Retrenchment there, attended the result of their Debates. In the mean while, the Aetolians came flocking to them in Multitudes, confidently and without Arms. And because the place of Treaty was not a­bove a quarter of a Mile from Philip's Camp, they held continual intercourse with him, by Persons impower'd by them to treat; and af­ter a while, the King sent to them the whole Body of the Confederate Ambassadors, with Instructions to to yield a Peace with the Aeto­lians, on condition principally, that each Party should be confirm'd in the possession of the Places then held. After the Aetolians had declar'd their Consent to the Proposition, they enter'd into Debates touching the Articles that had regard to each one in particular: But of that we shall make no mention, as contain­ing little of Importance, and shall only recite the Terms of a Remonstrance, made by Age­laus of Naupactus, to the King and the Confe­derates, on their opening the Assembly.

He told them, that nothing so much im­ported the Greeks, as to shun all occasions of [Page 294]War among themselves; and that they ought to render Thanks to the Gods, that becom­ing now of one Mind, and leading each other as it were by the hand, like those who ford a River, they have obtain'd a prospect of uni­ting in the general Defence of themselves and their Cities against the Barbarians, whose Designs they had so much cause to apprehend. That albeit they should not be able to give perpetuity to the present Union among the Greeks, it behov'd them at least in that Con­juncture, to agree as one Man in the preser­vation of their Common Safety; since none could be ignorant of the strength of the Bar­barians, and the mighty War they were like to have on their hands with that People. That none, how unacquainted soever in the Affairs of the Commonwealth, but must dis­cern, that nothing was more probable, than that whether the Carthaginians vanquish'd the Romans, or the Romans the Carthaginians, in the present War, the Conquerors would not rest satisfy'd with the Dominion of Italy, or Sicily, but prosecute their Designs further than they would be willing; and at length as far as Greece it self: Wherefore he exhorted them, especially King Philip, to have an eye to the Danger that threatned them; that the Task would not be insuperable, if instead of im­pairing the Forces of the Greeks, as he had hitherto done; and rendring them by that means an easier Prey to their Enemies; he [Page 295]would now lay their Affairs to heart, and do for them as for himself, and act in behalf of the whole Greek Nation, as if Greece were his Inheritance. That if he so conducted his Councils, he should have no cause to doubt of acquiring the general Affection of that People; of being by them abetted, and assisted, in all his Designs; and that Foreigners, terrify'd at the Firmness of their Fidelity to him, would be cautious how they invaded him. That if his Mind was bent on great Enterprizes, and he thirsted after Glory, he should extend his Prospect towards the West, and contemplate the War that had set all Italy in a flame; that he should watch the Event, and improve it to his advantage; and when Time should ripen his Affairs, generously aspire to the Dominion of the World. That the present Conjuncture did not impugn that Design. In conclusion, he pray'd him, that if it were so that he had any remains of Displeasure against any of the Greeks, which might dispose him to new Ho­stilities, he would respite his Purpose to a Sea­son of more leisure, and so provide that it might be always in his Power to renew, and give a period to the War with them. For if once he suffer'd the Tempest that was gather­ing in the West to reach Greece, it might justly be fear'd, that all these Treaties, Leagues, and Wars, which, as it were in pastime, had hitherto entertain'd them, would be then so little in their choice, that they might come [Page 296]one day to ascribe it to the great Favour of the Gods, to be able to determine among themselves of Peace and War; and to have it equally in their power, as their Wish, to be Judges of their own Differences.

This Speech of Agelaus prevail'd with the Confederates, especially King Philip, to de­sire the Peace more earnestly. For he, who was already shaken by the Counsels of Deme­trius, heard nothing from Agelaus that did not sort to his purpose. Wherefore after he had adjusted the Conditions with the Aetoli­ans, and sign'd the Treaty, every one return'd home, carrying with them Peace in exchange for War. These things came to pass, name­ly, the Defeat of the Romans in Tuscany, the War of Antiochus for the Lower Syria, and the Peace of King Philip, and the Achaians, with the Aetolians, in the third Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad; about which time it was, that the Affairs of Italy and A­frick began to mix and have relation with those of Greece. For after this, neither K. Philip, nor any of the Greek Princes, form'd any De­sign, or amus'd themselves about Peace or War in Greece; but all had their Eyes six'd on Italy, as the Object of every one's Attention. And it was not long before the several People inha­biting the Isles of Asia, acted the same part; for those who cou'd not brook the growing Greatness of Philip, and others who had any Contests with Attalus, had no more recourse [Page 297]to Antiochus or Ptolomy, to Southern or Ea­stern Princes, but had their Prospect West­wards; some sending their Ambassadors to the Carthaginians, others to the Romans. In like sort, the Romans themselves, awakned by the Power and Prowess of King Philip, and being willing to obviate betimes the Danger that might grow from that Prince's Enmity, who might add new Evils to those which al­ready sorely press'd them on all sides; resolv'd to dispatch Ambassadors into Greece. But forasmuch as we have already clearly explain'd, at what time, by what means, and what Counsels the Affairs of Greece came to be in­terwoven with those of Italy and Africk; after we shall have continued to relate the Transa­ctions of Greece, to the time when the Romans were defeated at Cannoe, where we brake off our Discourse of the Occurrences of Italy, we purpose to finish this Book.

