CHARLES I. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, was the Son of James VI. King of Scots, and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark. By His Father descended to him all the Rights (together with their blood) of all our Ancient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire. For the Lady Margaret, Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last survi­ving Prince of the English Saxons, being mar­ried to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots, con­veyed to his Line the Saxon, and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII. married to James IV. did bring the Norman Titles and Blood. From this Imperial Extract He received not more Ho­nour than He gave to it. For the blood that [Page 2]was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal veins, He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory, and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Vertue.

He was born at Dunfermeling, one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland, on No­vember 19. [ Anno 1600.] in so much weak­ness, that His Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church. Provi­dence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb, and to accustom Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears.

There was no observation nor augury made at His Birth concerning the sequel of His Life or course of Fortune (which are usually relat­ed of such whose lives have different occur­rences from those in others of the same state.) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Pre­diction, He appearing like a Star that rises so near the point of his setting, that it was thought there would be no time for calculation. Or He being at distance by His Birth from the Suc­cession to the Crown (Prince Henry then hav­ing the first hopes) made men less solicitous to enquire of His future state, on whom, being born to a private Condition, the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend.

[Page 3]But in the third year of His age, when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne, a certain Laird of the High­lands, though of very great age, came to the Court to take his leave of him, whom he found accompanied with all his Children. After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice (to which his gray hairs gave authority) to the King; his next application was to Duke CHARLES [ Anno 1602.] (for in the second year of His age He was created Duke of Alba­ny, Marquess of Ormond, Earl of Ross, and Ba­ron of Ardmanock) whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardencie of affection, that he seem­ed forgetful of a separation. The King, to correct his supposed mistake, advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry, as the Heir of his Crown, of whom he had taken little notice. The old Laird answered that he knew well enough what he did, and that It was this Child (who was then in His Nurses arms) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages. This then was conceiv­ed dotage; but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecie, and confirmed that opinion, That some long-experienced souls in the world, before their dislodging, arrive to the height of prophe­tick Spirits.

[ Anno 1603.] When He was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance [Page 4]of Sir Robert Cary's Lady, as a reward for be­ing the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death, whose long life had worn the expecta­tion of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion, that the Lords of England would never acknow­ledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths, and personate the Majesty of a Queen.

[ Anno 1604.] In the fourth year, after He had wrestled with a Feaver, He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor, where on January 6. following, having the day before been made Knight of the Bath, He was invested with the Title of Duke of York, and in the sixth year [ Anno 1606.] was committed to the Pedagogy of Mr. Thomas Murray, a per­son well qualified to that Office, though a fa­vourer of Presbytery.

Under this Tutor, and consined to a retired­ness by the present weakness of His body, He was so diligent and studious, that He far ad­vanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince, without which even their natural Endowments s [...]em rough and unpleasant in despight of the splendour of their Fortune. His proficiency in Letters was so eminent, that Prince Henry taking notice of it, to put a jest upon Him, one day put the Cap of the Arch­bishop Abbot, (who was then, with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility, wait­ing [Page 5]in the Privy Chamber for the King's com­ing out) on his Brother's head; adding, that If He continued a good Boy, and followed His book, he would make Him one day Archbishop of Canterbury. Which the Child took in such disdain, that He threw the Cap on the ground, and trampled it under His feet with so much eagerness, that He could hardly be restrained. Which Passion was afterward taken by some overcurious as a presage of the ruine of Episco­pacy by His Power. But the event shewed it was not ominous to the Order, but to the Per­son of the Archbishop, whom in His Reign He suspended from the administration of His Of­fice.

[ Anno 1611.] In His eleventh year He was made Knight of the Garter: and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying November 6. [1612.] He succeeded him in the Dukedom of Cornwal and the Regalities thereof; and attended his Fune­ral as chief Mouraer, on Decemb. 7.

On the 14. of February following He perform­ed the Office of Brideman to the Princess Eliza­beth His Sister, who on that day was married to Frederick V. Prince Elector Palatine; the gayeties of which day were afterwards attend­ed with many fatal Cares and Expences.

His Childhood was blemished with a suppos­ed Obstinacy: for the weakness of His body in­clining [Page 6]Him to retirements, and the imperfecti­on of His speech rendring discourse tedious and unpleasant, He was suspected to be somewhat perverse. But more age and strength fitting Him for manlike Exercises, and the Publick hopes inviting Him from His Privacies, He de­livered the world of such fears: for applying Himself to action, He grew so perfect in Vault­ing, riding the great Horse, running at the Ring, shooting in Cross-bows, Muskets, and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance, that if Principa­lity had been to be the reward of Excellency in those Arts, He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also; being thought the best Marks-man and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms. His tena­cious humor He left with His retirements, none being more desirous of good counsel, nor any more obsequious when He found it; yea, too distrustful of His own Judgment, which the issue of things proved always best when it was fol­lowed.

[ Anno 1616.] When he was sixteen years old, on Novemb. 3. He was created Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester and Flint, the Revenues thereof being assigned to maintain His Court which was then formed for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State, it was ex­pected that He should no longer retain the Mo­desty which the shades of His Privacy had ac­customed Him unto, but now appear as the im­mediate [Page 7]Instrument of Empire, and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others. But though Providence had changed all about, yet it had changed no­thing within Him; and He thought it glory enough to be great without the diminution of others; for He still permitted the Ministry of State to His Fathers Favourites: which gave occasion of discourse to the Speculativi.

[Page 9][ Anno 1618.] The evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of His Mother, whose death (presaged, as some thought, by that no­torious Comet which appeared Novemb. 18. be­fore) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which He bewailed with a just measure of Grief, with­out any affected Sorrows, though She was most affectionate to Him above all her other Chil­dren; and at her Funeral He would be chief Mourner.

The Death of the Queen was not long after followed with a sharp Sickness of the King: wherein his Life seeming in danger, the con­sequences of his Death began to be lamented. ‘Dr. Andrews, then Bishop of Ely, bewailed the sad condition of the Church, if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch- men, which made up the greatest part of His Family, and were ill-affected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England.’ Of this the King became so sen­sible, that he made a Vow, ‘ If God should please to restore his health, he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Religion, as should secure His affections to the present esta­blishment.’ Which he did with so much suc­cess, as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain, that He was able to moderate in any emergent disputations [Page 10](which yet he charged them to decline, if pos­sible.) At which they smiling, he earnestly added, ‘that CHARLES should manage a point in Controversie with the best-studied Di­vine of them all.’

[ Anno 1619.] In his 19. Year, on March 24. which was the Anniversary of King James's coming to the Crown of England, He perform­ed a Justing at White-Hall, together with seve­ral of the Nobility, wherein He acquitted Him­self with a Bravery equal to His Dignity. And on the Sunday following, attending His Father to the Sermon at St. Paul's Cross, and to the Ser­vice in the Quire, He shewed as much humble Devotion there, as he had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs, admired and applauded by the People for His accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace: That He could behave Himself humbly towards His God, and bravely towards His Enemy; pleased with the hardiness of His Body, and ravished with His more generous Mind; that the pleasures of the Court had not softned one to Sloth, nor the supremest Fortune debauched the other to Im­piety.

[ Anno 1622.] Confident in these, and other evidences of a wise conduct, the King (with­out acquainting his Council) sends the Prince into Spain, there to contract a Marriage with the Infanta, and as a part of the Portion, to [Page 11]recover the Palatinate, which His Sisters Hus­band had lost, and was by the Emperour canteld to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain. And herein He was to combate all the Artists of State in that Court, the practices of that Church, and put an issue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby, though much conversant in the Intrigues of that Council, had been long cajoled.

To that place He was to pass Incognito, ac­companied only with the Marquess of Bucking­ham, Mr. Endymion Porter, and Mr. Francis Cottington, through France; where, to satisfie His Curiosity, and shew Himself to Love, He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris, and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven de­stined to His chast Embraces. Satisfied with that sight, no lesser enjoyments of any pleasure in that great Kingdom, nor Vanity of Youth, which is hardly curbed when it is allyed to power, could tempt His stay, or a discovery of His Greatness; but with a speed answerable to an active body and mind, He out-stripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him, al­though that King had intelligence of His being within his Dominions immediately after their departure from the Louvre.

The certain news of His safe arrival at Ma­drid drew after Him from hence a Princely Train, and raised the Censures of the World [Page 12]upon the King; ‘As being too forgetful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other, who, when either Design, Tempests or Necessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts without a Caution, they let them not part without some tribute to their Inte­rest: and a fresh Example of this was in the King's own Mother, who seeking refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at home, did lose both her Li­berty and Life.’

This none daring to mind the King of, his Jester Archee made him sensible, by telling him, He came to change Caps with him. Why, said the King? Because (replied Archee) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain, from whence He is ne­ver like to return. But (said the King) what wilt thou say when thou seest Him come back again? Mary, saies the Jester, I will take off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy head for sending Him thither, and put it on the King of Spain 's for letting Him return.

This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger, that it drove him into an exceeding Melancholy, from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions, which was his Fleet in the Sea: and that was not long after. For notwithstanding the con­trasts of his two prime Ministers there, Bucking­ham [Page 13]and Bristol, (which were sufficient to a­maze an ordinary prudence, and disturb the counsels of so young a beginner in the Myste­ries of Empire, and the Arts of experienced Conclaves;) the impetuous attempts of the Spanish Clergy, either for a Change of His Re­ligion, or a Toleration of theirs; the Spleen of Olivares, whom Buckingham had exasperated; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Mar­riage, that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings. By a Civil Letter to the Pope (which His Enemies Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slan­der) He procured a civil return, with the grant of a Dispensation; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by His Constancy in his own Profession, and vindicated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests, by causing our Liturgie to be tran­slated into the Spanish Tongue; and by His ge­nerous miene enthralled the Infanta, for whom He had exposed His Liberty.

Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court, that they would not put the Re­stitution of the Palatinate into the considerati­on of the Portion, but reserve it as a Super-foe­tation of the Spanish Love, and as an opportu­nity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spi­rits, who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their power; He [Page 14]conformed His mind to the resolves of His Fa­ther, who said, " He would never marry his Son with a Portion of His only Sister's Tears, and therefore inclined to a rupture. But concealing His Purpose, and dissembling His Knowledge of their Designs, He consulted His own Safety and Return, which His Fathers Letters command­ed: which He so prudently acquired, that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends cere­moniate their Farewels; having satisfied Him by a Proxie left with the Earl of Bristol, to be delivered when the Dispensation was come. Which as soon as He was safe on Shipboard, by a private Express, He commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order.

[ An. 1623.] His Return to England, which was in October 1623, was entertained with so much Joy and Thanksgiving, as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation; and His entrance into London was as a Triumph for His Wisdom, their Bonefires lengthened out the day, and their Bells by uncessant ringing for­bad sleep to those eyes which were refreshed with His sight. Nor could the People by age or sickness be confined at home, but despising the prescriptions of their Physicians, went to meet Him as restored Health.

When He had given the King an account of His Voyage, and the Spanish Counsels not to [Page 15]restore the Palatinate, a Parliament was Sum­moned, which was so zealous of the Honour of the Prince, that both Houses Voted an Address to His Majesty, that he would no longer Treat, but begin a War with Spain; and desiring the Prince's Mediation (who was alwayes ready to gratifie the Nation) therein to His Father, they assured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes: but yet when the War, with the Crown, descended unto Him, they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign.

When neither a Wife nor Peace was any long­er to be expected from Spain, both were sought for from France, by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria, the youngest Daughter of Henry the IV. The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye, and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly received impres­sions from the Relations of His Gallantry; when She was told of His passing through Paris, She answered (as it is reported) That if He went to Spain for a Wife, He might have had one nearer hand, and saved Himself a great part of the labour.

[ Anno 1625.] In the midst of these Prepa­rations for War and Love, King James died at Theobalds, Sunday March 27. Anno 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately proclaim­ed at the Court-Gate King of Great Britain, [Page 16]France and Ireland, and so throughout all the Three Kingdoms, with insinite Rejoycings. The people expecting all the benefits of the happiest Government under Him, whose private and vouthful part of Life had been so spent, that it had nothing in it to be [...]used, and where the eager inquisitors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction. An Argument of a solid Vertue, that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth, that are rendred more impetuous by Flatteries and Plenty, which are cont [...]nu [...]lly re­sident in great Courts. For had any debauchery polluted His earlier days, it had been onblished by those who in scarcity of just Accusations did invent unimaginable Calumnies. Nor could it have been hid, for in a great Fortune not [...]ing is concealed, but Curiosity opens the Close [...] [...]nd Bed chambers, especially of Princes, and disco­vers their closest retirements, exposing all their Actions to Fame and Censure. Nor did the King deceive their hopes, they being the happiest people under the Sun while He was undistuibed in the administration of Justice.

His first publick Act was the Celebrating His Fathers Funeral, whereat He Himself was Chief Mourner, (contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors, and not conformable to the Cere­monies of State;) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur; or urged by some secret Decree of Providence, that in all the ruines of His Family He should drink the greatest draught [Page 17]of Tears; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne, He would hallow the Ascent to it by a pious act of Grief.

When He had pay'd that debt to His deceased Father, He next provided for Posterity, and therefore hastened the coming over of His dear­est Consort, Whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris; and He receiving Her at Dover the next day after Trinity-Sunday; at Canter­bury began His Conjugal Embraces. A Lady of most excellent Endowments, who assumed to Her self nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy; and in His Evil bore an equal share, for She reverenced Him, not his Greatness.

Thus having dispatched the affairs of His Fa­mily, He applyes Himself to those of His King­doms, which too much Felicity had made un­manageable by a moderate Government. And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne, as enter upon a Theatre, to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State; whose long Peace had softned almost all the Nobless into Court-pleasures, and made the Commons inso­lent by a great Plenty. The Rites and Disci­pline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Prosperity, and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate, which were made use of by those that endeavoured the al­teration of Government; and the Resolves of [Page 18]that Council were the dictates of some heady Demagogues, who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty under the name of Liberty, so that the King could not endure their Vices, nor they His Vertues: whence came all the Obstructions to His Designs for Glory and the Publick good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots: and the people were taught not to supply it, unless they were bri­bed with the blood of some Minister of State, or some more advantages for Licentiousness. Each of these single would have ennobled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weather­ed out: but when all these conspired with the traitorous Projects of men of unbounded and unlawful hopes, they took from Him His Peace, and that which the World calls Happiness; but yet they made Him Great, and affording Exer­cises for His most excellent Abilities rendred Him Glorious.

The different states of these Difficulties, when like Clouds they were gathering together, and when they descended in showres of Blood, di­vide the King's Reign into two parts. The first could not be esteemed dayes of Peace, but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity, ei­ther to part with his Dignity, and expose His Subjects to the injuries of numerous Tyrants; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peace­full Soul, and make use of those necessary Arms, [Page 19]whereby He might hope to divert, if possible, the Ruine of Church and State which He saw in projection.

In the first Part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parliament; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Counsels, and assistances of Government, yet, through the just Indignati­on of Heaven, and the practises of some un­quiet and seditious persons, became the wombs wherein were first conceived and formed those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Liberty, caused our Miseries, and the King's Afflictions.

His First Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain, which they importunately had through His Mediation engaged His Father in, and made it as hereditary to Him as the Crown. His Eloquence gave powerful Reasons for speedy and large summs of Money; did also audit to them the several disbursements relating both to the Army and Navy, that He might remove all Jealousies of mis-imployment, and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly entred upon, and how to be a faith­ful Steward of the Publick Treasure. But the Projectors of the alteration of Government brought into debate two Petitions, one for [Page 20]Religion, the other for Grievances, formed in King James's time, which delayed the Succours, and increased the Necessities, which at last they answered but with two Subsidies, too poor a stock to furnish an Army with; yet was kindly accepted, in expectation of more at the next Session. For the Infection seising upon London, the Parliament was adjourned till August, when they were to meet at Oxford: and at that time He passed such Acts as were presented to Him.

At the next Session He gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petitions, and expected a Retribution in larger Subsidies to­wards the Spanish War. But in stead of these, there were high and furious debates of Grie­vances, consultations to form and publish Re­monstrances, Accusations of the Duke of Buc­kingham: Which the King esteeming as re­proaches of His Government, and assaults upon Monarchy, dissolves that Aslembly, hoping to find one of a less cholerick complexion after His Coronation.

This inauspicious Meeting drew aster it ano­ther Mischief, the Miscarriage of the Designs upon Spain. For the supplies of Money being scanty and slow, the Fleet could not go forth till October 8. an unseasonable time in the Bri­tish Seas; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests, which destroying some, seatter­ed [Page 21]all the Ships. When they met, a more dan­gerous storm fell among the Soldiers and Sea­men, where small Pay caused less Discipline, and a contempt of their General, the Lord Wimbleton, rendred the attempt upon Cades vain and fruitless. This was followed by a Contagion (to which some conceive discon­tented minds make the bodies of men more ob­noxious) in the Navy, which forced it home, more empty of Men, and less of Reputation.

The Infection decreasing at London, the King performed the Solemnities of His Coronation February 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors: for in the Civil He omit­ted the usual Parade of Riding from the Tower through the City to White-Hall, to save the Expences that Pomp required, for more noble undertakings. In the Spiritual there was resto­red a Clause in the Prayers which had been pre­termitted since Henry VI. and was this; Let Him obtain favour for this People, like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the waters, Zacha­rias in the Temple; give Him Peter 's Key of Discipline, Paul 's Doctrine. Which though more agreeing to the Principles of Protestan­tism, which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches, and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery; yet was quarrel­led at by the Factious party, (who take advanta­ges of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances) and condemned as a new [Page 22]invention of Bishop Laud, and made use of to defame both the King and him.

After this He began a Second Parliament February 2. wherein the Commons voted Him Four Subsidies, but the Demagogues intended them as the price of the Duke of Buckingham's blood; whom Mr. Cooke and Dr. Turner with so much bitterness inveighed against, as passing the modesty of their former dissimulation they taxed the King's Government. Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John Elliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lord's House, in which, to make the Faction more sport, the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually im­peach each other. By these contrasts the Par­liament were so highly heated, that the Faction thought it fit time to put a Remonstrance in the forge, which according to their manner was to be a publick Invective against the Government. But the King having notice of it, dissolves the Parliament June 18. [ Anno 1626.] and the Bill for the Subsidies never passed.

This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad. For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestick em­broilments begins a War upon us, and seiseth upon the English Merchant Ships in the River of Bourdeaux. His pretence was, because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen, whose insolencies had been intole­rable. [Page 23]But the world saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis himself, who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish at­tendants of his own Queen: and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this Just Prince to foreign injuries. Which He magnanimously endeavoured to revenge, and to recover the goods of His abused Subjects; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France. But the want of Money made the Preparations slow; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the year was by Storms forced to desist the enter­prize. So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Enemies, was imputed by some to a secret Decree of Heaven, which obstructed His just undertakings for Glory.

[ Anno 1627.] The next year the King, quick­ned by the Petitions of the Rochellers, who now sued for His Protection, as well as by the Ju­stice of His own Cause, more early prosecuted His Counsels, and sent the Duke of Bucking­ham to attach the Isle of Rhee; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last year's vain attempt, yet had now submitted to the English Valour, had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gayeties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Souldier. And when it was wisdom to forsake those attempts which for­mer neglects had made impossible, being too greedy of Honour, and to avoid the imputati­on [Page 24]on of fear in a safe retreat, he loaded his over­throw with a new Ignominy, and an heavier loss of men, (the common fate of those Who seek for glory in the parcels, lose it in the gross.) Which was contrary to the temper of his Master, who was so tender of humane blood, that there­fore He raised no Wars, but found them; and thought it an opprobrious bargain to purchase the fruitless Laurels, or the empty name of Honour, with the lives of men, but where the Publick Safety required the hazard and loss of some par­ticulars.

This Expedition being so unhappy, and the Miseries of Rochel making them importunate for the King's Assistance, His Compassionate Soul was desirous to remove their Dangers, but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Fa­ction had concluded Him under. To free Him­self from which, that He might deliver the op­pressed, He doth pawn His own Lands for 120000 pounds to the City, and borrows 30000 pounds more of the East-India Com­pany: but this was yet too narrow a Founda­tion to support the charges of the Fleet, and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament; which He therefore summons to meet March 17, intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subjects Affections, to Himself.

Which in the beginning proved successful, [Page 25]for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King, and both Interests contended to oblige, that they might be obliged. The Parliament granted the King [ Anno 1628.] five Subsidies, and He freely granted their Petition of Right, the greatest Condescension that ever any King made, wherein He seemed to submit the Royal Scepter to the Popular Fasces, and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation.

These auspicious beginnings, though full of Joy both to Prince and People, were matter of envy to the Faction; and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealousies, the Demagogues per­swaded the Houses that the King's Grant of their Petition extended, (beyond their own Hopes and the Limits themselves had set, and what He had expresly mentioned and caution­ed) even to the taking away His Right to Ton­nage and Poundage. Besides this, they were a­gain hammering a Remonstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of male-administration. Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure, on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Octob. 20. and afterward by Proclamation till Jan. 20. following.

In the interim, the King hastens to send suc­cours to Rochel: and though the General, the Duke of Buckingham, was at Portsmouth Assas­sinated by Felton, armed (as he professed) with the publick hatred; yet the Preparations were [Page 26]not slackned, the King by His personal industry doing more to the necessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve dayes than the Duke had done in so many months before. But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impos­sibility of Relief. Therefore the Earl of Lind­sey, who commanded the Forces, after some gal­lant, yet fruitless attempts returned to England, and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King.

As Providence had removed the great Object of the Popular hate, and (as was pretended) the chief obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King, the Duke of Buckingham; so the King him­self labours to remove all other occasions of quar­rel before the next Session. He restores Arch­bishop Abbot, who for his remisness in the Dis­cipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office, and was therefore the Darling of the Commons because in disgrace with the King, (so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governours) to the ad­ministration of it again. Dr. Potter, the great Calvinist, was made Bishop of Carlisle. Mr. Mountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was call­ed in. Proclamations were issued out against Papists. Sir Thomas Wentworth, an active Lea­der of the Commons, was towards the begin­ning of this Session, as Sir John Savil had been at the end of the last, called up into the Lord's House, being made Viscount Wentworth, and Lord President of the North.

[Page 27]But the Honours of these Persons (whose parts the King, who well understood men, thought worthy of his Favour and Employment) seeming the rewards of Sedition, and the spoils of de­structive Counsels, the Demagogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had at­tained unto, by the like Arts. And therefore despising all the King's obliging practices, in the next Sessions they assumed a power of reform­ing Church and State, called the Customers in­to question for Levying Tonnage and Poundage, made now their Invectives, as they formerly did against the Duke, against the Lord Treasurer Weston; so that it appeared that not the persons of men, but the King's trust of them, was the object of their Envy, and His Favour, though never so Vertuous, marked them out for Ruine. And upon these points they raised the heat to such a degree, that fearing they should be dis­solved ere they had time to vent their passions, they began a Violence upon their own Body (an example which lasted longer than their Cause, and at last produced the overthrow of all their Pri­viledges.) They lockt the Doors of the House, kept the Key thereof in one of their own Poc­kets, held the Speaker by strong hand in the Chair, till they had thundred out their Votes, like dreadfull Anathemaes, against those that should Levy, and, which was more ranting, a­gainst such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Poundage. This Force the King went with [Page 28]His Guard of Pensioners to remove; which they hearing, adjourned the House; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the Injustice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liber­ties, dissolved the Parliament.

While the winds of Sedition raged thus furi­ously at home, more gentle gales came from a­broad. The French King's designs upon other places required Peace from us, and therefore the Signiorie of Venice by her Ambassadors was mo­ved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis; which the King accepted. And not long after [ Anno 1629.] the Spaniard pressed with equal necessities desired Amity; which was also granted. The King being thus freed from His domestick Embroilments and foreign Enmities, soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire, and rendred Himself abroad more con­siderable than any of His Predecessors. And He was more glorious in the eyes of the good, and more satisfied in His own breast, by con­firming Peace with Prudence, than if He had fi­nished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Sceptre was the Caduceus to arbitrate the diffe­rences of the Potentates of Europe. His Sub­jects likewise tasted the sweetness of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours, but only that of valuing their Happiness. While other Nations weltred in blood, His people en­joyed a profound Peace, and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it. [Page 29]The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the surest Bank to preserve and increase their Tra­ding. The Spanish Bullion was here Coined, which advantaged the King's Mint, and encrea­sed the Wealth of the Merchants, who returned most of that Money in our native Commodities.

While He dispensed these Blessings to the People, Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit His Dominions, May 29. [ Anno 1630.] which was so great matter of re­joycing to the People of uncorrupted minds, that Heaven seemed also concerned in the Exul­tation, kindling another Fire more than Ordi­nary, making a Star to be seen the same day at noon. (From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertakings, and of no common glory among Kings: which hath since been confirmed by the miraculous preser­vation of Him, and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne.) For this great blessing the King gave publick Thanks to the Author of it, Almighty God, at St. Paul's Church; and God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Hap­piness. For neither Armies nor Navies are such sure props of Empire as Children are. Time, For­tune, private Lusts, or Errors may take off, or change Friends: but those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest, especi­ally in Royal Families, in whose Prosperities strangers may have a part, but their Adver­sities [Page 30]will be sure to crush their nearest Allies.

Prospering thus in Peace at home, a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Treasure, and gave Him leasure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad. He confederated with other Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness, assisting by His Trea­sure, Arms and Counsel, the King of Sweden, to deliver the oppressed German States from the Imperial Oppressions. And when Gustavus's fortune made him insolent, and he would im­pose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave, the King's Brother in Law, He necessitated him notwithstanding his Victories to more easie Articles.

The next year was notorious for two Trials: one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven, who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness and un­natural uncleanness, was by the King submitted to a tryal by his Peers, and by them being found Guilty, was Condemned, and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes; (but in the King's eyes they appeared more horrid, because they polluted that Order) and was afterwards executed.

The other was of a tryal of Combate at a Marshal's Court, betwixt Donnold Lord Rey, a Scotish High-lander, and David Ramsey, a Sco­tish [Page 31]Courtier. ‘The first accused the last to have solicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquess Hamilton, who was then Com­mander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden: in which Ramsey said all Scot­land was ingaged but three; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England; that the Court was extremely corrupted; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change.’

There were no Witnesses, and the Defendant denying what the Appellant affirmed, the Tryal was thought must be by Duel. In order to which the King grants a Commission for a Court-Marshal: where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightned, yet the King hinders any further process by Combat, which is doubted whether it be lawfull; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble; or know­ing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Hea­ven, it was vain to commit a crime in hope of enjoying it, or in fear of losing it: (which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inquisition of Conspira­cies) and fatally continues Hamilton in that fa­vour as did enable him afterwards more falsly to act that Treason of which he was then accused.

[ Anno 1632.] Some Tumults in Ireland [Page 32]shewed a defect in that Government, which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth, a most accomplished Person in affairs of Rule, of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King's choice of him he soon ju­stified, by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown, and made it pay for the Charges of its own Go­vernment, which before was deducted out of the English Treasury: their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty.

This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made Him mindfull of employing some fruits of it to the Honour of that God that caused it; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Religion, (which is usual) He shewed His own Zeal for the Ornaments of it, and spent part of His Treasure towards the re­pair of St. Paul's Church, and by His Example, Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it; and had re­stored it to its primitive lustre and firmness, a­dorned it to a magnificence equall with the Stru­cture, which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World, had not the Malice of His Ene­mies forced Him to Arms, mingled His Morter with the blood of innocent people, and sacri­legiously diverted all the Treasure and Mate­rials gathered for this pious design, to maintain [Page 33]an impious and unjust War: and afterwards to dishonour His Cares for Religion, they barba­rously made it a Stable for their Horse, and Quarters for their unhallowed Foot.

[ Anno 1633.] Some Reasons of State drew the King from London, May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland. Himself professed that He had no great Stomach to the Journey, nor delight in the Nation, being a Race of men, that under the Scheme of an honest animosity and specious plain-dealing were most perfidious. A full Character of their great Movers. Yet as He had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility, so was He there magnifi­cently received and crowned at Edinburgh, June 10. But the King soon found all those Caresses false. For the Nobility and Laick Patrons could not concoct His Revocation (though legal and innocent) of such things as had been stoln from the Crown during His Father's Minority, with a Commission for Surrendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be retaken from the King by the pre­sent Occupants (who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown, (to which they just­ly belonged) some Augmentation to the Clergy, and far more ease and benefit to the Common People, whom by advantage of those illegal Te­nures they oppressed with a most bitter Vassa­lage. This Act of His Majesty being so full of [Page 34]equity and publick good, those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-faced­ly oppose it, but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order, by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratification of all those Laws which King James had made in that Na­tion for the better regulating the affairs of that Church, both as to the Government and Wor­ship of it.

