CHARLES I. King of Great Bri­tain, France and Ireland, was the Son of James VI. King of Scots, and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark. By His Father de­scended to him all the Rights (together with their blood) of all our Ancient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire. For the Lady Margaret, Sister and sole Heir of Ed­gar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons, being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots, conveyed to his Line the Saxon, and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII. married to James IV. did bring the Nor­man Titles and Blood. From this Imperial [Page 2]Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it. For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal veins, He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory, and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Vertue.

He was born at Dunfermeling, one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland, on No­vember 19. [ Anno 1600.] in so much weak­ness, that His Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church. Provi­dence seeming to consecrate Him to Suffer­ings from the Womb, and to accustom Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears.

There was no observation nor augury made at His Birth concerning the sequel of His Life or course of Fortune (which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state.) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Prediction, He appearing like a Star that rises so near the point of his setting, that it was thought there would be no time for calculation. [Page 3]Or He being at distance by His Birth from the Succession to the Crown (Prince Henry then having the first hopes) made men less solici­tous to enquire of His future state, on whom, being born to a private Condition, the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend.

But in the third year of His Age, when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne, a certain Laird of the Highlands, though of very great age, came to the Court to take his leave of him, whom he found accompanied with all his Children. After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice (to which his gray hairs gave autho­rity) to the King; his next application was to Duke CHARLES [ Anno 1602.] (for in the second year of His Age He was created Duke of Albany, Marquess of Ormond, Earl of Ross, and Baron of Ardmanock) whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardencie of affection, that he seemed forgetful of a sepa­ration. The King, to correct his supposed mistake, advised him to a more present ob­servance of Prince Henry, as the Heir of his Crown, of whom he had taken little notice. The old Laird answered that he knew well e­nough what he did, and that It was this Child (who was then in His Nurses arms) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages. This then was conceived dotage; but [Page 4]the event gave it the credit of a Prophecie, and confirmed that opinion, That some long-experienced souls in the world, before their dis­lodging, arrive to the height of prophetick Spi­rits.

[ Anno 1603.] When he was three years old He was committed to the Care and Go­vernance of Sir Robert Cary's Lady, as a re­ward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death, whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion, that the Lords of England would ne­ver acknowledge her to be dead, as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths, and personate the Majesty of a Queen.

[ Anno 1604.] In the fourth year, after He had wrestled with a Feaver, He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor, where on January 6. following, having the day before been made Knight of the Bath, He was invested with the title of Duke of York, and in the sixth year [ Anno 1606] was committed to the Pedagogy of Mr. Thomas Murray, a person well qualified to that Office, though a favourer of Presbytery.

Under this Tutor, and confined to a reti­redness by the present weakness of His body, [Page 5]He was so diligent and studious, that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince, without which even their natural Endowments seem rough and un­pleasant in despight of the splendour [...] their fortune. His proficiency in Letters was so e­minent, that Prince Henry taking notice of it, to put a jest upon Him, one day put the Cap of the Archbishop Abbot, (who was then, with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility, waiting in the Privy Chamber for the King's coming out) on his Brothers head; adding, that If he continued a good Boy, and followed His Book, he would make Him one day Archbishop of Canterbury. Which the Child took in such disdain, that He threw the Cap on the ground, and trampled it under His feet with so much eagerness, that he could hardly be restrained. Which Passion was af­terwards taken by some overcurious as a pre­sage of the ruine of Episcopacy by his Pow­er. But the event shewed it was not omi­nous to the Order, but to the Person of the Archbishop, whom in [...] Reign He suspend­ed from the administration of His Office.

[ Anno 1611] In His eleventh year He was made Knight of the Garter: and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying November 6. [1612.] He succeeded him in the Dukedom of Cornwal and the Regalities thereof; and [Page 6]attended his Funeral as chief Mourner, on Decemb. 7.

On the 14. of February following He per­formed the Office of Brideman to the Prin­cess Elizabeth His Sister, who on that day was married to Frederick V. Prince Elector Palatine; the gayeties of which day were af­terwards attended with many fatal Cares and Expences.

His Childhood was blemished with a sup­posed Obstinacy: for the weakness of His bo­dy inclining Him to retirements, and the im­perfections of His speech rendring discourse tedious and unpleasant, He was suspected to be somewhat perverse. But more age and strength fitting Him for manlike Exercises, and the Publick hopes inviting him from His Privacies, He delivered the World of such fears: for applying himself to action, He grew so perfect in Vaulting, riding the great Horse, running at the Ring, shooting in Cross-bows, Muskets, and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance, that if Principality had been to be the reward of Excellency in those Arts, He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also; being thought the best Marks-man and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms. His te­nacious humor he left with his retirements, [Page 7]none being more desirous of good counsel, nor any more obsequious when He found it; yea, too distrustful of His own Judgment, which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed.

[ Anno 1616.] When he was sixteen years old, on Novemb. 3. He was created Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester and Flint, the Reve­nues thereof being assigned to maintain His Court which was then formed for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State, it was expected that He should no longer retain the Modesty which the shades of His Privacy had accustomed Him unto, but now appear as the immediate Instrument of Empire, and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others. But though Providence had changed all about, yet it had changed nothing within Him; and He thought it glory enough to be great with­out the diminution of others; for he still per­mitted the Ministry of State to His Fathers Favourites: which gave occasion of discourse to the Speculativi.

‘Some thought He did it to avoid the Jea­lousies of the Old King, (which were con­ceived to have been somewhat raised by the popularity of Prince Henry, whose breast was full of forward Hopes) For Young Prin­ces [Page 8]are deemed of an impatient Ambition, and old ones to be too nice and tender of their Power; in which though they are contented with a Successor (as they must have) yet are afraid of a Partner. And it was supposed that therefore K. James had raised Car and Buckingham, like Comets to dim the lustre of these rising Stars. But these were mi­staken in the nature of the King, who was enclined to contract a private friendship, The Duke of Lenox and the Earl of Arran in Scotland. and was prodigal to the objects of it, before ever he had Sons to diver his Love, or raise his Fears.’

‘Some that at a distance looked upon the Prince's actions, ascribed them to a Nar­rowness of Mind, and an Incapacity of Greatness: while others, better acquaint­ed with the frame of His Spirit, knew His prudent Modesty inclined Him to learn the Methods of Commanding by the practice of Obedience; and that being of a peaceful Soul, He affected not to embroil the Court (and from thence the Kingdom) in Facti­ons (the effects of impotent minds) which He knew were dangerous to a State, and destructive to that Prince who gives birth unto them; that therefore He chose to wait for a certain, though delayed, Gran­deur, rather than by the Compendious way [Page 9]of Contrasts get a precocious Power, and leave too pregnant an Example of Ruine.’

‘Others conceived it the Prudence of the Father (with which the Son complied) who knew the true use of Favourites was to make them the objects of the People's im­patience, the sinks to receive the curses and anger of the Vulgar, the hatred of the que­rulous, and the envy of unsatisfied ambiti­on: which He would rather have fall up­on Servants, that his Son might ascend the Throne free and unburthened with the dis­contents of any. This was the rather believ­ed, because He could dispense Honours where and when He pleased; as he did to some of His own Houshold; as Sir Robert Cary was made Lord Cary of Lepington, Sir Thomas Howard Viscount Andover, and Sir John Vaughan Lord of Molingar in Ireland.’

[ Anno 1618.] The evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of his Mother, whose death (presaged, as some thought, by that notorious Comet which appeared No­vemb. 18. before) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which he bewailed with a just measure of Grief, without any affected Sor­rows, though She was most affectionate to Him above all her other Children; and at her Funeral He would be chief Mourner.

The Death of the Queeu was not long af­ter followed with a sharp Sickness of the King: wherein his Life seeming in danger, the consequences of his Death began to be lamented. ‘Dr. Andrews, then Bishop of Ely, bewailed the sad condition fo the Church, if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch- men, which made up the greatest part of his Family, and were ill-affected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England.’ Of this the King became so sensible, that he made a Vow, ‘If God should please to restore his health, he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Re­ligion,’ as should secure His affections to the present establishment. Which he did with so much success, as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain, that He was able to moderate in any emergent dispu­tations (which yet he charged them to de­cline, if possible.) At which they smiling, he earnestly added, ‘That CHARLES should manage a point in Controversie with the best-studied Divine of them all.’

[ Anno 1619.] In his 19. Year, on March 24. which was he Anniversary of King James's coming to the Crown of England, He performed a Justing at White-Hall, together [Page 11]with several of the Nobility, wherein He ac­quitted Himself with a Bravery equal to His Dignity. And on the Sunday following, at­tending his Father to the Sermon at St Paul's Cross, and to the Service in the Quire, He shew­ed as much humble Devotion there, as he had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs, ad­mired and applauded by the People for His accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace: That he could behave Himself hum­bly towards his God, and bravely towards His Enemy; pleased with the hardiness of His Body, and ravished with His more gene­rous Mind; that the pleasures of the Court had not softned one to sloth, nor the supream­est Fortune debauched the other to Impiety.

[ Anno 1622.] Confident in these, and o­ther evidences of a wise conduct, the King (without acquainting his Council) sends the Prince into Spain, there to contract a Marri­age with the Infanta, and as a part of the Portion, to recover the Palatinate, which His Sisters Husband had lost, and was by the Emperour canteld to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain. And herein He was to combae all the Artists of State in that Court, the practices of tha Church, and put an is­sue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby, though much conversant in the Intrigues of that Council, had been long cajoled.

To that place He was to pass Incognito, ac­companied only with the Marquess of Buck­ingham, Mr. Endymion Porter, and Mr. Fran­cis Cottington, through France, where, to sa­tisfie His Curio [...]r [...], and shew Himself to Love, He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris, and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven destined to His chast embraces. Satisfied with that sight, no lesser enjoyments of any pleasure in that great Kingdom, nor Vanity of Youth, which is hardly curbed when it is allyed to power, could tempt His stay, or a discovery of His Greatness; but with a speed answerable to an active bo­dy and mind, He out-stripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him, although that King had intelligence of His being with­in his Dominions immediately after their de­parture from the Louvre.

The certain news of His safe arrival at Ma­drid drew after Him from hene a Princely Train, and raised the Censures of the World upon the King; ‘As being too forgetful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other, who, when either Design, Tempests or Ne­cessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts without a Caution, they let them not part without some tribute to [Page 13]their Interest: and a fresh example of this was in the King's own Mother, who seek­ing refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at home, did lose both her Liberty and Life.’

This none daring to mind the King of, his Jester Archee made him sensible, by telling him, He came to change Caps with him. Why, said the King? Because (replied Archee) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain, from whence He is never like to return. But (said the King) what wilt thou say when thou seest Him come back again? Marry, says the Jester, I will take off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy Head for sending Him tither, and put it on the King of Spain 's for letting Him return.

This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger, that it drove him in­to an exceeding Melancholy, from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions, which was his Fleet in the Sea: and that was not long after. For notwithstanding the contrasts of his two prime Ministers there, Bucking­ham and Bristol, (which were sufficient to a­maze an ordinary prudence, and disturb the counsels of so young a beginning in the Myste­ries of Empire, and the Arts of experienced Conclaves;) the impetuous attempts of the [Page 14] Spanish Clergy, either for a Change of His Religion, or a Toleration of theirs; the Spleen of Olivares, whom Buckingham had exsaperated; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Marriage, that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings. By a Civil Letter to the Pope (which His Enemies Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slander) He procured a civil return, with the grant of a Dispensation; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by His Con­stancy in his own Profession, and vindicated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests, by causing our Liturgie to be translated into the Spanish Tongue; and by His generous miene enthralled the Infanta, for whom He had exposed His Liberty.

Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court, that they would not put the Re­stitution of the Palatinate into the considera­tion of the Portion, but reserve it as a Super­soetation of the Spanish Love, and as an op­portunity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spirits, who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their power; He conformed His mind to the resolves of His Father, who said, he would never marry his Son with a Portion of [Page 15]His only Sisters Tears, and therefore inclined to a rupture. But concealing His Purpose, and dissembling His Knowledge of their De­signs, He consulted His own Safety and Re­turn, which his Fathers Letters commanded: which he so prudently acquired, that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends ceremoniate their Farewels; having satisfied Him by a Proxie left with the Earl of Bristol, to be delivered when the Dispensation was come. Which as soon as He was safe on Ship­board, by a private express he commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order.

[ Anno 1623.] His Return to England, which was in October 1623. was entertain'd with so much Joy and Thanksgiving, as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation; and His entrance into London was as a Triumph for His Wisdom, their Bone­fires lengthened out the day, and their Bells by uncessant ringing forbad sleep to those eyes which were refreshed with His sight. Nor could the People by age or sickness he confined at home, but despising the prescripti­ons of their Physicians, went to meet Him as restored Health.

When He had given the King an account of His Voyage, and the Spanish Counsels not [Page 16]to restore the Palatinate, a Parliament was Summoned, which was so zealous of the Ho­nour of the Prince, that both Houses Voted an Address to his Majesty, that he would no longer Treat, but begin a War with Spain; and desiring the Prince's Mediation (who was always ready to gratifie the Nation) therein to His Father, they assured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes: but yet when the War, with the Crown, descended unto him, they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign.

When neither a Wise nor Peace was any longer to be expected from Spain, both were sought for from France, by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria, the youngest Daughter of Henry the IV. The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye, and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly re­ceived impressions from the Relations of His Gallantry; when She was told of His passing through Paris, She answered (as it is report­ed) That if he went to Spain for a Wife, He might have had one nearer hand, and saved Him­self a great part of the labour.

[ Anno 1625.] In the midst of these Prepa­rations for War and Love, King James died at Theobalds, Sunday March 27. Anno 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately [Page 17]proclaimed at the Court-Gate King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and so through­out all the Three Kingdoms, with infinite Re­joycings. The People expecting all the be­nefits of the happiest Government under Him, whose private and youthful part of Life had been so spent, that it had nothing in it to be excused, and where the eager in­quisitors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction. An Argument of a solid Virtue, that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth, that are rendred more impetuous by Flat­teries and Plenty, which are continually resident in great Courts. For had any debauchery polluted His earlier days, it had been publish­ed by those who in scarcity of just Accusati­ons did invent unimaginable Calumnies. Nor could it have been hid, for in a great Fortune nothing is concealed, but Curiosity opens the Closets and Bed-chambers, especially of Princes, and discovers their closest retirements, exposing all their actions to Fame and Censure. Nor did the King deceive their hopes, they being the happiest People under the Sun while He was undisturbed in the administration of Justice.

His first publick Act was the Celebrating His Fathers Funeral, wherea He Himself was Chief Mourner, (contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors, and not conform­able [Page 18]to the Ceremonies of State;) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur; or urged by some secret Decree of Provi­dence, that in all the ruines of His Family He should drink the greatest draught of Tears; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne, He would hallow the Ascent to it by a pious act of Grief.

When He had pay'd that debt to His de­ceased Father, He next provided for poste­rity, and therefore hastened the coming over of his dearest Consort, whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris; and He receiving Her at Dover the next day after Tri­nity-Sunday; at Canterbury began His Conju­gal Embraces. A Lady of most excellent En­dowments, who assumed to Her self nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy; and in His Evil bore an equal share, for She reveren­ced Him, not His Greatness.

Thus having dispatched the affairs of His Family, He applies Himself to those of His Kingdoms, which too much Felicity had made unmanageable by a moderate Govern­ment. And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne, as enter upon a Theatre, to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State; whose long Peace had softned almost all the [Page 19]Nobless into Court pleasures, and made the Commons insolent by a great plenty. The Rites and Discipline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Pro­sperity, and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate, which were made use of by those that endeavoured the alteration of Go\vernment; and the Resolves of that Council were the dictates of some heady Demagogues, who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty un­der the name of Liberty, so that the King could not endure their Vices, nor they His Vertues: whence came all the Obstructions to His De­signs for Glory and the Publick Good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots: and the People were taught not to supply it, unless they were bribed with the blood of some Minister of State, or some more advantages fo Licenti­ousness. Each of these single would have en­nobled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weathered out:but when all these con­spired with the traiterous Projects of men of unbounded and unlawful hopes, they took from Him His Peace, and that which the World calls Happiness; but yet they made Him Great, and affording Exercises for His most excellent Abilities rendred Him Glo­rious.

The different states of these Difficulties, [Page 20]when like Clouds they were gathering toge­ther, and when they descended in showres of Blood, divide the King's Reign into two parts. The first could not be esteemed days of Peace, but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity, either to part with his Dignity, and expose His Subjects to the in­juries of numerous Tyrants; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peaceful Soul, and make use of those necessary Arms, whereby He might hope to divert, if possible, the Ru­ine of Church and State which he saw in pro­jection.

In the first Part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parliament; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Counsels, and as­sistances of Government, yet, through the just Indignation of Heaven, and the practi­ces of some unquiet and seditious persons, be­came the wombs wherein were first conceived and formed those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Liberty, caused our Mi­series, and the King's Afflictions.

His first Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain, which they importunately had [Page 21]through His Mediation engaged His Father in, and made it as hereditary to him as the Crown. His Eloquence gave powerful Rea­sons for speedy and large summs of Money; did also audit to them the several disburse­ments relating both to the Army and Navy, that He might remove all Jealousies of Mis­imployment, and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly en­tred upon, and how to be a faithful Steward of the Publick Treasure. But the Project­ors of the alteration of Government brought into Debate two Petitions, one for Religion, the other for Grievances, formed in King James's time, which delayed the Succours, and increased the Necessities, which at last they answered but with two Subsidies, too poor a stock o furnish an Army with; yet was kindly accepted, in expectation of more at the next Session. For the Infection seizing upon London, the Parliament was adjourned till August, when they were to meet at Ox­ford: and at that time He passed such Acts as were presented to Him.

At the next Session He gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petitions, and expected a Retribution in larger Subsi­dies towards the Spanish War. But instead of these, there were high and furious debates of Grievances, consultations to form and [Page 22]publish Remonstrances, Accusations of the Duke of Buckingham: Which the King esteem­ing as reproaches of His Government, and as­saults upon Monarchy, dissolves that Assemb­ly, hoping to find one of a less cholerick complexion after His Coronation.

This inauspicious Meeting drew after it another Mischief, the Miscarriage of the De­signs upon Spain. For the supplies of Mo­ney being scanty and slow, the Fleet could not go out till October 8. an unseasonable time in the British Seas; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests, which destroying some, scattered all the Ships. When they met, a more dangerous storm fell among the Soldiers and Seamen, where small Pay caused less Discipline, and a contempt of their Ge­neral, the Lord Wimbleton, rendred th at­tempt upon Cades vain and fruitless. This was followed by a Contagion (to which some conceive discontented minds make the bodies of men more obnoxious) in the Navy, which forced it home, more empty of Men, and less of Reputation.