As soon as the Peace was ratify'd, and the Achaians had created Timoxenus their Praetor, they return'd to their old Manners and course of Life; and the rest of the Towns of Pelopon­nesus, in like sort, fell to repair their publick and private Damages, to cultivate their Ground, re-edifie their Altars, establish their Worship, and restore their Laws and Customs. All which had been near utterly ruin'd and made desolate through the long War they had sustain'd: It having been the fate of the Pelo­ponnesians, (who of all others are most dispos'd to a Life of Ease and Tranquility) to enjoy [Page 298]less of that Blessing than their Neighbours; and of whom it may be said with Euripides, ‘Whose Life with War and endless Toil, is vex'd.’

Nor is it more than what in my Judgment seems reasonable to expect should befal them; for what is more probable, than that a People aspiring after Dominion, jealous of their Liber­ty, and who would yield Precedence to none, should be ever embroil'd in Hostilities. One would have thought that the Athenians, af­ter they were deliver'd from their Fears of the Macedonians, should have been at case, and establish'd their Security on sure and lasting Foundations; yet so it happen'd, that giving themselves up to the Counsels and Conduct of Euryclidas and Micyon, and secluding them­selves from the Society of the other Cities of Greece; what Fla [...]teries, what Decrees of Honours and Praise (led by the Weakness of their Governours) did they heap on the Neigh­bouring Kings, especially Ptolomy, without regard to Decency or their own Honour, through the Folly of those who administred their Affairs! Ptolomy had no sooner compos'd his Affairs in Syria, when he became oblig'd to wage a new War in his own Dominions. For after that Prince had put the Egyptians in Arms against Antiochus, wherein he was not ill-advis'd, if regard only were to be had to the occasion that then press'd him; the se­quel shew'd, that nothing could have been [Page 299]more pernicious with respect to the future. For the Egyptians growing proud and over-weaning of their Strength, after the Victory at Raphia, grew to withdraw their Obedience from the King; and conceiving their Power sufficient to withstand him, waited only for a fit Person to head them, to proceed to a Rebellion; and in short, did rebell soon after.

Antiochus, who, during Winter, had made mighty Provision for the War, early in the Spring pass'd over Mount Taurus; and en­tring into League with Attalus, prosecuted the War against Achoeus. The Aetolians, to whom the War had not prov'd so fortunate as they had hop'd, were for a while well enough pleas'd with Peace; and, on that Considera­tion, they chose Agelaus of Naupactus Praetor, whom they believ'd to have been mainly in­strumental in the Pacification between them and the Achaians; nevertheless, it was not long before that Peace distasted them, and their Complaints brake out against Agelaus; murmuring, that they had now lost all occa­sions of bettering their Fortune, and enrich­ing themselves by the Spoils of Strangers; and were become hopeless for the time to come, the Peace not being particular with some few Towns, but with the whole Greek Nation. But their Praetor, with wise Patience, enduring their foolish Reproaches, so modera­ted those Heats, that they submitted to his Authority, tho' with repugnance enough.

As soon as the Peace was ratify'd, King Phi­lip return'd by Sea to Macedon; where find­ing that Scerdilaidas, who had already seiz'd certain Vessels in the Port of Leucas, had late­ly plunder'd Pissoeum, a Town of Pelagonia, with the same Proetext as before, of paying himself the Money that remain'd due; that he had further drawn to his Party the Towns of Dassaretis; that by Promises he had allur'd the People of Phoebatis; as, namely, Antipa­tria, Chrysondiona, and Gertunta; and had made Inroads on the Macedonians: Philip therefore first led his Troops against the revol­ted Towns, with Resolution however not to delay his march against Scerdilaidas, judging it to be of great moment to compose the Af­fairs of Illyria, in order to the Enterprizes he had conceiv'd, especially his Voyage into Italy. For Demetrius had so kindled his Am­bition, that it became his meditation Night and Day, and was the subject of his Dreams, talking in his sleep of a War in Italy. While yet these Instigations grew not from the Love he bare to Philip, whose Affairs he little con­sider'd, but from his Hatred to the Romans, and a Regard to his own Ends, conceiving there was now no other means left him, whereby to regain his Dominion of the Island of Pharus. In conclusion, Philip departing with his Army, recover'd the Places we men­tion'd, together with Creonium, and Ge­runte in Dassaretis: And besides those, En­chelanoe, [Page 301]Cerax, Station, and Boei, near the Lake Lychnidius. Furthermore, he made him­self Master of Bantia, in the Territory of Cali­coeni, and Orgysum on the Frontiers of the Pis­santines; and after these Successes, march'd his Horse into Winter Quarters. It was du­ring the same Winter that Hannibal, having spoil'd the best part of Italy, held his Quar­ters in Apulia near Gerijon, at which time Lu­cius Aemylius, and Terentius Varro, were created Consuls at Rome.