This was highly opposed by such as were sen­sible of their diminution by a legal restitution of their unrighteous Possessions. And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices; yet to prevent their own fires with the publick Ruine, they did most assiduously slander it a­mong the People as the abetting of Popery, and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Ro­mish yoke. These Calumnies received more credit by the King's Order for a more decent and Reverend Worship of God at His Royal Chappel at Edinburgh, conformably to the En­glish Usage.

Their noise grew lowder by the Concent of their party of Malecontents in England, who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports, which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire, and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Observance. The Occasion of which [Page 35]was the Apostasie of many to Popery, (whose Doctrines and Practices are more indulgent to the licentious) through the rigid opinion of some Preachers, who equall'd all Recreations on the Sabbath (as they call'd it) to the most prodigious transgressions. On the contrary, some of the ignorant Teachers had perverted many to down-right Judaism, by the conse­quence of so strict an Observance of the Sab­bath. And some over-busie Justices of Peace had suppressed all the Ancient Feasts of the De­dications of Churches. The King therefore in­tended by this edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides, and to free His Peo­ple from the yoke of this Superstition. But ( such is the weakness of Humane Prudence, that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are pregnant of another; and whereas the Genera­lity of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law, when Liberty is indulged, all things are soon filled with Disorder and Confusion. And so) it happened in this, that the Vulgar abusing the King's Liberty, (which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches) and com­mitting many undecencies, made many well­temper'd Spirits too capable and credulous of those importunate Calumnies of the Faction, that His Majesty was not well-affected to Re­ligion.

[ Anno 1634.] The boldness of the Picke­roons, Turks, and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our [Page 36]Coasts, damaging our Traffique, the usurpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Dominion in the Narrow Seas, and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius, call the King's next Cares for His own Honour, and the Peo­ple's Safety. But the Remedy appeared ex­ceeding difficult; the furnishing of a Navy for so honourable an undertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer; which (although not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts, nor pro­fusely wasted on some prodigal and unthrifty Favourite, nor lavished on ambitious designs, from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free) was but just sufficient for ordi­nary and necessary Expences of State and Ma­jesty. And though it was most just for Him to expect the Peoples Contribution to their own Safety, who were never richer than now, nor had they ever more Security for their riches than they now had by His Concessions of Liber­ty: yet knowing how powerfull the Faction alwayes was to disturb the Counsels of Parlia­ment, He feared that from their Proceedings the Common Enemies would be incouraged (as for­merly) to higher Insolencies, and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruine His Honour. He also accounted it a great unhappiness to be necessitated to maintain His State by extraordinary wayes, and therefore refused to renew Privy Seals and Loans, the use of which He debarred Himself of in granting the Petition of Right. Therefore consults His At­turney-General [Page 37] Noy, whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling peo­ple. Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Prece­dents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for set­ting forth a Navie in case of danger, and assures Him of the Legality of the way in proceeding by Writs to that effect. Which Counsel being embraced, there were Writs directed to the se­veral Counties for such a Contribution, that in the whole might build, furnish and maintain 47 Ships for the safety of the Kingdom. And by these the King soon secured and calmed the Seas; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tem­pest at Land.

[ Anno 1635.] They complained of Invasi­ons on their Spiritual Liberties, because the Bi­shops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their primitive Observance, of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent: and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Na­tural, daily amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure. Therefore when they took this proper Method of reform­ing a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution, both His Majesty and they were defamed with designs of Popery.

This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties, and contrary to Law, because not laid by a Parliament. There­fore [Page 38]those who sought the People's favour to alter the present Government, by seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights, refused to pay the Tax, [ Anno 1636.] and stood it out to a Tryal at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Tryal, and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justifie by their Subscriptions, that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax; and their Subscriptions were enrolled in all the Courts of Westminster-Hall. And when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber, ten of them absolutely declared for it; only two, Crooke and Hutton, openly dissented from that opinion to which they had formerly subscribed, not with­out the ignominy of Levity unbeseeming their places. And as the King was thus victorious in the Law, so was He at Sea; and having curbed the Pirates, He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas.

Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed, that sober men could not pray for, nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Happiness than what His Reign did afford. The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edi­fices; the Trade of the Nation had brought the wealth of the Indies home to our doors; Learn­ing and all good Sciences were so cherished, that they grew to Admiration, and many Arts of the Ancients, buried and forgotten by time, were [Page 39]revived again. No Subjects under the Sun rich­er, and (which was the effect of that) none prouder. Security increased the Husband-mans stock, and Justice preserved his Life; none be­ing condemned as to Life, but by the lawfull Verdict of those of an equal Condition, the Jury of his Peers. The poor might Reverence, but needed not Fear the Great: and the Great though he might despise, yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour. And all things were so administred, that they seemed to con­spire to the Publick good; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Ci­vil Commotions, and brought our Felicity to that height, that by the necessity of humane na­ture, which hath placed all things in motion, it must necessarily decline. And God provoked by our sins did no longer restrain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men, who con­temning their present certain enjoyments, hoped for more wicked acquisitions in publick Trou­bles; to overwhelm every part of the King's Dominions with a deluge of Blood and Misery, and to commence that War, which as it was hor­rid with much slaughter, so it was memorable with the Experiences of His Majesties Vertues; Confusions, like Winds, from every Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul.

The first Storm arose from the North, and the flame first broke out in Scotland, where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils [Page 40]of Religion and Majesty, took all occasions to hasten the publick Misery (which at last most heavily lay upon their Country, the hands they had strengthened and instructed to fight against their Prince, laying a more unsupportable sla­very upon them than their most impious Slan­ders could form in the imaginations of the cre­dulous that they might fear from the King) by calumniating the King's Government, raising fears of Tyranny and Idolatry, forming and spreading seditious Libels. The Author, or at least the Abettor, of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino, a Traytor by nature, be­ing the Son of one who had before merited death for his Treasons to King James, yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles, to have his Life and Estate continued after condemnation. Yet this perfidious man in­terpreted the King's Clemency for his own Ver­tue; and he that had dared such a Crime, could not be changed by the Pardon of it; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life, he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion.

[ Anno 1637.] For the Rabble, that delights in Tumults, were fitted by this and other Bou­tefeus for any occasion of contemning the King's Authority (though His designs, that were thus dis­pleasing to the Nobless, were evidently for the be­nefit of the Populacy) and at last took fire from the Liturgy, something differing from ours, (lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the [Page 41]Church of England) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church; which the King, who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be divided in Worship, confirmed, and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh, a City always pregnant with suspicions and false rumours. But it was enter­tained with all the instruments of Fury that were present to a debauched multitude: for they flung cudgels and sticks at the Dean of Edin­burgh while he was performing his Office; and after that was done, re-inforc'd their assault up­on the Bishops, whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect, who indu­red some affronts, that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude, which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguish'd. For they that are fierce in a croud, being singled, through their particular fears become obedient. And that rabble that talks high against the de­terminations of their Prince, when danger from the Laws is within their ken, distrust their com­panions, and return to subjection.

But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude, but a long­formed Conspiracy; and to this Multitude, whose present terrour was great, yet would have been contemptible in a short space, there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders. Who presently digested their Partisans into se­veral [Page 42]Tables, and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion. To prosecute which they mutually obliged themselves and the whole Na­tion in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy, and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odi­ous names of Heresie and Superstition, and to defend each other against all Persons, not ex­cepting the King.

To reduce this people to more peaceful Pra­ctices, the King sends Marquess Hamilton (one who being caressed by His Majesties Favour had risen to such a degree of wealth and greatness, that now he dreamed of nothing less than Em­pire to bring his power to perfection, at least to be Monarch of Scotland, to which he had some pretensions by his birth) as His Commissioner. Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenanters, whose first motions were secretly directed by his counsels, and those of his de­pendents, Traquaire and Roxbrough, for all his Allies were of that party (contrary to the cu­stom of that Country, where all the Members of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger:) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddle-bow for defence of the Covenant. By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were daily sown, and his oppositions so faint, that he ra­ther encreased than allayed their fury: By se­veral returns to His Majesty for new Instructions [Page 43]he gave time to the Rebels to consolidate their Conspiracy, to call home their Exiles of Pover­ty that were in foreign Armies, and provide Arms for open Force: By his false representa­tions of the state of things, he induced the King to temporize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation (an artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised) and by granting their de­sires, to make them sensible of the evils which would flow from their own counsels. There­fore the King gave Order for revoking the Li­turgy, the High-Commission, the Book of Ca­nons, and the Five Articles of Perth.

But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions, because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force which Mo­desty and Submission had never obtained; and imputing these Grants to the King's Weakness, not his Goodness, they proceeded to bolder At­tempts: Indicted an Assembly without Him, in which they abolished Episcopacy; excommuni­cated the Bishops and all that adhered to them. Afterwards they seised upon the King's Re­venue, surprised His Forts and Castles, and at last put themselves into Arms.

Provoked with these Injuries the King a­masses a gallant Army, in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen, and with these marches, and incamps within two miles of Berwick, within sight of the Enemy. [Page 44]But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace, they endeavour­ed to dissipate that Army, which they could not overthrow, by a pretence to a Pacification. For which they petition'd the King, who yield­ed unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. [ Anno 1639.] and the King disbands His Army, expecting the Scots should do the like, according to the Articles of Agreement.

But they being delivered from Fear, would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded, but they protested against the Pacification, printed many false Copies of it, that might re­present it dishonourable to the King, retained their Officers in pay, changed the old Form of holding Parliaments, invaded the Prerogatives of the Crown, and solicited the French King for an aid of men and money.

This perfidious abuse of His Majesty's Cle­mency made those that judge of Counsels by the Issue to censure the King's Facility. ‘Some wondred how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generati­on of men, and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War, should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet. That there would be always the same causes to the Scots of disturbing England, and opposing Go­vernment, [Page 45]their unquiet nature and Covetous­ness: therefore unless some strong impression made them either unable or unwilling to di­stract our quiet, the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries. Others attri­buted the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in His own Camp were pol­luted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters: and that Hamilton His Admi­ral had betrayed the seasons of fighting by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh; and had secret Conference with His Mother, the great Nurse of the Covenant, on Ship­board. But most referred it to the King's innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood, and to His Prudence not to defile His Glory with the overthrow (which seemed probable) of a contemptible Enemy, where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it.’

[ Anno 1640.] While men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness, the King prepares for another Army, and in order thereto calls a Par­liament in Ireland, and another in England, for assistances against the Rebels in Scotland. The Irish granted Money to raise and pay 8000 men in Arms, and furnish them with Ammunition. Yet this Example, with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots, and his promise of for ever acquit­ting them of Ship-money if now they would [Page 46]freely assist Him, prevailed nothing upon the English Parliament, whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels. And when the King sent Sir Henry Vane to re-mind them of His desires, and to demand Twelve Subsidies, yet to accept of Six, he industriously (as was col­lected from His own and His Sons following pra­ctices) insisted upon the Twelve, without insi­nuation of the lesser quantity His Majesty would be contented with; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious Ha­rangues, that the House was so exasperated, as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland. To prevent this omi­nous effect of the falseness of His Servant, the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convocation, which granted Him 4 s. in the pound for all their Ec­clesiastical Promotions. But the Laiety that in the House had not time to declame against His Majesties Proceedings, did it without doors; for being dispersed to their homes, they filled all places with suspicious Rumours and high Discontents: and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began, which was not pacified without much danger, and the Execution of the principal Leaders.

The King thus betrayed, defamed and deserted by those who should have con­sidered that in His Honour their Safety was embarqued, though He had no less cause to [Page 47]fear secret Conspiracies at Home, which were more dangerous because obscure, than the Scots publick Hostility; yet vigorously prosecuted His undertaking, and raised a sufficient Army: but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies, who had soon re-united their dispers­ed Forces; and incouraged by the Faction, with whom they held Intelligence, in England, contented not themselves to stand upon the de­fence, but invaded us, and advanced so far be­fore all the King's Army could be gathered to­gether, that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Rear could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford, who was appointed General, or the King could come to encourage them with His Presence.

He was no sooner arrived at His Army, but there followed Him from some English Lords a Petition, conformable to the Scotch Remon­strance, which they called the Intentions of the Army. So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South, while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries. The King answered the Petitioners, That be­fore their Petition came He had resolved to sum­mon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nation and His own Ho­nour. Who accordingly met, Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet, Nov. 3. and in the mean time a Cessation should be made with the Scots, [Page 48]with whom some Commissioners from the Par­liament should Treat.

Novemb. 3. began that Fatal Parliament, which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons, that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament, ingulfed the Nation in a Sea of Blood, ruined the King, and betray­ed all their own Priviledges and the People's Liberty into the power of a Phanatick and per­fidious Army. And although His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate, yet He endeavoured to make them so; telling them at their meeting, that He was resolved to put Himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects; that He would satisfie all their just Grievances, and not leave to malice it self a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. He com­mended to their care the chasing out of the Rebels, the Provisions of His own Army, and the Relief of the oppressed Northern Coun­ties.

But the Malignity of some few, and the Ig­uorance of more, employed that Assembly in other matters: First, In purging their House of all such as they conceived would not comply with their destructive enterprises; and for such men they either found some fault with their Elections, or made them Criminals in some pub­lick Grievance; though others of a deeper [Page 49]guilt they kept among them, that their Of­fences might make them obnoxious to their power, and obsequious to their commands. Then with composed Harangues they declaim­ed upon the publick Grievances, and reckoned up casual Misfortunes amongst designed Abuses of Government, every way raising up Contu­melies against the present Power: and that which was fullest of Detraction and Envy was ap­plauded as most pregnant with Liberty. Thus pretending several Injuries had been done to the People, they raised the Multitude to hopes of an unimaginable Liberty, and a discontent with the present Government. After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition, that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned, and three of them were conducted through London with such a company of people adorn­ed with Rosemary and Bays, as it seemed a Triumph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them. Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State: they impeached the Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Finch, Keeper of the Great Seal, the Judges that according to their Oath had de­termined Ship-money legal, and others; some of which fled, those that were found were clapt in Prison: so that the King was soon de­spoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel, and others terrified in their Ministery to Him.

[Page 50]While the Factious thus led the House, their Partisans without by their Instructions formed Petitions against the Government in Church and State; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to sub­scribe, and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots. Who being animated by the success of their Arts, fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Parliaments, wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nati­on was, upon refusal of the King, and the neglect of others, devolved upon Constables. Which profanation of Majesty though the King dis­swaded them from, yet they persisted in; and He passed it.

[ Anno 1641.] After five Months time (for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justifie their accusation, and to give leisure to the Court for Overtures of gainful Offices to the great Sticklers against him; which not appearing) the Earl of Straf­ford is brought to his Trial in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as his Judges: (the King, Queen and Prince sitting behind a Curtain in an adjoining Gallery) and round about the Court stood the Commons. His Accusers and Witnesses were English, Scotch and Irish, (and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Em­pire) The English were such as envied his Ver­tues, [Page 51]and greatness in the King's Favour. The Scotch, because they knew his Prudence able to counter-work their Frauds, discover their impudent Cheats, and his wise management to overthrow their Force. The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Go­vernment, whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impatient of Peace, to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty; and by Artifices, Husbandry and Commerce had rendred that tumultuary Nation so rich, that they were now able to repay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commotions had contracted. Although those of this Nation were Papists, and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State, and were even then practising and medi­tating their Rebellion, (which they hoped more easie when so wise a Governour was re­moved) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime; yet were they much caressed by the Faction, that these in the name of the whole Kingdom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave.

His Charge consisted of Twenty eight Arti­cles (that their number might cover their want of Evidence.) To all which the Lieutenant (whose Patience was not overcome, nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Ac­cusers) answers with so brave a Presence of Spirit, such firm Reasons, and so clear an Elo­quence, [Page 52]that he whom the mercenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendred as a Monster of men, could not be found guilty of Treason, either in the particulars or the whole. So that his Enemies were filled with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other than a Libel of Slanders; and the dis-interessed Hearers were (besides the pleasure they receiv­ed to find so great Endowments polluted with no hainous Crimes) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people, where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded, and unsuccessful, though pru­dent, are severely accused: when they err, eve­ry one condemns them, and their wise Advices few praise; for those that are benefited envy, and such as are disappointed hate those that gave them. And such seemed the Fate of this Excellent Counsellour, whom nothing else but his great Parts, his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger.

The Faction being obstructed this way, by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities, from taking away his Life, move the House to proceed by a Bill of Attainder, to the making a Law after the Fact, whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason: yet add a Caution, that it should not be drawn into a Precedent, seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they acted on him, intending to prosecute what they falsly charged him with, [Page 53]the Alteration of Government. Which yet pas­sed not without a long debate and contention: for many that had none but honest hopes, dis­dained to administer to the Interest of the Fa­ction in the blood of so much Innocent Gallan­try; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the avenues to ruine of the best Persons, when once exposed to publick ha­tred. Therefore they earnestly disswaded such a proceed. And fifty nine of the most eminent openly dissented when it came to the Vote; whose Names were afterwards posted, and mark­ed for the fury of the Rabble, that for the fu­ture they might not oppose the designs of the Factious, unless they desired to be torn in pieces.

In two dayes the Lower House past the Bill, so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood: but the Lords House was a little more delibera­tive (the King having amongst them declared His sense of the Earl's Innocency:) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being impatient, there came a seditious rabble of about 5 or 6000 of the dregs of the people, armed with Staves and Cudgels, and other Instruments of Outrage, (in­stigated by the more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and the City) to the Parliament doors, clamouring Justice, Justice: and the next day, to raise their Fury, there was a report spred among them of some endeavours to prepare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ire­land; therefore with more fierceness they raised [Page 54]their clamours, some objecting Treason to him, others their Decay of Trade, and each one ei­ther as he was instructed (for some of the House of Commons would be among them, to direct their Fury, and to give some order to their Tumult, that it might appear more ter­rible,) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him, urged his different motives for Ju­stice: and at last, heated by their own motion and noise, they guard the doors of the House of Peers, offer insolencies to the Lords, especially the Bishops, as they went in, and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamours. And when they had thus made an assault on the Li­berty of the Parliament (which yet was pre­tended to be so Sacred) they afterward set upon the neighbouring Abby-Church, where forcing open the doors they brake down the Organs, spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Worship: from thence they fly to Court, and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours: and at last were raised to that impudency, as to upbraid the King, (who from a Scaffold perswaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs) with an unfitness to reign.

When some Justices of the Peace, according to the Law, endeavoured to suppress those Tu­mults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders, they themselves were imprisoned by the Command of the Commons, upon pretext [Page 55]of an injury offered to the Liberties of the Sub­ject; of which one was (as they then dictated) That every one might safely petition the Parlia­ment: yet when the Kentish men came to Pe­tition for something contrary to the Gust of the Faction, they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them; and when other Counties were me­ditating Addresses for Peace, by threatnings they deterred them from such honest underta­kings. And when some prudent Persons mind­ed the Demagogues how dishonourable it was for the Parliament not to suppress such Muti­nies, they replyed, that their friends ought ra­ther to be thanked and caressed.

By these and other Arts having wholly over­thrown the freedom of that Council, and many with-drawing themselves from such Outrages, when scarce the third part of the Peers were present, the Faction of that House likewise passed the Bill, the Dissenters being out-voted only by seven Voices. Yet all this could not prevail upon the King, though the Tumults were still high without, and within He was daily solicited by the Lords of His Palace (who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer, and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustration of the Court) to leave the Earl as a Sacrifice to the Vulgar Rage. Nor did the King any ways yield, till the Judges (who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament) declared He might do it by Law, [Page 56]and the Earl by his own Letters devoted him­self as a Victim for the publick Peace and His Majesties Safety: and then overcome with Im­portunities on all hands, and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges (as Himself com­plained to the Bishops whom He consulted in that Case, and the Bishop of London, who was one of them, answered, That if the King in Con­science found him not guilty, He ought not to pass the Bill; but for matter of Law, what was Treason, he referred Him to the Judges, who, according to their Oath, ought to carry them­selves indifferently betwixt Him and His Sub­jects:) The other four Bishops that were then consulted, Durham, Lincoln, Carlisle, and the Arch-Bishop of Armagh, were not so free as the Bishop of London was, and therefore the King observed a special blessing of God upon him. He at last with much reluctancy signed a Com­mission to some Lords to pass that Bill of At­tainder, and another for Continuation of the Par­liament during the pleasure of the Two Houses.

The Bill was no sooner signed, but they ha­stened the Execution; and so much the more [Page 58]eagerly, because the King desired, in a most pas­sionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords, that that Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth, might have the more time to fit it self for the Mercy of Heaven. But this favour which became Christians to grant, agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries, and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, (in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance begged, and the most pi­ous Prelate bestowed them with Tears,) where with a greater presence of mind than he had looked his Enemies in the face did he encounter Death, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the Executioner. ‘He was a person of a gene­rous Spirit, fitted for the noblest enterprises, and the most difficult parts of Empire. His Counsels were bold, yet just, and he had a Vi­gour proper for the Execution of them. Of an Eloquence, next to that of His Master's, masculine, and most excellent. He was no less affectionate to the Church than to the State, and not contented while living to de­fend the Government and Patrimony of it, he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die, and charged his abhorrency of Sacrilege. His Enemies called the Majesty of his Miene in his Lieutenancy, Pride, and the undaunted execution of his Office on the contumacious, the Insolency of his fortune. [Page 59]He was censured for committing that fatal Er­rour of following the King to London and to the Parliament after the Pacification with the Scots at York; and it was thought, that if he had gone over to his charge in Ireland, he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for His Majesties Service. But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate, whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it designs to ruine, and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage, which himself in former Parliaments had used against Govern­ment, and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buckingham. Pro­vidence teaching us to abhor over-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors.’

The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the o­ther Officers of State, that the Lord High Trea­surer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards; and the Guardian of the Prince returned Him to the King: These Lords parting with their Offices, like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way, that they might delude the violence of their greedy pursuers. But the King was left [...]aked of their faithful Ministery, and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Fa­ction, to whom they discovered his most pri­vate Counsels.

[Page 60]When the Earl of Strafford was dead, then did the Parliament begin to think of sending a­way the Scots, who hitherto had much impo­verished the Northern Counties, and increased the charges of the Nation: but now they were Voted to receive 300000 pound, under the no­tion of a Brotherly Assistance, but in truth, de­signed by the Faction, as a reward for their Cla­mours for the Earls Blood; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative, in signing the Bills to take a­way the High-Commission and the Star-Chamber. After which spoils of Majesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies, August 6. and on the 10. of that Month the King follows them into Scotland, to settle, if it were possible, that Kingdom. But the King still found them as be­fore: when He satisfied their greedy appetites, then would they offer Him their Lives and For­tunes; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies, they appeared in their pro­per nature ungrateful, changeable and perfidi­ous, whom no favours could oblige, nor any thing but Ruine was to be expected by building upon their Love.

While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Co­vetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pre­tended was for the Publick good, and so aimed at no less than a Miracle, by His Benefits to re­duce [Page 61] Faith (which, like Life, when it is once departed doth never naturally return) into those perfidious breasts; the Parliament ad­journs, and leaves a standing Committee of such as were the Leaders or the Servants of the Faction. These prepared new Toils for His Majesties Return, and by them was the Grand Remonstrance formed: in it were reckoned for Grievances all the Complaints of men that were impatient of Laws and Government; the Of­fences of Courtiers, the unpleasing Resolves of Judges, the Neglects or Rigours of the Mini­sters of Justice, the undigested Sermons of some Preachers, yea, the Positions of some Divines in the Schools, were all exaggerated to defame the present Government both in Church and State, and to magnifie the skill of these State-Physi­cians that offered Prescripts for all these Di­stempers. Besides, more easily to abuse the Vul­gar, who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes, unplea­sing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny; and those things which had been re­formed, were yet mentioned as continued bur­thens. From which the people were assured there could be no deliverance but by the wis­dom and magnanimity of the Remonstrants.

To prepare the way for this, the most op­probrious parts of it were first whispered among the Populacy, that by this seeming suppression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly di­vulge them, and the danger appear greater by [Page 62]an affected silence. Then prodigious Calumnies (which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a man) were formed of the King, and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends, as might force them to some Injuries which hitherto they forbore, and by se­curing themselves increase the Publick fears. For Slanders do rather provoke most men than amend them; and the provoked think more of their safety, than to adjust their actions against their malici­ous Slanderers. And when the minds of men were made thus solicitous concerning Dangers from the King, to make them more pliable and du­ctile, there was represented to them an inevita­ble anger of Heaven against the present state of things both in Church and State, testified by many Prodigies that were related, and porten­tuous Presages of Ruine. Certain Prophecies (for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are infamous) from unknown Oracles are divulged, which enigmatically describe the King as a Mon­ster, and from such a Prince must proceed a change of Government. Some vain persons also, that gave themselves up to the Imposture of A­strology, were hired to terrifie the people with the unsignificant Conjunctions of Stars, and from them to foretell ruines to the better part of the World, and an imminent destruction on men of the Long Robe, and Alterations of States.

These were done to temper the minds of men by a superstition for a guidance of their Mini­sters, [Page 63]who being conceived to be the Ambassa­dours of Heaven, were supposed to have it in their Commission, to declare the Conditions of War and Peace: and these, either through the same weakness capable of the like terrors with the Vulgar, or (which is more to be abhorred) corrupted, as some were, by the Caresses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with, did justifie their fears, and increase them by ap­plying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present Times and People; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel, and whatsoever was con­demned in the Holy Records, was parallel'd with the things they disliked here, and all the Curses that God poured upon His irreconcile­able and obdurate enemies, were denounced a­gainst such as differ'd from them, or would not joyn with the Faction.

To make these Harangues more efficacious, the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues, who (despising, questioning and exposing to Affronts such sober Divines as would have cured the madness of the People,) appro­priated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints, Faithful Ministers, Pretious men; and they on the other side made a return of Epithets to their Masters, of the Servants of the Most High, such as were to do the Work of the Lord; That by their Counsels men were to expect new Hea­vens and a new Earth; that they were men that [Page 64]should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ, and lay the Foundations of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years. To make the Cry yet louder, they permitted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of publick profes­sion, (which hitherto Discipline, the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to se­cret corners) and permitted the Office of Teach­ing to every bold and ignorant undertaker; so that at last the dregs of the People usurped that Dignity, and Women, who had parted with the natural modesty of their Sex, would not only speak, but also rule in the Church. All these, in gratitude for their Licentiousness, still per­swaded to their hearers the admiration of the Authors of it, and bitterly inveighed against those whom the Care both of the Souls and For­tunes of men would excite to repress them, in many of their Raptures denouncing Wo and Judgement to the lawful Governours in Church and State.

While all these Methods of Ruine were pre­paring here, the same anger of God, the same madness of men raised up another Tempest in Ireland. For the Popish Lords and Priests of Ireland (who were the prime composers of the Tragedies there,) were incouraged by the Suc­cess of the Scots, who by a prosperous Rebellion (as the Historian of those Troubles writes) had procured for themselves such large Privileges, to an imitation, which the present Jealousies in [Page 65] England (where mutual Contrasts would em­ploy all their force upon one another,) promi­sed to be secure. And they had an happy op­portunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford, with whom the Irish Lords (while they prose­cuted him in England) had removed all those other inferiour Magistrates that were most skil­full in the affairs of that Kingdom, by accusing to the Faction some of them of Treason, and others of an inclination to the Earl, and had got preferred to their charges such as were either altogether unacquainted with the Genius of that People, or favourers of the Conspiracy. A strength they had also ready; for those 8000 which had been listed for the Scotish Expedi­tion were unseasonably disbanded, and the King in foresight they might cause some mischief in their own Country, had therefore promised 4000 of them to the King of Spain: yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure, because (as the Irish Lords suggested) it would displease the King of France; and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp, that likewise was not relished. The Common Souldiers of that Army being thus made useless, and therefore like men of their employment most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dangers of War, were easily drawn into the Rebellion, although very few of their Officers were polluted with the Crime.

[Page 66]The Irish Lords and Priests being allured by these our Vices and these several opportunities, began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scat­tered among them, despoiling them of their E­states, Goods, and many thousands of their Lives, without any respect of Sex, Age, Kin­dred, or Friendship, and made them as so many Sacrifices to their bloody Superstition. They missed but a little to have surprised Dublin. But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places, the English name and in­terest was preserved in that Kingdom, till they could receive Succours from hence.