The Infection decreasing at London, the King performed the Solemnities of His Co­ronation February 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors: for in the Civil He omitted the usual Parade of Riding [Page 23]from the Tower through the City to White-Hall, to save the Expences that Pomp requi­red, for more noble undertakings. In the Spiritual there was restored a Clause in the Prayers which had been preter­mitted since Henry VI. and was this; Let Him obtain favour for this People, like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacha­rias in the Temple; give Him Peter 's Key of Discipline, Paul 's Doctrine. Which though more agreeing to the Principles of Protestant­ism, which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches, and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery; yet was quarreled at by the Factious party, (who take advantages of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances) and condemned as a new invention of Bishop Laud, and made use of to defame both the King and him.

After this He began a second Parliament February 2. wherein the Commons voted Him Four Subsidies, but the Demagogues in­tended them as the price of the Duke of Buck­ingham's blood; whom Mr. Cooke and Dr. Tur­ner with so much bitterness inveighed agianst, as passing the modesty of their former dissi­mulation they taxed the King's Government. Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John Elliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lord's [Page 24]House, in which, to make the Faction more sport, the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually impeach each other. By these con­trasts the Parliament were so highly heated, that the Faction though it fit time to put a Remonstrance in the forge, which according to their manner was to be a publick Invective against the Government. But the King ha­ving notice of it, dissolves the Parliament June 18. [ Anno 1626.] and the Bill for the Sub­sidies never passed.

This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad. For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestick em­broilments begins a War upon us, and seiseth upon the English Merchant Ships in the River of Bourdeaux. His pretence was, because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen, whose insolencies had been into­lerable. But the world saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis him­self, who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish attendants of his own Queen: and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this Just Prince to foreign inju­ries. Which He magnanimously endeavoured to revenge, and to recover the goods of His abused Subjects; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France. But the want of Money made the [Page 25]Preparations slow; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the year was by Storms forced to desist the enterprize. So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Ene­mies, was imputed by some to a secret De­cree of Heaven, which obstructed His just undertakings for Glory.

[ Anno 1627.] The next year the King, quickened by he Petitions of the Rochellers, who now sued for His Protection, as well as by the Justice of His own Cause, more early prosecuted His Counsels, and sent the Duke of Buckingham to attach the Isle of Rhee; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last year's vain attempt, yet had now submitted to the English Valour, had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gay­eties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Souldi­er. And when it wa wisdom to forsake those attempts which former neglects had made im­possible, being too greedy of Honour, and to avoid the imputation of fear in a safe re­treat, he loaded his overthrow with a new Ignominy, and an heavier loss of men, (the common fate of those Who seek for glory in the parcels, lose it in the gross.) Which was con­trary to the temper of his Master, who was so tender of humane blood, [...] therefore He raised no Wars, but found them [...] and thought it an opprobrious bargain to purchase [Page 26]the fruitless Laurels, or the empty name of Ho­nour, with the lives of men, but where the Pub­lick Safety required the hazzard and loss of some particulars.

This Expedition beging so unhappy, and the Miseries of Rochel making them importu­nate for the King's Assistance, His Compassi­onate Soul was desirous to emove their Dan­gers, but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Faction had concluded Him under. To free Himself from which, but He might deliver the oppressed, He doth pawn His own Lands for 100000 pounds to the City, and borrows 30000 pounds more of the East-India Company: but this was yet too narrow a Foundation to support the charges of the Fleet, and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament; which He therefore summons to meet March 17. intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subjects Affections to Himself.

Which in the beginning proved successful, for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King, and both Interests contended to oblige, that they might be ob­liged. The Parliament granted the King [ Anno 1628.] five Subsidies, and He freely granted their Petition of Right, the greatest [Page 27]Condescension that ever any King made, wherein He seemed to submit the Royal Scepter to the Popular Fasces, and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation.

These auspicious beginnings, though full of Joy both to Prince and People, were mat­ter of envy to the Faction; and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealousies, the Demagogues perswaded the Houses that the King's Grant of their Petition extended, (beyond their own Hopes and the Limits themselves had set, and what he had expresly mentioned and cautioned) even to the taking away His Right to Tonnage and Poundage. Be­sides this, they were again hammering a Re­monstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of male-administration. Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure, on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Octob. 20. and af­terward by Proclamation till Jan. 20. following.

In the interim, the King hastens to send succours to Rochel: and though the General, the Duke of Buckingham, was at Portsmouth Assassinated by Felton, armed (as he profes­sed) with the publick hatred; yet the Pre­parations were not slackned, the King by His personal industry doing more to the ne­cessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve days than the Duke had done in so [Page 28]many months before. But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impossibility of Relief. Therefore the Earl of Lindsey, who commanded the Forces, after some gallant, yet fruitless attempts returned to England, and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King.

As Providence had removed the great Ob­ject of the Popular hate, and (as was pre­tended) the chief obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King, the Duke of Buckingham; so the King himself labours to remove all o­ther occasions of quarrel before the next Ses­sion. He restores Archbishop Abbot, who for his remisness in the Discipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office, and was therefore the Darling of the Com­mons because in disgrace with the King (so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governours) to the admini­stration of it again. Dr. Potter, the great Calvinist, was made Bishop of Carlisie. Mr. Mountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was cal­led in. Proclamations were issued out a­gainst Papists. Sir Thomas Wentworth, an a­ctive Leader of the Commons, was towards the beginning of this Session, as Sir John Sa­vil had been at the end of the last, called up into the Lord's House, being made Viscount Wentworth, and Lord President of the North.

But the Honours of these Persons (whose parts the King, who well understood men, thought worthy of his Favour and Employ­ment) seeming the rewards of Sedition, and the spoils of destructive Counsels, the Dema­gogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had attained unto, by the like Arts. And therefore despising all the King's obliging practices, in the next Sessions they assumed a power of reforming Church and State, called the Customers into question for Levying Tonnage and Poundage, made now their Invectives, as they formerly did against the Duke, against the Lord Treasurer Weston; so that it appeared that not the persons of men, but the King's trust of them, was the object of their Envy, and His Favour, though never so Vertuous, marked them out for Ru­ine. And upon these points they raised the heat to such a degree, that fearing they should be dissolved ere they had time to vent their passions, they began a Violence upon their own Body (an example which lasted longer than their Cause, and at last produced the overthrow of all their Priviledges.) They lockt the Doors of the House, kept the Key thereof in one of their own Pockets, held the Speaker by strong hand in the Chair, till they had thundered out their Votes, like dreadful Anathemaes, against those that should [Page 30]Levy, and, which was more ranting, against such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Poundage. This Force the King went with His Guard of Pensioners to remove; which they hearing, adjourned the House; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the In­justice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liberties, dissolved the Parliament.

While the winds of Sedition raged thus furiously at home, more gentle gales came from abroad. The French King's designs up­on other places required Peace from us, and therefore the Signiorie of Venice by her Am­bassadors was moved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis; which the King accepted. And not long after [ Anno 1629] the Spaniard pressed with equal necessities de­sired Amity; which was also granted. The King being thus freed from his domestick Embroilments and foreign Enmities, soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire, and rendred Himself abroad more considerable than any of His Predecessors. And He was more glorious in the eyes of the good, and more satisfied in His own breast, by confirming Peace with Prudence, than if He had finished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Scepter was the Caduceus to ar­bitrate the differences of the Potentates of Europe. His Subjects likewise tasted the sweet­ness [Page 31]of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours, but only that of valuing their Happiness. While other Nations wel­tred in blood, His people enjoyed a profound Peace, and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it. The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the su­rest Bank to preserve and increase their Tra­ding. The Spanish Bullion was here Coined, which advantaged the King's Mint, and en­creased the Wealth of the Merchants, who returned most of that Money in our native Commodities.

While He dispensed these Blessings to the People, Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit his Dominions, May 29. [ Anno 1630.] which was so great matter of rejoycing to the People of uncorrupted minds, that Heaven seemed also concerned in the Exultation, kindling another Fire more than Ordinary, making a Star to be seen the same day at noon. (From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertakings, and of no common glory a­mong Kings: which hath since been confirm­ed by the miraculous preservation of Him, and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne.) For this great blessing the King gave publick Thanks to the Author of it, Almighty God, as St. Paul's Church; and [Page 32]God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Happiness. For neither Armies nor Na­vies are such sure props of Empire as Children are. Time, Fortune, private Lusts, or Errors may take off, or change Friends: But those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest, especially in Royal Families, in whose Prosperi­ties sirangers may have a part, but their Ad­versities will be sure to crush their nearest Allies.

Prospering thus in Peace at home, a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Trea­sure, and gave Him leasure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad. He confederated with o­ther Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness, assisting by His Treasure, Arms and Counsel, the King of Sweden, to deliver the oppressed German States from the Impe­rial Oppressions. And when Gustavus's for­tune made him insolent, and he would im­pose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave, the King's Brother-in-Law, He necessitated him not withstanding his Victories to more ea­sie Articles.

The next year was notorious for two Tri­als: one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castleha­ven, who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness [Page 33]and unnatural uncleanness, was by the King submitted to a tryal by his Peers, and by them being found Guilty, was Condemned, and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes; (but in the King's eyes they ap­peared more horrid, because they polluted that Order) and was afterwards executed.

The other was of a tryal of Combat at a Marshal's Court, betwixt Donnold Lord Rey, a Scotish High-lander, and David Ramsey a Scottish Courtier. ‘The first accused the last to have solicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquess Hamilton, who was then Commander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden: in which Ramsey said all Scotland was engaged but three; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England; that the Court was extremely corrupted; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change.’

There were no Witnesses, and the Defen­dant denying what the Appellant affirmed, the Tryal was thought must be by Duel. In order to which the King grants a Commissi­on for a Court-Marshal: where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightned, yet the King hinders any further process by Combat, which is doubted whe­ther [Page 34]it be lawful; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble; or knowing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Heaven, it was vain to commit a crime in hope of enjoying it, or in fear of losing it: (which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inquisition of Conspi­racies) and fatally continues Hamilton in that favour as did enable him afterwards more falsly to act that Treason of which he was then accused.

[ Anno 1632.] Some Tumults in Ireland shewed a defect in that Government, which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth, a most accomplished Person in affairs of Rule, of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King's choice of him he soon justified, by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown, and made it pay for the Charges of its own Go­vernment, which before was deducted out of the English Treasury: their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty.

This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made him mindful of employing some fruits of it to the [Page 35]Honour of that God that caused it; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Religion, (which is usual) He shewed His own Zeal for the Ornaments of it, and spent part of His Treasure towards the repair of St. Paul's Church, and by His Example, Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it; and had restored it to its primitive lustre and firmness, adorn­ed it to a magnificence equal with the Stru­cture, which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World, had not the Malice of His Enemies forced Him to Arms, mingled His Morter with the blood of innocent people, and sacrilegiously diverted all the Treasure and Materials gathered for this pious design, to maintain an impious and unjust War: and afterwards to dishonour His Cares for Religi­on, they barbarously made it a Stable for their Horse, and Quarters for their unhallow­ed Foot.

[ Anno 1633.] Some Reasons of State drew the King from London, May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland. Himself pro­fessed that He had no great Stomach to the Journey, nor delight in the Nation, being a Race of men, that under the Scheme of an ho­nest animosity and specious plain dealing were most persidious. A full Character of their [Page 36]great Movers. Yet as he had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility, so was He there magnificently re­ceived and crowned at Edinburgh, June 10. But the King soon found all those Caresses false. For the Nobility and Laick Patrons could not concoct His Revocation (though legal and innocent) of such things as had been stolen from the Crown during His Fa­ther's Minority, with a Commission for Sur­rendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be reta­ken from the King by the present Occupants (who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown, (to which they justly belong­ed) some Augmentation to the Clergy, and far more ease and benefit to the Common People, whom by advantage of those illegal Tenures they oppressed with a most bitter Vassalage. This Act of His Majesty being so full of equity and publick good, those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-facedly oppose it, but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order, by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratifi­cation of all those Laws which King James had made in that Nation for the better regulating the affairs of that Church, both as to the Government and Worship of it.

This was highly opposed by such as were sensible of their diminution by a legal resti­tution of their unrighteous Possessions. And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices; yet to prevent their own fires with the publick Ruine, they did most assiduously slander it among the People as the abetting of Popery, and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Romish yoke. These Calumnies received more credit by the King's Order for a more Decent and Reverend Wor­ship of God at his Royal Chappl at Edinburgh, conformably to the English Usage.

Their noise grew louder by the Consent of their party of Malecontents in England, who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports, which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire, and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Obser­vance. The Occasion of which was the A­postasie of many to Popery, (whose Doctrines and Practices are more indulgent to the licen­tious) through the rigid opinion of some Preachers, who equall'd all Recreations on the Sabbath (as they call'd it) to the most prodigious transgressions. On the contrary, some of the Ignorant Teachers had perverted many to downright Judaism, by the conse­quence [Page 38]of so strict an Observance of the Sab­bath. And some over-busie Justices of Peace had suppressed all the Ancient Feasts of the Dedications of Churches. The King therefore intended by this edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides, and to free His People from the yoke of this Su­perstition. But ( such is the weakness of Hu­mane Prudence, that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are pregnant of another; and whereas the generality of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law, when Liberty is indulged, all things are soon filled with Dis­order and Confusion. And so) it happened in this, that the Vulgar abusing the King's Li­berty, (which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches) and committing many undecencies, made many well-temper'd Spirits too capable and credulous of those im­portunate Calumnies of the Faction, that His Majesty was not well-affected to Religion.

[ Anno 1634.] The boldness of the Picke­roons, Turks, and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our Coasts, damaging our Traffique, the u­surpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Dominion in the narrow Seas, and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius, call the King's next Cares for His own Ho­nour, and the People's Safety. But the Re­medy appeared exceeding difficult; the fur­nishing [Page 39]of a Navy for so honourable an un­dertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer; which (although not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts, nor profusely wasted on some prodigal and unthrifty Favourite, nor lavished on ambitious designs, from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free) was but just sufficient for ordinary and necessary Expences of State and Majesty. And though it was most just for Him to expect the Peoples Contribution to their own Safety, who were never richer than now, nor had they ever more Security for their riches than they now had by His Concessions of Liberty: yet knowing how powerful the Faction al­ways was to disturb the Counsels of Parlia­ment, He feared that from their Proceedings the Common Enemies would be incouraged (as formerly) to higher Insolencies, and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruine His Honour. He also ac­counted it a great unhappiness to be necessi­tated to maintain His State by extraordinary ways, and therefore refused to renew Privy Seals and Loans, the use of which He debar­red Himself of in granting the Petition of Right. Therefore consults His Attorney-General Noy, whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling peo­ple. Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Pre­cedents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for set­ting [Page 40]forth a Novie in case of danger, and as­sures Him of the Legality of the way in pro­ceeding by Writs to that effect. Which Coun­sel being embraced, there were Writs direct­ed to the several Counties for such a Contri­bution, that in the whole might build, furnish and maintain 47 Ships for the safety of the Kingdom. And by these the King soon se­cured and calmed the Seas; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tempest at Land.

[ Anno 1635.] They complained of Invasi­ons on their Spiritual Liberties, because the Bishops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their primi­tive Observance, of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent: and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Natural, daily amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure. Therefore when they took this proper Method of reforming a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution, both His Majesty and they were defamed with de­signs of Popery.

This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties, and contrary to Law, because not laid by a Parliament. Therefore those who sought the People's fa­vour to alter the present Government, by [Page 41]seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights, refused to pay the Tax, [ Anno 1636.] and stood it out to a Tryal at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Tryal, and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justifie by their Subseriptions, that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax; and their Subscripti­ons were enrolled in all the Courts of West­minster-Hall. And when it came to be argu­ed in the Exchequer-Chamber, ten of them absolutely declared for it; only two, Crooke and Hutton, openly dissented from that opi­nion to which they had formerly subscribed, not without the ignominy of Levity unbe­seeming their places. And as the King was thus victorious in the Law, so was He at Sea; and having curbed the Pirates, He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas.

Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed, that so­ber men could not pray for, nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Hap­piness than what his Reign did afford. The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edifices; the Trade of the Na­tion had brought the wealth of the Indies home to our doors; Learning and all good Sciences were so cherished, that they grew to Admiration, and many Arts of the Ancients, [Page 42]buried and forgotten by time, were revived again. No Subjects under the Sun richer, and (which was the effect of that) none prouder. Security increased the Husband-mans stock, and Justice preserved his Life; none being condemned as to Life, but by the lawful Ver­dict of those of an equal Condition, the Jury of his Peers. The poor might reverence, but needed not Fear the Great: and the Great though he might despise, yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour. And all things were so administred, that they seemed to conspire to the Publick good; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Civil Commotions, and brought our Feli­city to that height, that by the necessity of humane nature, which hath placed all things in motion, it must necessarily decline. And God provoked by our sins did no longer re­strain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men, who contemning their present certain enjoyments, hoped for more wicked acquisitions in publick Troubles; to over­whelm every part of the King's Dominions with a deluge of Blood and Misery, and to commence that War, which as it was hor­rid with much slaughter, so it was memora­ble with the Experiences of His Majesties Vertues; Confusions, like Winds, from eve­ry Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul.

The first Storm arose from the North, and the flame first broke out in Scotland, where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils of Religion and Majesty, took all occa­sions to hasten the publick Misery (which at last most heavily lay upon their Country, the hands they had strengthened and instructed to fight against their Prince, laying a more unsupportable slavery upon them than their most impious Slanders could form in the ima­ginations of the credulous that they might fear from the King) by calumniating the King's Government, raising fears of Tyranny and Idolatry, forming and spreading seditious Libels. The Author, or at least, the A­bettor, of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino, a Traytor by nature, being the Son of one who had before merited death for his Treasons to King James, yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles, to have his Life and Estate con­tinued after condemnation. Yet this perfidi­ous man interpreted the Kings Clemency for his own Vertue; and he that had dared such a Crime, could not be changed by the Par­don of it; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life, he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion.