King Philip, in the mean time, calcula­ting, that to further the Enterprizes he was projecting, he should stand in need of a good Supply of Ships and Sea-men; not that he conceiv'd himself a Match for the Romans by Sea, but to enable him to embark and trans­port his Troops, where he should think it best, whereby to take the Enemy by surprize, and when they least suspected him: Wherefore, finding the Vessels of the Illyrian Fashion were properest for his use, he caus'd forthwith an hundred of that sort to be built; and was one of the first Macedonian Kings who had order'd so great a Fleet to be provided. After he had rigg'd and equipp'd them with all things ne­cessary, he assembled his Troops about the be­ginning of Summer; and when he had exer­cis'd his Macedonians a while in the Use of the Oar, he put to Sea. This was about the time that Antiochus march'd over Mount Taurus.

After Philip had pass'd down the Euripus with his Army, and doubled the Cape of Ma­lea, he arriv'd near Leucas, sailing by Cephal­lenia; when taking Harbour, he remain'd watching the Motions of the Roman Fleet, ha­ving a careful eye to every thing. But as soon as he became assur'd, that the Fleet at Lilybaeum remain'd still at an Anchor, he weigh'd, and stood off to Sea, steering as if he were bound for Apollonia. But after they had pass'd the Mouth of the River Loius, (or rather Aous) which runs by the Walls of Apollonia, the Fleet was on the sudden terrify'd with a panick Fear, such as usually surprizes Armies by Land. It seems some of the Vessels in the Reer, who had touch'd in a Port of a certain Island, call'd Saso, lying at the entrance of the Ionian Sea, came up in the Night with the King to let him know, That by certain Ves­sels that came out of the Sea of Sicily, and ar­riv'd at the same Port, they were assur'd, that they had le [...]t the Roman Fleet at Rhegium, and that they were making the best of their way for Apollonia, with Orders to join Scerdilai­das. Philip therefore apprehending the Ro­man Fleet to be at hand, took the Alarm, and in a fright stood about with his Fleet, and re­turn'd from whence he came, his Ships sailing dispers'd, and without any order. The next Morning arriving at Cephallenia, and being recover'd from his Fear, he told his People, That certain Affairs, that imported him to [Page 303]negotiate in Peloponnesus, had made him change his Purpose. The News however that had so terrify'd Philip, was not entirely false; for Scerdilaidas being inform'd of Philip's great Naval Preparations during the Winter, had concluded that his Design was to fall on him: He had therefore given advice thereof to the Romans, and pray'd Succours from them; so that the Romans had sent him ten Vessels out of the Fleet at Lilybaeum, which Squadron was seen at Rhegium as they pass'd by: And if Philip's Surprize had been less, he might have succeeded better in his Illyrian Ex­pedition. Furthermore, it is not improbable but that the Romans themselves, who were humbled by their Loss at Cannoe, might have fallen into his hands: But being terrify'd at the News, he made the best of his way to Macedon; without Loss indeed, but not with­out Reproach.

But what Prusias' did about the same time, merits to be recorded to his great Honour: Those Gauls whom Attalus had drawn out of Europe (having an extraordinary Opinion of their Bravery) to prosecute the War against Achoeus, having deserted his Service, for Rea­sons we have elsewhere noted, fell to spoil and plunder the Towns about the Hellespont, wherein they proceeded with great Violence and Cruelty; and coming to lay siege to the Ilians, the Alexandrians, who inhabited the neighbouring Country, [...]ehav'd themselves [Page 304]with great Reputation on that occasion; for sending out Themistas at the head of four thou­sand Men, he did not only raise the Siege, but forc'd the Enemy quite our of the Trojan Ter­ritory, by cutting off their Convoys, and op­posing other ways their Designs.

Afterwards the Gauls, having taken Arisba, a Town of the Abydenians, attempted other Places of that Country, vexing them with continual Hostilities. Wherefore Prusias march'd at the head of an Army to attack them; and giving them Battel, gain'd a me­morable Victory, where they were all cut off, their Wives and Children only escaping to their Camp. The Spoil he gave to his victo­rious Soldiers, and by that Success deliver'd the Peloponnesians from their Fears, and the great Danger that threatned them; and in­structed those Barbarians by that Example, to be cautious for the future how they adventur'd out of Europe into Asia. The Affairs of Greece and Asia then were in the posture we have re­lated. As to Italy, after the Battel of Cannoe, the People, both of the Towns and Country, for the most part, gave themselves up to Han­nibal, as we have already observ'd.

But having now summarily recorded the Occurrences of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad, we will here give a period to that History; and after we shall have made a short Recital in the follow Book, of what hath been deliver'd in this, we purpose to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth.

Finis Liber V.
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