The King had the first intelligence of it, in its very beginnings, in Scotland, and thereupon sent Sir James Stuart to the Lords of the Privy Council in Ireland, to acquaint them with His Knowledge, and Instructions, and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could sup­ply. Besides, He moves the Parliament of Scot­land, as being nearest, to a speedy help; who decline their Aids, because Ireland was depen­dent upon the Crown of England. At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England; who less regard it, the Faction ap­plauding their fortune, that new Troubles were arisen to molest the King, and that the Royal Power being thus assaulted in all three Nations, [Page 67]there must shortly arise so many new Common­wealths. Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty, to whose Counsels at first secretly they whispered, and at last pub­lickly imputed that horrid Massacre. Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels, who, to dishearten the English from any resistance, bragged that the Queen was with their Army; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces; That they did but main­tain His Cause against the Puritans; That they had the Kings Commission for what they did, shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn, but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Pa­tent out of Farnham Abby, by one Plunckett, in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests, as was afterwards attested by the Con­fession of many. That the Scots were in confe­deracy with them, to beget a faith of which, they abstained from the lives and fortunes of those of that Nation among them.

On the other side, to encourage the Natives of their own party, they produce fictitious Let­ters, wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act, that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods, for the second their E­states, and for the third their Lives. Besides, they present them with the hopes of Liberty: [Page 68] That the English Yoke should be shaken off; that they would have a King of their own Nation; and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives. And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty the Irish were driven to such a Fury, that they commit­ted so many horrid and barbarous acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of.

In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there, but only some Votes passed against the Rebels, till the King returned to London, which was about the end of November: where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Ci­tizens, and the Chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court. For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love; to which they were naturally prone enough, had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius. But this much troubled the Fa­ction, who envied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves, and they endeavoured to make these loves short and un­happy; for they discountenanced the prime ad­vancers of this Honour to the King, and were more eager to render Him odious. For having gotten a Guard about them, they likewise insi­nuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard, and every day grew more nice, and jealous of their Priviledges, and Power. The King's advices to more tenderness [Page 69]of His Prerogative, or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House, they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur, and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him.

But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance; after which they took all oc­casions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsly pretended to in it. This the Faction had before formed, and now brought into the House of Commons; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the publick Peace and Common Good: though those who preferred their Pri­vate to the General Interest, and every one that was short-sighted and improvident for the fu­ture, were so fierce for it, that the Debates were continued all night till ten a clock the next morning, so that many of the more aged, and persons of best fortunes (not accustomed to such watchings) were wearied out, and many others, not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design, left the House; so that at last they carried it, yet but by eleven Votes. Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords, and the Ceremonies in the Church, and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in; yet named none, but only ac­cused all under the name of a Malignant Po­pish Party. Which they had no sooner deli­vered [Page 70]than they caused it to be published in Print.

To which the King answers in another pub­lick Declaration, but so much to the discontent of the Demagogues, to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer, that they had recourse to their former sovereign Remedy, which sober men ac­counted a crime, and an indignity to Govern­ment, the Tumults of the Rabble. Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster, some crying out against Bishops, others belching their fury against the Liturgy, and a third party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands. To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate, and especially to the Bishops, at their going in or coming out of the House: and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall, they ap­peared so insolent, as it was evident they want­ed only some to begin, for there were enough to prosecute an Assault upon the King in His own Palace.

The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament, Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceedings of it, during their so violent Ex­clusion. Which Protestation the Commons pre­sently accused of High Treason, and caused their [Page 71]Commitment to the Tower; where they con­tinued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lords House was past, that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights, and a­gainst the Injustice offered unto them, and then afterwards released them.

The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety, and to prevent the prophaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People, who used to make their Addresses acceptable at West­minster, by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall. But when the terrour of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudency, they then, instructed by their Heads, laboured to make it more unsafe to the King, by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him. For at midnight there were cries out in the Street, that all People should arise to their defence; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City, and cut their throats in their beds. Than which though nothing was more false, yet it found the effects of truth; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep, the im­pressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day, and filled them almost with Madness.

The King therefore, not alwaies to incou­rage these Violences with Patience, but at last [Page 72]by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these destru­ctive Counsels, the grand Movers of these Sedi­tious practices, and, which was more, the Invi­ters of a Foreign Force, the Scotch Army, into this Nation; commands His Atturney General to accuse Five Members of the House of Com­mous, and one of the Lords, upon Articles of High Treason, to be tried according to the Laws of the Land: and He also sends some o­ther Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabi­nets in their several Lodgings, and to secure their Persons. This being related to the House of Commons (wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful, and with whom did joyn many men of Integrity in this Occurrence, being too careful of the Priviledges of their House, which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Murder, Felony, or Treason) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them, that they accused the King of breach of Priviledge, and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Common-wealth that shall obey the King in any of His Commands concerning them.

This Obstruction of Justice so far moved the King, together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Com­mons, as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way, that none through the hope of Con­cealment should be incouraged to conspire the [Page 73]publick Ruine, that He Himself, with about an hundred Lords and Gentlemen and their follow­ers, went to the House of Commons: Where commanding His Attendants to move no fur­ther than the Stairs, to offer no violence, nor return any uncivil language to any although pro­voked, Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House, and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands, with whom He promises to deal no otherwise than accord­ing to the Law. But they whom he sought, being before informed (as it is reported) of the King's coming by the secret Intelligence of Mar­quess Hamilton, and a Court Lady (who hav­ing lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beauty, sought now to prevent a solitude by politick ministeries) had forsook the place, and withdrawn themselves into the Sanctuary of the City. Wherefore the King having renewed His Charge, without injury to any immediately de­parts.

But the Faction would not let Him so rest, but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise, spread the sparks of Dissention far and wide, make the common people mad with Fears and Distracti­ons, stir up some in several Counties to bring Petitions for the impeached Members and their Violated Priviledges; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their [Page 74]Coverts in London. This coming to the know­ledge of the King, although many Gallant and faithful Persons proffered their Service by min­gling with the Rout, or by being as Spectators, to curb any Insolencies that should be attempt­ed on Him; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Windsor, that He might permit their Fury to languish when it had no opposition, and to give time for their jealousies and rumours to wax old and perish. For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce, and a small delay breaks their consent: and Majesty would have a greater Reverence, if any, at a distance.

The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies, and therefore to counterwork it, and not to let the people sleep without fear, lest they should come to be sober, and return to the love of Obedience, strange reports were every day brought of dangers from the King: That troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames, where the County Magazine was lodged, under the Command of the Lord George Digby, who was then famed to be a Papist, (though at that time he was an elegant Assertor of the Protestant Faith,) and Col. Lunsford, who was characterised to be of so monstrous an appetite that he would eat Children. And par­ties were sent to take them both, which found no such dreadful Preparations. At other times, when the People on the Lord's dayes were at [Page 75]Divine Worship, they were distracted from it by Alarms, that the Papists (who and from whence none could tell) were up in Arms, and were just then about to fire their Houses, and mix their Blood with their Prayers: That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under ground, that should in the night break out into the midst of the City, and cut all their throats: And what was more prodigious, and though ri­diculous, yet had not a few believers in Lon­don, That there were designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames, and choak them with the water in their beds. Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince, and by bloody news from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared, and to adore those by whose Counsels they were delivered from so unexpected Dangers.

By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferiour to their supposed Trust, when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower, and the Militia of all the Coun­ties in England, together with the Forts and Castles of the same. For all which they moved the House of Commons of petition: who de­siring the Conjuncture of the Lords in the same, were wholly refused by them. Therefore stem­med by the Faction they petition alone. Which unlimited Power the King absolutely refused to grant unto them, who He foresaw would use that, as they had all His other Concessions, to [Page 76]the ruine of the Author of their Power. Yet was pleased to consent, after He had demonstra­ted the prejudice they required to the English Nation, that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland, and deliver unto them the strong Town and Port of Carick fergus, one of the Chief Keys of that Kingdom: which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future designs. And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members, and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Subjects, as the Parliament should think convenient.

But all this could not content them who had immoderate desires, and they were more dis­contented that they could not usurp the King's Rights, than if they had lost their own Privi­ledges: therefore to bring the Lords to a con­currence with them, the hitherto prosperous Art of Tumultuous Petitions was again practised, and great Numbers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes, to shake the Fundamental Constitutions of their House, and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Po­pish Lords should continue in their Ancient Right to Vote among the Peers. By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House, and whosoever they could not confide in, they could fright him from Voting against them, by exposing him as Popish to the Popu­lar Fury. For this was the mothod of using the [Page 77]Petitions. The most common Answer was with Thanks, and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof. The Petiti­oners were taught to reply, that They doubted not of the care of the Commons House, but all their distrust was in the House of Lords, where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power, and there it stuck, whose names they de­sired to know: and in this they were so earnest, that they would not willingly withdraw whilest it was debated, and then they had leave to de­part with this Answer, That the House of Com­mons had already endeavoured Relief from the Lords in their Requests, and shall so continue till Redress be obtained. Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferiour Tradesmen about London, as Porters, Water-men, and the like: and that nothing of testifying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted, Women were perswaded to pre­sent Petitions to the same effect. While the Fa­ction thus boasted in the success of their Arts, Good men grieved to see these daily Infamies of the supreme Council of the Nation, all whose Secrets were published to the lowest and weak­est part of the People: and they who cla­moured it as a breach of their Priviledge, that the King took notice of their Debates, now made them the Subjects of Discourse in every Shop, and all the corners of the Street; where the good and bad were equally censured, and the Honour and Life of every Senator exposed [Page 78]to the Verdict of the Rabble. No Magistrate did dare to do his Office, and all things tended to a manifest Confusion: So that many sober Persons did leave the Kingdom, as unsase, where Factions were more powerful than the Laws. And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Miseries and Reproaches of their Country.

On the other side, to make the King more plyable, they tempt Him by danger in His most beloved Part, the Queen, concerning whom they caused a Rumour, that they did intend to im­peach Her of High Treason. This Rumour made the deeper Impression, because they had raised most prodigious Slanders (which are the first Marks for destruction of Princes) on Her; and when they had removed all other Counsellors from the King, She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split: That She commanded no less His Coun­sels than Affections, and that His Weakness was so great, as not to consent to or enterprize any thing which She did not first approve: That She had perverted Him to Her Religion, and formed designs of overthrowing the Protestant Profession. These and many other of a porten­tuous falshood were scattered among the Vulgar, who are alwayes most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons: and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty. But the Parliament taking notice of the Report, sent some of their House [Page 79]to purge themselves from it, as an unjust Scan­dal cast upon them. To which the Queen mild­ly answers, That there was a general Report there­of, but She never saw any Articles in writing, and having no certain Author for either, She gave little credit thereto; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her, who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the actions of any One person, and much more the Proceedings of Parliament, and shall at all times wish an Hap­py Ʋnderstanding between the King and His People.

But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practices to transport the Parliament from their Just Inten­tions in other things, and that they might do so in this, resolved to send Her into Holland, un­der colour of accompanying their Eldest Daugh­ter, newly married to the Prince of Orange; but in truth to secure Her, so that by the fears of Her danger (who was so dear unto Him) He might not be forced to any thing contrary to His Honour and Conscience, and that Her Affe­ctions and Relation to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies. With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown, that they might not be the spoils of the Faction, but the means of the support of Her Dignity in foreign parts, if His Necessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her other­wise. Which yet She did not so employ, but [Page 80]reserved them for a supply of Ammunition and Arms, when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence. It was said that the Fa­ction knew of this conveyance, and might have prevented it, but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so managed, that the King in confidence of that assistance might take up Arms, to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be better in War than Peace, because their present Deliberations were in the sense of the Law actual Rebellions; and a longer time would discover those Impo­stures by which they had deluded the People, who would soon leave them (as many now did begin to repent of their Madness) to the Ven­geance which was due to their practices, unless they were more firmly united by a communion of guilt in an open assaulting their Lawfull Prince.

The King hastens the security of the Queen, and accompanies Her as far as Dover, there to take his farewell of Her; a business almost as irksome as death, to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endowments: and that which made it the more bitter was, that the same cause which forced Her Separation from Him set Her at a greater distance from His Religion, (the only thing wherein their Souls were not united) even the Barbarity of His Ene­mies who professed it, yet were so irreconcile­able [Page 81]to Vertue, that they hated Her for Her Ex­ample of Love and Loyalty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and Waves, that She might escape the Cruelty of more unquiet and faithless men, they prose­cute Him with their distasteful Addresses, and at Canterbury present Him with a Bill for taking away Bishops Votes in Parliament. Which hav­ing been cast out of the House of Peers several times before, ought not by the Course and Or­der of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session. But the Faction had now used their accustomed Engine, a Tumult, and it was then passed by the Lords, and brought hither together with some obscure Threats, that if it were not signed, the Queen should not be suffer­ed to depart. (By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they call'd Re­formation.) This His Majesty signs, (though after it made a part of His penitential Confes­sions to God) in hopes that that Bill being once consented to, the Fury of the Faction, which with so great Violence pursued an absolute De­struction of the Ecclesiastical Government, would be abated, as having advanced so far in their design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices, which would have been alwayes on that side where Equity and Conscience did most appear. But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be compounded with, and they made this but a step to the over­throw [Page 82]of that which He designed to preserve.

When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich, He met with many informations how averse the Faction was to Peace, and that their Proceedings were raised to a level with their Principles, which some of them published, That the Alteration they did intend, and which was necessary both in Church and State, must be made by Blood. Therefore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to create an Hatred of Him, and to despoil Him of all the hopefull Effects of His Condescensions. For when a Prince is once ha­ted, his Benefits do him no less hurt than Inju­ries. In order to this, Mr. Pym had publickly charged Him with a Connivence at least, if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Rebellion: because many Papists had His Majesties imme­diate Warrant for their transport thither. This the King requires satisfaction for, shewing the Falshood and Malice of the Defamer, by giving an Account of the date of the several Warrants. But the Faction so far prevailed as to make it a Publick Sin, and the House was perswaded to believe and acknowledge it to be their common sense. Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House, especially Master Mar­ten, a man of all Uncleannesses, a publick con­temner of Religion and Honesty, that had wast­ed a large Patrimony (which he had likewise unjustly morgaged to several and different Cre­ditors) in the most infamous Lusts, and sought [Page 83]a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruine of the State; at which he was power­full, being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life, wherewith he used to prophane God and His Vicegerents: yet serving the ends of Confusion, had his name among the Cata­logue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts upon His Honour, they endeavour another upon His Family, and to seize upon the Prince. Which the King hear­ing, sends for Him and the Duke of York, and immediately removes to Theobalds in order to His journey towards the North, where He in­intended to settle His abode, till He saw what Issue this Storm would have.

This removal of the King was variously cen­sured. ‘Some thought it unadvisedly done, to withdraw so far from London, to leave His chief City wholly to the practices, and expose His Friends there to the Impostures and In­juries of His Enemies. Others, especially the Friends of the Faction, defamed it as a prepa­ring Himself for that War which followed. But others concluded it as an act of Necessity, and where there was no choice for Prudence. For when He had passed more obliging Acts, and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown, as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors, yet He found that He had effect­ed nothing more by giving, than to make the [Page 84]Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Conscience deny; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see, it is safer to trust Him who was content­ed with a less degree of Power, than those whose ambition and avarice knew no bounds: Who being thus deluded as so far to admini­ster to the Lusts of their Disturbers, would not fail their assistance to seize upon His Person, unless in time He did provide for His Liberty. Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War, who to make His Peo­ple happy (if they had not despised their own Mercies) had deprived Himself of a power to manage it. For besides those Acts formerly mentioned, He had signed many other as pre­judicial to such an undertaking. For He had passed Acts against His own Power of Impres­sing Souldiers, His Right to Tonnage and Poundage, the Stannary Courts, Clerk of the Market, the Presidial Courts in the North, and Marches of Wales; whereby He had not only diminished His Greatness, and that Re­verence which was due to the Crown, but also so straitned His Revenue as it was not able to maintain Discipline, without which no hopes of Victory, especially in a Civil War. Be­sides, His Enemies in every County had in­jured His Fame, which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword; and the City of London, which is the grand Trea­surie of the Wealth and Strength of the whole [Page 85]Nation, was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands. All which considerations as they could not escape so Wise a Prince, so would they not permit the Designs of War, especially in that Breast, to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood, as to expose Himself to Ruine. So that His departure from London was not of Design, but Necessity, nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame; for He could no longer endure those detestable Spectacula in which Tumults like Beasts were let loose to assault the Majesty of Government.’

While the King thus provides for His Liber­ty, the Faction proceed to usurp the Militia, which His Majesty had denied, and the Lords were ashamed to ask: therefore they privately incourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerfull, to appoint Musters, to arm and train their Youth, and module them into Companies; which after­wards (though contrary to the Law) they move the Lower House to Vote Legal, and to make an Order in the Name of the Parliament for the Constituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County: and at last, by the Tumults which they raised, the Threats they used to di­vulge the names of the dissenting Lords, and se­cret promises to some others (for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Dover, he must look for no Prefer­ment unless he joyned with them) they prevail­ed [Page 86]upon the House of Peers, when many of the most eminent were absent, to joyn in a Petition for the Militia, upon pretence of great Dan­gers at home, and more prodigious terrours from abroad, pretending that by Intelli­gence from Paris, Rome and Venice, they were assured of great designs to overthrow the Par­liament, together with the Protestant Religion; (whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined, was so twisted with theirs, that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction.) This Paper being pre­sented to His Majesty, whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace, when it did not betray Re­ligion and the Trust Heaven had committed un­to Him, He proposes to them Expedients where­by they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia, which Honour and Con­science forbad Him to devest Himself wholly of, and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrours, whereby they distract­ed and divided the People, not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gracious Concessions wherein He had exceeded the Goodness of all His Predecessors.

But they, who had projected to themselves the whole Power, would not be contented with a Partner in it, and therefore despising His In­dulgence, and neglecting His Admonitions, the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Militia: and to make the [Page 87]People believe there was truth in their false Fears, they command strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places, Beacons to be new set up, the Sea-marks to be watched, and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered, and Strange and un­heard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light. A Taylor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavaliers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaister also taken from a Plague-sore was sent into the House to the same person, that the Infection first seising on a Member of the quickest senses, might thence more impetuously diffuse it self upon all the most Grave Senators. Such like Plots as these, and what­soever could be devised, were published to make the Vulgar think those demands of the Faction seem modest, (their dangers being so great) which were very unjust.

And lest the King should at His coming into the North make use of that Magazine at Hull (which at His own Charges He had provided for the Scotch Expedition) for His own defence, the Faction, to secure that and the Town for their future purposes, send down Sir John Ho­tham, without any Order or Commission from either House of Parliament, to seise on them. This Man of a fury and impudence equal to their Commands, when the King, petitioned by the Gentlemen of York-shire to employ those Arms and that Ammunition for the Safety and [Page 88]Peace of that County, (where some of the Fa­ctious Members of Parliament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London,) would have entred Hull, [ Anno 1642.] April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him, and would not permit Him, though with but twen­ty Attendants, for He offered to leave the Guard of Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed Him without. The King thereupon Proclaims him Traytor, and by Letters complains of the Indignity, and requires Satisfaction. But the Faction rendred the Act so glorious, that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command, and clamoured that the King had done them an in­jury, in proclaiming so innocent a Member, Traytor: Ordered the Earl of Warwick, to whom they had committed the Command of the Navy, to land some men out of the Ships at Hull, and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London. An Order of Assistance was also given to several of their Confidents, as a Com­mittee of both Houses to reside at Hull, and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands. Besides, they sent a Commission to Hotham to prosecute the Inso­lencies he had begun, and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation, and in a short space consumed him and his Son, who were executed by the Instructors of his Villany: For he fell under that same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes, to be Odi­ous [Page 89]and suspected by those that made use of them. Therefore they gave such a power to the Lord Fairfax in York-shire as did conclude the diminution, and submission of Hotham to His Commands. This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministery to the Faction, which appeared every day more mon­strous to his Conscience, being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its reward, and awakened by those Desolations in the whole Kingdom which followed it, and were but as the Copies of his Original Treason. Therefore he thought to expiate his former guilt by surrendring the Town to Him from whom he had detained it. But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pretence to preach the Gospel, but in truth secretly to search into the intrigues of his Counsels: so that he perished in his design, being neither stout nor wise enough in just enterprises, nor of a pertinacy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness. And although in his Ruine the King observed how great a draught was offered to the highest thirst of Re­venge, yet He did truly bewail him: and in­deed he was so much the more to be pitied, be­cause his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Secrets with a false hope of Life till the Ax was upon his Neck. So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies, as his pretended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them.

[Page 90]The Insolency of Hotham, who acted accord­ing to his Instructions and late Commission, be­ginning acts not usual in Peace, nor justifiable by Law, (for he issued out Warrants for the Train­ed Bands to march into Hull with their Arms, where he forced them to leave them, and na­kedly return to their homes, that so they might be obnoxious to his Violence) and the practices of the Committee which were sent down into the North, to debauch the People in their Loy­alty, made the King intend His own Security by a Guard; which the Gentry and Commonalty of York-shire, that were witnesses of the Injury offered to their Prince, did willingly and readi­ly make up. No sooner had the King expressed His intention of such a Guard, but the Faction, who were watchful of all opportunities of be­ginning a War, and ingaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submit­ted to their Impostures, in a more obliging guilt, (for now the greatest part of the Peers, who were of the most Ancient Families and Noblest Fortunes, and a very great number of the House of Commons, Persons of just hopes and fair E­states, who perceiving the designs of the Distur­bers, scorned any longer to be their Slaves, yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tumults by a present opposition, had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune, and every day some more were still falling off) took this occasion to com­mence [Page 91]our Miseries, and open those Sluces of Blood which polluted the whole Kingdom. For upon the first Intelligence of it they filled the House of Commons and the City with Clamours, That His Majesty had now taken Arms to the overthrow of them and the Protestant Religion; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King, or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty, if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament, that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience, to such a degree of Fury, that unmindful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and improbable Jealousies had taken a Guard, they Resolved upon the Question, that the King by taking to himself such a Guard did intend to levy War against the Parliament. With an e­quall fury they Issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom, and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a po­sture of War, sending down some of their Mem­bers to see to the execution of these Commands, and to seise on the Magazines in the several Counties.

To all these their violent and unjust attempts the King first opposes the Law, in several De­clarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the Ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown, [Page 92]by many Proclamations, Charges all Men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were published to Licence their Rebellion, and An­swers with a wonderful Diligence and Elo­quence all the fictitious Pretensions of the Par­liament to that Power, in their several Remon­strances. But though the King had in the judg­ment of all understanding and uninteressed per­sons the Juster Cause, and the more powerful Pen, yet the Faction's Haste, which is most ef­ficacious in Civil Discords, the Slanders they had raised of Him, and impressed in the minds of the People, the terrours of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves, (for they would by their Messengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the King­dom as Rogues and Felons, and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Atten­dance, oppress them with heavy and unpropor­tionable Censures, and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ruine of Church and State, had so preoccupated the Minds of the inferiour Multi­tude, that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array, in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Com­mands of a Gracious Prince, who vainly expect­ed [Page 93]that Reverence to Justice in others which Himself gave.

After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land, and having gotten the whole Navy at Sea, being made Masters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom, they then thought it might be safe for them to pub­lish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs; which if sooner manifested, when the King by His Message of 20. of January from Windsor Castle advised them to prescribe the limits of their Priviledges, give full Boundaries to His own Power, and propose what was in their judgements proper to make the People happy; and most religiously promised an equal tender­ness of theirs and the Peoples Rights as of His own, and what was for the Publick Good should not be obstructed for His Particular emolument; they had justly drawn upon themselves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling upon the King, and had been buried un­der those ruines which they projected for the Grave of Majesty. But then the Faction con­fided not so much in their own force, nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to chuse their own Destruction: and therefore to that Message of Peace nothing was returned but Complaints, That by such Advisoes their Coun­sels were disturbed, that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary. But now they were furnished with a [Page 94]Power equal to their Ambition, they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Em­pire with some pretensions to Peace; but with a great deal of Caution, that the affectation of it might not disappoint them of their hopes, which were all built upon War and Confusion. Therefore they formed the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them, nor expect Peace by them. Or if He did, they should be instated in such a Gran­deur, that they might reap for themselves all the reproachful Honours and unlawful gains of an Arbitrary Power, the thing they aimed at, and leave the King overwhelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Govern­ment. These Conditions were digested into Nineteen Propositions; which when presented to the King, He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have deposed Himself, and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miseries such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust. Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected, and ad­justs His refusal in a Declaration, wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition. His Answer He sent by the Marquess of Hertford and Earl of Southampton, Persons of great In­tegrity and Prudence, with Instructions to Treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Con­ditions.

[Page 95]But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace, therefore deny­ing any admittance to those Lords, before ever the King's Answer could publickly discover who were the obstructours of the Peoples quiet, they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate, to maintain Horse, Horse-men and Arms for the ensuing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person, and the taking Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors, the Defence of the Priviledges of Parliament, the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintenance of the Ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude, and filled them with more airy hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trumpets: But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who, being displeased with the present Eccle­siastical Covernment, were promised the richest Benefices, and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops, Deans and Chapiters. These from their Pulpits proclaimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace, and what­soever was contributed to the spilling of the blood of the Wicked, was to build up the Throne of the meekest Lamb; and besides the satisfaction they were to expect from the Pub­lick Faith, which the Parliament promised, there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now ap­proaching. [Page 96]Deluded by these Artifices and Im­postures, People of all Conditions and all Sexes, some carried by a secret Instinct, others hurried by some furious Zeal, and a last sort led by Co­vetousness, cast into this Holy Treasury the Banck for Blood, all the Ornaments of their Fa­mily, all their Silver Vessels, even to their Spoons, with the Pledges of their first Love, their Marriage-rings; and the younger Females spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins, the ob­liging Gifts of their Inamorato's, from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London, the King at York Declares against the Scandal, that He in­tended to Levy War against the Parliament, cal­ling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it; and also those many Lords who were witnesses of His Counsels and Actions, do publish to the World by a Writing subscribed with all their Names, to the number of Forty and odd, that they saw not any co­lour of Preparations or Counsels that might rea­sonably beget the belief of any such Design, and were fully perswaded that He had no such intention.

But all was in vain, for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of commit­ting Rebellion, than only of favouring the Con­trivers of it, and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Vertue. Therefore they hastened all [Page 97]they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation: which was not difficult for them to do, for they being Ma­sters of London, whose Multitudes desirous of Novelty were easily amassed for any enterprise, especially when the entring into this Warfare might make the Servant freer than his Master, (for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause) 20000 were sooner gathered than the King could get 500. The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself com­mon Muskets: and to pay their Souldiers, be­sides the vast summs that were gathered for Ire­land (which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enter­prise, yet now dispence with their Faith, and imploy it to make England as miserable as that Island) and the Contributions of the deluded souls for this War; they seised also upon the Revenues of the King, Queen, Prince, and Bi­shops, and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gentlemen whom they suspected to be Fa­vourers of the King's Cause. And in contem­plation of these advantages, they promised their credulous party an undoubted Victory, and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through Lon­don within a Month, by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, whom they appointed General.

Thus did they drive that Just and Gracious Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms, [Page 98]since nothing worse could befall Him after a stout, though unhappy, Resistance, than He was to hope for in a tame Submission to their Vio­lence. Therefore though He perfectly abhor­red those Sins which are the Consequences of War, yet He wanted not Courage to attempt at Victory, notwithstanding it seemed almost im­possible against so well-appointed an Enemy. Therefore with an incredible diligence moving from place to place, from York to Nottingham, from thence to Shrewsbury, and the Confines of Wales, by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects, He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence, but of their Lives and Fortunes for His Defence; and in all places incouraging the Good with His Commendations, exciting the Fearful by His Example, dissembling the Imper­fections of His Friends, but alwayes praising their Vertues, He so prevailed upon those who were not men of many Times, nor by a former Guilt debauch'd to Inhumanity, that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected, and which was every day in­creased by those Lords and Gentlemen who re­fused to be polluted any longer with the pra­ctices of the Faction by sitting among them, and being Persons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to succour that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse. Most men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince, whose former Reign had made them [Page 99]wanton in Plenty, to be driven from His own Palaces, and concluded under a want of Bread, to be necessitated to implore their aid, for the preservation of His and their Rights. So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Fa­ction and the Corruptions of the Age, there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Ver­tue. Many Noble Persons did almost impo­verish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money. Some Private men made their way through numerous dangers to joyn with, and fight under His Colours. Many great Ladies and Vertuous Matrons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants, and some bravely defended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Ho­nour in His Service. Both the Universities free­ly devoted their Plate to succour their Prince, the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learn­ing; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to pro­vide necessaries for the Safety of Her Husband. Which Duty of Hers, though it deserved the Honour of all Ages, was branded by the De­magogues with the imputation of Treason.