[ Anno 1637.] For the Rabble, that de­lights in Tumults, were fitted by this and [Page 44]other Boutefeus for any occasion of con­temning the King's Authority (though His designs, that were thus displeasing to the No­bless, were evidently for the benefit of the Populacy) and at last took fire from the Li­turgy, something differing from ours, (lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the Church of England) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church; which the King, who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be di­vided in Worship, confirmed, and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh, a City always pregnant with suspicions and false ru­mors. But it was entertained with all the instruments of fury that were present to a de­bauched multitude: for they flung cudgels and sticks at the Dean of Edinburgh while he was performing his Office; and after that was done re-inforc'd their assault upon the Bishops, whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect, who indured some af­fronts, that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude, which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguished. For they that are fierce in a croud, being singled, through their particular fears become obedient. And that rabble that talks high against the determinations of their Prince, when danger from the Laws is within their ken, distrust their companions, and return to subjection.

But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude, but a long-formed Conspiracy; and to this Multi­tude, whose present terrour was great, yet would have been contemptible in a short space, there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders. Who presently digested their Partisans into several Tables, and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion. To prosecute which they mutually obliged them­selves and the whole Nation in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy, and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odious names of Heresie and Superstition, and to defend each other against all Persons, not excepting the King.

To reduce this people to more peaceful practices, the King sends Marquess Hamilton (one who being caressed by His Majesties Fa­vour had risen to such a degree of wealth and greatness, that now he dreamed of nothing less than Empire to bring his power to perfe­ction, at least to be Monarch of Scotland, to which he had some pretensions by his birth) as His Commissioner. Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenanters, whose first motions were secretly directed by his counsels, and those of his dependents, [Page 46] Traquaire and Roxbrough, for all his Allies were of that party (contrary to the cu­stom of that Country, where all the Mem­bers of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger:) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddle-bow for defence of the Covenant. By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were daily sown, and his oppositions so faint, that he rather encreased than allayed their fury: By several returns to His Majesty for new Instructions he gave time to the Re­bels to consolidate their Conspiracy, to call home their Exiles of Poverty that were in foreign Armies, and provide Arms for open Force: By his false representations of the state of things, he induced the King to tem­porize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation (an artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised) and by granting their desires, to make them sensible of the evils which would flow from their own counsels. Therefore the King gave Order for revoking the Liturgy, the High-commission, the Book of Canons, and the Five Articles of Perth.

But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions, because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force, which Modesty and Submission had never obtained; and imputing these Grants to the [Page 47] King's Weakness, not his Goodness, they pro­ceeded to bolder Attempts: Indicted an As­sembly without Him, in which they abolish­ed Episcopacy; excommunicated the Bishops and all that adhered to them. Afterwards they seised upon the King's Revenue, surpris­ed His Forts and Castles, and at last put them­selves into Arms.

Provoked with these Injuries the King amasses a gallant Army, in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen, and with these marches, and incamps within two miles of Berwick, within sight of the Enemy. But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace, they endeavoured to dissipate that Army, which they could not overthrow, by a pre­tence to a Pacification. For which they pe­tition'd the King, who yielded unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. [ Anno 1639.] and the King disbands His Army, ex­pecting the Scots should do the like, accord­ing to the Articles of Agreement.

But they being delivered from Fear, would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded, but they protested against the Pa­cification, printed many false Copies of it, [Page 48]that might represent it dishonourable to the King, retained their Officers in pay, changed the old Form of holding Parliaments, inva­ded the Prerogatives of the Crown, and so­licited the French King for an aid of men and money.

This perfidious abuse of His Majesty's Cle­mency made those that judge of Counsels by the Issue to censure the King's Facility. ‘Some wondred how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generation of men, and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War, should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet. That there would be always the same causes to the Scots of di­sturbing England, and opposing Govern­ment, their unquiet nature and Covetous­ness: therefore unless some strong impres­sion made them either unable or unwilling to distract our quiet, the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries. Others attributed the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in His own Camp were polluted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters: and that Hamilton His Admiral had betrayed the seasons of fighting by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh; and had secret Conference with His Mother, the great Nurse of the Cove­nant, [Page 49]on Shipboard. But most referred it to the King's innate tenderness of His Sub­jects Blood, and to his Prudence not to de­file His Glory with the overthrow (which seemed probable) of a contemptible Ene­my, where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it.’

[ Anno 1640.] While men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness, the King prepares for another Army, and in order thereto calls a Parliament in Ireland, and another in Eng­land, for assistances against the Rebels in Scot­land. The Irish granted Money to raise and pay 8000 men in Arms, and furnish them with Ammunition. Yet this Example with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots, and his promise of for ever acquitting them of Ship-money if now they would freely assist Him, prevailed nothing upon the English Parlia­ment, whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels. And when the King sent Sir Hen­ry Vane to re-mind them of His desires, and to demand Twelve Subsidies, yet to accept of Six, he industriously (as was collected from His own and His Sons following pra­ctices) insisted upon the Twelve, without insinuation of the lesser quantity His Ma­jesty would be contented with; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious [Page 50]Harangues, that the House was so exaspera­ted, as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland. To prevent this ominous effect of the falseness of His Ser­vant, the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convo­cation, which granted Him 4 s. in the pound for all their Ecclesiastical Promotions. But the Laity that in the House had not time to declame against His Majesties Proceedings, did it without doors; for being dispersed to their homes, they filled all places with suspici­ous Rumours and high Discontents: and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began, which was not pacified without much dan­ger, and the Execution of the principal Leaders.

The King thus betrayed, defamed and de­serted by those who should have considered that in His Honour their Safety was embar­qued, though He had no less cause to fear secret Conspiracies at Home, which were more dangerous because obscure, than the Scots publick Hostility; yet vigorously pro­secuted His undertaking, and raised a suffici­ent Army: but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies, who had soon re-united their dispersed Forces; and incouraged by the Faction, with whom they held intelligence, in England, contented not themselves to stand [Page 51]upon the defence, but invaded us, and ad­vanced so far before all the King's Army could be gathered together, that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Rear could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford, who was appointed General, or the King could come to encourage them with His Presence.

He was no sooner arrived at His Army, but there followed Him from some English Lords a Petition, conformable to the Scotch Remonstrance, which they called the Intenti­ons of the Army. So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South, while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries. The King answered the Petitioners, That before their Petition came He had resolved to summon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nati­on and His own Honour. Who accordingly met, Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet, Nov. 3. and in the mean time a cessation should be made with the Scots, with whom some Commissioners from the Parliament should Treat.

Novemb. 3. Began that fatal Parliament, which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons, that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament, ingulfed [Page 52]the Nation in a Sea of Blood, ruined the King, and betrayed all their own Priviledges and the People's Liberty into the power of a Phanatick and perfidious Army. And al­though His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate, yet He endeavoured to make them so; telling them at their meeting, that He was resolved to put Himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects; that He would satisfie all their just Grievances, and not leave to malice it self a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. He commended to their care the chasing out of the Rebels, the Provisions of His own Army, and the Relief of the oppressed Northern Counties.

But the Malignity of some few, and the Ignorance of more, employed that Assembly in other matters: First in purging their House of all such as they conceived would not com­ply with their destructive enterprises; and for such men they either sound some fault with their Elections, or made them Criminals in some publick Grievance; though others of a deeper guilt they kept among them, that their Offences might make them obnoxi­ous to their power, and obsequious to their commands. Then with composed Harangues they declaimed upon the publick Grievances, and reckoned up casual Misfortunes amongst [Page 53]designed Abuses of Government, every way raising up Contumelies against the present Power: and that which was fullest of De­traction and Envy was applauded as most pregnant with Liberty. Thus pretending se­veral Injuries had been done to the People, they raised the Multitude to hopes of an un­imaginable Liberty, and a discontent with the present Government. After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition, that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned, and three of them were conducted through Lon­don with such a company of people adorned with Rosemary and Bays, as it seemed a Tri­umph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them. Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State: they impeached the Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Finch, Keeper of the Great Seal, the Judges that according to their Oath had de­termined Ship-money legal, and others; some of which fled, those that were found were clapt in Prison: so that the King was soon despoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel, and others terrified in their Ministery to Him.

While the Factious thus led the House, their Partisans without by their Instructions formed Petitions against the Government in [Page 54]Church and State; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to subscribe, and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots. Who being animated by the success of their Arts, fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Par­liaments, wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nation was, upon re­fusal of the King, and the neglect of others, devolved upon Constables. Which profana­tion of Majesty though the King disswaded them from, yet they persisted in; and He passed it.

[ Anno 1641.] After five Months time (for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justifie their accusation, and to give leisure to the Court for Overtures of gainful Offices to the great Sticklers against him; which not appearing) the Earl of Straf­ford is brought to his Trial in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as his Judges: (the King, Queen and Prince sitting behind a Cur­tain in an adjoining Gallery) and round a­bout the Court stood the Commons. His Accusers and Witnesses were English, Scotch and Irish, (and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Empire) The English were such as envied his Vertues, and great­ness in the King's Favour. The Scotch, be­cause [Page 55]they knew his Prudence able to coun­ter-work their Frauds, discover their impu­dent Cheats, and his wise management to overthrow their Force. The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Go­vernment, whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impa­tient of Peace, to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty; and by Artifices, Husbandry and Commerce had rendred that tumultuary Na­tion so rich, that they were now able to re­pay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commoti­ons had contracted. Although those of this Nation were Papists, and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State, and were even then practising and meditating their Re­bellion, (which they hoped more easie when so wise a Governour was removed) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime; yet were they much caressed by the Faction, that these in the name of the whole King­dom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave.

His Charge consisted of Twenty eight Ar­ticles (that their number might cover their want of Evidence.) To all which the Lieu­tenant (whose Patience was not overcome, nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Accusers) answers with so brave a Pre­sence [Page 56]of Spirit, such firm Reasons, and so clear an Eloquence, that he whom the mer­cenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendred as a Monster of men, could not be found guilty of Treason, either in the particulars or the whole. So that his Enemies were fil­led with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other than a Libel of Slanders; and the dis-interessed Hearers were (besides the pleasure they received to find so great En­dowments polluted with no hainous Crimes) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people, where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded, and unsuccessful, though prudent, are severely accused: when they err, every one condemns them, and their wise Advices few praise; for those that are benefited envy, and such as are disap­pointed hate those that gave them. And such seemed the Fate of this Excellent Counsel­lour, whom nothing else but his great Parts, his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger.

The Faction being obstructed this way, by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities, from ta­king away his Life, moved the House to pro­ceed by a Bill of Attainder, to the making a Law after the Fact, whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason: yet add a Caution, that it should not be drawn into a Precedent, [Page 57]seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they act­ed on him, intending to prosecute what they falsly charged him with, the Alteration of Government. Which yet passed not with­out a long debate and contention: for many that had none but honest hopes, disdained to administer to the Interest of the Faction in the blood of so much Innocent Gallantry; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the avenues to ruine of the best Persons, when once exposed to pub­lick hatred. Therefore they earnestly dis­swaded such a proceed. And fifty nine of the most eminent openly dissented when it came to the Vote; whose Names were afterwards posted, and marked for the fury of the Rab­ble, that for the future they might not oppose the designs of the Factious, unless they desi­red to be torn in pieces.

In two days the Lower House past the Bill, so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood: but the Lords House was a little more delibe­rative (the King having amongst them de­clared His sense of the Earl's Innocency:) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being im­patient, there came a seditious rabble of a­bout 5 or 6000 of the dregs of the people, armed with Staves and Cudgels, and other Instruments of Outrage, (instigated by the [Page 58]more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and City) to the Parliament doors, clamouring Justice, Justice: and the next day, to raise their Fury, there was a report spred among them of some endeavours to pre­pare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ireland; therefore with more fierceness they raised their clamors, some objecting Treason to him, others their Decay of Trade, and each one either as he was instructed (for some of the House of Commons would be among them, to direct their Fury, and to give some order to their Tumult, that it might appear more terrible,) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him, urged his different motives for Justice: and at last, heated by their own motion and noise, they guard the Doors of the House of Peers, offer insolencies to the Lords, especially the Bishops, as they went in, and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamors. And when they had thus made an assault on the Liberty of the Parli­ament (which yet was pretended to be so Sacred) they afterward set upon the neigh­bouring Abby-Church, where forcing open the doors they brake down the Organs, spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Wor­ship: from thence they fly to Court, and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours: and at last were raised to that impudency, as to upbraid the [Page 59] King, (who from a Scaffold perswaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs) with an unfitness to reign.

When some Justices of the Peace, according to the Law, endeavoured to suppress those Tumults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders, they themselves were im­prisoned by the Command of the Commons, upon pretext of an injury offered to the Li­berties of the Subject; of which one was (as they then dictated) That every one might safe­ly petition the Parliament: yet when the Kent­ish men came to Petition for something con­trary to the gust of the Faction, they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them; and when other Counties were meditating Addresses for Peace, by threatnings they deterred them from such honest undertakings. And when some prudent Persons minded the Dema­gogues how dishonourable it was for the Par­liament not to suppress such Mutinies, they replyed, that their friends ought rather to be thanked and caressed.

By these and other Arts having wholly o­verthrown the freedom of that Council, and many withdrawing themselves from such Out­rages, when scarce the third part of the Peers were present, the Faction of that House like­wise [Page 60]passed the Bill, the Dissenters being out­voted only by seven Voices. Yet all this could not prevail upon the King, though the Tumults were still high without, and within He was daily solicited by the Lords of His Palace (who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer, and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustrati­on of the Court) to leave the Earl as a Sa­crifice to the Vulgar Rage. Nor did the King any ways yield, till the Judges (who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament) declared He might do it by Law, and the Earl by his own Letters devoted him­self as a Victim for the publick Peace and His Majesties Safety: and then overcome with Importunities on all hands, and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges (as Himself complained to the Bishops whom he consulted in that Case, and the Bishop of London, who was one of them, answered, That if the King in Conscience found him not guilty, He ought not to pass the Bill; but for matter of Law, what was Treason, he referred Him to the Judg­es, who, according to their Oath, ought to car­ry themselves indifferently betwixt Him and His Subjects:) The other four Bishops that were then consulted, Durham, Lincoln, Carlisle, and the Arch-Bishop of Armagh, were not so free as the Bishop of London was, and there­fore the King observed a special blessing of [Page 61]God upon him. He at last with much relu­ctancy signed a Commission to some Lords to pass that Bill of Attainder, and another for Continuation of the Parliament during the plea­sure of the Two Houses.

‘The passing of these two Bills, as some thought, wounded the King's Greatness more than any thing he ever did. The first, because it cut off a most exquisite In­strument of Empire, and a most faithful Servant: and none did more make use of this to pollute His Honour, than those who had even forced Him to it; like those ma­lignant and damned Spirits who upbraid unhappy Souls with those Crimes and ru­ines to which they themselves have tempt­ed and betrayed them. But the heaviest Censor was Himself, for He never left be­wailing His Compliance, or rather Conni­vence, with this Murder, till the issue of His Blood dried up those of His Tears.’

‘By the other Bill He had, as some cen­sured, renounced His Crown, and granted it to those men who at present exercised so Arbitrary a Power, that they wanted no­thing but length of time to be reputed Kings, and this they now had gotten. But the more Speculative concluded it an act of especial Prudence, for the King made that [Page 62]an evidence of His sincere intention to ob­lige His People, and overcome the Malice of His Enemies with Benefits: which the Faction would have usurped, and by the boldness of the attempt ingaged the People to them as the only Patrons of their Liberty. And they were furnished with an Example for it by their Confederates in Scotland, who indicted an Assembly without the King's leave, and continued it against His pleasure; and (as all imitations of Crimes exceed their first pattern) it was conceived these men whose furies were more unjust, and so would be more fierce, intended to improve that Precedent to the extremest guilt.’

The Bill was no sooner signed, but they hastened the Execution; and so much the more eagerly, because the King desired, in a most passionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords, that that Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth, might have the more time to fit it self for the Mercy of Heaven. But this favour which became Chri­stians to grant, agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries, and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-hill, (in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance [Page 63]begged, and the most pious Prelate bestowed them with Tearss,) where with a greater pre­sence of mind than he had looked his Enemies in the face did he encounter Death, and sub­mitted his neck to the stroke of the Execu­cutioner. ‘He was a person of a generous Spirit, fitted for the noblest enterprises, and the most difficult parts of Empire. His Counsels were bold, yet just, and he had a Vigour proper for the Execution of them. Of an Eloquence, next to that of His Ma­ster's, masculine, and most excellent. He was no less affectionate to the Church than to the State, and not contented while li­ving to defend the Government and Patri­mony of it, he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die, and charged his abhorrency of Sacrilege. His Enemies called the Majesty of his Miene in his Lieu­tenancy, Pride, and the undaunted execu­tion of his Office on the contumacious, the Insolency of his fortune. He was censured for committing that fatal Errour of following the King to London and to the Parliament after the Pacification with the Scots at York; and it was thought, that if he had gone o­ver to his charge in Ireland, he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for His Majesties Service. But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate, whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it de­signs [Page 64]to ruine, and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage, which himself in former Parliaments had used against Go­vernment, and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buck­ingham. Providence teaching us to abhor o­ver-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors.’

The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the other Officers of State, that the Lord High Treasurer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards; and the Guardian of the Prince re­turned Him to the King: These Lords part­ing with their Offices, like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way, that they might delude the violence of their gree­dy pursuers. But the King was left naked of their faithful Ministery, and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Facti­on, to whom they discovered his most pri­vate Counsels.

When the Earl of Strafford was dead, then did the Parliament begin to think of sending away the Scots, who hitherto had much im­poverished the Northern Counties, and in­creased the charges of the Nation: but now [Page 65]they were Voted to receive 300000 pound, under the notion of a Brotherly Assistance, but in truth, designed by the Faction, as a reward for their Clamours for the Earls Blood; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative, in signing the Bills to take away the High-Commission and the Star Chamber. After which spoils of Ma­jesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies, August 6. and on the 10. of that Month the King follows them into Scotland, to settle, if it were possible, that Kingdom. But the King still found them as before: when He satisfied their greedy appetites, then would they offer Him their Lives and Fortunes; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies, they appeared in their proper na­ture ungrateful, changeable and perfidious, whom no favours could oblige, nor any thing but Ruine was to be expected by building up­on their Love.