This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders, and such industrious Plots to make Him odious and Contemptible, raised the ad­miration of all men, and the fears of that cre­dulous Party who had given up their Faith to the Faction, when they represented the King [Page 100]guilty of so much Folly and Vice (and some corrupted Citizens had represented Him as a Prodigie of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London, an Art used by Jesuites to impress more deeply a Calumny,) that they could not ima­gine any person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service, and they expect­ed every day when, deserted by all as a Mon­ster, He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parliament. ‘Some at­tributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the English to their Law­full Sovereign, from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditious Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first Love; and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing States-man, that if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedge-stake, he would be on that side where the Crown was. Others referred it to the full e­vidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries, for their Counsels were now discovered, and their Ends manifest, not to maintain the Com­mon Liberty, which was equally hatefull to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands, but to acquire a Grandeur and Power that might secure and administer to their Lusts: and it was now every where publish­ed what Mr. Hambden Answered to one who inquired What they did expect from the King; he replyed, That He should commit Himself [Page 101]and all that is His to our Care. Others ascri­bed it to the fears of ruine to those numerous Families and Myriads of people which the change of Government designed by the Par­liament must necessarily effect. But this, though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utter­ly destroyed, without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole; yet made but an incon­siderable Addition to the King, whose great­est Power was built upon Persons of the No­blest Extract and the fairest Estates in Eng­land, of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an absolute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong, which nevertheless was to be feared by their inva­sions on the King's most undoubted Rights. For when Majesty it self is assaulted, there can be no security for private Fortunes; and those that decline upon design from the paths of Equi­ty, will never rest till they come to the Extre­mity of Injustice; as these afterwards did. Be­sides those that imputed the speedy amassing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause, His most Powerful Eloquence, Indefa­tigable Industry, and most Obliging Converse; there were another sort that, suspending their Judgements till all the Scenes of War were passed, resolved all into the Providence of God: Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the sittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity, [Page 102]and to make Him glorious by Sufferings, which being well born truly prove men Great; yet would He furnish Him (almost by a Mi­racle) likewise with such Advantages, in the conduct of which His Prudence and Magnani­mity might evidence that He did deserve Pro­sperity, and by clearing up even this way His eminent Vertues, warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons, since the best of Princes was thus infamously slandered.’

From all these concurring Causes, each one in their Way and Order, did the King's strength so far increase, as that He won many Battels, and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War; had not God seen fit to afflict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants, and make us feel, that no Oppressions are so unsup­portable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty: of which we had bitter experience after the War was sinished that was now begun. For there had been some slight Conflicts e're this in the several Counties betwixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia, with various Successes; which require just Volumes and compleat Histories to relate, and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life, where it is only in­tended to speak of those Battels in which the King in Person gave sufficient evidence of His Wisdom and Valour. The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Octob. 23. For the King had no [Page 103]sooner gotten a considerable Force, though not equal to those of His Enemies, but He marched towards London, and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Prospective-glass from the top of that Hill, and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do, To give them battel (said He with a present Courage) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a body: God, and good mens Prayers to Him, assist the Justice of My Cause: and immediately prepared for the Fight; which was acted with such a fury, that near 6000 (according to the common Account, but some say a far less number) were slain upon the place. Night concluded this Battel, which had comprehended the whole War, had not the King's prevailing Horse preferr'd the Spoils to Victory, and left the Enemy some advantage to dispute for her. But the King had all the fair­est marks of her favour. For though He had lost His General, yet He kept the Field, posses­sed the dead Bodies, opened His way toward London, and in the sight of some part of the Army of Essex, (who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed,) took Banbury, and entred Triumphantly into Oxford (which He had designed for His Winter-quar­ters) with 150 Colours taken in sight. And having assured that place, He advances towards London, whither Essex had gotten before Him, and disposed his bassled Regiments within ten [Page 104]miles of the City; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brainford, took 500 Pri­soners, and sunk their Ordnance. From thence intending to draw nearer London, He had intel­ligence, that the City had poured forth all their Auxiliaries to re-inforce Essex's Troops; to which being unwilling to oppose His Souldiers wearied with their March, nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity, which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury, He retreats to Oxford, having taught His Enemies, that He was not easily to be Overcome.

For in the management of this Battel, He did not only undeceive the abused world of those Slanders which His Enemies had polluted Him with, but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities. And though He parted from London altogether unexperienced in Martial affairs, yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excellent Commander. His Valour was also equal to His Prudence, and He could as well endure Labours as despise Dangers. And by a communication of toils, encouraged His Souldiers to keep the Field all the night, when they saw He refused the refreshments of a Bed; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Vertues and this Success made such an impres­sion on the Parliament, that though they took all courses to hide the Infamy of their worsted Army, yet in more humble Expressions than for­merly [Page 105]they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace, which His Majesty very earnestly em­braced. But the Faction, who were frighted with these Tendencies to an Accommodation, cause some of the City to Petition against it, and to make profer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this they form their Propositions like the Com­mands of Conquerours, and so streighten the Power and Time of their Commissioners, that the Treaty at Oxford became fruitless, which there had taken up all the King's employment this Winter, though abroad His Forces were bu­sie in several Parts of the Nation, not without honour.

[ Anno 1643.] At the Opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England, bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men, Money and Ammunition, and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Successes, that the King that Summer was Master of the North and West, except some few Garrisons. Which so dismayed the Parliament, that very many of them were preparing to quit the Kingdom: and had the King followed His own Counsels, to march immediately towards London, and not been fatally over-born at a Council of War, (which, it is said, His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be) first to attempt Gloucester, He had, in the judgement of all dis­cerning men, then finished the War with Glory. [Page 106]But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London, and came time enough to relieve the Town; though in his return the King necessitated him to fight, worsted him near Newbery, and so bravely followed him the next day, that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Reer to seek their safety by ma­king their way over a great part of their Foot; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood, as the Earls of Carnarvan and Sunderland, and Vis­count Falkland. This last was lamented by all, being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword, had won some Wreathes in those Controversies that were to be managed by Reason, and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learning, above any of his Fortune and Dignity. After this Encounter the King returns to Oxford, to Consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tumults at London, to joyn with Him for the common be­nefit, who being as to the Peers the far greater, and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster, they assumed the Name and Authority of Parliament, and deliberated of the ways of Peace, and means to prevent the Deso­lations which the Faction so furiously designed, who were now resolving to encrease our Mise­ries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance.

For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause, as if they had the certainty of some Di­vine Revelation, yet they would not trust Him [Page 107]for their Preservation, notwithstanding their pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength; but would invite others to the Violation of most sacred Oaths, to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice, that themselves might be se­cure in their Usurpations. And that Perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland, hoping for as great advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded, contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them, and their free and Voluntary Execrations, (as was that of Alexander Lesley, who lifting up his arms and hands to Heaven, wished they might rot to his body before he died, if ever he should heave them up hereafter, or draw his sword, against so gude a King,) drew that People once more in­to Rebellion against their Prince; and to make them more eager, and think the Enterprise easie, they first raised a report that the King was de­serted by most of His Nobility.

The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace, did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them, in which also they acquaint them with the falsness of their officious Lie, and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in. The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet. But with an Insolencie fit for most per­jured [Page 108]Souls, they Commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman. A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton, whose Treasons now came to be more suspected. For His Majesty having written to him, to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home, (which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation) he by some secret Arts doth more in­flame them; and to cover his Perfidiousness, flies from Scotland to Oxford, as seeking a shel­ter for his Loyalty; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels. But his Treasons had out­stripp'd him and his Brother, the Earl of Lane­rick, who came with him, therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not wil­ling to tarry till a further Discovery, gets out of Oxford, flies to those at London, and by them was imployed in the Scotch Army; which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident, and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle. But the dis­honour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquess Montross, who being commission'd by the King, with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels, and overthrew well-formed Armies: and had not the Fate of his Master, which was to be betray­ed by those He trusted, been likewise common to him, he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet.

[Page 109]But e're Montross could get his Commission, the Scots were entred England: whose coming that it might be less odious to the People, who now grew cold in their zeal to the Cause, and saw themselves deluded into so continued dan­gers, the Faction make use of such frauds as should make the People either think them necessary assistances, or might divert their thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation; there­fore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party. That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny: that He would seise upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him, and make their persons Slaves: that there was no hope of Pardon from Him, who was so merciless: that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited, de­stroy the Protestant Religion, and introduce Po­pery, which at Oxford He did practise Himself, and that all men must be forced to go to Mass. As for His Party they set them out to be such Monsters, that the lower sort of People doubt­ed whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men. For sad Relations were printed and published of their inhumanity and barbarous murders: that they did feast upon the Flesh of Men, and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet, to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party: that no mans house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would [Page 110]think beneath his rapine. Thus they wrought upon the melancholy spirits of some by fear. For those of a morose and cholerick temper they had proper divertisements: they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation, to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the Saints; which with great Solem­nity they committed to the flames, that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom. All Crosses, though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London, and other places, they pulled down: they invade the Churches, and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Superstition, pull down the Organs, tear the Surplices; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble, who delight in violences and such ostentations of their fury, and to make them in something or other guilty, that they might despair of Pardon.

For others, who were to be wrought upon by Religion, they entertain them with Fasts, pub­lick Thanksgivings for slight Victories, and so­lemn Spiritual meetings (as they called them;) where whatsoever the Faction dictated was com­mended by the Speakers to their unwary hear­ers as the Oracles of Heaven: and being thus wrapp'd up in those true delights which accom­pany the Worship of God, they were securely swallowed by them, as Poison when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice. To please their Mi­nisters whom hitherto they had used as their [Page 111]Properties and Instruments of their Arts, Pres­bytery is set up, that they also might have an Imaginary Empire: but it was not intended they should exercise it. For the pretensions of that to a Divine Right did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs, that they presently raised all the other Sects, Inde­pendents, Erastians, (who for the most part were Lawyers, that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication, but what was heated in their own forges) Anabaptists, Seekers, and Atheists (of which there were ma­ny sprung up, who seeing how Religion was a­bused to carnal and unjust Ends, began first to despise that, and afterwards to deny God) to write and declaim against this new Politie, as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun, and the tenth Persecution. But this seem­ing modesty of admitting a Church-Govern­ment served their ends for the present, till they could acquire a greater strength, in confidence of which they might slight the Terrours of the Law, and the Anathema's of the Church. The Liturgy also was abolished, under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty, for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit, but in truth, because it had so frequent Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant, the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery: this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interests of the Faction, and was used as the Water of Jealousie, to discover those [Page 112]whom they did suspect. Therefore all the Con­spirators, of what Sect soever, whether Inde­pendents or Anabaptists, though they refused to take it themselves, (because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Au­thority) yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians (who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire) up­on all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their designs, or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils. And by this only En­gine many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined, especially of the Clergy.

To oblige more fastly those that had no pa­tience to expect nor hopes to receive any re­ward for their Service against their Prince in the other life, and so would not be satisfied with the shews of Religion, but sought more solid encouragements in the spoils of it, the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to sale, and that at such easie rates as might invite the hazards of the Purchase, satiate their boundless Covetous­ness, and ingage them in a pertinacious faith to their Merchants. To cement all these distinct Humours in one common pleasure, the Arch­bishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacri­fice, and about this time began his Tryal, which continued a whole year, being when the Houses were at leisure called by several months and weeks to answer to his Charge, that by his fre­quent passages as a Prisoner he might give a [Page 113]pleasant Diversion to the Rabble, who are de­lighted with the ruines and misfortunes of great Persons, and by their injuries and re­proaches he might be reduced to such a weak­ness of Spirit as was not competent with the de­fence of his Cause. But his Cause and his Con­science were impregnable, and he overthrew their Slanders, though he could not their Power.

By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the attempts of the following Summer, wherein, [ Anno 1644.] though the Parliaments Forces increased by the Scotish Suc­cours had the Success over several bodies of the Royalists, yet that small Number that follow­ed the King's Person, and were guided by His own Counsels and Example, obtained two great Victories. For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen, (in send­ing Her to Excester, there to lay down the bur­den of Her Love, and from thence to seek for Shelter in France) taken (contrary to their hopes) His last farewell of Her, and left Ox­ford strengthned against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatned that place with, He with a small party draws out, intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences. This made the Ene­my divide, and Essex was designed to reduce the West. But Waller, with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hesilrigge (a Person fitter to raise Se­ditious [Page 114]Tumults than manage Armies) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales, towards which He seemed to direct His course. But hearing of the resolutions of these two jea­lous Generals, He wheels about to Oxford, and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison, and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy-bridge, obtained a great Victory; which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy, had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Suc­cess to a greater slaughter. But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own breast, He only used this Victory for an ad­vantage to Peace, which in a Letter from Eve­sham, July 4. He moves the Parliament unto.

But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless, and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North, and their Army in the West, which had now taken in some con­siderable places to their Obedience. Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's Power, the King follows him, and so closely pursues him, that He drove him up into Cornwall, and there did as it were besiege him. During which He sent a Letter to him, which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army, to solicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom. But it met not its desired effect: Because that Earl either valued not that solid [Page 115]Glory of being the happy Author of a Nations Settlement; or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience, or knew that his Autho­rity was not so great to put an Issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit. (For every inconsiderable person may be power­full at Disturbances, but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues.) Which last was generally believed, for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction, that they were distrustfull lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them, because he often solicited them to a com­posing of the Kingdoms Distractions. There­fore making no return to those Letters, he pro­vided for his own safety in a Cock-boat, and ig­nominiously deserted his Army; of which the Horse, taking the advantage of a dark night, made their escape, but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives, and left their Arms, Cannon, Baggage and Ammunition, to the Disposal of the King.

The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abi­lities that might have inserted Him in the Ca­talogue of the Bravest Commanders; and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer, He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace, the Honour of which [Page 116]last He most eagerly thirsted, as rendering Him most like that Majesty He did represent. There­fore after this Victory, by a Letter from Tave­stock, Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Eve­sham for an Accord with the Parliament, being not transported from His Lenity by the Vio­lence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence. But He knew that Peace, though it is profitable to the Conquered, yet it is glorious for the Conquerour. To busie His Army while He expected their Answer, and formed an Association in the Western Counties, He sits down before Plymmouth; but finding this Message had an equal reception with the former, and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and Usurped Interests to the publick Tranquillity, He rises from thence, and marches towards London, from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited, and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services. And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager Fight, which being varied with different successes, in the se­veral divisions, each party draw off by degrees, and neither found cause to boast of a Victory.

The King being returned to Oxford, the Par­liament wearied with the Complaints of the op­pressed Nation, who now grew impatient un­der the Distractions, take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace, and send [Page 117]Propositions for it in the name of the two Par­liaments of England and Scotland, united by So­lemn League and Covenant. Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity, yet the King neglects them not, but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason, offers it, which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept; but yet would have it at Ʋxbridge, a place but about fifteen miles distant from London, and above twice that distance from Oxford. And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty, and forming Instructions for His Mini­sters, the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs; and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace, fed them with blood. The two Hotham's first were to be the Sport of the Multitude: and that the Fa­ther might have more than a single death, he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold, Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed be­fore him, as he was Jan. 1. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines, his Head was chopt off. And on Jan. 2. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood, and had his own added to it. These were not much lamented by any, for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry.

[Page 118]The People thus fed with courser blood, a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented, Wil­liam Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, and Pri­mate of all England. He had indured Impri­sonment four years, and passed through a Tryal of many months, in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor, but yet must fall to please the Scots, and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince, to the continuance of this Prelate's Life: therefore he was Voted Guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons, and was condemned in the House of Peers (though they have no power over the life of the meanest Sub­ject without the concurrence of the King) when there were but Seven Lords present, Some Writers (who since have been convin­ced of their mis-informa­tion) have named a­mongst those Seven Lords, the Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin; but his Lordship upon the first notice of this report, did to several Persons of Quality and Honour he conversed with, and since hath affirmed to me, that he was not then present, and that his heart could never consent to the shedding of the blood of that Excellent Prelate. and all those not consenting to the Murder, to be drawn, hanged and quar­tered. And this was the first Example of murdering Men by Votes, of killing by an Order of Parliament, when there is no Law. It was mo­ved (they say) by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-England, to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People. But this seem­ed [Page 119]too great an Honour, because it would make his end as his life was, much like that of the Primitive Bishops, who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts, or condemned to the Mines. Or else it would be like an Athe­nian Ostracism, and confess him too great and good to live among us. Therefore this moti­on was rejected; yet the Lords upon his Peti­tion, to the distaste of some Commons, changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded. To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some Sons of Schism and Sedition, who un­seasonably that morning he was preparing him­self to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls, would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly (for so they called themselves) for his Persecutions, (which he called Disci­pline.) To whom he Answered, That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal, and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it. When he came to the Scene of his death, he appeared with that chearfulness and serenity in his face, as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with: and it was so con­spicuous, that his Enemies, who were ashamed to see his Innocency pourtraied in his Counte­nance, did report he had drunk some Spirits, to force his nature from a paleness. He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text, Hebr. 12.2. [Page 120]and concluding his life with Prayer, submit­ted himself to the stroke of the Ax.

‘He was a Person of so great Abilities (which are the Designations of Nature to Dig­nity and Command,) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church. And he was equal to it. His Learn­ing appear'd eminent in his Book against Fi­sher, and his Piety illustrious in his Diary (al­though published by One that was thirsty of his blood, and polluted with many malicious Comments and false Surmises to make him o­dious.) He was of so Publick a Spirit, that both the Church and State have lasting Mo­numents of the Vertuous use of his Princes favour; at his Admittance into which he de­dicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men, by a Projection of many noble Works: most of which he accomplished, and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs, and cut off the Course of his Life. He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation, (for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame, than desirous of the Universal Benefit) but he endeavoured to render all others as heroick, if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship: for (I have heard it from his E­nemies) no geat man was admitted to a con­fidence [Page 121]and respect with him, unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good, or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning it self a greater Advancer; he searched all the Li­braries of Asia, and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could, that the English Church might have (if possible) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome. The outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation; he would put them into a power of doing more good, but was severe against their Vices and Vanities. He scorned a private Trea­sure, and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him. In his Election of Friends, he was determinated to the Good and Wise, and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church had his closest Embraces; if otherwise it happen­ed, their frauds, not his choice, deserved the blame. Both Papists and Sectaries were e­qually his Enemies; one party feared, and the other hated his Vertues. Some censured him of too much Heat, and a Zeal for Dis­cipline above the Patience of the Times. But his geatest unhappiness, was, that he lived in a Factious Age, and Corrupt State, and under [Page 122]such a Prince, whose Vertues not admitting an immediate approach for Accusations, was to be wounded in those whom He did Ca­resse. But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time, Posterity shall ingrave him in the Albe of the Most Excellent Prelates, the most indulgent Fathers of the Church, and the most injured Martyrs.’ His blood was ac­companied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death, and it had been followed with a more general mourning, had not the Publick Miseries, and pre­sent fears of Ruine exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects.

About this time the Faction clove into two Sects, the Presbyterian and Independent, which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots, or Godly, had joyntly conspired War and disturbed the Peace, and by various Arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Au­thority of Parliament. For they would either early in the morning before the House was full, or late at night, when those whose cares were most for the Publick were absent, being assured of the Speaker, propose and Vote what served for their Design. If any thing contrary to it was about to be resolved in a full Assembly, they by multitude of Scruples would so disturb the Debates, that the determination was de­ferr'd to a desired Opportunity. But if these failed, then would they surprise the House with [Page 123]another Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the former. When the most conscientious were too numerous for them, then would they make necessities to send the less pli­ant to their wills into the Country. Thus the Lesser, but more industrious, Party did circum­vent the Greater, that were not so wary nor di­ligent. While they thus joyntly contrive the Publick Ruine, they had gotten themselves in­to the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom. But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power, and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher, by the Animosities of the inferiour and obscurer parts of their Sects, there was neither Faith nor Love among them, but what Fear and Neces­sity did force them unto. The Independents, who comprehended all the several herds of He­reticks, Anabaptists, Seekers, Millenaries, &c. though they were the Disciples of the other, yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry, had their private Junto's and meetings apart to mould their Projects, and assign to each of their Confidents their several Scenes and Methods; and, by proper Applications to mens several hu­mours, had exceedingly encreased their strength in the Multitude, only they wanted the Power of the Sword, and the most useful Offices to per­fect their Empire.

This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians: and by [Page 124]procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial, (as they called it) they turned out Essex (whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected, and who had neither glory in his War, nor se­curity or quiet in his Peace) from his General­ship, and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presbytery, under pre­tence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be encouraged to a conti­nuance of the War, by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army, to which they would now give a new Module. Having by this Artifice displaced those whose Power they feared, they brought in as many Candi­dates of their own Sect as they could to be Co­lonels, and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General. This Man both Parties did the more easily consent in, because he was known to be of sufficient Personal Valour, and of no private Designs, obstinate by a natural Melancholy, ra­ther than pertinacious in any Interest, and ra­ther free from Baseness, than ambitious of Vain­glory; by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Resolves of his Ma­sters. But the Independents, that were better informed of his ductile Spirit, and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Species of Re­ligion, got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries, Oliver Crom­well, at first to be admitted into his Counsels, and afterwards to be the Director of all his acti­ons, under the title of Lieutenant General. For [Page 125]although he likewise by the Self-denying Ordi­nance was made incapable of any Office in the Army, being a Member of the Parliament; yet those Troops of Fanaticks whom he had amas­sed, and formerly led under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark, and the Earl of Man­chester, (both which he had cast off) were in­structed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him. He was therefore permitted by the Par­liament, as the General desired, for a time to continue in the Army; but he never left it till he had changed that, ruined the Parliament, and turned out the General, that thus was the Au­thor of his unlawful Power. For this Man, hav­ing a long time been poor and necessitous, the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent, and nothing remaining but the Instru­ments of his Crimes, a bloody and fierce nature, a greedy soul full of bold and unjust hopes, yet able to conceal them with a profession of Mo­desty, a contempt of Religion and Friendship, yet highly pretending to both, till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trusted him; he was fitted for the most impi­ous enterprises, for vexed by a pressing and te­dious poverty, he resolved to indeavour the ut­most distance from such a Condition, though by the greatest wickedness, therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State, and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny, which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Lawful Prince with Arms.

[Page 126]With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London, while the King at Ox­ford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Ʋx­bridge, which, as all other Consultations for Peace, was vain and fruitless. For the Faction would alwayes obstruct those endeavours by their proper Methods. If the Condition of their affairs were prosperous, then would they make their Demands like Impositions on con­quered Slaves, detesting to supplicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy. In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party, not then to think of a Recon­ciliation which their unprosperous Arms must ne­cessarily render harder than their hopes; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compul­sion. Besides these devices, many fictitious Let­ters were composed, false Rumours divulged, and witnesses suborned, to make men suspect that many dangerous Plots and portentous De­signs were disguised in these Overtures of Ac­cord. Therefore the Commissioners of Parlia­ment were instructed to offer no Expedient for an Accommodation, nor hearken to such as were tendred to them in the Name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing his Condition, that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace, prepares Himself for the War at the approaching Spring: and although [Page 127]this Winter was infamous with many losses, ei­ther through the neglects or perfidiousness of some Officers; yet before the season for taking the field was come, His Counsels and Diligence had repaired those damages.

[ Anno 1645.] In April He sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association, and raise such Forces as the necessities of the Crown, which was His Inheritance, did require: with Him is sent, as Moderator of His Youth, and prime Counsellour, Sir Edward Hide, now Lord High Chancellour of England, whose Faithful­ness had endeared him to His Majesty, who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge; in which He continued with the same Faith, through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master, till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers, and him to the Chief Ministery of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to re­lieve His Northern Counties and Garrisons. But being on His march, and having stormed and taken Leicester in His way, He was called back to secure Oxford, which the Parliament Army threatned with a Siege. But Fairfax having gotten a Letter of the Lord Goring's (whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the delivery of it) to His Majesty, wherein he had desired Him to forbear ingaging with the Enemy, till he could be joyned with Him; he leaves Oxford, and made directly towards the [Page 128] King that was now come back as far as Daven­trey, with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength, and at a place near Naseby in Northampton-shire both Armies met on Sa­turday, June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some (who intended to betray Him) should be effected. Nevertheless, the King would not decline the Battel, and had the better at first, but His vanquishing Horse fol­lowing the chase of their Enemies too far (a fa­tal errour that had been twice before commit­ted) left the Foot open to the other wing, who pressing hotly upon them, put them to an open rout, and so became Masters of His Canon, Camp, and Carriage, and among these, of His Majesties Cabinet, in which they found many of His Letters, most of them written to the Queen: which, not contented with their Vi­ctory over His Forces, they Print, as a Trophee over His Fame, that by proposing His secret Thoughts, designed only for the breast of His Wife, to the debauched multitude, and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slanders of the Faction had already formed in their minds, the Popular hatred might be in­creased. But the publication of them found a contrary effect, every one that was not barba­rous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christi­ans, which Generous Heathens scorned to be guilty of, and the Letters did discover, that the [Page 129] King was not as He was hitherto characterized; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections, as well as all the Rights, that were fit for Ma­jesty: and (which is not usual) He grew greater in Honour by this Defeat, though He never af­ter recovered any considerable power.

For the Fate of this Battel had an inauspici­ous influence upon all His remaining Forces, and every day His losses were repeated. But though Fortune had left the King, yet had not His Valour; therefore gathering up the scatter­ed remains of His broken Army, He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition. At last at­tempting to relieve Chester, though He was be­set behind and before, and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches, yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed; but being charged by Fresh Souldiers from the Leaguer, and a greater Number, He was forced to retreat, and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place. After this He draws towards the North-East, and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were lest to march for Scot­land, and there to joyn with Montross, who with an inconsiderable company of men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles. But this Lord was surprised be­fore he could get out of York-shire; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemies Foot, were so wanton with their Success, that they [Page 130]were easily mastered by another Party, and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland. These several Overthrows brought another mischief along with it; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement, which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Op­pressed, and which makes them considerable, though they are despoiled of arms, by imputing (as it useth to be in unhappy counsels) the cri­minous part of their misfortunes to one another. But many gallant Persons, whom Loyalty and Religion had drawn to His Service, endured the utmost hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust; and by that means employing the Enemies Arms, gave the King time, who was at last returned to Oxford, to provide for His Safety.

Hither every day sad Messages of Ruines from every part of the Nation came, which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dis­solved world, yet they found His Spirit erect and undaunted. For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life, tenacious of Truth and E­quity, and not moveable from them by Fears, a Contemner of worldly Glory, and desirous of Empire for no other reason, but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined, when He relin­quished the care of them. But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own disconsolate Party to seek for Conditions of Peace, which He saw was in vain to expect [Page 131]would be such as were fit to accept; for His former experience assured Him, that these men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune, and be more Insolent now than ever. And for Him­self, He was resolved not to sacrifice His Con­science to Safety, nor His Honour to Life. This He often told those that thus pressed Him, and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert, (who likewise moved Him to the same,) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge, though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Enemies should hearken to so much Reason, as that He should be restored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battel at Naseby.

But yet to satisfie every One how tender He was of the Common Safety, He sent several Mes­sages to the Parliament for a Treaty, and offers to come Himself to London, if He may have se­curity for Himself and Attendants. All which were either not regarded, or answered with Reproaches. And because the people began to murmur at so great an earnestness of the Facti­on to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding, (since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons, be­sides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbro­ken, and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland; all which might be perswaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them [Page 132]without much blood;) and it was the common belief that these men sought for Victory, not Peace and Liberty, which was now tendred: therefore to raise suspicions in the Vulgar, it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Com­pound would take the advantage of the King's Presence, if He were permitted to be there, and kindle a new flame and War in the City. And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears, the Disarmed Compounders were commanded to depart above twenty miles from London; and to injealous the people more, all the transactions of the King in the Irish Pacifi­cation were published, and amplified with the malicious Slanders and Comments of the impla­cable and conscious Demagogues, that so the terrors of the Vulgar being augmented, they might be frighted into a longer patience.

The King finding these men irreconcileable to Peace, and that they had declared against His Coming, though without a Caution, tryes the Leaders of the English Army; but they proved no less pertinacious, and were now approaching to besiege Oxford. Providence not leaving any more Choice, but only shewing Him a way for a present Escape, He goes in a Disguise (which when Necessity cloathes Royal Persons with, seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the Sun,) to the Scotish Camp that was now before Newark, where the Ambassadour of the King of France, who was then in the Leaguer, [Page 133]had before covenanted for His Majestie's Safety and Protection; and the Scotish Officers had en­gaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them, and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes.

[ Anno 1646.] The King being come thither May 4. made a great alteration in affairs; Newark was surrendred by the King's Command, and Sir Thomas Glemham having gallantly defended Oxford till the besiegers offered honourable Con­ditions, delivered up that also. But the great­est Change of Counsels were at London, where when it was related, among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary, various and different Dis­courses were raised. ‘Some wondred that His Majesty had sought a Refuge there where the Storm began, and how He could apprehend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles, but now the great Advancers of His Overthrow: And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often Persidious. Others judged that in those necessities wherein the King was con­cluded, it was as dangerous not to trust as to be deceived; no Counsel could be better, than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faithful, and whether they would then be honest, when they had the Critical Opportunity to testifie to the world, that they intended not what they did, but [Page 134]what they said; That they fought not against Him, but for Him. But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers, that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempe­stuous Sea and false bottom; as also the de­baucheries of the English Genius, which was now so corrupted, that their Prince was dri­ven to seek an Asylum from their injuries a­mong a people that were infamous and pol­luted with the Blood of many Kings.’