While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Covetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pretended was for the Publick good, and so aimed at no less than a Miracle, by His Bene­fits to reduce Faith (which, like Life, when it is once departed doth never naturally return) into those perfidious breasts; the Parliament adjourns, and leaves a standing Committee of [Page 66]such as were the Leaders or the Servants of the Faction. These prepared new Toils for His Majesties Return, and by them was the Grand Remonstrance formed: in it were rec­koned for Grievances all the Complaints of men that were impatient of Laws and Govern­ment; the Offences of Courtiers, the un­pleasing Resolves of Judges, the Neglects or Rigours of the Ministers of Justice, the un­digested Sermons of some Preachers, yea, the Positions of some Divines in the Schools, were all exaggerated to defame the present Go­vernment both in Church and State, and to magnifie the skill of these State-Physicians that offered Prescripts for all these Distem­pers. Besides, more easily to abuse the Vul­gar, who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes, unplea­sing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny; and those things which had been reformed, were yet mentioned as continued burthens. From which the people were as­sured there could be no deliverance but by the wisdom and magnanimity of the Remon­strants.

To prepare the way for this, the most op­probrious parts of it were first whispered a­mong the Populacy, that by this seeming sup­pression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly divulge them, and the danger appear greater by an affected silence. Then prodi­gious [Page 67]Calumnies (which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a man) were formed of the King, and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends, as might force them to some Injuries which hi­therto they forbore, and by securing them­selves increase the Publick fears. For Slan­ders do rather provoke most men than amend them; and the provoked think more of their safety, than to adjust their actions against their malicious Slanderers. And when the minds of men were made thus solicitous concerning Dangers from the King, to make them more pliable and ductile, there was represented to them an inevitable anger of Heaven a­gainst the present state of things both in Church and State, testified by many Prodi­gies that were related, and portentuous Pre­sages of Ruine. Certain Prophecies (for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are in­famous) from unknown Oracles are divulged, which enigmatically describe the King as a Monster, and from such a Prince must pro­ceed a change of Government. Some vain persons also, that gave themselves up to the Imposture of Astrology, were hired to terri­fie the people with the unsignificant Con­junctions of Stars, and from them to foretel ruines to the better part of the World, and an imminent destruction on men of the Long Robe, and Alterations of States.

These were done to temper the minds of men by superstition for a guidance of their Ministers, who being conceived to be the Ambassadours of Heaven, were supposed to have it in their Commission, to declare the Conditions of War and Peace: and these, either through the same weakness capable of the like terrors with the Vulgar, or (which is more to be abhorred) corrupted, as some were, by the Caresses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with, did justifie their fears and increase them by applying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present Times and People; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel, and whatsoever was condemned in the Holy Records, was paral­lel'd with the things they disliked here, and all the Curses that God poured upon His irre­concileable and obdurate enemies, were de­nounced against such as differ'd from them, or would not joyn with the Faction.

To make these Harangues more efficacious, the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues, who (despising, questi­oning and exposing to Affronts such sober Di­vines as would have cured the madness of the People,) appropriated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints, Faithful Ministers, Precious men; and they on the other side made a re­turn [Page 69]of Epithets to their Masters, of the Ser­vants of the Most High, such as were to do the Work of the Lord; That by their Coun­sels men were to expect new Heavens and a new Earth; that they were men that should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ, and lay the Foundations of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years. To make the Cry yet louder, they permit­ted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of publick profession, (which hitherto Discipline, the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to secret corners) and permit­ted the Office of Teaching to every bold and ignorant undertaker; so that at last the dregs of the People usurped that Dignity, and Wo­men, who had parted with the natural mo­desty of their Sex, would not only speak, but also rule in the Church. All these, in gratitude for their Licentiousness, still per­swaded to their hearers the admiration of the Authors of it, and bitterly inveighted against those whom the Care both of the Souls and Fortunes of men would excite to repress them, in many of their Raptures denouncing Wo and Judgment to the lawful Governours in Church and State.

While all these Methods of Ruine were preparing her, the same anger of God, the same madness of men raised up another Tem­pest [Page 70]in Ireland. For the Popish Lords and Priest of Ireland (who were the prime com­posers of the Tragedies there,) were incou­raged by the Success of the Scots, who by a prosperous Rebellion (as the Historian of those Troubles writes) had procured for themselves such large Privileges, to an imitation, which the present Jealonsies in England (where mu­tual Contrasts would employ all their force upon one another,) promised to be secure. And they had an happy opportunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford, with whom the Irish Lords (while they prosecuted him in Eng­land) had removed all those other inferiour Magistrates that were most skilful in the affairs of that Kingdom, by accusing to the Faction some of them of Treason, and others of an inclination to the Earl, and had got prefer­red to their charges such as were either alto­gether unacquainted with the Genius of that People, or favourers of the Conspiracy. A strength they had also ready; for those 8000 which had been listed for the Scotish Expedi­tion were unseasonably disbanded, and the King in foresight they might cause some mis­chief in their own Country, and therefore promised 4000 of them to the King of Spain: yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure, because (as the Irish Lords sug­gested) it would displease the King of France; [Page 71]and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp, that likewise was not relished. The Common Souldiers of that Army being thus made useless, and therefore like men of their employment most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dan­gers of War, were easily drawn into the Rebellion, although very few of their Offi­cers were polluted with the Crime.

The Irish Lords and Priests being allured by these our Vices and these several opportu­nities, began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scattered among them, despoiling them of their Estates, Goods, and many thousands of their Lives, without any respect of Sex, Age, Kindred or Friendship, and made them as so many Sacrifices to their bloody Super­stition. They missed but a little to have sur­prised Dublin. But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places, the English name and interest was preserved in that Kingdom, till they could receive Suc­cours from hence.

The King had the first intelligence of it, in its very beginnings, in Scotland, and there­upon sent Sir James Stuart to the Lords of the Privy Council in Ireland, to acquaint [Page 72]them with His Knowledge, and Instructions, and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could supply. Besides, He moves the Parliament of Scotland, as being nearest, to a speedy help; who decline their Aids, be­cause Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England. At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England; who less regard it, the Faction applauding their for­turne, that new Troubles were arisen to mo­lest the King, and that the Royal Power be­ing thus assaulted in all three Nations, there must shortly arise so many new Common­wealths. Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty, to whose Coun­sels at first secretly they whispered, and at last publickly imputed that horried Massacre. Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels, who, to dishearten the English from any resistance, bragged that the Queen was with their Army; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces; That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puri­tans; That they had the Kings Comission for what they did, shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn, but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Patent out of Farnham Abby, by one Plunckett, in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests, as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many. Thatthe Scots were [Page 73]in confederacy with them, to beget a faith of which, they abstained from the lives and for­turnes of those of that Nation among them.

On the other side, to encourage the Na­tives of their own party, they produce ficti­tious Letters, wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act, that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods, for the second their Estates, and for the third their Lives. Besides, they present them with the hopes of Liberty: That the English Yorke should be shaken off; that they would have a King of their own Nation; and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Na­tives. And with these hopes of Spoil and Li­berty the Irish were driven to such a Fury, that they committed so many horrid and bar­barous acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of.

In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there, but only some Votes passed against the Rebels, till the King returned to London, which was about the end of November: where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens, and the Chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton Court. For [Page 74]he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love; to which they were na­turally prone enough, had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius. But this much troubled the Faction, who en­vied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves, and they endea­voured to make these loves short and unhap­py; for they discountenanced the prime ad­vancers of this Honour to the King, and were more eager to render Him odious. For having gotten a Guard about them, they like­wise insinuated into the people dangerous ap­prehensions as the cause of that Guard, and every day grew more nice, and jealous of their Priviledges, and Power. The King's advices to more tenderness of His Preroga­tive, or His Advertisements of the scanda­lous speeches that were uttered in their House, they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur, and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him.

But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance; after which they took all occasions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsly pretended to in it. This the Faction had before form­ed, and now brought into the House of Com­mons; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the pub­lick [Page 75]Peace and Common Good: though those who preferred their Private to the General In­terest, and every one that was short-sighted and iprovident for the future, were so fierce for it, that the Debates were continued all night till ten a clock the next morning, so that many of the more aged, and persons of best fortunes (not accustomed to such watch­ings) were wearied out, and many others, not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design, left the House; so that at last they carried it, yet but by eleven Votes. Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords, and the Ceremonies in the Church, and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in; yet named none, but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party. Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in Print.

To which the King answers in another publick Declaration, but so muc to the dis­content of the Demagogues, to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer, that they had recourse to their former sovereign Rememdy, which sober men accounted a crime, and an indignity to Government, the Tumults of the Rabble. Who in great numbers and much [Page 76]confusion came up to Westminster, some cry­ing out against Bishops, others belching their fury against the Liturgy, and a third party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands. To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate, and especially to the Bishops, at their going in or coming out of the House: and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall, they appeared so insolent, as it was evident they wanted only some to begin, for there were enough to prosecute an Assault upon the King in His own Palace.

The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament, Twelve of them afterwards pro­test against the Proceedings of it, during their so violent Exclusion. Which Protesta­tion the Commons presently accused of High Treason, and caused their Commitment to the Tower; where they continued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lords House was past, that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights, and against the In­justice offered unto them, and then afterwards released them.

The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Ser­vice [Page 77]for His Safety, and to prevent the pro­phaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People, who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westminster, by offering int heir passage some base Affronts at White-Hall. But when the terrour of th [...] [...]ard had re­duced them to some less degree of Impu­dency, they then, instructed by their Heads, laboured to make it more unsafe to the King, by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him. For at midnight there were cries out in the Street, that all People should arise to their defence; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City, and cut their throats in their beds. Than which though nothing was more false, yet it found the effects of truth; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep, the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day, and filled them almost with Madness.

The King therefore, not alwaies to incou­rage these Violences with Patience, but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these de­structive Counsels, the grand Movers of these Seditious practices, and, which was more, the Inviters of a Foreign Force, the Scotch Army, into this Nation; commands His Atturney General to accuse Five Members of the Hourse [Page 78]of Commons, and one of the Lords, upon Articles of High Treason, to be tried accord­ing to the Laws of the Land: and He also sends some other Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabinets in their several Lodg­ings, and to secure their Persons. This being related to the House of Commons (wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful, and with whom did joyn many men of Integrity in this Occurrence, being too careful of the Priviledges of their House, which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Mur­der, Felony or Treason) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them, that they accused the King of breach of Priviledge, and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Common-wealth that shall o­bey the King in any of His Commands con­cerning them.

This Obstruction of Justice so far moved the King, together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Commons, as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way, that none through the hope of Concealment should be incouraged to conspire the publick Ruine, that He Him­self, with about an hundred Lords and Gen­tlemen and their followers, went to the House of Commons: Where commanding His At­tendants to move no further than the Stairs, [Page 79]to offer no violence, nor return any uncivil language to any although provoked, Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House, and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands, with whom He pro­mises to deal no otherwise than according to the Law. But they whom he sought, being be­fore informed (as it is reported) of the King's coming by the secret Intelligence of Marquess Hamilton, and a Court Lady (who having lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beau­ty, sought now to prevent a solitude by poli­tick ministeries) had forsook the place, and withdrawn themselves into the sanctuary of the City. Wherefore the King having renew­ed His Charge, without injury to any, imme­diately departs.

But the Faction would not let Him so rest, but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise, spread the sparks of Dissention far and wide, make the common people mad with Fears and Distractions, stir up some in several Coun­ties to bring Petitions for the impeached Mem­bers and their violated Priviledges; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their Coverts in London. This coming to the knowledge of the King, although many Gallant and faithful Persons [Page 80]proffered their Service by mingling with the Rout, or by being as Spectators, to curb any Insolencies that should be attempted on Him; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Wind­sor, that He might permit their Fury to lan­guish when it had no opposition, and to give time for their jealousies and rumours to wax old and perish. For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce, and a small delay breaks their consent: and Majesty would have a greater Reverence, if any, at a distance.

The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies, and therefore to counterwork it, and not to let the people sleep without fear, lest they should come to be sober, and re­turn to the love of Obedience, strange re­ports were every day brought of dangers from the King: That troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames, where the County Magazine was lodged, un­der the Command of the Lord George Digby, who was then famed to be a Papist, (though at that time he was an elegant Assertor of the Protestant Faith,) and Col. Lunsford, who was characterised to be of so monstrous an appetite that he would eat Children. And par­ties were sent to take them both, which found no sach dreadful Preparations. At other [Page 81]times, when the People on the Lord's dayes were at Divine Worship, they were distract­ed from it by Alarms, that the Papists (who and from whence none could tell) were up in Arms, and were just then about to fire their Houses, and mix their Blood with their Prayers: That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under ground, that should in the night break out into the midst of the City, and cut all their throats: And what was more prodigious, and though ridiculous, yet had not a few believers in London, That there were designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames, and choak them with the water in their beds. Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince, and by bloody news from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared, and to adore those by whose Counsels they were de­livered from so unexpected Dangers.

By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferiour to their supposed Trust, when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower, and the Militia of all the Counties in England, together with the Forts and Castles of the same. For all which they moved the House of Commons to petition: who desiring the Conjuncture of the Lords in the same, were wholly refused by them. Therefore stemmed by the Faction [Page 82]they petition alone. Which unlimited Power the King absolutely refused to grant unto them, who He foresaw would use that, as they had all His other Concessions, to the ru­ine of the Author of their Power. Yet was pleased to consent, after He had demonstrated the prejudice they required to the English Nation, that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland, and deliver un­to them the strong Town and Port of Carick­fergus, one of the Chief Keys of that King­dom: which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future designs. And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members, and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Sub­jects, as the Parliament should think conve­nient.

But all this could not content them who had immoderate desires, and they were more discontented that they could not usurp the King's Rights, than if they had lost their own Priviledges: therefore to bring the Lords to a concurrence with them, the hi­therto prosperous Art of Tumultuous Peti­tions was again practised, and great Numbers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes, to shake the Fundamental Constitutions of their House, and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Popish Lords [Page 83]should continue in their Ancient Right to Vote among the Peers. By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House, and whosoever they could not con­fide in, they could fright him from Voting against them, by exposing him as Popish to the Popular Fury. For this was the method of using the Petitions. The most common Answer was with Thanks, and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof. The Petitioners were taught to reply, that They doubted not of the care of the Commons House, but all their distrust was in the Hearts of the Lords, where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power, and there it stuck, whose names they desired to know: and in this they were so earnest, that they would not willingly withdraw whilest it was debated, and then they had leave to depart with this Answer, That the House of Commons had already en­deavoured Relief from the Lords in their Re­quests, and shall so continue till Redress be ob­tained. Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferiour Tradesmen about London, as Porters, Water­men, and the like: and that nothing of testi­fying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted, Women were perswaded to pre­sent Petitions to the same effect. While the Faction thus boasted in the success of their Arts, Good men grieved to see these daily In­famies [Page 84]of the supreme Council of the Nation, all whose Secrets were published to the lowest and weakest part of the People: and they who clamoured it as a breach of their Privi­ledge, that the King took notice of their Debates, now made them the Subjects of Dis­course in every Shop, and all the corners of the Street; where the good and bad were equally censured, and the Honour and Life of every Senator exposed to the Verdict of the Rabble. No Magistrate did dare to do his Office, and all things tended to a manifest Confusion: So that many sober Persons did leave the Kingdom, as unsafe, where Factions were more powerful than the Laws. And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Mise­ries and Reproaches of their Country.

On the other side, to make the King more plyable, they tempt Him by danger in His most beloved Part, the Queen, concerning whom they caused a Rumour, that they did intend to impeach Her of High Treason. This Rumour made the deeper Impression, because they had raised most prodigious Slanden (which are the first Marks for destruction of Princes) on Her; and when they had re­moved all other Counsellors from the King. She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split: That She comanded no less His Counsel [Page 85]than Affections, and that His Weakness was so great, as not to consent to or enterprize any thing which She did not first approve: That She had perverted Him to Her Religi­on, and formed designs of overthrowing the Protestant Profession. These and many other of a portentuous falshood were scattered a­mong the Vulgar, who are alwayes most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons: and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty. But the Parliament taking notice of the Report, sent somne of their House to purge themselves from it, as an unjust Scandal cast upon them. To which the Queen midly answers, That there was a general Report thereof, but She ne­ver saw any Articles in writing, and having no certain Author for either, She gave little credit thereto; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her, who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the Actions of any One person, and much more the Proceedings of Parliament, and shall at all times wish an Happy Ʋnderstanding between the King and His People.

But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practi­ces to transport the Parliament from their just Intentions in other things, and that they might do so in this, resolved to send Her into Holland, under colour of accompanying their [Page 86]Eldest Daughter, newly married to the Prince of Orange; but in truth to secure Her, so that by the fears of Her danger (who was so dear unto Him) He might not be forced to any thing contray to His Honour and Conscience, and that Her Affections and Relation to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies. With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown, that they might not be the spoils of the Faction, but the means of the support of Her Dignity in foreign parts, if His Ne­cessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her otherwise. Which yet She did not so employ, but reserved them for a supply of Ammunition and Arms, when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence. It was said that the Faction knew of this conveyance, and might have prevented it, but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so ma­naged, that the King in confidence of that assistance might take up Arms, to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be better in War than Peace, because their present Deliberati­ons were in the sense of the Law actual Re­bellions; and a longer time would discover those Impostures by which they had deluded the People, who would soon leave them (as many now did begin to repent of their Mad­ness) to the Vengeance which was due to [Page 87]their practices, unless they were more firmly united by a communion of guilt in an open assaulting their Lawful Prince.

The King hastens the security of the Queen, and accompanies Her as far as Dover, there to take his farewel of Her; a business almost as irksome as death, to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endow­ments: and that which made it the more bit­ter was, that the same cause which forced Her Separation from Him set Her at a greater di­stance from His Religion, (the only thing wherein their Souls were not united) even the Barbarity of His Enemies who professed it, yet were so irreconcileable to Vertue, that they hated Her for Her Example of Love and Loy­alty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and waves, that She might escape the Cruelty of more un­quiet and faithless men, they prosecute Him with their distasteful Addresses, and at Can­terbury present Him with a Bill for taking a­way Bishops Votes in Parliament. Which having been cast out of the House of Peers several times before, ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been ad­mitted again the same Session. But the Facti­on had now used their accustomed Engine, a Tumult, and it was then passed by the Lords, and brought hither together with some ob­scure [Page 88]Threats, that if it were not signed, the Queen should not be suffered to depart. (By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they call'd Reformation.) This His Majesty signs, (though after it made a part of His penitential Confessions to God) in hopes that that Bill being once consented to, the Fury of the Faction, which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destructi­on of the Ecclesiastical Government, would be abated, as having advanced so far in their design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices, which would have been always on that side where Equity and Conscience did most appear. But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be compounded with and they made this but a step to the over throw of that which He designed to pre­serve.

When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich, He met with many information how averse the Faction was to Peace, and that their Proceedings were raised to a level with their Principles, which some of them published, That the Alteration they did intend, and which was necessary both in Church and State, must be made by Blood. Therefore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to cre­ate an Hatred of Him, and to despoil Him [Page 89]of all the hopeful Effects of His Condescen­sions. For when a Prince is once hated, his Be­nefits do him no less hurt than Injuries. In or­der to this, Mr. Pym had publickly charged Him with a Connivence at least if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Rebellion: be­cause many Papists had His Majesties imme­diate Warrant for their transport thither. This the King requires satisfaction for, shew­ing the Falshood and Malice of the Defamer, by giving an Account of the date of the seve­ral Warrants. But the Faction so far prevail­ed as to make it a Publick Sin, and the House was perswaded to believe and acknowledge it to be their common sense. Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House, especially Master Marten, a man of all Un­cleannesses, a publick contemner of Religion and Honesty, that had wasted a large Patri­mony (which he had likewise unjustly mor­gaged to several and different Creditors) in the most infamous Lusts, and sought a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruine of the State; at which he was power­ful, being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life, wherewith he used to pro­phane God and His Vicegerents: yet serving the ends of Confusion, had his name among the Catalogue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts up­on His Honour, they endeavour another up­on [Page 90]His Family, and to seize upon the Prince. Which the King hearing, sends for Him and the Duke of York, and immediately removes to Theobalds in order to His journey towards the North, where He intended to settle His abode, till He saw what Issue this Storm would have.

This removal of the King was variously censured. ‘Some thought it unadvisedly done, to withdraw so far from London, to leave His chief City wholly to the practices, and expose His Friends there to the Impo­stures and Injuries of His Enemies. O­thers, especially the Friends of the Faction, defamed it as a preparing Himself for that War which followed. But others concluded it as an act of Necessity, and where there was no choice for Prudence. For when He had passed more obliging Acts, and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown, as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors, yet He found that He had effected nothing more by giving, than to make the Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Consci­ence deny; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see, it is safer to trust Him who was contented with a less degree of Power, than those whose ambition and ava­rice [Page 91]knew no bounds: Who being thus de­luded as so far to administer to the Lusts of their Disturbers, would not fail their assi­stance to seize upon His Person, unless in time He did provide for His Liberty. Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War, who to make His People happy (if they had not despised their own Mercies) had deprived Himself of a power to ma­nage it. For besides those Acts formerly mentioned, He had signed many other as prejudical to such an undertaking. For He had passed Acts against His own Power of Impressing Souldiers, His Right to Ton­nage and Poundage, the Stannary Courts, Clerk of the Market, the Presidial Courts in the North, and Marches of Wales; where­by He had not only diminished His Great­ness, and that Reverence which was due to the Crown, but also so straitened His Revenue as it was not able to main­tain Discipline, without which no hopes of Victory, especially in a Civil War. Besides, His Enemies in every County had injured His Fame, which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword; and the City of London, which is the grand Trea­surie of the Wealth and Strength of the whole Nation, was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands. All which con­siderations as they could not escape so Wise [Page 92]a Prince, so would they not permit the Designs of War, especially in that Breast, to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood, as to ex­pose Himself to Ruine. So that His de­parture from London was not of Design, but Necessity, nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame; for He could no longer endure those detestable Spectacula in which Tumults like Beasts were let loose to assault the Majesty of Government.’

While the King thus provides for His Li­berty, the Faction proceed to usurp the Mili­tia, which His Majesty had denied, and the Lords were ashamed to ask: therefore they privately incourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerful, to appoint Musters, to arm and train their Youth, and module them into Companies; which afterwards (though con­trary to the Law) they move the Lower House to Vote Legal, and to make an Order in the Name of the Parliament for the Con­stituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County: and at last, by the Tumults which they raised, the Threats they used to divulge the names of the dissenting Lords, and secret promises to some others (for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Dover, he must look for no Preferment unless he joyned with them) they [Page 93]prevailed upon the House of Peers, when ma­ny of the most eminent were absent, to joyn in a Petition for the Militia, upon pretence of great Dangers at home, and more prodi­gious terrours from abroad, pretending that by Intelligence from Paris, Rome and Venice, they were assured of great designs to over­throw the Parliament, together with the Pro­testant Religion; (whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined, was so twisted with theirs, that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction.) This Paper being presented to His Majesty, whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace, when it did not betray Religion and the Trust Heaven had committed unto Him, He proposes to them Expedients whereby they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia, which Honour and Conscience forbad Him to devest Himself wholly of, and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrours, whereby they di­stracted and divided the People, not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gracious Con­cessions wherein He had exceeded the Good­ness of all His Predecessors.

But they, who had projected to themselves the whole Power, would not be contented with a Partner in it, and therefore despising His Indulgence, and neglecting His Admoni­tions, [Page 94]the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Militia: and to make the People believe there was truth in their false Fears, they command strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places, Beacons to be new set up, the Sea marks to be watched, and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered, and Strange and unheard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light. A Taylor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavaliers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaister also taken from a Plague­sore was sent into the House to the same person, that the Infection first seising on a Member of the quickest senses, might thence more impetuously diffuse it self upon all the most Grave Senators. Such like Plots as these, and whatsoever could be devised, were published to make the Vul­gar think those demands of the Faction seem modest, (their dangers being so great) which were very unjust.

And lest the King should at His coming in­to the North make use of that Magazine at Hull (which at His own Charges He had pro­vided for the Scotch Expedition) for His own defence, the Faction, to secure that and the Town for their future purposes, send down Sir John Hotham, without any Order or Com­mission from either House of Parliament, to [Page 95]seise on them. This Man of a fury and im­pudence equal to their Commands, when the King, petitioned by the Gentlemen of York­shire to employ those Arms and that Ammuni­tion for the Safety and Peace of that County, (where some of the Factious Members of Par­liament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London,) would have entred Hull, [ Anno 1642.] April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him, and would not permit Him, though with but twenty Attendants, for He offered to leave the Guard of Noble­men and Gentlemen which followed Him without. The King thereupon proclaims him Traytor, and by Letters complains of the In­dignity, and requires Satisfaction. But the Faction rendred the Act so glorious, that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command, and clamored that the King had done them an injury, in proclaiming so innocent a Mem­ber, Traytor: Ordered the Earl of Warwick, to whom they had committed the Command of the Navy, to land some men out of the Ships at Hull, and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London. An Order of Assistance was also given to several of their Confidents, as a Committee of both Houses to reside at Hull, and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands. Besides, they sent a Commission [Page 96]to Hotham to prosecute the Insolencies he had begun, and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation, and in a short space consumed him and his Son, who were execu­ted by the Instructors of his Villany: For he fell under that same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes, to be Odious and suspected by those that made use of them. Therefore they gave such a power to the Lord Fairfax in York-shire as did conclude the dimi­nution, and submission of Hotham to His Com­mands. This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministery to the Faction, which appeared every day more mon­strous to his Conscience, being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its reward, and awakened by those Deso­lations in the whole Kingdom which followed it, and were but as the Copies of his Origi­nal Treason. Therefore he thought to expi­ate his former guilt by surrendring the Town to Him from whom he had detained it. But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pre­tence to preach the Gospel, but in truth se­cretly to search into the intrigues of his Coun­sels: so that he perished in his design being nei­ther stout nor wise enough in just enterprises, nor of a pertinacy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness. And although in his Ruine the King observed how great a draught was of­fered [Page 97]to the highest thirst of Revenge, yet He did truly bewail him: and indeed he was so much the more to be pitied, because his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Secrets with a false hope of Life till the Ax was upon his Neck. So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies as his pre­tended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them.

The Insolency of Hotham, who acted ac­cording to his Instructions and late Commis­sion, beginning acts not usual in Peace, nor justifiable by Law, (for he issued out War­rants for the Trained Bands to march into Hull with their Arms, where he forced them to leave them, and nakedly return to their homes, that so they might be obnoxious to his Violence) and the practices of the Com­mittee which were sent down into the North, to debauch the People in their Loyalty, made the King intend His own Security by a Guard; which the Gentry and Commonalty of York­shire, that were witnesses of the Injury of­fered to their Prince, did willingly and rea­dily make up. No sooner had the King ex­pressed His intention of such a Guard, but the Faction, who were watchful of all opportu­nities of beginning a War, and ingaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submitted to their Impostures in a [Page 98]more obliging guilt, (for now the greatest part of the Peers, who were of the most An­cient Families and Noblest Fortunes, and a very great number of the House of Commons, Persons of just hopes and fair Estates, who per­ceiving the designs of the Disturbers, scorned any longer to be their Slaves, yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tu­mults by a present opposition, had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune, and every day some more were still falling off) took this occasion to com­mence our Miseries, and open those Sluces of Blood which polluted the whole Kingdom. For upon the first Intelligence of it they fil­led the House of Commons and the City with Clamors, That His Majesty had now taken Arms to the overthrow of them and the Prote­stant Religion; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King, or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty, if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament, that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience, to such a degree of Fury, that unmindful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and im­probable Jealousies had taken a Guard, they Resolved upon the Question, that the King [Page 99]by taking to himself such a Guard did intend to levy War against the Parliament. With an equal fury they issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom, and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a posture of War, sending down some of their Members to see to the execution of these Commands, and to seise on the Magazines in the several Counties.

To all these their violent and unjust at­tempts the King first opposes the Law, in se­veral Declarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the Ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown, by many Proclamations, charges all Men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were published to Licence their Rebellion, and Answers with a wonder­full Diligence and Eloquence all the fictitious Pretensions of the Parliament to that Power, in their several Remonstrances. But though the King had in the judgment of all under­standing and uninteressed persons the Juster Cause, and the more powerful Pen, yet the Faction's Haste, which is most efficacious in Ci­vil Discords, the Slanders they had raised of Him, and impressed in the minds of the People, the terrours of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution [Page 100]of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves, (for they would by their Mes­sengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the Kingdom as Rogues and Felons, and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Attendance, oppress them with heavy and unproportionable Censures, and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ru­ine of Church and State, had so preoccupa­ted the Minds of the inferiour Multitude, that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array, in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Commands of a Gracious Prince, who vainly expected that Reverence to Justice in others which Himself gave.

After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land, and having got­ten the whole Navy at Sea, being made Ma­sters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom, they then thought it might be safe for them to publish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs; which if sooner manifested, when the King by His Message of 20. of January from Windsor Castle advi­sed them to prescribe the limits of their Privi­ledges, give full Boundaries to His own Power, [Page 101]and propose what was in their judgements proper to make the People happy; and most religiously promised an equal tenderness of theirs and the Peoples Rights as of His own, and what was for the Publick Good should not be obstructed for His Particular emolument; they had just­ly drawn upon themselves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling up­on the King, and had been buried under those ruines which they projected for the Grave of Majesty. But then the Faction con­fided not so much in their own force, nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to chuse their own Destruction: and therefore to that Message of Peace nothing was return­ed but Complaints, That by such Advisoes their Counsels were disturbed, that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary. But now they were furnished with a Power equal to their Ambition, they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Empire with some pretensions to Peace; but with a great deal of Caution, that the affectation of it might not disappoint them of their hopes, which were all built upon War and Confusion. Therefore they formed the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them, nor expect Peace by them. Or if He did, they should be instated in such a Grandeur, that they might reap for themselves all the re­proachful [Page 102]Honours and unlawful gains of an Arbitrary Power, the thing they aimed at, and leave the King overwhelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Go­vernment. These Conditions were digested into Nineteeen Propositions; which when presented to the King, He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have de­posed Himself, and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miseries such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust. Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected, and adjusts His refusal in a De­claration, wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition. His Answer He sent by the Marquess of Hertford and Earl of South-hampton, Persons of great Integrity and Pru­dence, with Instructions to Treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Conditions.

But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace, therefore de­nying any admittance to those Lords, before ever the King's Answer could publickly dis­cover who were the obstructours of the Peoples quiet, they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate, to maintain Horse, Horse-men and Arms for the ensuing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person, and the taking [Page 103]Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors, the Defence of the Priviledges of Parliament, the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintenance of the Ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude, and filled them with more airy hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trumpets: But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who, being displeased with the pre­sent Ecclesiastical Government, were promi­sed the richest Benefices, and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops, Deans and Chapiters. These from their Pulpits pro­claimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace, and whatsoever was contributed to the spilling of the blood of the Wicked, was to build up the Throne of the meekest lamb; and besides the satisfaction they were to ex­pect from the Publick Faith, which the Par­liament promised, there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now approaching. Deluded by these Artifices and Impostures, People of all Conditions and all Sexes, some carried by a secret Instinct, others hurried by some fu­rious Zeal, and a last sort led by Covetous­ness, cast into this Holy Treasury the Banck for Blood, all the Ornaments of their Fami­ly, all their Silver Vessels, even to their Spoons, with the Pledges of their first Love, [Page 104]their Marriage-rings; and the younger Fe­males spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins, the obliging Gifts of their Inamorato's, from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London, the King at York Declares against the Scandal, that He intended to Levy War against the Par­liament, calling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it; and also those many Lords who were witnesses of His Counsels and Actions, do publish to the World by a Writing subscribed with all their Names, to the number of Forty and odd, that they saw not any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design, and were fully perswaded that He had no such intention.

But all was in vain, for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of committing Rebellion, than only of favour­ing the Contrivers of it, and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Vertue. Therefore they hastened all they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation: which was not difficult for them to do, for they being Masters of London, whose Multitudes desirous of Novelty were easily amassed for any enterprise, especially when the entring into this Warfare might [Page 105]make the Servant freer than his Master, (for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause) 20000 were sooner gathered than the King could get 500. The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself common Muskets: and to pay their Souldiers, besides the vast summs that were gathered for Ireland (which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enterprise, yet now dispence with their Faith, and imploy it to make England as miserable as that Island) and the Contributions of the deluded souls for this War; they seised also upon the Revenues of the King, Queen, Prince, and Bishops, and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gen­tlemen whom they suspected to be Favourers of the King's Cause. And in contemplation of these advantages, they promised their cre­dulous party an undoubted Victory, and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through London within a Month, by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, whom they appointed Ge­neral.

Thus did they drive that Just and Graci­ous Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms, since nothing worse could befal Him after a stout, though unhappy, Resistance than He was to hope for in a tame Submission [Page 106]to their Violence. Therefore though He per­fectly abhorred those Sins which are the Con­sequences of War, yet He wanted not Cou­rage to attempt at Victory, notwithstanding it seemed almost impossible against so well-appointed an Enemy. Therefore with an in­credible diligence moving from place to place, from York to Nottingham, from thence to Shrewsbury, and the Confines of Wales, by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects, He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence, but of their Lives and For­tunes for His Defence; and in all places in­couraging the Good with His Commendati­ons, exciting the Fearful by His Example, dis­sembling the Imperfections of His Friends, but always praising their Vertues, He so prevailed upon those who were not men of many Times, nor by a former Guilt debauch'd to Inhumanity, that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected, and which was every day increased by those Lords and Gentlemen who refused to be pol­luted any longer with the practices of the Faction by sitting among them, and being Per­sons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to succour that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse. Most men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince, whose former Reign had made them [Page 107]wanton in Plenty, to be driven from His own Palaces, and concluded under a want of Bread, to be necessitated to implore their aid, for the preservation of His and their Rights. So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Faction and the Corruptions of the Age, there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Vertue. Many Noble Persons did al­most impoverish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money. Some Private men made their way through numerous dan­gers to joyn with, and fight under his Co­lours. Many great Ladies and Vertuous Ma­trons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants, and some bravely de­fended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Honour in his Service. Both the Universities freely devo­ted their Plate to succour their Prince, the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learn­ing; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to provide Necessaries for the Safety of Her Hus­band. Which Duty of Hers, though it de­served the Honour of all Ages, was brand­ed by the Demagogues with the imputation of Treason.

This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders, and such industrious Plots to make Him odious and Contemptible, raised [Page 108]the admiration of all men, and the fears of that credulous Party who had given up their Faith to the Faction, when they represented the King guilty of so much Folly and Vice (and some corrupted Citizens had represen­ted Him as a Prodigy of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London, an Art used by Jesuites to impress more deeply a Calumny,) that they could not imagine any person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service, and they expected every day when, deserted by all as a Monster, He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parlia­ment. ‘Some attributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the Eng­lish to their Lawful Soveraign, from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditious De­magogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first Love; and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing States-man, that if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedge-stake, he would be on that side where the Crown was. Others referred it to the full evidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries, for their Counsels were now discovered, and their Ends manifest, not to maintain the Com­mon Liberty, which was equally hateful to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands, but to acquire a Grandeur and Power [Page 109]that might secure and administer to their Lusts: and it was now every where pub­lished what Mr. Hambden Answered to one who inquired What they did expect from the King; he replyed, That He should commit Himself and all that is His to our Care. O­thers ascribed it to the fears of ruine to those numerous Families and Myriads of people which the change of Government designed by the Parliament must necessarily effect. But this, though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utterly destroyed, without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole; yet made but an inconsiderable Addition to the King, whose greatest Power was built upon Persons of the Noblest Extract and the fairest Estates in England, of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an absolute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong, which never­theless was to be feared by their invasions on the King's most undoubted Rights. For when Majesty it self is assaulted, there can be no security for private Fortunes; and those that decline upon design from the paths of E­quity will never rest till they come to the Ex­tremity of Injustice; as these afterwards did. Besides those that imputed the speedy amas­sing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause, His most Powerful Eloquence, [Page 110]Indefatigable Industry, and most Oblig­ing Converse; there were another sort that suspending their Judgements till all the Scenes of War were passed, resolved all into the Providence of God: Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the fittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity, and to make Him glorious by Sufferings, which being well born truly prove men Great; yet would He furnish Him (almost by a Mira­cle) likewise with such Advantages, in the conduct of which His Prudence and Mag­nanimity might evidence that He did de­serve Prosperity, and by clearing up even this way His eminent Vertues, warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons, since the best of Princes was thus infamously slandered.’