While others discoursed thus of the King's journey, the Parliament heated by the Indepen­dents fiercely declared against the Scots, who were removing the King to Newcastle, and used several methods to make them odious and drive them home. For they kept back their Pay, that they might exact Free-Quarter from the Country; then they did extenuate their Ser­vices, derogate from their famed Valour, up­braid them as Mercenaries, threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the English Presbyterians, though they wish'd well to their Brethren, yet lest they should seem to indulge the Insolencies of a strange Nation, did not dare to plead in their defence. But the Scots themselves for a time did justifie their Re­ception and Preservation of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature, Nations, and Hospitality, which forbid the delivery and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour. The Democratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the [Page 135]Scots, their Hirelings, and in their Dominion, to receive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters, and keep Him without their Consent. These Debates were used to raise the King's price. Which when the Scots were almost assured of, to make their ware more valuable, they solicite the King, in hopes of their Defence, to command Montross to depart from his noble Undertakings in Scotland, where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Rox­brough and Traquaire had betrayed him unto, and was become formidable again; as also the Loyal Marquess of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels, and English Forces. Which when the King had done, being not willing those Gallant Persons should longer Hazard their brave Lives, and af­ter both these Excellent Leaders had more in an­ger than fear parted with their unhappy Arms: that they might have a colour of betraying Him, whom the General Assembly of Scotland (which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seeming Authority) had forbid to be brought into His Native and Ancient King­dom (as He affectionately call'd it) they tender Him the Covenant; pretending without that Chain upon Him, they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland. This His Majesty refused not, if they would first loose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Con­science: Therefore to untie those Knots, Ma­ster Henderson, that was then the Oracle of the [Page 136]Kirk, and the great Apostle of the Solemn Co­venant, was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts, and the Goodness of His Cause made all his attempts void (for the Papers being published, every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty) and unfor­tunate; for he returned home, and not long after died, as some reported, of a Grief con­tracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent.

While these things were acting at Newcastle, the bargain was stroke at London, and for 200000 l. His Majesty, stripp'd of those Arms He had when He came among them, was deli­vered up, as it were, to be scourged and cruci­fied to some Commissioners from the Parlia­ment: But to Honest their Perfidiousness, they add this Caution, That there should be no at­tempt made upon the King's Person, but being en­tertained at one of His own Palaces, He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations, which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never thought of sending any Propositions till He came under the Power of the Army, who had malicious De­signs upon His Person. The Commissioners re­ceiving Him, convey Him to His own House at Holmeby. This was a very curious and stately Building yet was not therefore chosen because it might be a Majestick Prison; but because it was within Ken of Naseby, which was infamous [Page 137]with His Overthrow, that so the Neighbour­hood to it might more afflict His grieved Spirit. To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts, by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him, that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome; yea, even His Chaplains (which most troubled Him) were debarred from their Mini­stery. But God supplyed this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit, and made Him, like the Ancient Patriarchs, both a King and a Priest (at least for Himself:) and here He sacrificed Praises even to that God that hid himself, and composed those most Divine Meditations and Soliloquies that are in His Book, spending that time in Converse with Heaven, which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He delighted.

While the King's Soul was thus winged above the walls of His Prison and the Fortune of His Enemies, they that had put an end to the War, yet could not find the way to Peace; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory, and could not temper their Success, the two Sects falling to dissension, and turning all their Arts and arms one against another. The Presbyterians had the richer and more splendid followers, but the Independents the most fierce, subtle, and most strongly principled to Confusion; the first was Powerful in the Parliament, but the latter in the Army. After they had a long time practi­sed [Page 238]on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King, and such as favour­ed Him in the Parliament (of which there were alwayes some Number among them) the Inde­pendents still gained upon their Opposites, ma­king the Presbyterians odious, by Libels com­posed to render their Government Ridiculous and Tyrannical, by putting them upon all the most envious Employments, as Reforming the Universities, and Sequestring Ministers that re­fused to take the Covenant. Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren, by spoiling them of their Honour, they proceeded to strip them of the reliques of their armed Power, sur­prising them in Parliament with a Vote to dis­band all the Souldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army: then the General turns out those Com­manders of Garrisons that were any way incli­ned to them. Besides this, they either corrupt­ed with Gifts or frighted some of the most busie, yet obnoxious, Presbyterians either wholly to come over to them, or be their Instruments in disturbing and revealing the Counsels of that Party; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation, and reconciling the Godly one to another.

[ Anno 1647.] The Presbyterians at last awa­kened with the daily wounds of their Power, and the dishonour of their Party, began now to be more afraid of their Stipendiaries than they were of their Sovereign; for they found that [Page 139]they lost all that by the Victory which they sought by the War: therefore to break the confidence of the Independents, and make them­selves free, they Vote in the Parliament, where they had most Voices, That to ease the Common­wealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army, 12000 of the Souldiers should be sent over to Ireland, and all the rest to be disbanded, ex­cept 6000 Horse, 2000 Dragoons, and 6000 Foot, who should be disposed in different and distant places in the Nation, to prevent any Ri­sing. The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Artifice, that it was not to ease the Nation, but weaken them; therefore they employ the Inferiour Officers (being persons that by dissimulation and impudence having ac­customed themselves to much speaking, did at last imagine their Vices were Gifts of the Holy Ghost, and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men,) to possess the common Souldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears, or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold, and the surprises of a treache­rous Enemy. This presently set the Army to Mutiny, which while it was in the Beginnings, the Commanders make semblance of Indigna­tion at it, seem very busie to compose it; and Cromwell, to make the Parliament secure, calls God to witness, that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet; and again solemnly swears, that he had rather himself with his whole Family should [Page 140]be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition. Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect defection from all obedience to the Parliament, they lay aside their disguises, and post from London to the Head Quarters, where the Synagogue of Agitators was seated, and to whom was committed the management of this Conspiracy. This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious in every Regiment of Foot, and each Troop of Horse: their business was to consult the Interests of the whole Army, and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design, to in­struct the ruder part of it in their Clamours and Injuries, and to corrupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises. At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Em­pire, and dictate what their pleasures are con­cerning England and Ireland. Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Li­berty of the People; for they openly professed an intent for Democracie. And because about an hundred Officers in the Army would not be for­ward in the Sedition, they were by this Com­mittee of Adjutators, and the secret intimati­ons of the Commanders, cashiered.

Thus the Counsels of both Parties being di­rected to overthrow their contrary, each [Page 141]thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their Designs, for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him: therefore the Presbyterians had it in Consultation, to Order Col. Greves, who had the Command of the Guard about the King at Holmeby, to remove His Majesty to London; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord, they im­mediately send a Body of Horse to prevent them, and to force Him into their own Quarters. Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune, and the sport of the Fa­ctions, and was drawn from His peaceful Con­templations, and Prospect of Heaven, to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These, to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity, (that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruine Him, and murder Him by His own Concessions, if He would be deluded by them) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings, and complain of the Parlia­ments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces, wondering they had no more Reverence for Majesty; and to beget a belief of this, they profess (which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne, and ren­dred the Condition of His Party more tolerable. Besides these Promises and Compassions, they permit Him the Ministery of His Chaplains in [Page 142]the Worship of God, (which, it is said, He took with so great a Joy, that He almost believed Him­self free and safe, it being His most heavy bur­den while He was the Parliaments Captive) the Commerce of Letters with the Queen, the Vi­sits of His own Party, and the Service of His Courtiers; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War, mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf, and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice. In their publick Remonstrances against the Cove­tousness, Ambition, Injustice, Cruelty and Self-mindedness of the Parliament, they do some­times obliquely, sometimes plainly, profess, that the King, Queen, and the Royal Family must be re­stored to all their Rights, or else no hope of a solid Peace; but then they would intermix such Con­ditions as argued they sought Reserves for a per­fidious escape. For Cromwell did among his Con­fidents boast of his fine Arts, and that by these In­dulgences was intended nothing but His Destru­ction.

By all these Impostures they prevailed no­thing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune, and the Greatness of His Integrity and Wisdom, or which any of the Disagreeing Fa­ctions could use to His reproach. But they found another kind of Success upon the Parlia­ment, for they sacrificed to the Commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Members of the House of Commons, and seven of the Peers, causing [Page 143]them to forbear sitting among them, because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge. ‘All men wondering at the inequality of those mens Spirits, who had so furiously rejected the Articles of their law­full Sovereign against five or six of their Body, and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries above thrice that Number. They therefore conclu­ded, that neither Religion, Justice, or the Love of Liberty, which are alwayes uniform, but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls, which vary with fears and hopes, had been the Principles and first Movers of their at­tempts.’ Besides this, they were so prone to Slavery, that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army, had not a Tumult (their Arts being now turned upon their own heads,) from London stopp'd them in their violent speed, and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously, that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfie the demands of the Souldiers; and that the King should come to London to treat.

These contrary desires of the divided Faction, which had joyntly oppressed their Sovereign, shewed, that Ill men will more easily conspire to­gether in War, than consent in Peace; and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jea­lousies, each Party thinking the advantages of the other too great; and that Power is never [Page 144]thought faithfull which is accounted excessive. Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sate in Parliament were joyn­ed the City, and the cashiered Souldiers and Officers that had served in their pay. With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses; who had sled to them with about fifty of their Mem­bers that projected the Change of Government, being either for an Oligarchy or Democracie, yet left some of the same judgement behind, to betray and disturb the Counsels at London. To these did adhere the Neighbouring Counties, who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army, of Restoring the King, (which they much boasted) Dissolving the Parliament, and Establishing Peace and Government: and they more willingly credited these, because they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City both for beginning the War, and now obstruct­ing Peace. The Army intitle their attempts for King and People: Their Adversaries, for bringing the King to His Parliament. The Com­manders were greedy of that War which pro­mised an easie Victory, and made the poor Soul­diers hope for the Plunder of the City.

For the advantage was clear on the Army's side, which consisted of veterane Souldiers, uni­ted among themselves by a long Converse, and known Commanders: but the force of the o­ther was made up of a tumultuary Multitude, gathered under new Leaders, and so had no mu­tual [Page 145]confidence; their meetings were full of doubts and fears, none could determine in pri­vate, nor in publick Consult, because they da­red not trust one another; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talk'd most boldly against the Enemy. Therefore in the very beginnings the Parliament and City desert their Enterprise, Treat with, and open their Gates to the Army, who march in Tri­umph through London, bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Travellers to their Chairs, seize upon the Tower, dismantle the Fortificati­ons, pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City, send the Lord Mayor and the Chief Citi­zens to the Tower, and reduce all the Power of the Nation in Obedience to the Commanders. For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland, and Rainsbrough, a Leveller, and a violent Head of the Democra­ticks, High Admiral. The impeached Presbyte­rians fled beyond Sea, others of that Sect droop­ing complyed with the Fortune of the Conque­rours; and that which grieved good Men most, was, a Publick Thanksgiving (which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Na­tion in their vertuous and glorious undertakings for Liberty and Safety, but now was prophaned for our Slavery and Misery) to God was ap­pointed for the Army, and they were entertain­ed now at a Feast, whom before the City would have forced from their Walls.

[Page 146]While these things were in Motion, the King consults Heaven for Direction, and his Party modestly abstain from either side, thought both to be abhorred, and knew that Party would be the worst which should overcome. The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nati­on, the Parliament and City at their obedience, make no mention of their former promises to the King; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Parliament, and calling another, as they call'd it, more equal Representative. But both their Synagogue and the Council of War, being now delivered from fear of the Presbyte­rians, began to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy. As for the King, whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court, some that had before contrived His Death, and to murder Him while He was in the Scotch Camp, (so at once to satisfie their own Revenge, and Load their Enemies with the In­famy of the Murder,) yet could not then per­form it, were now fiercefor a speedy and secret Assassination by Pistol or Poison. Others would have Him tryed and condemned by their Coun­cil of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to pro­ceed more artisicially in their Crime, and when they should get more Authority, destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice. To bring this about, they must proceed to make Him more odious, that the People might be patient while they kill Him, and undo them. To pro­ceed [Page 147]therefore to their Impiety, Cromwell and his Creatures stickle fiercely in the House of Commons, and cause the Parliament to send, not Conditions of Peace to be treated on, but Propositions like Commands that admitted no dispute: which if the King had yielded unto, He had despoiled Himself of Majesty, and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Empire; be­sides, such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe, as unglorious: And if He did not, then He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Universal Peace. And lest the King should put them to more tedious Arts by signing them, they themselves to divert Him privately procure more soft Articles, and pro­fessed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sowreness and Rigour did yet leaven the House, which made these Propositions so unpleasant.

The King could not but perceive the pra­ctices of the Army, yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him satisfie those unreasonable Demands of the Parliament, which granted would have been the heaviest op­pression on His Subjects, and the greatest inju­ry to His Posterity He could possibly be guilty of; For to good Princes the Safety of their Peo­ple, and their own Memory, which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Coun­sels, are more pretious than Life and Power; and although Providence, and the Malice of His [Page 148]Enemies had obstructed His way to Glory by Victories and Success, yet He would trace it in the unenvied and unquestionable paths of Con­stancy and Justice: Therefore to make His de­nial of them advantageous to Himself, by a seem­ing confidence in the Army's profers, thereby to oblige, if it were possible, those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour, or at least, to injealous those two Rivals for His Power, and commit them, the King absolutely rejects the Par­liaments Propositions, and requires the De­mands of the Army as more equal, and fit for a Personal Treaty, and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners. Cromwell and His Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty, which had preferred them be­fore their Competitors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People; but yet secretly did they exasperate the minds of the more short-sighted Commons against the King for this Affront. And to the King they profess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits (for so they loved to speak) that they could not now perform their Promises: sometimes they excu­sed themselves by a Reverence to the Parlia­ment, at other times by the fierceness of the Ad­jutators; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delayes to some length, they be­gan to interpret their sayings otherwise than the King apprehended them, to forget what they had assured Him of, and at last openly to refuse any performance. To all these Perfidies they [Page 149]add other Frauds, to beget a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers, who they inform­ed Him meditated His Murder, professed they could not for the present moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations, but when they should recover the lost Discipline of their Army, then they might easily and speedily satisfie their engagements to Him. To give credit to their words, the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame, their Papers were published for a change of Government, call'd The Case of the Army, and, The Agreement of the People; the animations of Peters, and another of the same Diabolical spirit, saying, His Majesty was but a dead Dog, were divulged, and all were communicated to some Attendants about the King, with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life: for they were un­willing He should be killed while they helplesly look'd on.

The fury and threatnings of men of such de­structive and bloody Principles, who accounted all things lawfull that they could do, that Pro­vidence administring Opportunity did invite and licence their impieties, and who imputed all their lusts, that had no colour from Justice, to the Perswasions of the Holy Spirit, were not to be despised; nor was the King to abandon His Life, if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusted Attendants, in the [Page 150]dark, tempestuous and ominous night of Novem. 11. He leaves Hampton-Court, some say, uncer­tain where to seek safety; others, that He in­tended to take Ship, but being disappointed in His Expectation, He was at last fatally led into the Power, and, when He could not escape, committed Himself to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Hammond, (a Confident of Cromwell's, who had been but a little before made Govern­our of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose,) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook-Castle, the very Pit His Enemies had designed for Him. For it was discoursed in the Army above a fort­night before, that the King e're long would be in the Isle of Wight: and the very night He de­parted from Hampton-Court, the Centinels were withdrawn from their usual Posts, on purpose to facilitate His flight. The all-wise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials, and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had de­signed for Him. Being here in this false Har­bour, He minds that business which lay most on His Heart, the Settlement of the Nation; He sends Concessions to the Parliament more be­nign and easie than they could desire or hope, together with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands; and earnestly solicites them to pity the Languishing Kingdom, and come to a Personal Treaty with Him, on His Concessions and the Army's Demands.

But the Conspirators, to cut off all hopes of a [Page 151]Treaty, take this Occasion to send four Preli­minary Articles, which if He would pass as Acts, they would treat of the rest. These were so unjust, that the Scotch Commissioners in the Name of their Kingdom declare against them in publick Writings, and following the Messen­gers of Parliament to the Isle of Wight, do in the presence of His Majesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion, the Crown, and Accords of both Kingdoms. The King, accord­ing to His wonted Wisdom and Greatness of Mind, presently returns them an Answer, to shew the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty, which should be the Subject of it, and to give them such an Arbitra­ry Power, to the ruine of all the People. This Answer He delivered sealed to their Messengers, who desired that they might hear it read, and that they might be dealt with as Commissioners, not as bare Carriers (a greater trust than which their Masters had not committed unto them) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any prejudice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it, than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them, notwithstand­ing the Faith they had given, cause their Just Sovereign to be kept close Prisoner, force away His Chaplains, Dr. Sheldon, now Lord Bishop of London, and Dr. Hammond, both which He highly valued for their Integrity, Wisdom, Piety and Learning, and His other Servants, even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly a­bout [Page 152]Him, and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him, and permit none about Him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him, and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune. Besides they set strict Guards at His Doors and Windows, lest any Letters might come to Him, or be sent from Him.

The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament. For Cromwell and His Officers were resolved to go on with their Design, and hav­ing so long used the Adjutators, as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set, they soon quiet them, (which was not difficult, being a Company of hot-headed fellows, that could only talk, not form a Counsel or a Party, to endure a Storm,) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders; and being free of that care, applyed their practices wholly to the Destruction of His Majesty. To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King; but before they bring them into Pub­lick, they send into their several Counties about forty or fifty of the principal Members, who they thought would oppose them, to raise Mo­ney for the Souldiers. Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly, that the Debates lasted from ten of the Clock in the Morning till seven in the Evening; and though they thus wearied the more Honest Par­ty, yet could it not pass till the Conspirators [Page 153]had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dis­patched in half an hours time, when those of the more sober Principles were gone forth to refresh themselves, and the Conspirators still kept their Seats. The House of Peers were not so hasty in them as the Commons had been, and their Debates vexed the Conspirators with De­layes, till those who were sent by the Army to thank the Lower House for their Consent to these Desires of the Souldiers, did also threaten the Upper for their long Deliberations: some new Terrors were also added, for they quarter­ed two of their Regiments at White-Hall, under colour of guarding the Parliament, but in truth to work upon the Lords; which had its effect, for many that had the most Honourable thoughts in this business, forsook the Parliament, and then three or four (which often was the fullest Num­ber about those times in that Honse,) joyn with the Commons in their Votes for no Addresses.

This prodigious Persidiousness in Parliament and Army, both which had so frequently de­clared and ingaged themselves by Oaths and Promises to preserve the King in His Just Rights, fill'd all men with amazement and indignation, to see how little they valued their Faith, who pretended so high to Religion; therefore each of them were put to satisfie the Common Fame. Cromwell to some would have cover'd this Im­piety with another, that as He was praying for [Page 154]a blessing from God on his undertakings, to re­store the King to his pristine Majesty, his tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth, that he could not speak one word more; which he took as a return of Prayer, and that God had rejected Him from being King. To others he did impudent­ly assert, That it was lawfull to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and frauds. The Con­spirators in the Parliament strove to honest their Proceedings by a Declaration, and assign in it for Causes of their Perjuries, all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most professed Enemies, or from those uncer­tain Rumours which themselves had invented, adding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as For­geries, (yet now were used as necessary Veils for a more execrable Falshood.) Which infamous Libel they cause to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom, to be divulged, supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slanders, or that none could publick­ly do it, because they set strict Watches upon all the Printing-Presses. They likewise Com­manded the Curates to read it in their several Churches, and commend it to the People. And that these might the more readily observe their Orders, they at the same time strictly enjoyn the payment of Tithes, and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands (which they had designed for profane Uses, and never intended they should be for the Emolument of Church-men) should [Page 155]be set apart for Augmentations for their Preach­ers, pretending a fervent zeal for the propaga­tion of the Gospel, when they did most disho­nour it. By their Agents, and the Anabaptists, with other Hereticks and Schismaticks, they solicite the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gra­tulatory Addresses to approve what they had al­ready done, and petition for a speedy progress in the Ruine of His Majesty.

But all these their cursed Projects failed, for several Answers to their Defamations were pub­lished, One writ by the King Himself, another by A full Answer. Sir Edward Hyde, and a third by The Regal A­pology. Dr. Bates: all which proved the Monstrous Falshoods of their Paper, and that the Faction were guilty of what they imputed to the King; and this with such evidence, that none of their most mercenary Writers, or the most foul-mouthed Conspira­tors, did dare or hope with Success to reply un­to. The Curates coldly, if at all, observed their Orders, and there came so few Petitions, and those signed by such contemptible and lewd Per­sons, as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred, than gave them any credit. While generally in every place none of the People could contain their fury against these Impostors, but publickly cursed them and their Infamous Adherents.

For their Miseries made them sensible of the [Page 156]want of that Prince whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebriating Pros­perity, that they had forgot the Minister of their Happiness. But now they found Govern­ment when it was out of His hand, like Moses's Rod cast on the ground, transformed to a Ser­pent; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most insufferable Slavery: wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that ren­der our Being comfortable, or they were not se­cure in the use of them. Religion, the Orna­ment of the present, and the Pledge of a future Life, was so dishonoured by Schisms and Here­sies (fomented to weaken the People by Divi­sions, to a tameness under their Oppressors) by Fasts for the most impious Designs, and Thanks­givings for prosperous Crimes; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Inven­tion of Tyrants, and the Disguise of Villains, and therefore did forsake it, and turn Atheists. Others that did still find the Inward Consolati­ons of it, yet feared openly to profess it, lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God, that they might more securely destroy men. Liberty also was now but an em­pty name: for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws; so that the Houses of Noble-men were converted to Gaols, for those that were unfortunate in honest enterprises; where they were to languish with want and [Page 157]sickness, and not be called to know their Of­fence or their Accusers, because they had not guilt enough for a publick Condemnation. Some were put a Ship-board in the midst of Summer, there to contract Diseases: Others were sold Slaves to foreign Plantations. Many to escape such nasty Confinements, or an igno­minious Torture, fled from their Native Soil ei­ther to the Neighbouring Countries, where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Bar­barousness of our Nation; or seeking for Shel­ter in the Isles and Deserts of America, pollu­ted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood.

Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law; but whom the Violence of the Souldier did not impoverish, the frauds of Committee men would, from whose Rapines none were secure that had not been as criminal as themselves, and few safe that did not seek their favour, and bow down to their Greatness: These men taking advan­tage of the common evils, to satisfie either their private revenge, or lusts: for their Proceedings were not regulated by the known Laws; but the secret Instructions of their Masters in Par­liament and Army, or their own Pleasures, were the Rules of administring Justice. An honest Fame likewise was a Mark for Ruine: for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood, and did not comply with their Interest, first he was vexed with Slanders and Reproaches, and af­terwards [Page 158]with Sequestration; especially if he were a Minister: and it was their common Prin­ciple, that an Honest Cavalier was the worst E­nemy, and a Cavalier Saint did the most hurt; so that both their Vices and Vertues were equal­ly hated. Common Converse was dangerous; for they had Informers in every place, and Spies almost in every Family of Note: Servants were corrupted to accuse their Masters, and the Dif­ferences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against another: Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Com­pany, to consult in private their peculiar Safety, for they knew their Words were observed, and their Secrets sought after. Few Families but had by the Civil War some loss to bewail; some mourned over their disagreeing Members in different Camps, and had cause to fear which side soever prospered they must be miserable in some part.

These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Re­medy: For the Parliament, that had the name of Government, were guilty of all these Re­proaches of a Community, being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army, the two Sects kept them so divi­ded, each Party labouring by Votes and Coun­sels to circumvent the other, that they could not mind the Universal Benefit. Besides the [Page 159]Power they exercised was too much to be well used, for they engrossed the Legislative Autho­rity, and the Exercise of Jurisdiction. So that they would make Laws according to their In­terest, and execute them according to their Lust; this day's Vote should contradict the for­mer day's Order, and to morrow we must vio­late what to day we solemnly swore to observe: so that men knew not what to obey, nor where to rest. Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King, who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries. For His Principles were Uniform, and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant; besides His Adversities had illustrated, if not calcined, His Endowments. For now when He had no Friends, Counsellors, or Secretaries, His Discourses with Commissioners upon their seve­ral Addresses, and His Declarations of His own Injuries, the Nations Slavery, the Injustice of His and their Adversaries, were so excellently and prudently managed, that they undeceived the greatest part, and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies: therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obedience of such an inestimable Prince.

These Considerations caused several attempts for His Deliverance, some Private, and others more Publick. The first was managed by those Servants whom the Parliament had placed a­bout Him; for these won by His Goodness, of [Page 160]which they were daily witnesses, twice plotted His Escape, and ventured their Lives for His Liberty, but failed in both designs: and the last being discovered before it could be put in­to action, One Rolfe, a bloody Villain, (that had also endeavoured to poison Him, for which though he was publickly accused, yet was ac­quitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that cause) waited to kill Him as He should descend from His Chamber.

[ Anno 1648.] The more publick was that of the whole Nation: for inraged with their own Oppressions and the Miseries of their Prince, men in most Counties, even of those that had adhered to the Parliament, but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded, draw up Pe­titions for a Personal Treaty with the King; that the Armies Arrears being paid they should imme­diately be disbanded; that Relief should be sent into Ireland, and England quite eased of the Con­tribution, which they could no longer bear. To these Petitions there were such innumerable Sub­scriptions, that the Officers of the Army, and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Se­questration, Imprisonment and Death, to make no Impression; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted, because discredited by their former Perjuries. The first Petitioners were the Essex men, who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before, as if they would force, not intreat for, what was necessary. After them [Page 161]those of Surrey, whom, by the command of the Of­ficers and Parliament-men, the Souldiers assault at the Parliament-Doors, kill some, wound more, and plunder all: and for this brave Ex­ploit upon unarmed Petitioners, they have the Thanks of the Commons, and a Largess for their Valour; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions, which before the very same men had declared to be the Birth-right of every English-man. ‘While men see and ad­mire the Returns of the Divine Justice, and the reciprocal motions of the Popular heat, that the very same Parliament that first stirr'd up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King, now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was indangered by Petitious.’

But all their Tyranny upon the complaining Nation prevailed nothing but to provoke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Pe­titions. And when they perceived they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests, which were not to be gained but by the Publick ruine, they fly from Prayers to Arms, and intitle their just War, For the Liberty of King and People. And in several places, as in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cornwall, York-shire, Wales, and at last in Surrey, multitudes take Arms for this Righ­teous Cause. The Navy also fall off, and set­ting Rainsbrough their levelling Admiral on Shore, seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to [Page 162]the Prince of Wales. The Scots likewise by an Order of their own Parliament send into Eng­land (to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King) an Army under Hamilton. But all was in vain, God had decreed other Triumphs for His Majesty, and to translate Him to another Kingdom. For the English being but tumultua­rily raised, having no train of Artillery or Am­munition considerable, were soon supprest by a veterane Army provided with all necessaries. The Scots, either through weakness or wicked­ness of their Commanders, who made so disor­derly a march that their Van and Rear were for­ty miles asunder, were easily worsted by Crom­well, who surprised their main Body, and Ha­milton was taken Prisoner. Cromwell follows the scattered Parties into Scotland, where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle, a domestick Enemy, and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Fa­ction of that false Earl; who calls another Par­liament, from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery, and all the Orders of that Convention made void. Cromwell had the Publick Thanks, and the Pri­vate Faith of Argyle to endeavour, as opportu­nity permitted, the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland.

The Navy also deserts the Prince, being cor­rupted by the Earl of Warwick, who was ap­pointed for this Service; and when he had in­gloriously [Page 163]bought off their Faith to their law­full Prince, himself was ignominiously cashiered by the Conspirators. These great disappoint­ments and overthrows of just Enterprises men variously attributed to different Causes. ‘Some to the Perfidiousness, others to the Weakness of those that managed them; as also to the Treachery of some Presbyterians, who in ha­tred to the Army first incouraged, and then in Jealousie of the Royallists basely deserted them. For the Rabbies of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the beginning of his Enterprise. Another sort thought them unhappy, because the greatest part of the Undertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King, or else had betrayed Him, and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom, which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants, because of their un­thankfulness and impatience under so Incom­parable a Prince.’

But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance, and Crom­well's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here, the less guilty Parliament-men seriously considering how impatient the People (who in London and other places had gotten innumera­ble Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign, how hateful themselves [Page 164]grew, because they had betrayed and inslaved their own Privileges, together with the Liber­ties of the Subject to an insatiable and Phana­tick Army, and how an evident Ruine attend­ed even their Conquests of Him whom it was unlawful to assault, did at last (though too late) contrary to the clamours of their Factious and Democratick Members, Repeal those Votes which they had formerly made, of No more Ad­dresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses, they afterwards with a strong Consent Vote a Treaty with the King, in Honour, Free­dom and Safety. The Factious Party in the Par­liament found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and the whole Kingdom to Peace. But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more sincere Members, and to bassle the People's just desires of it, by imposing ma­ny unequal Conditions, and obstructive restri­ctions.

For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight, and not at London; that it should be by Commissioners, and not imme­diately with the two Houses, as was Petitioned. The Propositions that were sent to be Treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court, and were then rejected by Him, and also condemned by the Army it self as too unjust. The Commissioners were so streightned in Power, that it was not [Page 165]lawful for them to soften any one of the Condi­tions of Peace, not to alter the Preface, or change the Order of the Propositions, nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were a­greed on. They could conclude nothing; they were only to propose the Demands, urge Rea­sons for the Royal Assent, receive the King's Answer, and refer all in writing to the Parlia­ment, whose slow Resolves, and the delays of sending were supposed would consume that nar­row measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things, for they were limited to forty days. The Commission­ers they sent, were Five of the Lord's House and Twelve of the Commoners, and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers, who were to press importunately for their Church-Govern­ment, to clude the King's Arguments for Epi­scopacy, and only to impose, not to dispute, their own.

With all these, upon so many several and dif­ferent Propositions, some relating to the Law of the Land, others to Reason of State, and some to the practice of the Apostolical Primi­tive Churches, the King was to deal without publick assistance. For though He was permit­ted the Ministry of some Officers of State, Coun­sellours and Divines, yet were they but of pri­vate advice, and to stand behind the Curtain; He only Himself was to speak in the Debate, and singly to manage matters of Policy with their [Page 166]most exercised Statists, and the points of Divi­nity with their best-studied Divines. ‘The Vulgar, to whom the Arts of these men were not so obvious, were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty, and now hoped to ex­change their Servitude under so many impor­tunate Tyrants, for the moderate and easie Government of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight, and observed with what difficulties it was burthened, hoped for no benefit from it. Because that if His Ma­jesty should I not Consent, as they believed He would not, then He would be the object of the popular impatience: And if He should Consent, He that now was thought to be most injuriously dealt with, would then be con­ceived not to deserve the Pity even of His Friends; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions, than to be ruined with more Dishonour. So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Majesty, and the implacable Malice of His Enemies, they despaired of any happy [...]ue.’

But beyond the Faith of these men, and the Hopes of the other, the King's incredible Pru­dence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions. And by a present Judge­ment and commanding Eloquence did so urge His own, and refell their Arguments, that He forced an Admiration of Himself, and, which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance, drew [Page 167]many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own Opinion (though their Commission, and the danger of their Lives, necessitated them, con­trary to the dictates of their own Consciences, to prolong the Debates;) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust, yet grant­ed what was not directly against His Honour and Conscience: Thus devesting Himself of His own Rights, He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country. For He indeavour­ed by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People. Yet the King saw by the Obstina­cy of the most Powerful of those He Treated with, that they intended nothing less than Peace, nor any thing more than His Destructi­on; which that it might be adequate to their Malice, they would have it accompanied with the damnation of His Soul (as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful, as the Aliena­tion of Church-Lands. Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His Blood, yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island, He did not hearken to the same Servant, who perswaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight, which He assured Him was not difficult, and in admi­nistring to which He offered to hazard his own blood. But the King alwayes thought His Life beueath the Honour of Faithfulness, and would [Page 168]not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame, which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person, chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allotted for Him, than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those dayes which He now began to be weary of: For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes, which their People either cannot or will not preserve. And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others, than to live by His own.

While the Treaty thus proceeded, the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton, (this last was Bold, Subtle, Perfidious and Active in all Designs; so that his Soul be­ing congenial with that of Cromwell, had been the cause of an Alliance betwixt them, for he had Married one of Cromwell's Daughters, and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius, that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design,) drew to­wards London, and quartered within half a days march from the City; that if their Interest did require, they might the more suddenly oppress those who were less favourable to their Enter­prises. The Officers did at first publickly pro­fess a great Modesty, as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages, and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War: yet in private [Page 169]practised an universal Confusion, for mingling Counsels with their Factious Party in the Two Houses, they set up again the Meetings of their Adjutators, framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty, and to require that all De­linquents without difference (wherein they in­cluded the Person of the King) might be brought to Tryal; and by their Emissaries a­broad drew some inconsiderable and ignomini­ous persons, (by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy, and imaginary advan­tages by the change of Government,) to sub­scribe to them.

When they thought these practices had pro­duced their desired effect, and they had infect­ed most of the Souldiers in the several Garri­sons, and that more Parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London; Ire­ton, under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax, withdraws himself privately to Windsor Castle, where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament, they joyntly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style. Wherein in the name of the Army he malici­ously declaims against all Peace with the King, and His Restitution to the Government: after­wards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delin­quent: with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parliament, some to please the Soul­diers, and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble.

[Page 170]This being prepared, and the Treaty now drawing towards an End (which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed, that the Army might have more time to gather toge­ther) and the Commanders having a perfect In­telligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Ac­commodation, they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime. Therefore they speedily call a Council of War, at which met the Colonels, and other inferiour Officers, all men of Mercenary Souls, Seditious, Covetous, and so accustomed to Dissimulation, that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour Impostures. They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting, pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wick­edness they had predetermined to act. This is the constant practice of such who would most se­curely abuse the Patience of the People, while they commit the most horrid Crimes. For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason, or any Command of the known Will of God, they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer. This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used; and the credu­lous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion, that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints. Thus having prefaced their Villany, Ireton produces his Re­monstrance, which being read among them was [Page 171]received by the Souldiers (who, through a plea­sure in blood, and hopes of Spoil, are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs, whether good or bad, that tends to disturbance, and conti­nuance of War,) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven; and to make it the more terrible, they styled it the Re­monstrance of the Army, and order it to be pre­sented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England.

‘When this Remonstrance was published, the minds of men were variously affected. Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condi­tion should dare to endeavour the alteration of an Ancient Government, an attempt so far above their fortune; and to design against the Person of their Sovereign, who by the Splen­dour of his former Majesty, and by a con­tinued Descent from so many Royal Progeni­tors, had derived all that challenges the Re­verence of the People. And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness, that the Contrivers could not really intend the Ex­ecution, but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt. Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People, and their damna­ble blasphemies of the Almighty God, did tru­ly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the ex­tremest [Page 172]mischiefs; and that having proceeded thus far, they would think their Safety con­sisted in an accumulation of their Sins. Only they admired that these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pretending to God's Di­rection, (in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judgement be deprehended) by boasting of the Concurrence of the People, which was too evident a Cheat, for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abominate their practices. But others more Speculative knew it was the accustomed Me­thod of the Subverters of a lawfull Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny, first to seek the fa­vour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice, and then to boast of it as though they had it, and were entrusted by the People to recover what they presented to their hopes and desires; and that these men following the same practices would be the greatest Oppressors of those whom they pretended to vindicate.’

The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army, yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually, and preferring the utmost hazards to a Compliance with this Remonstrance, laid it a­side, and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them. This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Souldiers, who stormed at the contempt of those whose Grandeur depended upon their [Page 173]Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their Chief Design, and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition, they immediately sent a Party of their Army into the Isle of Wight, to secure the King: these laying hold upon Him, with a most Insolent Rudeness, not permitting the delay of a Breakfast, forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle, an unwholesome and sordid place. The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London, with all the imaginable signs of terrour, as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemies Town. When they had en­tred, they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were nearest the Parliament-House, hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger, so to affright those Mem­bers who were not so wicked as to comply with them, that they should voluntarily withdraw, and hiding themselves, leave the possession to their own scanty Party. For then the Violence would seem less, and give more Authority to their unjust Decrees.

But the honest Members were more in love with Justice, and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Souldiers, but as inspired with some unaccustomed Courage at this time, and thinking themselves guarded by the Priviledges of Parliament, with a greater boldness than usually they did upon just designs, they appear in the House. Where the Common­ers re-assuming the consideration of the King's [Page 174]Concessions, continued that Debate till past Midnight; the Factious Party, and the Crea­tures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples, multiplying Cavils, and by tedious harangues wasting the time, that the more Just Party, which consisted most of Gentlemen of For­tunes, not accustomed to such Watchings and Fastings, might be wearied out, and leave them to their own Resolves: and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night. Among the rest, Sir Henry Vane, (who was born to disquiet the world, and to be a firebrand of Communities, yet still carrying his designs of Confusion under a feign­ed meekness and simplicity of the Gospel) This Man in the Isle of Wight had perswaded the King not to be prodigal in His Concessions; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask, or Him to grant, and undertook to make it evident to the whole world: yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously in­veigh against the Concessions, as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruine the Parliament and Common-wealth. Yet at last, notwithstanding those Terrours without, and Troubles within, the House came to this Re­solve, that The Kings Concessions were a suf­ficient ground for Peace. Which was carried by Two Hundred Voices, and there were searce Sixty Dissenters.

The next day the same Resolve was passed by [Page 175]the Lords in the very same terms, not one dis­senting. Who immediately adjourned for a week, to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend it self after so generous an oppo­sition. And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote. This free and publick detestation of the Crime, that was designed, did extremely enrage the Proje­ctors of it, and the Democratick Party in the House mingled Threatnings with their Advices. For One of the Chiefs of the Faction could not forbear to assure them, that If they continued in this their Resolve, they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again. Which accord­ingly was executed: for the next day they were to meet there, the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons, who strict­ly keeping all the Avenues thereto, that none might enter without their Licence, laid hold upon Forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Resolution; they denied admission to One hundred and fifty more, and suffered none to enter of whose ser­vile compliance they were not well assured. Some that had escaped their observation, and got into the House, by tickets, as from Friends or Servants, they invite forth; whom being once without doors they violently force away, while they in vain pleaded the Privileges of Par­liament.

[Page 176]The imprisoned Members they vex and tor­ture with great Indignities, exposing them to the mockeries and insolencies of the Common Souldiers: although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies, Bri­gades and Regiments in the Parliament's cause against the King; and others that had been most importunate assertors of their first injustice to their Prince. ‘Those that beheld these vi­cissitudes wondred, and acknowledged the just Judgement of God, that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign, by the ministry of their own more vile and merce­nary Souldiers, and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King; the very same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them: for both equally pre­tended to a Necessity of Reformation, and Self-preservation. Others were inquisitive for the faith of these men, who taking up Arms for the Sacred Privileges of Parliament, had now left nothing but the Walls of that House.’ For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parlia­ment, being scarce the eighth part of that Con­vention, and not much above Forty in all, and those the reproach of that Assembly. For be­sides those that were violently excluded, others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there [Page 177]withdrew themselves to their own homes. And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion, Justice and Liberty, had hitherto been of the Faction, yet now awaken­ed by these clamorous Crimes, sorsook their bloody Confederacy.

Yet did not this contemptible Number, of which in most Votes there were Twenty Dissen­ters, blush to assume the Authority of mana­ging the weightiest Assairs of the English Em­pire, to alter and change the Government, to expose His Majesty to a violent Murder, and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army, they communicated counsels with them; and whatsoever was resolv­ed at the Council of War, pasled into a Law by the Votes of this Infamous Remnant of the House of Commons, who now served the Soul­diers in hopes of part of the Spoil, and a preca­rious Greatness, which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting. In order there­fore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addresses to the King; (which had at first but surreptitiously, and by base practices passed, and had been afterwards Repealed by a full House.) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King, and of the Satisfactoriness of His Con­cessions, with scorn they rased out of the Journal-Book. And then proceeded to Vote,

• [Page 178]1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power.
• 2. That the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, being Chosen by, and Repre­senting the People, have the Supreme Au­thority of this Nation.
• 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England Assem­bled in Parliament (by which they under­stood themselves) hath the sorce of a Law.
• 4. That all the People of this Nation are con­cluded thereby, although the Consent and Concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto.
• 5. That to raise Arms against the People's Representative or Parliament, and to make War upon them, is High Treason.
• 6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament, and on that account is guil­ty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War, and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood.

‘Those that were less affected with the com­mon Fears and Miseries could not temper their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers, [Page 179]that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes; that in one breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy, and in the next rob the People to invest them­selves. And (it is said that) even Cromwell (who intended to ruine our Liberty,) was ashamed, and scorned their so ready Slavery, and afterwards did swear at the Table of an Independent Lord, that he knew them to be Rascals, and he would so serve them. Others of more melancholy Complexions, consider­ing the baseness of these servile Tyrants, and the humours of their barbarous Masters the Souldiers, all whose inhumanities they were to establish by a Law; and that Power gotten by Wickedness cannot be used with the Modesty that is fit for Just Magistrates; justly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty, so under these men they were to be overwhelmed in the depth of Sla­very: and that these Votes which overturn­ed the very Foundation of our Laws, could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety, and our lasting Bondage, which came so to pass.’

For in their next Consultations, they Consti­tute a Tribunal to Sentence their Sovereign (which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People) of the most abject Subjects; and to pro­cure a Reverence to the Vilest of men, they give [Page 180]it the specious name of The High Court of Ju­stice. For which they appoint One hundred and fifty Judges (that the Number might seem to represent the whole Multitude) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction: To whom they give a Power of Citing, Hearing, Judging and Punishing CHARLES STƲART King of England. To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House, and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army (who having confederated against His Majesty, and publick­ly required His Blood, could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges) and Members of the Lower House, who were most violent against Monarchy, and indeed all Government wherein themselves had no share. The rest were Persons pick'd out of the City of London and Suburbs thereof, who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts.

‘Those that surveyed the List, and knew the Men, deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice, and proper Instruments for any wick­ed undertaking; for of these Judges one or two were Coblers, others Brewers, one a Gold­smith, and many of them Mechanicks. Such among them as were descended of Ancient Families, were men of so mean worth, that they were only like the Statues of their An­cestors, had nothing but their Names to make [Page 181]them known unto the World. Some of them were Spend-thrifts, Bankrupts, (such as could be neither safe nor free, unless the Kingdom were in Bondage) and most notorious Adul­terers, whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse, Cowardly and Base in Spirit, Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels, and those Parts that cannot honestly be named were most dishonest. One of them was accused of a Rape; Another had published a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity. Some of them could not hope to get impuni­ty for their Oppressions of the Country and Expilations of the publick Treasure, but by their Ministry to this Murther. Others could not promise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Iniquity. Yet all these by the Faction were inrolled in the Register of Saints, though fit­ter to stand as Malefactors at the Bar, than to sit upon Seats of Judgement. And notwith­standing their diligent search for such a Num­ber of men, who would not blush at nor fear any guilt, some of those whom they had na­med, in abhorrency of the Impiety, refused to fit; and some that did, yet met there in hopes of disturbing their Counsels.’

All this while the House of Peers were not Consulted, and it was commonly supposed that most of them terrified with those Preparations [Page 182]against the King (the only defence of the Nobless against the Popular Envie) would absent them­selves from that House, except four or five that were the Darlings of the Faction; and they deemed the Names and Compliance of those sew were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also; for some of the Peers did constantly meet, and on that day wherein the Bill for Tryal of the King was carried up to that House, there were Seventeen then present (a greater Number than usual,) who all Unani­mously (even the Democratick Lords not dis­senting) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal. This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction, that they meditated a severe re­venge, and for the present blotted out those Peers, whose Names they had before put into their Ordinance, to make their Court more splendid. After this they did also rase out the names of the Judges of the Land; for they be­ing privately Consulted concerning these Pro­ceedings against the King, (although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction, yet) answered, that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England, that the King should be brought to Tryal.

To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with, they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party. First, they [Page 183]bring from Hert ford shire a Woman (some say a Witch) who said, that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Army's Proceedings. Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with Thanks, as being very seasonable, and coming from an humble Spirit. A second was the Agreement of the People, which was a Mo­dule of a Democratical Politie, wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government, had their hopes raised to a share of it, if they conspired to re­move the great Obstruction, which was the Per­son and Life of the King. This was presented to the House of Commons by Sir Hardress Waller and sixteen other Officers, as a tempora­ry remedy; for when they had perpetrated their Impiety, they discountenanced and fierce­ly prosecuted those that endeavoured it.

In considence of these their Arts and their present Power, notwithstanding all these Pub­lick Abhorrencies and detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge, they Enacted their Bill. And for President of this Court, they chose one of the Number, John Bradshaw; ‘A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment. A Monster of Impudence, and a most fierce Prosecuter of evil purposes. Of no repute a­mong those of his own Robe for any Know­ledge in the Law: but of so virulent and pe­tulant a Language, that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking; and was therefore [Page 184]more often bribed to be silent, than fee'd to maintain a Client's Cause. His Vices had made him penurious, and those with his pe­nury had seasoned him for any execrable un­dertaking.’ They also had a Sollicitor of the same Metal, John Cooke, ‘A needy man, who by various Arts, and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence, yet still so poor, that he was forced to seek the shelter of ob­scure and sordid corners to avoid the Prison. So that vexed with a tedious Poverty, he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employ­ment, which at the first mention he did pro­fess to abhor.’ These were their Chief A­gents: other inferiour Ministers they had equal­ly qualified with these their prime Instruments, as Dorislaus a German Bandito, who was to draw up the Charge; Steele, another of their Counsel, under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event, though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise, having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust, and re­lating to this, the Murther of Captain Burleigh. The Serjeants, Clerks and Cryer were so ob­scure, that the world had never taken notice of them, but by their subserviency to this Im­piety.

These were the Publick Preparations; In pri­vate they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings, and the Matter of their [Page 185]Accusation. Concerning the first, they were di­vided in Opinions. Some would have the King first formally degraded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensignes of Majesty, and then as a private person exposed to Justice. But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project, which, as all horrid acts, was to be done in a present fury, lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay. Others rejected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish pro­cedure against Sovereign Princes, and they fear­ed to confirm that common Suspicion, that they followed Jesuitical Counsels (whose Society (it is reported) upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome, at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death.) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe, because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Vio­lence on His Majesty, were but gleanings from Popish Writers. These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who, designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy, whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government, would have the King proceeded against as King, that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty, and with Him murther Monarchy. For several of them did confess, that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their [Page 186] King, and because the Excellency of His Parts, and Eminent Vertues, together with the Rights of His Birth, would not suffer Him to be a pri­vate Person.

In their second Debate about the Matter of Accusation, all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison (who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell, and though now his Creature, yet af­terwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times) to blacken Him as much as they could; yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name. For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King, had been so publickly refuted, that they could afford no colour for His Murther. Therefore they form­ed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was, that He had levied War against the Parlia­ment; that He had appeared in Arms in several places, and did there proclaim War, and execu­ted it by killing several of the Good People; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and an implacable Common Enemy. ‘This Charge, in the Judgement of Consider­ing men, argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it than in Him against whom it was formed: for they seemed less sensible of the instability and infirmities of humane Nature, than those that had none but her light to make them generous, for such never reproach­ed [Page 187]their conquered Enemies with their Victo­ry; but these men would murther their own Prince, against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War, which leaves the Conquered the only Crimi­nal, while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conquerour. How false those Imputations of Tyranny, Treason and Murther were, was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign; wherein it was judged, that if in any thing He had declined from the safest Arts of Empire, it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious persons whom the Laws had condemned to die. And in the War it was known how often His Lenity had clipped the wings of Victory. But it appeared that these men, as they had broken all Rights of Peace, so they would also those of Conquest, and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save.’

How little credit their Accusation found ap­peared by the endeavours of all Parties to pre­serve the King's Person from Danger, and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus engaged to perpetrate their in­tended Mischiefs, all Parties declare against it. The Presbyterian Ministers, almost all those of London, and very many out of the several Coun­ties, and some, though few, also of the Inde­pendents, did in th [...] Sermons and Conferences, [Page 188]as also by Monitory Letters, Petitions, Prote­stations and Remonstrances, publickly divulged, adjure the Assassinates not to draw so great a guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murther. For it was contrary to those nu­merous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths; to the Publick and Private Faith, which was exprest in their Protestations and many De­clarations; to the Laws of the Land, those of Na­ture, and Nations, and the Commands of Scri­pture. That is was to the dishonour of our Re­ligion, and against the publick good of the King­dom. But all was fruitless, for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Fa­ction so long, till they needed not their Assi­stance, and despised their admonitions: Be­sides, the very same Principles they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces, and made use of against them to adjust the Murther. The People also contemned them for their short-sightedness, in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men, and in such practices as must of necessity at last ruine them and all Ministers, as well as the King and Bishops.

The Scots also by their Commissioners de­clare and protest against it. The States of Hol­land by their Ambassadors (if they were faith­full in their trust) did intercede, and deprecate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest. Some of the most eminent of the Nobility, as [Page 189]the Earl of Southampton, the Duke of Rich­mond, the Marquess of Hertford, the Earl of Lindsey, and others, neglect no wayes, either by Prayers or Ransom, to save the King. Yea, they offered themselves, as being the prime Mi­nisters of the King's Commands, as Hostages for Him, and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood, to suffer in His stead for whatso­ever He had done amiss. The Prince piously assaies all wayes and means to deliver His Fa­ther from the danger. For besides the States Ambassadours (whom He had procured) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred, Relations, and Allies of Cromwell, Ireton, and the other Conspirators, with full power to propose any Conditions, make any Promises, and use all Threatnings to divert them, if it were possible, from their in­tended Cruelty, or at least to gain some time before the Execution. But all was in vain, for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires: their Ambition (that is more impetu­ous than all other affections) had swallowed the hopes of Empire; therefore they would re­move the King to enthrone themselves. Some thought that their despair of Pardon had har­dened them to a greater Inhumanity, for if af­ter all these attempts they continued the King's Life, they must beg their own; which they knew Justice would not, and they resolved Mercy should not give; for this is reckoned [Page 190]among the benefits which we hate to receive, and Men are usually ashamed to confess they de­served death.

Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel, they publickly pretended no other Mo­tive than the Calls and Ducts of Providence, and the Impulses of the Blessed Sp [...] To carry on this Cheat, Hugh Peters ( ‘the Pulpit-Buffoon, of a luxuriant Speech, skill'd [...]o move the Rabble by mimical Gest [...]) Impudent, and Prodigal of his own and others fame, Igno­minious from his Youth, for then suffering the contumely of Discipline, being publickly whipt, at Cambridge, he was ever after an Enemy to Government, and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries) preaches be­fore these fictitious Judges upon that Text, Psal. 149.8.’ To hind their Kings in chains, and their Nobles in fetters of iron. He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them, that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture, that they should judge the Kings of the Earth, often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges. Then he professed, that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny, that there were in the Army 5000 Saints, no less holy than those that now in Hea­ven conversed with God. Afterwards kneeling in his Pulpit, weeping and lifting up his hands, he earnestly begs them in the name of the Peo­ple of England, that they would execute Justice [Page 191]upon that Wretch CHARLES, and would not let Benhadad escape in Safety. Then he inveighs against Monarchy, and wrests the Pa­rable of Jotham to his purpose, wherein when the Trees would chuse a King, the Vine and the Olive refused the Dignity, but the Bramble re­ceived the Empire, and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble. And all the while of contriv­ing and executing this Murther he preached to the Souldiers, and in some places about the City, bitterly and contemptuously railing a­gainst the King. Others also of the Congrega­tional perswasion acted their parts in this Tra­gedie, but more closely, and not so much in the face of the Sun.

The Conspirators taking heat from their in­famous Preachers, whom they themselves had first kindled, and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applications from all Parties to save the King, and the Universal Discontents, might take some advantage from their delay, with more speed hasten the Assassination. In order to which they send a Serjeant of Arms with a guard of Horse (lest the People should stone him for his Employment) into Westmin­ster-Hall, and other places in London, to sum­mon all that could lay any crime to the King 's charge, to come, and give in their evidence a­gainst Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes, and dress'd up a Tribunal at the up­per end of Westminster-Hall, with all the shapes [Page 192]of terrour, where the President with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed, thither af­terwards they bring this most Excellent Mo­narch, whom having despoiled of three Great Kingdoms, they now determined also to de­prive of Life.

Into which Scene the King enter'd with a generous Miene, shewing no signs of discompo­sure, nor any thing beneath His former Maje­sty; but as if He were to combate for Glory the Monsters of Mankind, He undauntedly took the Seat which was set for Him, with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges, and with pity upon the People, who crouding in (the great Gates of the Hall being flung open) did bewail in Him the frailty of our Humane con­dition, whose highest Greatness hath no Secu­rity: A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger.

He being set, the Charge against Him was read, with all those reproachful terms of Ty­rant, Traitor and Murtherer; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England. This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impatience and Dete­station of all, and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax, Wife of the Lord Fairfax, who by this act shewed her self worthy of her Extract from the Noble Family of the Veres; for from an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood, [Page 193]she cryed out with a loud voice (but not with­out danger) that It was a Lie, not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime, but all was done by the Machinations of that Traitor Cromwell.

But the King after the Charge was read, with a countenance full of Majesty and Gravity, de­mands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith, and what Law they had to try Him that was an ab­solute Sovereign. Bradshaw replying, that of the Parliament; His Majesty shewed the dete­stable Falshood in pretending to what they had not, and if they had it, yet it could not justifie these Practices. To which reply when they could not answer, they force Him back to the place of His Captivity.

The Magnanimity of the King in this dayes contest with these inhumane Butchers, did much satisfie the People, and they were glad (while they thought not of His Danger) that He want­ed not either Speech or Courage against so powerfull Enemies; that He had spoken no­thing unworthy of Himself, and had preserved the Fame of His Vertues even in so great Ad­versities. For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to. The Parricides sought to break His Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges, and often exposing Him [Page 194]to the contempt of the armed Rabble; there­fore four dayes they torture Him with the Im­pudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Sol­licitor and President. But He still refused to own their Authority, which they could not prove lawful, and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety, that He made Col. Downes, one of their Court, to boggle at, and disturb their Proceedings. They therefore at last proceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour, and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign, Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany, but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint.

At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a phanatick and base Rabble, instigated by Peters and other In­structors of Villany, could invent and commit. And He suffer'd many things so conformable to Christ His King, as did alleviate the sense of them in Him, and also instruct Him to a cor­respondent Patience and Charity. When the barbarous Souldiers cryed out at His departure, Justice, Justice, Execution, Execution, as those deceived Jews did once to their KING, Cru­cifie Him, Crucifie Him; this Prince, in imita­tion of that most Holy King, pitied their blind fury, and said, Poor Souls! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders. [Page 195]As He passed along, some in defiance spit upon His Garments, and one or two (as it was re­ported by an Officer of theirs, who was one of their Court, and praised it as an evidence of His Souldiers Gallantry, while others were stu­pified with their prodigious baseness) polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle: the Good King, reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master, wiped it off, saying, My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me. Into his very face they blowed their stinking To­bacco, which they knew was very distastefull to Him; and in the way where He was to go, just at His feet, they flung down pieces of their nasty pipes. And as they had devested them­selves of all humanity, so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed. (For no honest Spi­rit could be so forgetful of humane frailty, as not to be troubled at such a sight; to see a Great and Just King, the rightful Lord of three flou­rishing Kingdoms, now forced from His Throne, and led captive through the streets.) Such as pull'd off their Hats, or bowed to Him, they beat with their Fists and Weapons, and knock'd down one dead but for crying out, God be mer­cifull unto Him.

When they had brought Him to His Cham­ber, even there they suffered Him not to rest, but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy To­bacco, they permitted Him no privacy to Prayer [Page 196]and Meditation. Thus through variety of Tor­tures did the King pass this day, and by His Pa­tience wearied His Tormentors: nothing un­worthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him, though Indignities and Injuries are un­usual to Princes, and these were such as might have forced passion from the best-tempered meekness, had it not been strengthned with as­sistance from Heaven. In the Evening the Con­spirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army, of the King's desire, that seeing His death was nigh, it might be permitted Him to see His Children, and to receive the Sacrament, and that Doctor Juxon, then Lord Bishop of London, (now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber. The first they did not scruple at, the Children in their power being but two, the Lady Elizabeth and the Duke of Glocester, and they very young. The second they did not readily grant. Some would have had Peters to undertake that employment for which the Bi­shop was sent for: But he declined it with some Scoffs, as knowing that the King hated the Of­fices of such an unhallowed Buffoon. So that at last they permitted the Bishops access to the King, to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear. For with so wonderful a prudence and uprightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury, that that accusing age, especially of Church-men, found not matter for [Page 197]any impeachment, nor ground for the least re­proach.