From all these concurring Causes, each one in their Way and Order, did the King's strength so far increase, as that He won many Battels, and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War; had not God seen fit to af­flict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants, and make us feel, that no Oppressions are so unsupportable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty: of which we had bit­ter experience after the War was finished that [Page 111]was now begun. For there had been some slight Conflicts e're this in the several Coun­ties betwixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia, with various Successes; which require just Volumes and compleat Histories to relate, and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life, where it is only intended to speak of those Battels in which the King in Person gave sufficient evi­dence of His Wisdom and Valour. The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Octob. 23. For the King had no sooner gotten a considerable Force, though not equal to those of His Ene­mies, but He marched towards London, and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Pro­spective-glass from the top of that Hill, and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do, To give them battel (said He with a present Courage) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a body: God, and good mens Prayers to Him, assist the Justice of My Cause: and immediately prepared for the Fight; which was acted with such a fury, that near 6000 (according to the common Account, but some say a far less number) were slain upon the place. Night concluded this Battel, which had comprehended the whole War, had not the King's prevailing Horse preferr'd the Spoils to Victory, and left the [Page 112]Enemy some advantage to dispute for her. But the King had all the fairest marks of her favour. For though He had lost His General, yet He kept the Field, possessed the dead Bodies, opened His way toward London, and in the sight of some part of the Army of Es­sex, (who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed,) took Banbury, and entred Triumphantly into Oxford (which He had designed for His Winter-quarters) with 150 Colours taken in fight. And ha­ving assured that place, He advances towards London, whither Essex had gotten before Him, and disposed his baffled Regiments within ten miles of the City; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brain­ford, took 500 Prisoners, and sunk their Ordnance. From thence intending to draw nearer London, He had intelligence, that the City had poured forth all their Auxiliaries to re-inforce Essex's Troops; to which being un­willing to oppose His Souldiers wearied with their March, nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity, which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury, He retreats to Ox­ford, having taught His Enemies, that He was not easily to be Overcome.

For in the management of this Battel, He did not only undeceive the abused world of those Slanders which His Enemies had pollu­ted [Page 113]Him with, but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities. And though He parted from London altogether unexperienced in Martial affairs, yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excellent Command­er. His Valour was also equal to His Prudence, and He could as well endure Labours as de­spise Dangers. And by a communication of toils, encouraged His Souldiers to keep the Field all the night, when they saw He refused the refreshments of a Bed; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Vertues and this Suc­cess made such an impression on the Parlia­ment, that though they took all courses to hide the Infamy of their worsted Army, yet in more humble Expressions than formerly they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace, which His Majesty very earnestly em­braced. But the Faction, who were fright­ed with these Tendencies to an Accommoda­tion, cause some of the City to Petition a­gainst it, and to make profer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this they form their Propo­sitions like the Commands of Conquerours, and so streighten the Power and Time of their Commissioners, that the Treaty at Ox­ford became fruitless, which there had taken up all the King's employment this Winter, though abroad His Forces were busie in se­veral [Page 114]Parts of the Nation, not without ho­nour.

[ Anno 1643.] At the opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England, bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men, Money and Ammunition, and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Suc­cesses, that the King that Summer was Ma­ster of the North and West, except some few Garrisons. Which so dismayed the Parlia­ment, that very many of them were prepa­ring to quit the Kingdom: and had the King followed His own Counsels, to march imme­diately towards London, and not been fatally over-born at a Council of War, (which, it is said, His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be) first to attempt Glou­cester, He had, in the jugment of all discern­ing men, then finished the War with Glory. But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London, and came time e­nough to relieve the Town; though in his return the King necessitated him to fight, worsted him near Newbery, and so bravely followed him the next day, that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Reer to seek their safety by making their way over a great part of their Foot; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood, as the Earls of Carnarvan and Sunderland, and Viscount Falk­land. [Page 115]This last was lamented by all, being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword, had won some Wreathes in those Controversies that were to be managed by Reason, and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learn­ing, above any of his Fortune and Dignity. After this Encounter the King returns to Ox­ford, to Consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tu­mults at London, to joyn with Him for the common benefit, who being as to the Peers the far greater, and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster, they as­sumed the Name and Authority of Parlia­ment, and deliberated of the ways of Peace, and means to prevent the Desolations which the Faction so furiously designed, who were now resolving to encrease our Miseries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance.

For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause, as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation, yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation, notwith­standing their pretences to his Cause had fur­nished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength; but would invite others to the Violation of most sacred Oaths, to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice, that themselves might be secure in their Usur­pations. And that Perfidious Party that then [Page 116]ruled in Scotland, hoping for as great advan­tages as their former Wickedness had yield­ed, contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them, and their free and Voluntary Execrations, (as was that of Alexander Lesley, who lifting up his arms and hands to Heaven, wished they might rot to his body before he died, if ever he should heave them up hereafter, or draw his sword, against so gude a King,) drew that People once more into Rebellion against their Prince; and to make them more eager, and think the Enterprise easie, they first raised a report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility.

The Parliament at Oxford having by a Let­ter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace, did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them, in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lie, and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in. The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet. But with an In­solencie fit for most perjured Souls, they Com­manded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman. A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton, whose Treasons now came to be more suspected. [Page 117]For His Majesty having written to him, to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home, (which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that un­quiet Nation) he by some secret Arts doth more inflame them; and to cover his Perfi­diousness, flies from Scotland to Oxford, as seeking a shelter for his Loyalty; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels. But his Treasons had out-stripp'd him and his Bro­ther, the Earl of Lanerick, who came with him, therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Discovery, gets out of Oxford, flies to those at London, and by them was imploy­ed in the Scotch Army; which made Hamil­ton's Treachery more evident, and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle. But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great mea­sure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithful­ness of the Marquess Montross, who being commission'd by the King, with an incredi­ble Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels, and overthrew well-formed Armies: and had not the Fate of his Master, which was to be betrayed by those He trusted, been likewise common to him, he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet.

But e're Montross could get his Commission, the Scots were entred England: whose com­ing [Page 118]that it might be less odious to the People, who now grew cold in their zeal to the Cause, and saw themselves deluded into so continued dangers, the Faction make use of such frauds as should make the People either think them necessary assistances, or might di­vert their thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nati­on; therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party. That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyran­ny: that He would seise upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him, and make their per­sons Slaves: that there was no hope of Pardon from Him, who was so merciless: that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges [...] forfeited, destroy the Protestant Religion, and introduce Popery, which at Oxford He did practise Himself, and that all men must be forced to go to Mass. As for His Party they set them out to be such Monsters, that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men. For sad Relations were printed and published of their inhumanity and barbarous murders: that they did feast upon the Flesh of Men, and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet, to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party: that no mans house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his rapine. Thus they wrought upon the melan­choly [Page 119]spirits of some by fear. For those of a morose and cholerick temper they had proper divertisements: they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation, to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the Saints; which with great So­lemnity they committed to the flames, that they might suffer as it were another Martyr­dom. All Crosses, though set up for Orna­ment and Use in the Streets of London, and other places, they pulled down: they in­vade the Churches, and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Supersti­tion, pull down the Organs, tear the Surpli­ces; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble, who delight in violences and such ostentations of their fury, and to make them in something or other guilty, that they might despair of Pardon.

For others, who were to be wrought upon by Religion, they entertain them with Fasts, publick Thanksgivings for slight Victories, and solemn Spiritual meetings (as they called them;) where whatsoever the Faction dicta­ted was commended by the Speakers to their unwary hearers as the Oracles of Heaven: and being thus wrapp'd up in those true de­lights which accompany the Worship of God, they were securely swallowed by them, as Poison when it is offered in a Sacramental [Page 120]Chalice. To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instruments of their Arts, Presbytery is set up, that they also might have an Imaginary Empire: but it was not intended they should exercise it. For the pretensions of that to a Divine Right did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs, that they presently raised all the other Sects, Inde­pendents, Erastians, (who for the most part were Lawyers, that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication, but what was heated in their own forges) Anabaptists, Seekers, and Atheists (of which there were many sprung up, who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends, began first to despise that, and after­wards to deny God) to write and declaim against this new Politie, as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun, and the tenth Persecution. But this seeming mo­desty of admitting a Church-Government served their ends for the present, till they could acquire a greater strength, in confi­dence of which they might slight the Ter­rours of the Law, and the Anathema's of the Church. The Liturgy also was abolished, under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty, for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit, but in truth, because it had so frequent [Page 121]Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant, the Fetters of the Scotish Sla­very: this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interests of the Faction, and was used as the Water of Jealousie, to discover those whom they did suspect. Therefore all the Conspi­rators, of what Sect soever, whether Inde­pendents or Anabaptists, though they refu­sed to take it themselves, (because it did ob­lige to the Preservation of the King's Per­son and Authority) yet were as eager Im­posers of it as the Presbyterians (who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Con­stitution of their Empire) upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their designs, or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils. And by this only Engine many thousand Persons and Fami­lies were miserably ruined, especially of the Clergy.

To oblige more fastly those that had no pa­tience to expect nor hopes to receive any re­ward for their Service against their Prince in the other life, and so would not be satisfied with the shews of Religion, but sought more solid encouragements in the spoils of it, the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to sale, and that at such easie rates as might invite the hazards of the Purchace, satiate their bound­less Covetousness, and ingage them in a per­tinacious [Page 122]faith to their Merchants. To cement all these distinct Humours in one common pleasure, the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice, and about this time began his Tryal, which continued a whole year, being when the Houses were at leisure called by several months and weeks to answer to his Charge, that by his frequent passages as a Prisoner he might give a pleasant Diver­sion to the Rabble, who are delighted with the ruines and misfortunes of great Persons, and by their injuries and reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause. But his Cause and his Conscience were im­pregnable, and he overthrew their Slanders, though he could not their Power.

By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the attempts of the fol­lowing Summer, wherein, [ Anno 1644] though the Parliaments Forces increased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over seve­ral bodies of the Royalists, yet that small Number that followed the King's Person, and were guided by His own Counsels and Example, obtained two great Victories. For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen, (in sending Her to Excester, there to lay down the burden of Her Love, and from thence to seek for Shel­ter [Page 123]in France) taken (contrary to their hopes) His last farewel of Her, and left Ox­ford strengthened against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir Willian Waller threatned that place with, He with a small party draws out, intending to form His Counsels accord­ing to the future Occurrences. This made the Enemy divide, and Essex was designed to reduce the West. But Waller, with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hesilrigge (a Person fitter to raise Seditious Tumults than manage Armies) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales, towards which He seem­ed to direct His course. But hearing of the resolutions of these two jealous Generals, He wheels about to Oxford, and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison, and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy­bridge, obtained a great Victory; which would have been more prejudicial to the E­nemy, had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater slaughter. But content­ing Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own breast, He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace, which in a Letter from Evesham, July 4. He moves the Parlia­ment unto.

But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless, and represented to the People [Page 124]their yet prevailing Forces in the North, and their Army in the West, which had now ta­ken in some considerable places to their Obe­dience. Therefore to remove their Confi­dence in Essex's Power, the King follows him, and so closely pursues him, that He drove him up into Cornwall, and there did as it were besiege him. During which He sent a Letter to him, which was seconded by ano­ther from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army, to solicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted King­dom. But it met not its desired effect: Be­cause that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Na­tions Settlement; or seared that his past Acti­ons had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience, or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an Issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit. (For every inconsiderable person may be powerfull at Disturbances, but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues.) Which last was generally believed, for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction, that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them, because he often solicited them to a composing of the Kingdoms Distractions. Therefore making no return to those Letters, he provided for [Page 125]his own safety in a Cock-boat, and ignomini­ously deserted his Army; of which the Horse, taking the advantage of a dark night, made their escape, but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives, and left their Arms, Cannon, Baggage and Ammuni­tion, to the Disposal of the King.

The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Comman­ders; and had not want of Success in His fol­lowing Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer, He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace, the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted, as rendering Him most like that Majesty He did represent. Therefore after this Victory, by a Letter from Tavestock, Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parliament, being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence. But He knew that Peace, though it is profitable to the Conquered, yet it is glorious for the Conquerour. To busie His Army while He expected their Answer, and formed an Association in the Western Counties, He sits down before Plymmouth; but finding this Message had an equal recep­tion [Page 126]with the former, and that the Faction in­tended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and Usurped Interests to the publick Tranquillity, He rises from thence, and marches towards London, from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited, and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services. And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager Fight, which being varied with different successes, in the several divisions, each party draw off by degrees, and neither found cause to boast of a Victory.

The King being returned to Oxford, the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation, who now grew impati­ent under the Distractions, take into Conside­ration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace, and send Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England, and Scotland, united by Solemn League and Covenant. Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity, yet the King neglects them not, but hoping that in a Treaty Com­missioners might argue them into Reason, of­fers it, which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept; but yet would have it at Ʋxbridge, a place but about fifteen miles [Page 127]distant from London, and above twice that distance from Oxford. And accordingly Com­missioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty, and forming Instructions for His Ministers, the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs; and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace, fed them with blood. The two Hotham's first were to be the Sport of the Multitude: and that the Father might have more than a single death, he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaf­fold, Decemb. 31. that his Son might be exe­cuted before him, as he was Jan. 1. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines, his Head was chopt off. And on Jan. 2. the Fa­ther is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood, and had his own ad­ded to it. These were not much lamented by any, for the memory that they first kin­dled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry.

The People thus fed with courser blood, a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented, Willam Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. He had indured Im­prisonment four years, and passed through a Tryal of many months, in which he had ac­quitted himself with such a confidence as be­came [Page 128]the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor, but yet must fall to please the Scots, and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficul­ties of Success against their Prince, to the continuance of this Prelate's Life: therefore he was Voted Guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons, and was condemned in the House of Peers (though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King) when there were but Seven Lords present, Some Writers (who since have been convin­ced of their mis-infor­mation) have named amongst those Seven Lords, the Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin; but his Lordship upon the first notice of this report, did to several Persons of Quality and Honour he conversed with, and since hath affirmed to me, that he was not then present, and that his heart could never con­sent to the shedding of the blood of that Ex­cellent Prelate. and all those not consenting to the Murder, to be drawn, hanged and quartered. And this was the first Example of mur­dering Men by Votes, of killing by an Order of Par­liament, when there is no Law. It was moved (they say) by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-England, to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People. But this seem­ed too great an Honour, because it would make his end as his life was, much like that of the Primitive Bishops, who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts, or con­demned to the Mines. Or else it would be [Page 129]like an Athenian Ostracism, and confess him too great and good to live among us. There­fore this motion was rejected; yet the Lords upon his Petition, to the distaste of some Commons, changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being be­headed. To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some Sons of Schism and Sedition, who unseasona­bly that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls, would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly (for so they called themselves) for his Persecutions, (which he called Discipline.) To whom he Answered, That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal, and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it. When he came to the Scene of his death, he appear­ed with that chearfulness and serenity in his face, as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with: and it was so conspicuous, that his Enemies, who were ashamed to see his Innocency pourtraied in his Countenance, did report he had drunk some Spirits, to force his nature from a paleness. He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text, Hebr. 12.2. and concluding his life with Prayer, sub­mitted himself to the stroke of the Ax.

‘He was a Person of so great Abilities (which are the Designations of Nature to Dig­nity and Command,) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church. And he was equal to it. His Learning appear'd eminent in his Book against Fisher, and his Piety illustrious in his Diary (although published by One that was thirsty of his blood, and polluted with many malicious Comments and false Surmises to make him odious.) He was of so Pub­lick a Spirit, that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Ver­tuous use of his Princes favour; at his Ad­mittance into which he dedicated all the fu­ture Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men, by a Projection of many noble Works: most of which he accomplished, and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the cur­rent of his Designs, and cut off the Course of his Life. He was not contented by him­self only to serve his Generation, (for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame, than desirous of the Universal Bene­fit) but he endeavoured to render all others as heroick, if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship: for (I have heard it from his Enemies) no great man was admitted [Page 131]to a confidence and respect with him, unless he made his address by some Act that was for the Common Good, or for the Orna­ment and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning it self a greater Advancer; he searched all the Libraries of Asia, and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could, that the English Church might have (if pos­sible) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contri­bute to the Grandeur of that of Rome. The outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation; he would put them into a power of doing more good, but was severe against their Vices and Va­nities. He scorned a private Treasure, and his Kindred were rather relieved than rais­ed to any greatness by him. In his Electi­on of Friends, he was determinated to the Good and Wise, and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church had his closest Embraces; if otherwise it happened, their frauds, not his choice, deserved the blame. Both Papists and Sectaries were equally his Enemies, one party feared, and the other hated his Vertues. Some cen­sured him of too much Heat, and a Zeal for Discipline above the Patience of the [Page 132]Times. But his greatest unhappiness, was, that he lived in a Factious Age, and Cor­rupt State, and under such a Prince, whose Vertues not admitting an immediate ap­proach for Accusations, was to be wound­ed in those whom He did Caresse. But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time, Posterity shall ingrave him in the Albe of the Most Excellent Prelates, the most indulgent Fathers of the Church, and the most injured Martyrs.’ His blood was accom­panied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death, and it had been followed with a more gene­ral mourning, had not the Publick Miseries, and present fears of Ruine exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects.

About this time the Faction clove into two Sects, the Presbyterian and Independent, which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots, or Godly, had joyntly conspired War and disturbed the Peace, and by vari­ous Arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Authority of Parliament. For they would either early in the morning before the House was full, or late at night, when those whose cares were most for the Publick were absent, being assured of the Speaker, propose and Vote what served for their De­sign. If any thing contrary to it was about [Page 133]to be resolved in a full Assembly, they by mul­titude of Scruples would so disturb the De­bates, that the determination was deferr'd to a desired Opportunity. But if these failed, then would they surprise the House with a­nother Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the former. When the most conscientious were too numerous for them, then would they make necessities to send the less pliant to their wills into the Country. Thus the Lesser, but more industrious, Party did circumvent the Greater, that were not so wary nor diligent. While they thus joynt­ly contrive the Publick Ruine, they had got­ten themselves into the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom. But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power, and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher by the Animosities of the inferiour and obscurer parts of their Sects, there was neither Faith nor Love among them, but what Fear and Necessity did force them unto. The Indepen­dents, who comprehended all the several herds of Hereticks, Anabaptists, Seekers, Mil­lenaries, &c. though they were the Disciples of the other yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry, had their private Junto's and meetings apart to mould their Projects, and assign to each of their Confidents their several Scenes and Methods; and, by proper [Page 134]Applications to mens several humours, had exceedingly encreased their strength in the Multitude, only they wanted the Power of the Sword, and the most useful Offices to per­fect their Empire.