The next day being Sunday, the King was removed to St. James's, where the Bishop of Lon­don read Divine Service, and preached before Him in private on these words, In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel. While the King and the Bishop at this time, and also at other times, were performing the Divine Service, the rude Souldiers often rushed in, and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs, vain and frivolous Questions. The Commanders likewise, and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations, who came to tempt and try Him, and provoke Him to some unne­cessary disputations. But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments, that He put some to silence, the petulancy of others He neglected, and with a modest contempt dis­sembled their Scoffs and Reproaches. In the narrow space of this one day, and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances, the King (whose whole Soul was totally composed to Re­ligion,) applyed Himself, as much as was pos­sible, to the Reading Holy Scriptures, to Prayer, Confession of Sins, Supplications for the for­giveness of His Enemies, the receiving the Eu­charist, holy Conferences, and all the Offices of Piety: so under the utmost Malice and Ha­tred of men, He laboured for the Mercy of God, [Page 198]and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death.

While the King thus spent this day, the Mi­nisters in the several Churches in London, and in those parts of the Kingdom where His dan­ger was known, were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Deliverance and Spiri­tual Assistance. ‘Some of them in their Ser­mons declared the horrour of that sin that was about to be committed, detested the Im­piety of the Parricides, and denounced the heavy Judgements which such a sinfull Nati­on polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect. The Congregations were dissolved into Tears. Some bewailed the sad Condi­tion of the King, as the effect of the Sins of the Nation. Others cursed their damnable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just Man, and the promises of Liberty by their Impo­stors. And another sort wept, because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them. And every one found matter of grief, fear, and indignation in the loss of so Excel­lent a Prince. All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment, there was no Tu­mults nor any Quiet, every one listning and hearkning, either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery, or greedy to re­ceive some hopes of Comfort in their Sove­reign's Safety; otherwise there was a stilness [Page 199]like that which too strong Passions effect, and might be thought a Stupidity rather than a Calmness.’

The next day, being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children. His con­ference and words with them was taken in wri­ting and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter, a Lady of most eminent Endowments; who though born in the supremest Fortune, yet lived in continual Tears, the passages of her Life being spent in behold­ing the Ruines of her Family, and the Murther of her dear Father, whom she not long survi­ved, but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty, in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight.

While these things were done in publick, the Conspirators meet in private in a Committee, to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy, determine what Gestures they were to affect, what Words they were to use, as also for the manner, place and time of the Murther. In which Consultations, both now and before the Sentence, each one, according to the bloodiness of his temperament, or servilely to flatter Crom­well, by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition, did propose several wayes either of contempt or hatred in killing their senten­ced, yet anointed, Sovereign. Some would have His Head and Quarters fastned upon Poles (as [Page 200]it is usual with Traitors) that the marks of their Cruelty might out-last His Death. Others would have Him hanged, as they punished Thieves and Murtherers. Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habi­liments with His Crown, and in His Robes, that it might be a Triumph of the Peoples power o­ver Kings.

At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroak of an Axe on a Scaf­fold near White-Hall Gates before the Banquet­ing-House, that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne, and shew the Splendour of Majesty, He might pass to His Grave; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty, and lay­ing them down as Spoils, where He had before used them as the Ornaments of Empire. Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice Inge­nious, and provided Triumphs for their revenge. And because they suspected, or were informed, that as the King had not owned their Autho­rity, so He would not submit to their Execu­tion, nor willingly stoop to the Block, they caused to be fastned in it some Iron Staples and Rings, that by them with Cords they might draw Him down, if He would not comply. But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhuma­nity; and He died disowning their Authority, though He could not escape their Power.

In the midst of these Preparations, they cause [Page 201]some Souldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions, to which if He would subscribe, they promise Life, and the conti­nuance of a precarious Empire: either out of a Terrour and Fear of the consequents of their Impieties; for the confidence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a sollicitude when they come to be acted: or out of De­sign to ruine His Conscience and Honour, toge­ther with His mortal Life, if He should consent. But when one or two of them had been read to Him, He refused to hear any more, saying, I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so pro­stitute my Honour, or betray the Liberties of my People. Thus mindful of Justice, He would not deface the Splendor of His former Vertues with a too impotent desire of Life.

At last that Fatal Day, Jan. 30. approached: and that morning, a little before His Death, the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers, viz. Marshal, Nye, Caryl, Salway and Dell, to pray with Him, as they said, in order to His passage out of this Life; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming, He returned answer that He was busie: they sent a second time, and He replyed that He was at His Devotions: they importunately sent a third time, and my Lord of London then desiring to know what answer he should give to satisfie them; His Majesty then as unconcerned in their Ministery said, My Lord, you may give them [Page 202]what answer you please, but I am resolved, that they who have so often and so causelesly prayed against Me, shall not in this My Agony pray with Me, they may pray for Me if they please. Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devotions in the Offices of the Church of England, in them found an unexpected Com­fort; for the Gospel for that Day being the Hi­story of the Passion of our Saviour, did by that Example strengthen the King to follow Jesus, and to take up His Cross; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern. Being thus confirm­ed by the Blood (for He took the Sacrament that Morning) and sufferings of His LORD (whose Vicegerent He was) together with His own Innocency, against the Terrors of Death, He was brought from St. James's through the Park to White-Hall, walking very fast, and with as chearful a Countenance as if He were going to Hunting, (a Recreation He was much plea­sed with,) often advising His slow Guards to move faster, adding, I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less sollici­tude than I formerly have led My Souldiers for an Earthly Diadem. And being come to the end of the Park, He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall, and so into the Cabinet-Chamber, where He continued some time in Devotion, while they were fitting the Theatre of His Mur­ther.

[Page 203]While these things were acting, the Lord Fair­fax, who had alwayes forborn any publick ap­pearance in the practices of this Murther, had taken up (as is credibly reported) some Reso­lutions, (either in abhorrency of the Crime, or by the Solicitations of others) with his own Re­giment, though none else should follow him, to hinder the Execution. This being suspected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Harrison coming to him, after their usual way of deceiving, en­deavoured to perswade him, that the LORD had rejected the King, and with such like Lan­guage as they knew had formerly prevailed up­on him, concealing that they had that very morning signed the Warrant for the Assassina­tion; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD by Prayer, that they might know his mind in the thing. Which he assenting to, Harrison was appointed for the Duty, and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphe­mous Discourse to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution, which they pri­vately sent to their Instruments to hasten; of which when they had notice that it was past, they rose up, and perswaded the General that this was a full return of Prayer, and God hav­ing so manifested his pleasure they were to ac­quiesce in it. There was likewise another at­tempt made by Col. Downes, who had disturb­ed them in their Court, to obstruct them in their Execution; for it is said, that he endeavoured [Page 204]to make a Mutiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness, but the hast of the Assassinates pre­vented him.

While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers, to the lasting reproach of Christianity, the King, after He had sinished His Supplicati­ons, was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold, which was dress'd to terrour, for it was all hung with Black, where were at­tending two Executioners in Disguises, and the Axe and the Block prepared. But it prevail­ed not to affright Him whose Soul was already panting after another Life. And therefore He entred this ignominious and gastly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne, shewing no fear of death, but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking a­bout He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and a­bout the Scaffold, that the People could not come near Him, and those that saw could not be Hearers; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spoken to the People, He spoke to the Officers, and those that were then about Him, that which is now printed among His Works.

Having ended His Speech, He declared His Profession of Religion; and while He was pre­paring for the Block, He expressed what were His Hopes (for all the Righteous have such) in [Page 205]Death, saying, I have a good Cause and a Gra­cious God on my side; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world. After this composing Himself to an Address to God, hav­ing His Eyes and Hands like fore-runners lifted up to Heaven, and expressing some short and private Ejaculations, He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer, and meekly submitted His Crowned Head to the pleasure of His God, to be profaned by the Axe of the dis­guised Executioner: which was suddenly seve­red from His Body by one strong stroke. So sell CHARLES the First, and with Him expired the Glory and Liberty of Three Nations.

Thus the King finished His Martyrdom, but His Enemies not their Malice, who extended their Cruelty beyond His Life, and abused the Headless Trunk. Some washed their hands in the Royal Blood, others dipt their staves in it; and that they might indulge their insatiate Co­vetousness as well as their boundless Inhumani­ty, they sold the chips of the Block, and the sands that were discoloured with His Blood, and exposed His very Hairs to sale: which the Spe­ctators purchased for different uses. Some did it to preserve the Reliques of so Glorious a Prince, whom they so dearly loved. Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that disease which our English Kings (through the Indulgence of Heaven) by Their touch did [Page 206]usually heal: and it was reported that these Re­liques experienced failed not of the effect. And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophees of their hatred to their Lawfull Sovereign. Cromwell, that he might feed his eyes with Cruelty, and satisfie his sol­licitous Ambition, which aspired at Monarchy when the Lawfull King was destroyed, curi­ously surveyed the murthered Carcass when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall, and to assure himself the King was quite dead, with his singers searched the wound, whether the Head were fully severed from the body or no.

Afterwards they delivered the body to be unbowelled to an infamous Empirick of the Fa­ction, together with the rude Chirurgions of the Army (not permitting the King's own Phy­sicians to this Office) who were all most impla­cable enemies to His Majesty, and commanded them to search (which was as much as to bid them so report) whether they could not find in it Symptomes of the French disease, or some evi­dences of Frigidity, and natural impotency: that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity; or to make His Seed infamous. But this wicked design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill, who intruding himself among them at the Dissection, by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their [Page 207]Opprobrious Masters. And the same Physician also published that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men. And as His Soul was fit­ted by Heroick Vertues to Eternity, so His Body by a Temperament almost ad pondus made as near an approach to it as the present Condition of Mortality would permit.

Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny, with more Impudence and Rancor they use other wayes to make Him odious, and rase the Love of Him out of the People's hearts. They con­clude from the outward unhappinesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him; and with the same Confidence as they inrolled them­selves in the List of the Saints, and entred their own names in the Book of Life, they blotted His out, and placed Him in some of the dark and comfortless Cells of the damned: and they commonly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief, that it was impossible for Him or any of His party to be saved.

Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul, they endeavour likewise to murther His Memory. For they pull'd down His Statue which was placed at the West end of St. Paul's Church, and that other in the Old Exchange, and leaving the Arch void, they writ over, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus. But the Providence [Page 208]of God hath shewed them to be not only de­ceivers, but also deceived. For that Just Prince hath of His own Seed to sit upon His Throne. And Posterity shall wonder at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men, that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Suc­cessors to shew the Power of their Malice, but in a solid Vertue, which flourisheth by Age, and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years, when Statues and Monuments are obno­xious to the flames of a Violent Envy, and the Ruines of Time.

Besides this, they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and most lasting Sta­tues, His Writings, and therefore force from My Lord of London, whom they kept prisoner, all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him, and make a most narrow search of his Cloathes and Cabinets, lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wisdom should escape to the Benefit of Mankind. Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Almighty God, to their eternal infamy, and for a perpetual Record of the King's great Ver­tues, there escaped their Search, and was pub­lished to the World, The Book of His Medita­tions and Soliloquies. In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to ad­mire most, either His incredible Prudence, His ardent Piety, or His Majestick and truly Royal [Page 209] Style. Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions, and were so full of the Piety and Ele­gancy of David's Psalms, that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit.

His very Assassinates confessed the goodness of the Book, though they were ashamed He whom they had murthered should be the Au­thor. For Bradshaw in his Examination of Roy­ston who Printed it, asked him, How he could think so bad a man (for such would that Mon­ster have this Excellent Prince thought to be) could write so good a Book. Therefore they la­boured by all wayes and means to suppress it, as the greatest witness against them to Posterity, and which would make them odious in all Ge­nerations. For the Blood of the Holy, Wise and Eloquent, leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spill'd it; because no man reads their Works, but they curse those cruel hands which cut the veins and stopp'd the streams of so much Goodness; and we esteem them barbarous and inhumane Monsters who did not Reverence the Persons of those whose Writings we admire.

But their fury became ridiculous, while they thought by their present power to corrupt His Memory, and take off the admiration of the following Ages; for the more they hindred the Publication, the more earnestly it was sought after: yet they endeavoured it another way, [Page 210]and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Au­thor of it. Especially one base Scribe, natu­rally fitted to compose Satyres and invent Re­proaches, who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets, and so ap­proved himself as fit for their service. This man they encouraged (by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the Office of a Secretary) to write that Scandalous Book [...], (an Invective against the King's Meditations) and to answer the learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First. But all was in vain, for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Medita­tions, and drew those Letters which the Facti­on had published for His. Others, that were not able to satisfie themselves by such a Censure, were assured of it by the Relations of Colonel Hammond that was His Keeper, who did at­test to several Persous that he saw them in the King's hand, heard Him read them, and did see Him to correct them in his presence. The Arch-Bishop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with, that he was employed by a Command from the King to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction, for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby. And Royston that Printed them did testifie to those that en­quired of him, that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death; to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him, [Page 211]which were these, together with a design for a Picture before the Book; which at first was Three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns, but afterwards the King recalled that, and sent that other which is now before His Book. Thus these several Testimonies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers, and made their endeavours as contemptible as themselves were hatefull.

While the Parricides were seeking for fresh Occasions to express their Malice, the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and La­mentation; for never any King, not only of the English, but of whatsoever Throne, had His death lamented with greater Sorrows, nor left the World with a higher regret of the People. When the news of His Death was divulged, Women with Child for grief cast forth the un­timely Fruit of their Womb, like Her that fell in Travel when the Glory was departed from Israel. Others, both Men and Women, fell in­to Convulsions and swounding Fits, and con­tracted so deep a Melancholy as attended them to the Grave. Some unmindful of themselves, as though they could not, or would not, live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered, (it is reported) suddenly fell down dead. The Pulpits were likewise bedewed with unsuborn­ed Tears; and some of those to whom the liv­ing King was for Episcopacie's sake less ac­ceptable, yet now bewailed the loss of Him [Page 212]when dead. Children (who usually seem un­concerned in publick Calamities) were also af­fected with the news, and became so prodigal of their Tears, that for some time they refused comfort; even some of those who sat as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was split. Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the me­mory of His Vertues, to express their own Griefs, and to instruct the Mournings of others; and their Passions made them above their usual Strain more elegant. Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour, and di­vulged the base Arts of His Enemies, even while their Power was dreadful.

Men of all Sorts, Degrees and Sects (there being none among which He had not some Ad­mirers) then freely and without Envy recount­ed His several Vertues, which now appeared as great as Mortality refined by Industry was ca­pable of. For though Prosperity makes the Se­verest tryals of Vertues, yet Adversity renders them most Orient. As the night best acquaints us with the Splendor of the Stars.

That which first challenged their Wonder, was the Composure and Inclina­tion of His Soul to Religion, His Majesties Religion. which He used not as an Artifice of Empire, but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast; for He never [Page 213]affected a Magnifick Piety nor a Pompous Ver­tue, but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who rewardeth openly. All His Offices in this were, like His Fortune, far above those of other men; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised, that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Ma­jesty He did adore, and as in an Ecstasie to have left His senses without its Adsistency. An in­stance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham, the news of whose Mur­ther being whispered to the King while He was at Prayers, He took no notice of it (although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparations for a great Design) till He had finished His Ad­dresses to Heaven, and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth. This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion, that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches, slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Fami­ly that raised it; which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards, as also the Consideration of His Condition, did evince to be false, and that the King neither hated him, nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown, and have obliged the People by permitting their fury to pass upon him.

Besides, His Majesty's constant Diligence in [Page 214]those Duties did demonstrate, that nothing but a Principle of Holiness, which is alwayes uni­form, both moved and assisted Him in those sa­cred Performances, to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravish­ing pleasure, from which no lesser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion. In the morning before He went to Hunting (His beloved Sport) the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Ministery: and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms, and near the Assaults of His Enemies, He caused the Di­vine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service, before He provided for Safety, or at­tempted at Victory; and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven, and then afterwards re­pell the Malice of men. Those that were ap­pointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His constant Devotions in His Closet; and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions, as the Permission of the Mini­stery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, a mercy He valued, to some of His Servants, a­bove that of enjoying Wife and Children.

At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention (that His Enemies which hated, yet did even admire Him in it,) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Go­vernment from that God whose Deputy He was, or a new Charter for a larger Empire: and He [Page 215]was so careful not to neglect any of those Ex­ercises, that if on Tuesday mornings, on which Dayes there used to be Sermons at Court, He were at any distance from thence, He would ride hard to be present at the beginnings of them.

When the State of His Soul required, He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood. And he never refused to take to Him­self the shame of those acts wherein He had transgressed, that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby, and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas, an house of the Earl of Devonshire, on Aug. 1. being Sunday, in the morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr. Sheldon (who then attended on Him, and whom He was plea­sed to use as His Confessour) and drawing out of His pocket a Paper, commanded him to read it, transcribe it, and so to deliver it to Him a­gain. This Paper contained several Vows, which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker, the advance of true Piety, and the emolument of the Church. And a­mong them this was one, that He would do Pub­lick Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford, His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England (though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High [Page 216]Commission, and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament) and to the Church of Scotland: and adjured the Doctor, that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to observe that or any of those Vows, he should solicitously mind Him of the Obliga­tions, as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should lie upon his own Soul. This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceed­ed that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperour Theodosius, for he never bewailed the blood of those seven thousand men which in three hours space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica, till the resolution of St. Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime. But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others.

This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the De­dication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God, for Religion was as Imperial in the In­tellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it. The Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education, as Choice, and He so well understood the Grounds of it, that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth, and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries. His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Au­thority of the Catholick Church, against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismaticks; yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions.

[Page 217]Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with, were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery. From which He was so averse, that He could not forbear in His indearments to the Queen, (when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other, and when He admired and applauded Her affecti­onate Cares for His Honour and Safety) in a Letter, which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused, to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion; for He says, It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion be­twixt Ʋs. Malice made the Slanderers blind, and they published this Letter to the World, than which there could not be a greater Evi­dence imaginable of the King's most secret Thoughts, and Inward Sincerity, nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood. Nor did He only tell the Queen so, but He made Her see it in His Acti­ons. For as soon as His Children were born, it was His first Care to prevent the Satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church. When He was to Die, a time most seasonable to speak Truth, espe­cially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble, He declares His Profession in Re­ligion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James.

[Page 218]How little the Papists credited what the Fa­ction would have the World believe, was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers a­gainst His Life and Honour, which the Disco­very of Habernefield (to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief) brought to light. They were mingled likewise among the Con­spirators, and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him, even after His Death, as were the vilest of the Sectaries; which they had never done, could they have imagined Him to be theirs; for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shined the Multitude of their fictitious Saints. For His sake they con­tinued their hatred to His Family, abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant, by impo­sing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government, invented fresh Calumnies for the Son, and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality, because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Fa­ther. Although this Honour is not to be de­nied to many Gallant Persons of that perswa­sion, that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome, but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow, and to hasten the Son's Restitution.

He was not satisfied in being Religious as a [Page 219]particular Christian, but would be so as a King, and indeavoured that Piety might be as Univer­sal as His Empire. This He assaied by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Ex­ercise and Parts of it, (which is the proper Pro­vince of a Magistrate, whose Power reaches but to the Outward man) that so carnal minds if they were not brought to an Obedience, might yet to a Reverence, and if men would not ho­nour, yet they should not despise Religion. This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship, that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored. And it was a Royal Under­taking to restore St. Paul's Church to its primi­tive strength, and give it a beauty as magnifi­cent as its Structure. He taught men not to con­temn the Dispensers of the Gospel, because He had so great an esteem for them, admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels, as the Archbishop of Canterbury; and the greatest Place of Trust, as the Bishop of London to the Treasury: consulting at once the Emolument of Religion, whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate; and the Benefit of the State, which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully, if any did more prudently, than Church-men.

Though a Voluntary Poverty did much con­tribute to the lustre and increase of the Church [Page 220]in the Purer times, yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age; therefore the King, to obstruct all access of Ruine that way, secured her Patrimony, and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege, which together with time had devoured a great part of it. His endeavours this way were so strong, that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War; the Criminals there seek­ing to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices, and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with Famine. In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth, by His Command and Instructions, retrived very great Possessions, which the tumults of that Nation had advan­taged many greedy Persons to seize upon, and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety. In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons; and this way many Curates were put into a Con­dition of giving Hospitality, who before were contemptible in their Ministry, because they were so in their Fortune. His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this, and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands, rather than which He did aban­don His Life, and parted sooner with His Blood than them. He used to say, Though I am sen­sible [Page 221]enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church, yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone, (alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain, that said so of a Castle that was committed to His trust.) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime, that it is said He scarce ever men­tioned Henry the 8. without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge. He neglected the Advices of His own Party, if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church.

Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there, were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God (as appears in His Prayers) and men. For when the Reverend Dr. Morley, now Lord Bishop of Winchester, (whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here, because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland, and withall told Him what answer he himself had made to them, That perchance the King was a­bused to those grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James 's Mi­nority against Bishops was yet unrepealed, and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had; The King Answered, It is true, [Page 222]I was told so, but whenever you hear that urged again, give them this answer, and say, that you had it from the King Himself; That when I did that in Scotland, I sinned against My Consci­ence, and that I have often repented of it, and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin, and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again.

He was careful of Uniformity, both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects, who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion; but Tyrants, who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals, work that most effectually by caressing Schisms, and giving a Licence to different Perswasions (as the Usurpers afterwards did:) Besides, He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety, be­cause that Time and those Parts which might im­prove Godliness to a Growth, were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms. He was more ten­der in preserving the Truths of Christianity than the Rights of His Throne. For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed Him for a Confir­mation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assem­bly at Westminster had composed, and used this motive, because it was a small matter; He an­swered, Though it seem to you a small thing, it is not so to Me: I had rather give you one of the [Page 223]Flowers of My Crown, than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Reli­gion. Thus though He could not infuse Spiri­tual Graces into the minds of His Subjects, yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts; and what the Example of a King (which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Im­piety than to Vertue) could not do, that His Law should, and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate.

Religion was never used by Him to veil In­justice; for this was peculiar to His Adversaries, His Ju­stice. who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at, they would fawn and smile on Heaven; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War, who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses. But His Maje­sty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God, but also in Justice to Men. He was, as a Magistrate should be, a speaking Law. It was His usual saying, Let Me stand or fall by My own Counsels. I will ever, with Job, rather chuse Misery than Sin. He first submit­ted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution. Those Acts of which the Faction made most noise, were delivered by the Judges to be with­in the Sphere of the Prerogative. The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private [Page 224]Pleas, and sometimes decreed to be not good; which can never happen under a bad Prince. The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast, wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Li­berty with the diminution of their Estates, or the loss of their Credit. Every one had both security and safety for His Life, Fortune, and Dignity; and it was not then thought, as after­wards, to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies. His Fa­vours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law, but Equity overcame His Indulgences. For He knew that Ʋnjust Princes become Odious to them that made them so. He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery. He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Trea­surer, when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight, on whose Estate, being held by Lease from the Crown, that Treasurer had a design; and He secured the Petitioner in his Right. The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most Contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolen­cy act upon His weaker Neighbour. In the Ci­vil Discords He bewailed nothing more, than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His [Page 225]Power, yet He thought it a Compensation, to let the World see He was willing to make it im­possible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instru­ment, and to secure Posterity from Evil Kings. Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction, That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill, do likewise fetter Him from doing Good, and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Benefit. And that such is the weakness of Humanity, that he which is intrusted only to Good, may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Community to feel no­thing in Government besides the Advantages of it, but in the Benignity of Providence, and the Justice of the Prince, both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him.

Though He was thus in Love with Justice, yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour, His Cle­mency. but tempered it with Clemency, especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence, that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Pub­lick Interest. He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries, when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People. And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation, that He would acquire it it in despight of the Malignity of the times. [Page 226]For the Exercise of this Vertue depends not only on the temper of the Prince, but the frame of the People must contribute to it; because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed, sharper Methods are required to form Obedience. Yet He was unwilling to cut off, till He had tryed by Mercy to amend, even guilty Souls. Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Bal­merino to peaceful practices, by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition, and forfeited to the Law.

Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight (by which time He had experienced the nume­rous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Ene­mies) being attended on by Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond (for they were the earliest in their Duties at that time) a Discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour, wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them. To which the King immediately replyes, I tell thee, Governour, I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunt­ing, and that I assure you was not a small one; yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am, for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily. This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy, and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity.

[Page 227]He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebel­lion would require it, and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made them Pro­digal. No man fell in battel whom He could save. He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace (and therefore continually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it) than make one triumph a step to another; and though He was passionate to put all in Safety, yet He affe­cted rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest. The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men, and oftner remembred that God had made them His Subjects, than that the Fa­ction had transformed them to Rebels. He pro­vided for them while in His Power, and not to let them languish in Prison, sent them by Passes to their own homes, only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious: for so He used those that were taken at Brainford. But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dis­pense with their Faith, and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt. Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field; and fainting under their wounds, He commends in His Warrants, (as in that to the Major of Newbury) to the care of the Neighbourhood, either tenderly to recover, or decently bury: and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence.

[Page 228]This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous, when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd out those Com­parisons of Caligula and Nero: the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport, and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die, because he look'd like a School-master. But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any, His Admonitions were frequent, Corrections seldom, but Revenge ne­ver. He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders, and then He punish­ed the bad, but yet gave them space to repent, and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death, to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him, which Ma­chiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels, and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience. He scorned to abuse the Chara­cter of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dis­semble, and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men should de­generate to the Cruelty of a Lion. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy; for He end­ed His dayes with a Prayer for His Enemies, and laboured to make His Clemency immortal, by commanding the practice of it to His Son.

None of His Vertues were in the Confines of [Page 229]Vice, and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spi­rit, as His Detractors imputed it, His Forti­tude. and the Vulgar, who mistake Cru­elty for Valour, imagined; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power, so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an In­comparable Fortitude. For this Vertue con­sisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious, the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven. When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton, He was upon a Remove to Theobalds, where the Mar­quess was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber; who having some notice given him of the Discovery, besought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his in­nocence, and return the Treason upon the Ac­cuser. The King answered, that He would therefore make him wait, to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life be­cause He was resolved to sell it so dear. And to make good His Confidence, He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theobalds, and lie in His Chamber that Night: while the sol­licitous Court admired, and even censured, His Magnanimity, for it went beyond His pattern, and did more than that Emperour who was sty­led [Page 230]the Delight of Mankind, who being inform­ed of a Conspiracy against him, invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Specta­cula, and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre; and to give them more advantage for their design, put the swords of the Gladiators (under colour of enquiring their judgements concerning their sharpness) in­to their hands, to shew how little dread he had of their fury. But the British Prince's Magna­nimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's, as much as the privacies of a Bed-chamber, and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Soveraign than a publick Theatre.

As He never provoked War, so He never feared it; and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence, He shewed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest: in the success of these, Fortune, the Vanity of an Enemy, and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise, but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory. For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to joyn with Him, that with Cannon out-vied the Number of His Muskets, that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World, and [Page 231]not left Him the command of a Cock-boat, that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues, when He begged for a sub­sistence; was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons, who were the most competent Judges of Valour, and ne­ver censured Vertue by the Success, but thank­ed their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Commonwealth, when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtru­ded to an Overthrow, to have decreed a Tri­umph for CHARLES, had His life been an Honour to that Age, or could those Generati­ons have reckoned Him among their great Ex­amples. Most men indeed thought the King's side most glorious, yet they concluded the o­ther more terrible: those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp, but such as ca­red for Safety took part with the Faction, or at least did not oppose them. As He first entred the War, so did He continue in it. His Mode­ration alwayes moved Him to desire Peace, and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it. His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears, but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party, who could not endure an Honourable Want: and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him, and He was ra­ther Betrayed than Overcome.

His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune, Arms and Liberty, it being Natu­ral, [Page 232]and not built upon them; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone. For when Whaley, that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army, insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State, and being bold in his Power and Office, refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance, the King caned him to an Observance. When the Parricides sent their party of Soldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter, Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself in­to the Coach with Him: but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Majesty, with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows. His Spirit alwayes kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies, and of their rudest In­juries would seem unsensible. He told a faith­full Servant of His, that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Moneths under a want of Li­nen and Shirts: But (said He) I scorned to give them that pleasure as to tell them I wanted. Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Mag­nanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds, which can­not shake, but only wash it to a greater Bright­ness.

But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of Men, His Pa­tience. yet He would tremble under the Frowns of [Page 233]God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almigh­ty: But with a wonderful Patience (a Vertue not usual with Kings, to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint, and therefore are more restless in Injuries) He did submit to the Will of His eternal Sovereign. He never murmured nor repined at that Providence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink: But His Medita­tions still breath the Justice of God and the Ho­liness of all His wayes with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had sitted Him for the Condi­tion he had brought Him unto. For when He marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West, one of them broke in a very nar­row Lane, which made Him stop till an intole­rable Shower of Rain came pouring upon Him; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village, His Courtiers offer­ed to hew Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords, but He refused: and when they wondred at it, He lifting up His hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace, said, As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience, so He hath given me Patience to bear My Afflictions. The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him, nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Tem­ptations to Passion from His own Party; for in [Page 232] [...] [Page 233] [...] [Page 234]a Letter to the Queen, He tells Her that She could not but Pity Him in His Condition as to them: yet He so managed their several Hu­mours, and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness, that they quietly wait­ed for a return of His Fortune.