This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians: and by procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial, (as they called it) they turned out Essex (whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected, and who had neither glory in his War, nor security or quiet in his Peace) from his Generalship, and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presby­tery, under pretence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be en­couraged to a continuance of the War, by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army, to which they would now give a new Module. Having by this Artifice dis­placed those whose Power they feared, they brought in as many Candidates of their own Sect as they could to be Colonels, and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General. This Man both Parties did the more easily consent in, because he was known to be of sufficient Personal Valour, and of no private Designs, obstinate by a natural Melancholy, rather than pertinacious in any Interest, and rather free from Baseness, than ambitious of Vain­glory; [Page 135]by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Resolves of his Masters. But the Independents, that were better informed of his ductile Spirit, and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Spe­cies of Religion, got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries, Oliver Cromwell, at first to be admitted into his Counsels, and aftewards to be the Director of all his actions, under the title of Lieutenant General. For although he likewise by the Self-denying Ordinance was made incapable of any Office in the Army, being a Mem­ber of the Parliament; yet those Troops of Fanaticks whom he had amassed, and for­merly led under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark, and the Earl of Manchester, (both which he had cast off) were instructed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him. He was therefore permitted by the Parlia­ment, as the General desired, for a time to continue in the Army; but he never left it till he had changed that, ruined the Parlia­ment, and turned out the General, that thus was the Author of his unlawful Power. For this Man, having a long time been poor and necessitous, the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent, and nothing remain­ing but the Instruments of his Crimes, a bloody and fierce nature, a greedy soul full of bold and unjust hopes, yet able to conceal [Page 136]them with a profession of Modesty, a con­tempt of Religion and Friendship, yet highly pretending to both, till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trust­ed him; he was fitted for the most impious enterprises, for vexed by a pressing and tedi­ous poverty, he resolved to indeavour the ut­most distance from such a Condition, though by the greatest wickedness, therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State, and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny, which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Law­ful Prince with Arms.

With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London, while the King at Oxford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Ʋxbridge, which, as all other Consultations for Peace, was vain and fruitless. For the Faction would always obstruct those endea­vours by their proper Methods. If the Con­dition of their affairs were prosperous, then would they make their Demands like Impo­sitions on conquered Slaves, detesting to sup­plicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy. In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party, not then to think of a Reconciliation which their unprosperous Arms must necessarily render harder [Page 137]than their hopes; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compulsion. Besides these devices, many fictitious Letters were composed, false Rumours divulged, and witnesses suborned, to make men suspect that many dangerous Plots and portentous Designs were disguised in these Overtures of Accord. Therefore the Commissioners of Parliament were in­structed to offer no Expedient for an Accom­modation, nor hearken to such as were ten­dred to them in the Name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing his Condition, that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace, prepares Himself for the War at the approaching Spring: and al­though this Winter was infamous with many losses, either through the neglects or perfidi­ousness of some Officers; yet before the sea­son for taking the field was come, His Coun­sels and Diligence had repaired those da­mages.

[ Anno 1645.] In April He sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association, and raise such Forces as the necessities of the Crown, which was His Inheritance, did require: with Him is sent, as Moderator of His Youth, and prime Counsellour, Sir Edward Hide, now Lord High Chancellour of England, whose Faithfulness had endeared him to His Majesty, [Page 138]who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge; in which He continued with the same Faith, through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master, till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers, and him to the Chief Ministery of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to relieve His Northem Counties and Garrisons. But being on His march, and having stormed and taken Leice­ster in His way, He was called back to secure Oxford, which the Parliament Army threa­tned with a Siege. But Fairfax having got­ten a Letter of the Lord Goring's (whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the delivery of it) to His Majesty, wherein he had desired Him to forbear ingaging with the Enemy, till he could be joyned with Him; he leaves Oxford, and made directly towards the King that was now come back as far as Da­ventrey, with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength, and at a place near Naseby in Northampton-shire both Armies met on Saturday, June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some (who intended to betray Him) should be effected. Never­theless, the King would not decline the Bat­tel, and had the better at first, but His van­quishing Horse following the chase of their [Page 139]Enemies too far (a fatal errour that had been twice before committed) left the Foot open to the other wing, who pressing hotly up­on them, put them to an open rout, and so became Masters of His Canon, Camp, and Carriage, and among these, of His Majesties Cabinet, in which they found many of His Letters, most of them written to the Queen: which, not contented with their Victory over His Forces, they Print, as a Trophee over His Fame, that by proposing His secret Thoughts, designed only for the breast of His Wife, to the debauched multitude, and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slanders of the Faction had already formed in their minds, the Popular hatred might be increased. But the publication of them found a contrary effect, every one that was not barbarous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christians, which Generous Heathens scorned to be guilty of, and the Letters did discover, that the King was not as He was hitherto characterized; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections, as well as all the Rights, that were fit for Majesty: and (which is not usual) He grew greater in Ho­nour by this Defeat, though He never after recovered any considerable power.

For the Fate of this Battel had an inauspi­cious influence upon all His remaining Forces, [Page 140]and every day His losses were repeated. But though Fortune had left the King, yet had not His Valour; therefore gathering up the scattered remains of His broken Army, He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition. At last attempting to relieve Chester, though He was beset behind and before, and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches, yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed; but being charged by Fresh Soul­diers from the Leaguer, and a greater Num­ber, He was forced to retreat, and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place. After this He draws towards the North-East, and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were left to march for Scotland, and there to joyn with Montross, who with an inconsiderable company of men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles. But this Lord was surprised before he could get out of York­shire; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemies Foot, were so wanton with their Success, that they were easily mastered by a­nother Party, and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland. These several Overthrows brought another mischief along with it; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement, which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Oppressed, and [Page 141]which makes them considerable, though they are despoiled of arms, by imputing (as it useth to be in unhappy counsels) the criminous part of their misfortunes to one another. But many gallant Persons, whom Loyalty and Religion had drawn to His Service, endured the ut­most hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust; and by that means employing the Enemies Arms, gave the King time, who was at last returned to Ox­ford, to provide for His Safety.

Hither every day sad Messages of Ruines from every part of the Nation came, which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dissolved world, yet they found His Spi­rit erect and undaunted. For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life, tenacious of Truth and Equity, and not moveable from them by Fears, a Contemner of worldly Glo­ry, and desirous of Empire for no other rea­son, but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined, when He relinquished the care of them. But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own discon­solate Party to seek for Conditions of Peace, which He saw was in vain to expect would be such as were fit to accept; for His former experience assured Him, that these men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune, and be more Insolent now than ever. And for Him­self, [Page 142]He was resolved not to sacrifice His Con­science to Safety, nor his Honour to Life This He often told those that thus pressed Him, and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert, (who likewise moved Him to the same,) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge, though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Ene­mies should hearken to so much Reason, as that He should he restored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battel at Naseby.

But yet to satisfie every One how tender He was of the Common Safety, He sent seve­ral Messages to the Parliament for a Treaty, and offers to come Himself to London, if He may have security for Himself and Attendants. All which were either not regarded, or an­swered with Reproaches. And because the people began to murmur at so great an ear­nestness of the Faction to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding, (since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons, besides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbroken, and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland; all which might be perswaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them without much blood;) and it was the [Page 143]common belief that these men sought for Victory, not Peace and Liberty, which was now tendred: therefore to raise suspicions in the Vulgar, it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Compound would take the ad­vantage of the King's Presence, if He were permitted to be there, and kindle a new flame and War in the City. And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears, the Disarmed Compounders were command­ed to depart above twenty miles from Lon­don; and to injealous the people more, all the transactions of the King in the Irish Pacifi­cation were published, and amplified with the malicious Slanders and Comments of the implacable and conscious Demagogues, that so the terrors of the Vulgar being augmented, they might be frighted into a longer pati­ence.

The King finding these men irreconcile­able to Peace, and that they had declared against His Coming, though without a Cauti­on, tryes the Leaders of the English Army; but they proved no less pertinacious, and were now approaching to besiege Oxford. Providence not leaving any more Choice, but only shewing Him a way for a present Escape, He goes in a Disguise (which when Necessity cloathes Royal Persons with, seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the [Page 144]Sun,) to the Scotish Camp that was now be­fore Newark, where the Ambassadour of the King of France, who was then in the Lea­guer, had before covenanted for His Maje­stie's Safety and Protection; and the Scotish Officers had engaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them, and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes.

[ Anno 1646.] The King being come thi­ther May 4. made a great alteration in affairs; Newark was surrendred by the King's Com­mand, and Sir Thomas Glemham having gal­lantly defended Oxford till the Besiegers of­fered honourable Conditions, delivered up that also. But the greatest Change of Coun­sels were at London, where when it was rela­ted, among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary, various and different Discourses were raised. ‘Some wondred that His Ma­jesty had sought a Refuge there where the Storm began, and how He could appre­hend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles, but now the great Advancers of His Over­throw: And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often Perfidious. Others judged that in those necessities wherein the King was concluded, it was as dangerous [Page 145]not to trust as to be deceived; no Counsel could be better, than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faith­ful, and whether they would then be honest, when they had the Critical Opportunity to testifie to the world, that they intended not what they did, but what they said; That they fought not against Him, but for Him But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers, that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempestuous Sea and false bottom; as also the debauche­ries of the English Genius, which was now so corrupted, that their Prince was driven to seek an Asylum from their injuries among a people that were infamous and polluted with the Blood of many Kings.’

While others discoursed thus of the King's journey, the Parliament heated by the Inde­pendents fiercely declared against the Scots, who were removing the King to Newcastle, and used several methods to make them odi­ous and drive them home. For they kept back their Pay, that they might exact Free-Quarter from the Country; then they did extenuate their Services, derogate from their famed Valour, upbraid them as Mercenaries, threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the English Presbyterians, though they wish'd well to their Brethren, [Page 146]yet lest they should seem to indulge the In­solencies of a strange Nation, did not dare to plead in their defence. But the Scots themselves for a time did justifie their Recep­tion and Preservation of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature, Nations, and Hospitality, which forbid the delivery and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour. The Demo­cratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the Scots, their Hirelings, and in their Do­minion, to receive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters, and keep Him without their Consent. These Debates were used to raise the King's price. Which when the Scots were almost assured of, to make their ware more valuable, they solicite the King, in hopes of their Defence, to com­mand Montross to depart from his noble Un­dertakings in Scotland, where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Roxbrough and Tra­quaire had betrayed him unto, and was be­come formidable again; as also the Loyal Marquess of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels, and English Forces. Which when the King had done, being not willing those Gallant Per­sons should longer Hazard their brave Lives, and after both these Excellent Leaders had more in anger than fear part [...] with their un­happy Arms: that they might have a colour of betraying Him, whom the General Assem­bly [Page 147]of Scotland (which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seem­ing Authority) had forbid to be brought in­to His Native and Ancient Kingdom (as He affectionately call'd it) they tender Him the Covenant; pretending without that Chain upon Him, they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland. This His Majesty refused not, if they would first loose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Conscience: Therefore to untie those Knots, Master Henderson, that was then the Oracle of the Kirk, and the great Apostle of the So­lemn Covenant, was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts, and the Goodness of His Cause made all his attempts void (for the Papers being published, every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty) and unfortunate; for he return­ed home, and not long after died, as some reported, of a Grief contracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent.

While these things were acting at Newcastle, the bargain was stroke at London, and for 200000 l. His Majesty, stripp'd of those Arms He had when He came among them, was de­livered up, as it were, to be scourged and crucified to some Commissioners from the Par­liament: But to Honest their Perfidiousness, [Page 148]they add this Caution, That there should be no attenpt made upon the King's Person, but be­ing entertained at one of His own Palaces, He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations, which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never thought of sending any Propositions till He came un­der the Power of the Army, who had mali­cious Designs upon His Person. The Com­missioners receiving Him, convey Him to His own House at Holmeby. This was a very curious and stately Building, yet was not therefore chosen because it might be a Ma­jestick Prison; but because it was within Ken of Naseby, which was infamous with His O­verthrow, that so the Neighbourhood to [...] might more afflict His grieved Spirit. To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts, by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him, that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome; yea, even His Chaplain (which most troubled Him) were debarred from their Ministery. But God supplyed this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit, and made Him, like the Ancient Patriarchs, both a King and a Priest (at least for Himself:) and here He sacrificed Praise [...] even to that God that hid himself, and com­posed those most Divine Meditations and So­liloquies that are in His Book, spending that [Page 149]time in Converse with Heaven, which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He delighted.

While the King's Soul was thus winged above the walls of His Prison and the Fortune of His Enemies, they that had put an end to the War, yet could not find the way to Peace; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory, and could not temper their Success, the two Sects falling to dissension, and turning all their Arts and Arms one against another. The Presbyterians had the richer and more splen­did followers, but the Independents the most fierce, subtle, and most strongly principled to Confusion; the first was Powerful in the Parliament, but the latter in the Army. After they had a long time practised on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King, and such as favoured Him in the Parliament (of which there were always some Number among them) the Independents still gained upon their Opposites, making the Pres­byterians odious, by Libels composed to ren­der their Government Ridiculous and Ty­rannical, by putting them upon all the most envious Employments, as Reforming the Uni­versities, and Sequestring Ministers that re­fused to take the Covenant. Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren, by spoiling them of their Honour, they proceed­ed [Page 150]to strip them of the reliques of their ar­med Power, surprising them in Parliament with a Vote to disband all the Souldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army: then the Gene­ral turns out those Commanders of Garrisons that were any way inclined to them. Besides this, they either corrupted with Gifts or frighted some of the most busie, yet obno­xious, Presbyterians either wholly to come o­ver to them, or be their Instruments in distur­bing and revealing the Counsels of that Par­ty; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation, and reconciling the Godly one to another.

[ Anno 1647.] The Presbyterians at last awakened with the daily wounds of their Power, and the dishonour of their Party, be­gan now to be more afraid of their Stipendi­aries than they were of their Soveraign; for they found that they lost all that by the Victo­ry which they sought by the War: therefore to break the confidence of the Independents, and make themselves free, they Vote in the Parliament, where they had most Voices, That to ease the Commonwealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army, 12000 of the Soul­diers should be sent over to Ireland, and all the rest to be disbanded, except 6000 Horse, 2000 Dragoons, and 6000 Foot, who should be dis­posed in different and distant places in the Na­tion, [Page 151]to prevent any Rising. The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Arti­fice, that it was not to ease the Nation, but weaken them; therefore they employ the Inferiour Officers (being persons that by dis­simulation and impudence having accustomed themselves to much speaking, did at last ima­gine their Vices were Gifts of the Holy Ghost, and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men,) to possess the common Souldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears, or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold, and the surprises of a treacherous E­nemy. This presently set the Army to Mu­tiny, which while it was in the Beginnings, the Commanders make semblance of Indigna­tion at it, seem very busie to compose it; and Cromwell, to make the Parliament secure, calls God to witness, that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet; and again solemnly swears, that he had rather himself with his whole Fa­mily should be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition. Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect de­fection from all obedience to the Parliament, they lay aside their disguises, and post from London to the Head Quarters, where the Sy­nagogue [Page 152]of Agitators was seated, and [...] whom was committed the management of this Conspiracy. This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious i [...] every Regiment of Foot, and each Troop of Horse: their business was to consult th [...] Interests of the whole Army, and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design, to instruct the ruder part of [...] in their Clamours and Injuries, and to cor­rupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises. At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Empire, and dictate what their pleasures are concerning England and Ireland. Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Liberty of the People; for they openly professed an inten [...] for Democracie. And because about an hun­dred Officers in the Army would not be for­ward in the Sedition, they were by this Committee of Adjutators, and the secret in­timations of the Commanders, cashiered.

Thus the Counsels of both Parties being directed to overthrow their contrary, each thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their Designs, for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him: therefore the Presbyterians had it in Consultation, to Order Col. Greves, who had the Command of the Guard about the [Page 153] King at Holmeby, to remove His Majesty to London; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord, they immediately send a Body of Horse to prevent them, and to force Him into their own Quarters. Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune, and the sport of the Factions, and was drawn from His peaceful Contemplations, and Pros­pect of Heaven, to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These, to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity, (that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruine Him, and murder Him by His own Concessions, if He would be deluded by them) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings, and complain of the Parlia­ments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces, wondering they had no more Reverence for Majesty; and to beget a belief of this, they profess (which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne, and rendred the Condition of His Party more tolerable. Besides these Promises and Compas­sions, they permit Him the Ministry of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, (which, it is said, He took with so great a Joy, that He almost believed Himself free and safe, it be­ing His most heavy burthen while He was the [Page 154]Parliaments Captive) the Commerce of Let­ters with the Queen, the Visits of His own Party, and the Service of His Courtiers; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War, mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf, and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice. In their publick Remonstrances against the Co­vetousness, Ambition, Injustice, Cruelty and Selfmindedness of the Parliament, they do sometimes obliquely, sometimes plainly, pro­fess, that the King, Queen, and the Royal Fa­mily must be restored to all their Rights, or else no hope of a solid Peace; but then they would intermix such Conditions as argued they sought Reserves for a perfidious escape. For Cromwell did among his Confidents boast of his fine Arts, and that by these Indulgences was intended nothing but His Destruction.

By all these Impostures they prevailed no­thing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune, and the Greatness of His In­tegrity and Wisdom, or which any of the Dis­agreeing Factions could use to His reproach. But they found another kind of Success upon the Parliament, for they sacrificed to the Commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Mem­bers of the House of Commons, and seven of the Peers, causing them to forbear sitting [Page 155]among them, because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge. ‘All men wondering at the inequality of those mens Spirits, who had so furiously re­jected the Articles of their lawful Sove­reign against five or six of their Body, and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries a­bove thrice that Number. They therefore concluded, that neither Religion, Justice, or the Love of Liberty, which are always uni­form, but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls, which vary with fears and hopes, had been the Principles and first Movers of their attempts.’ Besides this, they were so prone to Slavery, that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army, had not a Tumult (their Arts being now turned upon their own heads,) from London stopp'd them in their violent speed, and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously, that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfie the demands of the Souldiers; and that the King should come to London to treat.

These contrary desires of the divided Facti­on, which had joyntly oppressed their Sove­reign, shewed, that Ill men will more easily con­spire together in War, than consent in Peace; and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jealousies, each Party thinking the advan­tages [Page 156]of the other too great; and that Power is never thought faithfull which is accounted exces­sive. Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sate in Parliament were joyned the City, and the cashiered Soul­diers and Officers that had served in their pay. With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses; who had fled to them with about fifty of their Members that projected the Change of Government, being either for an Oli­garchy or Democracie, yet left some of the same judgment behind, to betray and di­sturb the Counsels at London. To these did adhere the Neighbouring Counties, who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army, of Restoring the King. (which they much boasted) Dissolving the Parliament, and Establishing Peace and Government: and they more wilingly credited these, because they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City both for beginning the War, and now obstructing Peace. The Army inti­tle their attempts for King and People: Their Adversaries, for bringing the King to His Par­liament. The Commanders were greedy of that War which promised an easie Victory, and made the poor Souldiers hope for the Plunder of the City.