When He was in His Captivity at Carisbrook under the strictest Restraint, those that attend­ed Him never almost observed Him but chear­full and pleasant in His Discourses, and some­times breaking out into pleasing Reparties and Jests. When in the Treaty at Newport, (where He had occasions of Passion daily administred by the Perverseness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with) one of the Commissioners was importunate with Him for more Conces­sions, and minded Him of His saying, That if there were another Treaty, it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace: the King answered, It would be so when there was a Treaty, but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty, but He was like the man in the Play, that cryed out he had been in a Fray, and when they asked him what Fray, he replyed there was a Fray and no Fray, for there were but three blows given, and he took them all: So this is a Treaty and not a Treaty, for there be many Concessions, but I have made them all. Another time, when He met one of the Presby­terian Ministers near His Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus, (who then waited on Him, and [Page 235]had been faithful to Him in that Service) the King told him, He wondred he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy, since he fared so ill in medling with them in his Dis­putes about Episcopacy the day before. These shewed how free His Soul was, and uncontrol­led in the greatest and most displeasing per­plexities.

He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross, nay, He scrupled at such ex­pedients as some deemed most conducing to His great end. For at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedi­ent, to secure His Conscience and satisfie the Commissioners in the Propositions about the Church, and it being urged by a great and faithful Counsellour, that He must grant what possibly He could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church, for (it was said) her safety depended on His; with a present and pi­ous indignation He replyed, Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life, but what I may do with a safe Conscience: God forbid that the Life or Safety of the Church should de­pend upon My Life, or upon the Life of any mor­tal man; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do. Another time, a little after the Treaty was ended, Dr. Morley shewing to Him a billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress (who often conveyed [Page 236]much Intelligence) from an Officer of the Army, that the King's Death was resolved on; His Ma­jesty answered, I have done what I can to save My Life without losing of my Soul. I can do, I will do no more: God's will be done.

In the Pomp of His Murther, wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World, Angels and Men, no Tryals were ever greater, nor ever were any better born: the Parricides found it was easie to take away His Life, but impossible His Honour and Patience; His Passions being then so low and quiet, that the natural Insirmi­ty of His Speech did not in the least measure appear, which uses to be most evident in the smallest discomposure of the Spirit. After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His As­sassination, and caused Him to be persecuted with all the Indignities of the fanatick Souldi­ers, there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indignation, but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the title that was due to them: for when my Lord of London came to Him, (which was not till eight a Clock on Sa­turday Night,) He told him, My Lord, that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault; but now you are come, because these Rogues pur­sue My Blood, you and I must consult how I may best part with it. Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence; for though all about Him was tumultuous with Horror, De­struction and Contempt, His Soul seemed un­concerned, [Page 237]enjoyed a Calm Serenity, and was full of its own Majesty. This Vertue made Him forget He was a Prince born to Command, and only consider that He was a Christian whose Calling obliges to Suffer.

He had found out a way to Glory by Humi­lity. For the supreme Power, to which nothing can be added, His Humi­lity. hath no better way to encrease, than when secured of its own Greatness it hum­bleth it self. And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing farther from Envy and Danger than in Humility. He despised the converse of none, though poor, if honest: He shewed to Sir Phi­lip Warwick (who had much of His Trust and Affections) in the Isle of Wight, a poor ragged Old Man, and told him he was a very honest fellow, and had been His best Company for two moneths together. He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty, and with them would He mingle Dis­courses as One of the People: none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty, not Pride in the King, thought it was enough: and He never did contradict any man without this mollifying Preface, By your favour, Sir. His discourse as it was familiar, so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by perfection; for He did not proud­ly scoff at, but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects. When Doctor Ham­mond [Page 238]had in some degree lost the Manage of His Voice, His Majesty shewed him his Infirmi­ty, and taught him to amend it; which that Excellent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty. When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign travel, He would not let them go without His Instructions, of which this was one, My Lord, Keep alwayes the best Company, and be sure never to be Idle. Thus He would confer the Vertues as well as the Titles of Nobility, He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them, and that that blood might not be tainted in them which was honour­ed in their Ancestors. Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed, as Tyrants and weak Princes will commend those Vertues which they are afraid of, for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities. Ari­stotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous; and it is reckoned among the Usurpations of such Monsters, that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gal­lant. Plato indangered his Life when he con­versed with the Sicilian Tyrant, because he was thought to understand more than his Host. It was observed of Cromwell, (by one of his con­fident Teachers) that in the time of his Tyran­ny he loved no man that spoke Sense, and had several Artisices to disparage it among his Slaves that attended him; and he would highly extol [Page 239]those Pulpit-Speakers that had most Canting and least Reason. But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excellent persons, and affected to be Great only by being Better; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own.

Of these He alwayes chose the most accom­plished that He knew, to be His Ministers of State and closest Confidents: His Choice of Ministers of State. for as the fortune of Princes stands in need of many Friends, which are the surest sup­ports of Empire; so He would alwayes seek the Best, and those He thought fittest for His Em­ployments, which a bad or weak King would hate or fear. Therefore He had alwayes the fi­nest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause, and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service: for the Archbishop and Earl of Strafford, that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals, were not guilty enough, even by those accusa­tions which they were loaded with, and yet not proved, to receive the Censure of the Law, but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spilling English blood. When some disco­vered their Abilities even by opposing His Coun­sels, He preferr'd the Publick Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust, or win them to His Friendship; unless He saw them to be such [Page 240]whose Natures were corrupted by their Designs, (for He had a most excellent Sagacity in dis­cerning the Spirits of men) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Reli­gion to some base ends (the injuries of which He could never neglect:) and such He neither conceived Honourable in a Court, nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Com­munity. Among these Purchases were reckon­ed the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Lord Falkland, and others now living, whose Perfe­ctions honoured His Judgement, and justified His Choice.

He had no Favorite, as a Minister of Pleasures, His Assection to His People. to gratisie whose Lusts and Vani­ties He might be sollicited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Community; but all were Instruments of Government, and must be able to serve the Publick, whom He took to serve Himself. For no Prince was ever more assecti­onate of His People than He was, nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs. Those nice distinctions, and cautious limits of Prero­gative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with, were all indi­stinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government: none da­red to advise Him to attempt at a power His Predecessors had parted with, or the Laws had concluded Him from. For He told the Lords, [Page 241]when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane, (that he had ad­vised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this Kingdom; on which, though it had but a single and various testimony, the Faction built their Practices against His Life) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it, for if they had, I should have made them such an Example, and put such a mark upon them, that all Posterity should know My Intentions by it. For My Intention was ever to govern by the Law, and not otherwise. He thought He could not be happy unless His Peo­ple were so; as we found our selves miserable when He was not prosperous. Therefore He parted with so much of His Prerogative to buy our Peace, and purchase our Content. He sought their Love by affecting them, the only way of gaining it, because that Passion only is free and impatient of Command. Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it: When His Third Parliament granted five Sub­sidies, and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting, it is said, He wept for joy; and it had been happy for the People, if the King had alwayes had such cause of Tears, and His Eyes had been alwayes wet with the same.

Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince, for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance, yea, He parted sometimes, [Page 242]through their own importunity deluded by the Faction, with that which should have kept them Free: And when He made such Conces­sions which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it, He would say to some about Him, that He would never have granted these things, but that He hoped they would see the In­convenience of that power which they begg'd from Him, yet themselves could not manage, and re­turn it to its proper place, before it became their Ruine. He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek an unlimited power; but He thought it the Office of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Liberty. He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nati­on, and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Army as the Conditions of His Safety, when tendred to Him the day before His Murther, because they would inslave the People. Nei­ther would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable danger, though it were to secure Himself: for when my Lord New­burgh and his Noble Lady, at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was removed from Carisbrook to Windsor, proposed to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter, He rejected it, saying, If I should get away, they would cut you in Pieces; and therefore would not try their design, though it seemed feasible.

[Page 243]With these Arts He did seek to oblige the Community; but the Faction's Slanders hindred the Success: His Obliging Converse. which they the more easily ob­structed, because the King never affected Popularity, for that consists in an in­dustrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances; but He alwayes en­deavoured by a solid Vertue their real Hap­piness, and therefore in confidence of that neg­lected a specious Compliance with the less be­neficial humours of the Vulgar: so that the Multitude, who are taken with things of the lightest consideration, could not sufficiently va­lue Him, being not able to apprehend His worth: for a Statist observes, Moderate Princes are alwayes admired, but Heroick are never un­derstood. On particular Persons (if not the sworn Creatures of the Conspirators, and by Treason made inhumane) He seldom failed by conversing to take them. His Trophies in this kind, even when He was despoiled of means to bribe their hopes, were innumerable; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him, after their knowledge of Him did curse their Credulity and their prosperous Arms. A clear instance of this (to mention no more) was in Master Vines, one of the Presbyterian Mini­ste [...] who are conceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice against those that dislike their Government) that were sent to dispute against [Page 244]Episcopacy: for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it, professed to Master Burroughs, (one whose Attendance the King required, and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those en­terprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety,) how he had been deluded to un­worthy thoughts of the King, but was now con­vinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him, and hoped so of others; and earnestly solicited those that attended on Him, to use all means to re­scue Him from the intended Villany of the Ar­my; saying, Our Happiness was great in such a Prince; and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be unspeakable. Yet He never courted, although He won them, but His passage to their hearts was through their brain, and they first Admired and then Loved Him.

As He was powerful to gain, so He was care­full to keep Friends. His Fide­lity. Fidelity to the Publick and Private was His chiefest Care; for He knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faith­full, because it is so much their Interest that o­thers should not be false. Though it is a My­stery of Empire with other Kings to proporti­on their Faith to their Advantage, yet He ab­horred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe. Some over-sine Poli­tici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction, as the most immediate way to [Page 245]their Ruine; for it was supposed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil, and their dissensions would have opened a way for the recovery of His abandoned Rights. But He was so constant in all that was good, that He thought the purchase of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith, and He hated those ac­quisitions which would give Him cause to blush. This Heroick Expression often fell from Him, Leave me to My Conscience and Honour, and let what will befall Me. His Enemies knew this so natural, that if they could make their Pro­positions repugnant to His Conscience, they were sure no Peace should obstruct their De­signs. Nay, He was faithful in those Stipula­tions wherein their first Breach would have justified a departure from His Promise; though He saw this Vertue would be rewarded with His Murther. For when some of His Atten­dants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to provide for His Safety from the perfidious Vio­lence of the Army, which every day they had informations of, He made this return; Trouble not your selves, I have the Parliaments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here in Honour, Freedom, and Safety, and I will not dishonour My self by Escaping.

As He was to the Publick so to His Private Obligations. No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection: for though His foreign Enterprises required supplies of Mo­ney, [Page 246]and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Dukes blood, or Degradation from His Trust, the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend. And al­though he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate, (for so the Assassinate pretend­ed, that he might give a Splendor to his Crime, It being more specious to revenge the Publick than private Injuries,) yet was he not the Kings's Offering. In the Case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded: But Poste­rity will see that that Noble Person was rather ravished from Him, (on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glory of Fidelity,) than de­serted by Him; for He never left him till the Earl did abandon himself. And a Penitence for a Submission (not Consent) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence, and repaired the damage of the Injury. For His Majesties Tears over him will embalm and preserve his name and blood to the honour of Following Ages more than the remnant of his dayes would have admi­nistred to his Glory.

It would be an Injury to His other Vertues to mention His Chastity and Tempe­rance, His Cha­stity. because it is an Infamy to be otherwise; unless to let Posterity know, that no injured Husband nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruine, but such who were engaged to Him for preserv­ing [Page 247]all their Rights in those Relations unattem­pted, and securing them by His own example. He witnessed His Conjugal Chastity the day be­fore His Death, (a time not to be spent in fal­sities, which was too little for necessary Prepa­rations to appear before the God of Truth;) when He commanded the Lady Elizabeth to tell her Mother, that His thoughts had never strayed from Her, and His Love should be the same to the Last. The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Cleanness of His Heart, for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse. And He was so far from defiling the Beds, that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects.

This Chastity found no Assaults from Intem­perance, for He never fed to Luxury but Health. His Tem­perance. His strong Constituti­on required large Meals, but His Vertue took care they should not be gluttonous; for He delighted not in Sawces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust, but all was sincere and solid, and therefore He never was subject to a Surfeit. He alwayes min­gled Water with His Wine, which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of So­briety, that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together. He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer, another of Wine, and a third of Water, and seldom [Page 248]drank between His Meals. These though Or­dinary Vertues, were yet eminent in Him, since they could not be corrupted by the Power not the Flatteries of Fortune. And they are there­fore mentioned to gratifie Posterity; for men are curious to know all, even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons.

Being free from Incontinency and Intempe­rance, the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exchequer, His Fru­gality. He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock, and so necessitate Him to sill it up by Oppressions, but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown, and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence, but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences. For He had found the Treasury low, and the Debts great, in His beginnings: He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Furope, and the Faction had ob­structed the usual way of Supplies by Parlia­ments. Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue; and by sparing from Vanities, make provisions for necessary and glorious Enter­prises, which He did effect: for in that short time of Peace, which He enjoyed, He satisfied all the Publick Debts, so furnished and increa­sed His Navy, that it was the most consider­able in the whole World, supported His Con­federate [Page 249]the King of Sweden, and by Money inabled him for the Victories of Germany, and so fill'd His own Treasury, that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject, who were never more able to contribute to their own safety, nor ever had more reason, the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happi­ness. But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich, He would also keep them so by His Frugality. But those whose first care was to make Him ne­cessitous, and the next odious, did brand it with the name of Covetousness, which was as False as malicious; For He never spared when Just Designs call'd for Expences, and was mag­nificent in Noble Undertakings, as in the Re­pair of Paul's. He was alwayes Gratefull, al­though those men who measured their Services not by their Duties, or their Merits, but by their Expectations from His Fortune, thought Him not Liberal. He chose rather not to bur­then His People by Subsidies, than load parti­cular Servants with unequal Bounties. For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to pri­vate persons. And it may be Vanity and Osten­tation, but not Liberality, when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity. His sparings were like those of In­dulgent Fathers, that His Subjects as Children [Page 250]might have the more. He never, like subtle and rapacious Kings, made or pretended a Ne­cessity for Taxes, but was troubled when He found it. The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure, but the Provisions for the Common Safety, of which He would rather be account­ed a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consist­ed in contributing some small part, He freely parted with His own Inhertance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour.

As He had these Moral Vertues, which are both the signatures of Maje­sty, His Intellectual Abilities. and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit, so He was no less compleat in the Intelle­ctual. His Understanding was as Comprehen­sive as His Just Power, and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Na­tions. How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson, and those at the Isle of Wight, where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chap­lains, (the most experienced and subtle mem­bers of all the Opposite Party) with so much Acuteness and Felicity, that even His Opposers [Page 251]admired Him. He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers, that He made it evident they perswaded Him to that which they themselves judged unlawfull, and had condemned as Sacriledge, when they pretend­ed to satisfie the Scruples of His Conscience, and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands. And the Commissioners sensi­ble how unequal their Ministers were to dis­course with Him, for ever after silenced them, and permitted no Disputes but by Papers. At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in asto­nishment, that Certainly God had inspired Him. Another, that His Majestly was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions. But a third; that had had the Honour of a nearer Service, assured them that the King was never less, only He had now the opportunity of appear­ing in His full Magnitude.

In the Law of the Land He was as know­ing (as Himself said to the Parricides, yet was no boaster of His own Parts) as any Gentle­man in England, who did not profess the Pub­lick Practice of it: especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People. In that Art which is pe­culiar to Princes, Reason of State, He knew as much as the most prosperous Contempo­rary Kings, or their most exercised Ministers, yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which [Page 252]lead from the Paths of Justice. The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts, to colour the breaches of Faith, and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians, He did perfectly abhor: but His Letters, Declarations, Speeches, Medi­tations, are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity. He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries, and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it, that when He was young, and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain, He censu­red the weakness of that Mysterious Council. For He was no sooner on Shipboard, but the first words He spake were, I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy; One that they would use Me so Ill, and another that after such Ʋsage they permitted Me to Depart.

As those former parts of Knowledge did inable Him to know Men, and how to manage their different humours, His Skill in all Arts. and to temper them to a sitness for Society, and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was: so His Soul was sto­red with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things, and easily comprehended almost all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use; for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became [Page 253]Him to be negligent, (for many parts of Learn­ing that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head.) He was well skilled in things of An­tiquity, could judge of Meddals whether they had the number of years they pretended un­to; His Libraries and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities. In Painting He had so ex­cellent a Fancy, that He would supply the de­fect of Art in the Workman, and suddenly draw those Lines, give those Airs and Lights, which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter. He could judge of Fortifications, and censure whether the Cannon were mount­ed to Execution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns, knew all that belonged to their making. The exactest Arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing, together with all their furniture, were not unknown to Him. He understood and was pleased with the making of Clocks and Watches. He comprehended the Art of Print­ing. There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge. He in­couraged all the Parts of Learning, and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists, and with so great a Facility did apprehend the Mysteries of their Professions, that He did sometime say, He thought He could get His Li­ving, if Necessitated, by any Trade He knew of, [Page 254]but making of Hangings: although of these He understood much, and was greatly delight­ed in them; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Foreign Parts to make them here in England.

His Writings shew what Notions He had ga­thered from the whole store of Learning, His Eloquence. which He cloathed with a Wonderfull and most charming Eloquence. Which was unquestion­ably so great, that those who endeavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Dominions granted Him a deserved Empire among famous Writers. The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety, or a love to Wisdom and Eloquence. For so great an affection in the Breasts of men do excellent Wri­tings acquire for their Authors, that though they may be otherwise blameable, yet their Works render their Memories precious; and the vio­lent Deaths of such increase their Glory, while they load their Murtherers with Ignominy. All men, especially among Posterity, deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Pub­lick Injury, and by Persons brutishly mad, or by some horrid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind. So that all suture times shall admire and applaud His Writings against them, and curse their Injustice to Him.

[Page 255]His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings, but also Practical in His Counsels. His Political Prudence. None found out better means for accomplishing a Design, provided safer expedi­ents for the Ressorts of Difficulties, or more clearely foresaw the Event at a Distance; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own, when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He intrusted with the Execution; and He seldom miscarried but when He inclined to follow the Advices of others; as He did in that inauspicious Attempt to take Gloucester, wherein He forsook His own Reasons, which He urged with all possible Evidence of Success, to march towards London. He saw into the Intrigues of His Enemies; and had not the Treacheries (which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature) of some that fol­lowed Him opened to them His Designs, He had (by the Ordinary Course of Providence) covered them with the shame both of Impru­dence and Overthrow. Those Miseries that the Faction after they got into Power brought upon the Nation, and the Events of their de­structive Enterprises, were discovered and fore­told by Him in the very beginnings to the de­luded World, who notwithstanding were Fatal­ly blinded to chuse their own Ruine.

Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up, [Page 256]by the Direction of the Council, Declarations or any other Papers, and offered them to His perusal, though both they and the Council had done their parts, yet He would alwayes with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form; He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand, Come, I am a good Cobler: and the Corrections were ac­knowledged by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings. His Instructions to His Ambassadors, Commis­sioners, Deputies, were so full of Wisdom, and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with, that there was nothing to be supplyed on their parts to make their Negotiations happy, but seasonable Ap­plications, or a fortune to deal with reason­able men. It was the Observation of a Noble Person (who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithluiness, and was of His Council in all His Troubles) that had the King been a Coun­sellor to any other Prince, He would have gain­ed the Esleem of an Oracle, all His Proposals being grounded upon the greatest Reason, and proper to the Business consulted about. Those that have been forward to interpret His Acti­ons by the Suceess, and from thence have pro­ceeded to the Censure of His Prudence, con­sidered not the numerous Difficulties in form­ing any Resolution, nor the fallacious represen­tations of Affairs to Him, but only looked up­on His unprosperous Resolves according to the [Page 257]Fate of unhappy Counsels, which is to have that condemned which was put in Execution, and that praised as best which was never try­ed.

Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it; and had all those Excellencies, which, The Censure of His Fortune. if we had been free to chuse, must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone, there being nothing wanting in Him that the severest Censors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a compleat Monarch. It was therefore the won­der of those who conceive every man to be the Artificer of His own Fortune, how it came to pass that He had not that [...], an unin­terrupted current of Success (which some men reckon among the constitutives of Happiness) in all His Enterprises. To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Me­thod of the Decrees of Heaven, which yet they acknowledge just, though dark, it seem­ed one of the Riddles of Providence, that a King of so great Vertues should yet be cala­mitous: for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was, that could not be ruined even after a War (which usually em­bitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it) and a total Overthrow (whose common Consequent is Contempt) but by so various and such wicked Arts; and was judged by all men, [Page 258]though He wanted, yet to deserve Prosperity (as to humane judgement,) which (as some think) is the truest Happiness.

To these Doubts there appears no Resolu­tion so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty, who provoked by our sins, which had profaned his Mercies, and a­bused the Peace and Plenty he gave us, would chastise us by the scourge of Civil War, the corrective of too much felicity, and taking a­way the best of Kings leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men. And that it was a wrath directed against us was appa­rent, because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an avenue for all those miseries that a Community is ob­noxious unto in the want of a lawful Govern­ment, while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings, provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Fa­mily in its lowest Estate, and miraculously pre­served the Chief of it from innumerable dan­gers, and made us to see afterwards in the Se­ries of his Providences, that he had not with­drawn his loving-kindness from the House of King CHARLES, by restoring it to its pri­mitive Grandeur.

And this he was pleased to signifie to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle. For while He was at Oxford, and [Page 259]the Earl of Southampton, now Lord High-Trea­surer of England, (a Person of un­questionable Honour and Veraci­ty, of an eminent Integrity, A Presage of His Fall, and the future State of the Royal Fami­ly. a­bove the Flattery of Princes, who doth attest this Occurrence) as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber lay one Night in the same Cham­ber with Him, the Wax Mortar, which according to Custom the King alwayes had in His Chamber, was in the night, as they both conceived and took notice of it, fully ex­tinguished. But my Lord rising in the Morn­ing found it lighted, and said to the KING, Sir, this Mortar now burns very clearly: at which they both exceedingly wondred, as ful­ly concluding it had been out in the Night, and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms, or any other could possibly light it, the Door being locked with a Spring within. This busying the wonder of both for the pre­sent, the King afterwards when He saw the Malice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruine, reflecting upon this Occurrence, drew it into this Presage, That though God would permit His Light to be extinguished for a time, yet He would at last light it again; which was verified in the Event: for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood, yet after many years of Troubles, and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of destruction, he restored His Son [Page 260]to the Crown in as much Splendour and Great­ness as any of His Predecessors.

As His Abliities for the Publick Administra­tion of Government were all apt to raise Admiration; His Recrea­tions. so His Recre­ations and Privacies gave a De­light to such as communicated in the sight of them, and there needed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Di­versions, which were all serious, and there was no part of His time which either wanted be­nefit, or deserved not Commendation. In His younger dayes, His pleasures were in Riding, and sometimes in breaking the great Horse; and He did it so gracefully, that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horse-back. Besides this, He delighted in Hunting, an active and stirring Exercise to ac­custom Him to toils, and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease, which Vicious Princes think a part of Power and the Rewards of Publick Cares: but He used this as the way whereby the An­tient Heroes were habituated to Labours, and by contending with some beasts in Strength and others in Swiftness, first to rout, then to chase their flying Enemies. When the season of the year did not permit this sport, then Tennis, Gough, Bowls were the wayes of His Diversi­ons, and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent.

[Page 261]His softer pleasures were Books, and of His time spent in these there were many Monu­ments. In His Library at Saint James's there was kept a Collection of His, of the excellent Sayings of Authors, written with His own hand, and in his Youth, presented to His Fa­ther King JAMES: and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person, His Extracts written with His own hand, out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisher, of all the Arguments against the Papists, digested into so excellent a Method, that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper. The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judicious Hooker, and the Learned Works of Bishop Andrews, out of all which He had gathered whatsoever was excellent in them, and fitted them for His ready use. When He was tired with Reading, then He applyed Himself to Discourse, wherein He both bene­fited Himself and others; and He was good at the Relation of a Story, or telling of an Occurrence. When these were tedious by con­tinuance, He would either play at Chess, or please Himself with His Pictures, of which He had many choice pieces of the best Masters, as Titian, Rafael, Tintoret and others, with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces, as also with most antique pieces of Sculpture; so that to those that had travel­led [Page 262]it seemed that Italy was Translated to His Court.

As His Spirit was thus accomplished, so His Body had its Elegancies. His Stature was of a just height, The Features of His Body. ra­ther decent than tall; His Body erect, and not enclining to a Corpulency, nor meager, till His Afflictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Leanness; His Limbs exactly proportioned, His Face full of Majesty, and His Brow large and Fair: His Eyes so quick and piercing, that they went farther than the Superficies of men, and search­ed their more Inward parts; for at the first sight He would pass a judgment upon the frame of a Man's Spirit and Faculties, and He was not often mistaken, having a strange hap­piness in Physiognomy, and by reason of this He would remember any one He had seen but once many years after. His Complexion was enclining to a Paleness, His Hair a brown, which He wore of a moderate length, ending in gen­tle and easie curles: upon His left side He in­dulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life. His Beard He wore picqued, but after the Faction had passed those Votes of No Addresses, He permitted it to grow neglectedly and to cover more of His face. His Gestures had nothing of affectation, but full of Majestick Gravity. His motions were speedy, and His gate fast: which shewed the [Page 263]Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind, for His Af­fections were temperate. He was of a most healthfull Constitution, and after the infirmi­ties of His Childhood was never sick. Once He had the small Pox, but the Malignity of it was so small, that it altered not His Stomach, nor put Him to the abstinence of one Meal, neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Physicians.

He was the Father of Four Sons and Five Daughters. His Children.

1. Charles James, born at Greenwich on Wednesday, May 13. 1628. but died almost as soon as born, having been first Christ­ned.

2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales, born at Saint James's, May 29. 1630. whom, after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father, some brave, but unsuccessful, at­tempts to recover the Rights of His Inheri­tance, and twelve years various fortune abroad, God was pleased by a wonderful Providence, without blood or ruine, to conduct to His Na­tive Throne, and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted, almost to a Desolation, by several changes of Govern­ment and Variety of reproachful Usurpers, that they became the Scorn of Neighbour [...] [...] Nations, and the miserable Example of [...] [Page 264]quiet Community, so torn in pieces by Facti­ons in the State, and Schisms in the Church; each party mutually armed to suppress its con­trary, and destroy the publick, that it was im­possible for them to re-unite or consent in com­mon to seek the benefits of Society, untill they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul, to be governed by Him in the paths of Justice. He is now (and long may He be so) our Dread Sovereign CHARLES II.

3. James, born in the same place Octob. 13. Anno 1633. entituled Duke of York by His Ma­jesty's Command at His Birth, and afterwards so Created. He was a Companion of His Bro­ther in Exile, spending His time abroad both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory, and returned with Him into England.

4. Henry Duke of Gloucester, born in the same place July 8. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother, with the pro­mise of an Annual Pension, which they never intended to pay: A very hopeful Prince, who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome, which His Brother hearing sent for Him into Flanders; and He also attended Him to His Throne, but not long after died of the Small Pox, Sept. 13. Anno 1660.

[Page 265]5. Mary, born on Novemb. 4. Anno 1631. married to Count William of Nassau, Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange, by whom she was left a Widow, and a short time after the Mother of the now Prince of Orange; and com­ing over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity, she died also of the Small Pox, Decemb. 24. Anno 1660.

6. Elizabeth, born Jan. 28. Anno 1635. who survived her Father, but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family, dying at Caris­brook the place of her Father's Captivity, being removed thither by the Murtherers, that the place might raise a grief to end her Dayes.

7. Anne, born March 17. Anno 1637. died before her Father.

8. Katharine, who died almost as soon as born.

9. Henrietta, born at Exeter June 16. Anno 1644. in the midst of the Wars, conveyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother, and is now married to the Duke of Anjou, only Brother to the King of France.

Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age, and 23. of His Reign, having lived Much rather than Long, and left [Page 266]so many great and difficult Examples as will busie Good Princes to imitate, and Bad ones to Wonder at: A man in Office and mind like to that Spiritual Being, which the more men un­derstand the more they Admire and Love; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman who sought Glory by Vertue,