For the advantage was clear on the Army's side, which consisted of veterane Souldiers, [Page 157]united among themselves by a long Converse, and known Commanders: but the force of the other was made up of a tumultuary Mul­titude, gathered under new Leaders, and so had no mutual confidence; their meetings were full of doubts and fears, none could de­termine in private, nor in publick Consult, because they dared not trust one another; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talk'd most boldly against the E­nemy. Therefore in the very beginnings the Parliament and City desert their Enterprise, Treat with, and open their Gates to the Ar­my, who march in Triumph through London, bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Tra­vellers to their Chairs, seize upon the Tower, dismantle the Fortifications, pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City, send the Lord Mayor and the Chief Citizens to the Tower, and reduce all the Power of the Na­tion in Obedience to the Commanders. For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland, and Rainsbrough, a Leveller, and a violent Head of the Demo­craticks, High Admiral. The impeached Presbyterians fled beyond Sea, others of that Sect drooping complyed with the Fortune of the Conquerours; and that which greived good Men most, was, a Publick Thanksgiving (which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Nation in their vertuous and [Page 158]glorious undertakings for Liberty and Safety, but now was prophaned for our Slavery and Mi­sery) to God was appointed for the Army, and they were entertained now at a Feast, whom before the City would have forced from their Walls.

While these things were in Motion, the King consults Heaven for Direction, and his Party modestly abstain from either side, thought both to be abhorred, and knew that Party would be the worst which should over­come. The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nation, the Parliament and City at their obedience, make no mention of their former promises to the King; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Par­liament, and calling another, as they call'd it, more equal Representative. But both their Sy­nagogue and the Council of War, being now delivered from fear of the Presbyterians, be­gan to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy. As for the King, whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court, some that had before contrived His Death, and to murder Him while He was in the Scotch Camp, (so at once to satifie their own Re­venge, and Load their Enemies with the In­famy of the Murder,) yet could not then perform it, were now fierce for a speedy and secret Assassinantion by Pistol or Poison. [Page 159]Others would have Him tryed and condem­ned by their Council of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to proceed more artificially in their Crime, and when they should get more Authority, destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice. To bring this about, they must proceed to make Him more odious, that the People might be patient while they kill Him, and undo them. To proceed there­fore to their Impiety, Cromwell and his Cre­atures stickle fiercely in the House of Com­mons, and cause the Parliament to send, not Conditions of Peace to be treated on, but Propositions like Commands that admitted no dispute: which if the King had yielded unto, He had despoiled Himself of Majesty, and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Em­pire; besides, such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe, as unglori­ous: And if He did not, then He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Universal Peace. And lest the King should put them to more tedious Arts by signing them, they themselves to divert Him privately procure more soft Articles, and professed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sowreness and Rigour did yet leaven the House, which made these Propositions so unpleasant.

The King could not but perceive the pra­ctices [Page 160]of the Army, yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him sa­tisfie those unreasonable Demands of the Par­liament, which granted would have been the heaviest oppression on His Subjects, and the greatest injury to His Posterity He could pos­sibly be guilty of; For to good Princes the Safety of their People, and their own Memory, which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Counsels, are more pretious than Life and Power; and although Providence, and the Malice of His Enemies had ob­structed His way to Glory by Victories and Success, yet He would trace it in the un­envied and unquestionable paths of Constan­cy and Justice: Therefore to make His denial of them advantageous to Himself, by a seem­ing confidence in the Army's profers, thereby to oblige, if it were possible, those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour, or at least, to injealous those two Rivals for His Power, and commit them, the King absolutely re­jects the Parliaments Propositions, and re­quires the Demands of the Army as more equal, and fit for a Personal Treaty, and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners. Crom­well and His Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty, which had preferred them before their Competitors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People; but yet secretly did they [Page 161]exasperate the minds of the more short-sight­ed Commons against the King for this Affront. And to the King they profess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits (for so they loved to speak) that they could not now perform their Promises: sometimes they excused them­selves by a Reverence to the Parliament, at other times by the fierceness of the Adjuta­tors; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delays to some length, they began to interpret their sayings otherwise than the King apprehended them, to forget what they had assured Him of, and at last openly to refuse any performance. To all these Perfidies they add other Frauds, to be­get a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers, who they informed Him meditated His Murder, professed they could not for the present moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations, but when they should recover the lost Discipline of their Army, then they might easily and speedily satisfie their engage­ments to Him. To give credit to their words, the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame, their Papers were published for a change of Government, call'd The Case of the Army, and, The Agreement of the People; the animations of Peters, and another of the same Diabolical spirit, saying, His Majesty was but a dead Dog, were divul­ged, and all were communicated to some At­tendants [Page 162]about the King, with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life: for they were unwilling He should be killed while they helplesly look'd on.

The fury and threatnings of men of such destructive and bloody Principles, who ac­counted all things lawful that they could do, that Providence administring Opportunity did invite and license their impieties, and who im­puted all their lusts, that had no colour from Justice, to the Perswasions of the Holy Spirit, were not to be despised; nor was the King to abandon His Life, if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusted At­tendants, in the dark, tempestuous and omi­nous night of Novem. 11. He leaves Hampton. Court, some say, uncertain where to seek safety; others, that He intended to take Ship, but being disappointed in His Expectation, He was at last fatally led into the Power, and, when He could not escape, committed Him­self to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Ham­mond, (a Confident of Cromwell's, who had been but a little before made Governour of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose,) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook Castle the very Pit His Enemies had designed for Him. For it was discoursed in the Army above a fortnight before, that the King e're long [Page 163]would be in the Isle of Wight: and the very night He departed from Hampton-Court, the Centinals were withdrawn from their usual Posts, on purpose to facilitate His flight. The all-wise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials, and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had designed for Him. Being here in this false Harbour, He minds that bu­siness which lay most on His Heart, the Set­tlement of the Nation; He sends Conces­sions to the Parliament more benign and easie than they could desire or hope, toge­ther with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands; and earnestly soli­cites them to pity the Languishing Kingdom, and come to a Personal Treaty with Him, on His Concessions and the Army's De­mands.

But the Conspirators, to cut off all hopes of a Treaty, take this Occasion to send four Preliminary Articles, which if He would pass as Acts, they would treat of the rest. These were so unjust, that the Scotch Com­missioners in the Name of their Kingdom de­clare against them in publick Writings, and following the Messengers of Parliament to the Isle of Wight, do in the presence of His Ma­jesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion, the Crown, and Accords of both Kingdoms. The King, according to His [Page 164]wonted Wisdom and Greatneses of Mind, presently returns them an Answer, to shew the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty, which should be the Subject of it, and to give them such an Arbitrary Power, to the ruine of all the People. This Answer He deliver­ed sealed to their Messengers, who desi­red that they might hear it read, and that they might be dealt with as Commissioners, not as bare Carriers (a greater trust than which their Masters had not commited unto them) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any prejudice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it, than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them, notwithstanding the Faith they had given, cause their Just Soveraign to be kept close Prisoner, force away His Chaplains, Dr. Shelden, now Lord Bishop of London, and Dr. Hammond, both which He highly valued for their Integrity, Wisdom, Piety and Learn­ing and His other Servants, even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly about Him, and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him, and permit none about Him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him, and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune. Besides they set strict Guard at His Doors and Windows, lest any Let­ters [Page 165]might come to Him, or be sent from Him.

The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament. For Cromwell and His Of­ficers were resolved to go on with their De­sign, and having so long used the Adjutators, as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set, they soon quiet them, (which was not difficult, being a Company of hot­headed fellows, that could only talk, not form a Counsel or a Party, to endure a Storm,) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders; and being free of that care, apply­ed their practices wholly to the Destructi­on of His Majesty. To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King; but before they bring them into Pub­lick, they send into their several Counties about forty or fifty of the principal Members, who they thought would oppose them, to raise Money for the Souldiers. Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly, that the Debates lasted from ten of the Clock in the Morning till seven in the Evening; and though they thus weari­ed the more Honest Party, yet could it not pass till the Conspirators had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dispatched in half an hours time, when those of the more sober [Page 166]Principles were gone forth to refresh them selves, and the Conspirators still kept the [...] Seats. The House of Peers were not so hast [...] in them as the Commons had been, and the [...] Debates vexed the Conspirators with Delay till those who were sent by the Army to tha [...] the Lower House for their Consent to the [...] Desires of the Souldiers, did also threaten th [...] Upper for their long Deliberations: so [...] new Terrors were also added, for they quar­tered two of their Regiments at White-H [...] under colour of guarding the Parliament but in truth to work upon the Lords; whi [...] had its effect, for many that had the mo [...] Honourable thoughts in this business, forso [...] the Parliament, and then three or four (which often was the fullest Number about tho [...] times in that House,) joyn with the Common in their Votes for no Addresses.

This prodigious Perfidiousness in Parliament and Army, both which had so frequently de­clared and ingaged themselves by Oaths an [...] Promises to preserve the King in His J [...] Rights, fill'd all men with amazement and in­dignation, to see how little they valued the [...] Faith, who pretended so high to Religion therefore each of them were put to satisf [...] the Common Fame. Cromwell to some would have cover'd this Impiety with another, th [...] as He was praying for a blessing from God [...] [Page 167]his undertakings, to restore the King to his pri­stine Majesty, his tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth, that he could not speak one word more; which he took as a return of Prayer, and that God had rejected Him from being King. To others he did impudently assert, That it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with de­ceit and frauds. The Conspirators in the Par­liament strove to honest their Proceedings by a Declaration, and assign in it for Causes of their Perjuries, all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most pro­fessed Enemies, or from those uncertain Ru­mours which themselves had invented, ad­ding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as Forgeries, (yet now were used as ne­cessary Veils for a more execrable Falshood.) Which infamous Libel they cause to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom, to be divulged, supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slan­ders, or that none could publickly do it, because they set strict Watches upon all the Printing-Presses. They likewise Command­ed the Curates to read it in their several Churches, and commend it to the People. And that these might the more readily observe their Orders, they at the same time strictly enjoyn the payment of Tithes, and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands (which they [Page 168]had designed for profane Uses, and never in­tended they should be for the Emolument of Church-men) should be set apart for Aug­mentations for their Preachers, pretending a fervent zeal for the propagation of the Gos­pel, when they did most dishonour it. By their Agents, and the Anabaptists, with other Hereticks and Schismaticks, they solicite the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gratulatory Addresses to approve what they had already done, and petition for a speedy progress is the Ruine of His Majesty.

But all these their cursed Projects failed, for several Answers to their Defamations were published, One writ by the King Himself another by A full Answer. Sir Edward Hyde and a third by The Regal A­pology. Dr. Bates: [...] which proved the Monstrous Falshoods of their Paper, and that the Facti­on were guilty of what they imputed to the King; and this with such evidence, that none of their most mercenary Writers, or the mo [...] foul-mouthed Conspirators, did dare or hope with Success to reply unto. The Curates coldly, if at all, observed their Orders, and there came so few Petitions, and those signed by such contemptible and lewd Persons, as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred, than gave them any credit. While generally in every place none of the People [Page 169]could contain their fury against these Impo­stors, but publickly cursed them and their In­famous Adherents.

For their Miseries made them sensible of the want of that Prince whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebria­ting Prosperity, that they had forgot the Mi­nister of their Happiness. But now they found Government when it was out of His hand, like Moses's Rod cast on the ground, transformed to a Serpent; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most insufferable Slavery: wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that render our Being comfortable, or they were not secure in the use of them. Religion, the Ornament of the present, and the Pledge of a future Life, was so dishonoured by Schisms and Heresies (fomented to weaken the People by Divisi­ons, to a tameness under their Oppressors) by Fasts for the most impious Designs, and Thanksgivings for prosperous Crimes; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Invention of Tyrants, and the Disguise of Villains, and therefore did forsake it, and turn Atheists. Others that did still find the Inward Consolations of it, yet feared openly to profess it, lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God, that they [Page 170]might more securely destroy men. Liberty also was now but an empty name: for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws; so that the Houses of Noble-men were converted to Gaols, for those that were un­fortunate in honest enterprises; where they were to languish with want and sickness and not be called to know their Offence o [...] their Accusers, because they had not guild enough for a publick Condemnation. Some were put a Ship-board in the midst of Sum­mer, there to contract Diseases: Others were sold Slaves to foreign Plantations. Many to escape such nasty Confinements, or an ignomi­nious Torture, fled from their Native Soi [...] either to the Neighbouring Countries, where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Barbarousness of our Nation; or seeking for Shelter in the Isles and Desarts of America, polluted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood.

Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law; but whom the Violence of the Souldier did not impoverish, the frauds of Committee men would, from whose Rapines none were secure that had not been as criminal as them­selves, and few safe that did not seek their favour, and bow down to their Greatness: These men taking advantage of the common [Page 171]evils, to satisfie either their private revenge, or lusts: for their Proceedings were not regula­ted by the known Laws; but the secret In­structions of their Masters in Parliament and Army, or their own Pleasures, were the Rules of administring Justice. An honest Fame like­wise was a Mark for Ruine: for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood, and did not comply with their Interest, first he was vexed with Slanders and Re­proaches; and afterwards with Sequestrati­on; especially if he were a Minister: and it was their common Principle, that an Honest Cavalier was the worst Enemy, and a Cavalier Saint did the most hurt; so that both their Vices and Vertues were equally hated. Com­mon Converse was dangerous; for they had Informers in every place, and Spies almost in every Family of Note: Servants were cor­rupted to accuse their Masters, and the Dif­ferences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against another: Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Company, to consult in private their peculiar Safety, for they knew their Words were observed, and their Secrets sought after. Few Families but had by the Civil War some loss to bewail; some mourned over their dis­agreeing Members in different Camps, and had cause to fear which side soever pro­spered [Page 172]they must be miserable in some part.

These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Re­medy: For the Parliament, that had the name of Government, were guilty of all these Reproaches of a Community, being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army, the two Sects kept them so divided, each Party labouring by Votes and Counsels to circumvent the other, that they could not mind the Univer­sal Benefit. Besides the Power they exerci­sed was too much to be well used, for they engrossed the Legislative Authority, and the Exercise of Jurisdiction. So that they would make Laws according to their Interest, and execute them according to their Lust; this day's Vote should contradict the former day's Order, and to morow we must violate what to day we solemnly swore to observe: so that men knew not what to obey, nor where to rest. Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King, who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries. For His Princi­ples were Uniform, and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant; besides His Adversi­ties had illustrated, if not calcined, His En­dowments. For now when He had no Friends, [Page 173]Counsellors, or Secretaries, His Discourses with Commissioners upon their several Ad­dresses, and His Declarations of His own In­juries, the Nations Slavery, the Injustice of His and their Adversaries, were so excellently and prudently managed, that they undecei­ved the greatest part, and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies: therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obe­dience of such an inestimable Prince.

These Considerations caused several at­tempts for His Deliverance, some Private, and others more Publick. The first was ma­naged by those Servants whom the Parliament had placed about Him; for these won by His Goodness, of which they were daily witnesses, twice plotted His Escape, and ventured their Lives for His Liberty, but failed in both de­signs: and the last being discovered before it could be put into action, One Rolfe, a bloody Villain, (that had also endeavoured to poison Him, for which though he was publickly ac­cused, yet was acquitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that cause) waited to kill Him as He should de­scend from His Chamber.

[ Anno 1648.] The more publick was that of the whole Nation: for inraged with their own Oppressions and the Miseries of their [Page 174] Prince, men in most Counties, even of those that had adhered to the Parliament, but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded, draw up Petitions for a Personal Treaty with the King; that the Armies Arrears being paid they should immediately be disbanded; that Re­lief should be sent into Ireland, and England quite eased of the Contribution, which they could no longer bear. To these Petitions there were such innumerable Subscriptions, that the Of­ficers of the Army, and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Sequestration, Impri­sonment and Death, to make no Impression; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted, because discredited by their former Perjuries. The first Petitioners were the Es­sex men, who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before, as if they would force, not intreat for, what was necessary. After them those of Surrey, whom, by the command of the Officers and Parliament-men, the Soul­diers assault at the Parliament-Doors, kill some, wound more, and plunder all: and for this brave Exploit upon unarmed Petitioners, they have the Thanks of the Commons, and a Largess for their Valour; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions, which before the very same men had declared to be the Birth-right of every English-man. ‘While men see and admire the Returns of the Divine Justice, and the reciprocal mo­tions [Page 175]of the Popular heat, that the very same Parliament that first stirr'd up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King, now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was indangered by Petitions.’

But all their Tyranny upon the complain­ing Nation prevailed nothing but to pro­voke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Petitions. And when they percei­ved they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests, which were not to be gained but by the Publick ruine, they fly from Pray­ers to Arms, and intitle their just War, For the Liberty of King and People. And in se­veral places, as in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, Nor­folk, Cornwall, York-shire, Wales, and at last in Surry, multitudes take Arms for this Righ­teous Cause. The Navy also fall off, and setting Rainsbrough their levelling Admiral on Shore, seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to the Prince of Wales. The Scots like­wise by an Order of their own Parliament send into England (to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King) an Army under Hamilton. But all was in vain, God had de­creed other Triumphs for His Majesty, and to translate Him to another Kingdom. For the English being but tumultuarily raised, having no train of Artillery or Ammunition considerable, were soon supprest by a veterane [Page 176]Army provided with all necessaries. The Scots, either through weakness or wickedness of their Commanders, who made so disor­derly a march that their Van and Rear were forty miles asunder, were easily worsted by Cromwell, who surprised their main Body, and Hamilton was taken Prisoner. Cromwell fol­lows the scattered Parties into Scotland, where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle, a domestick Enemy, and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Faction of that false Earl; who calls another Parliament, from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery, and all the Orders of that Convention made void. Cromwell had the Publick Thanks, and the private Faith of Argyle to endeavour, as opportunity per­mitted, the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland.

The Navy also deserts the Prince, being corrupted by the Earl of Warwick, who was appointed for this Service; and when he had ingloriously bought off their Faith to their lawful Prince, himself was ignominiously ca­shiered by the Conspirators. These great dis­appointments and overthrws of just Enterpri­ses men variously attributed to different Cau­ses. ‘Some to the Perfidiousness, others to the Weakness of those that managed them; [Page 177]as also to the Treachery of some Presbyte­rians, who in hatred to the Army first in­couraged, and then in Jealousie of the Royal­lists basely deserted them. For the Rabbies of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the begin­ning of his Enterprise. Another sort thought them unhappy, because the greatest part of the Undertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King, or else had betrayed Him, and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom, which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants, because of their unthank­fulness and impatience under so Incompa­rable a Prince.’

But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance, and Cromwell's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here, the less guilty Parliament-men se­riously considering how impatient the People (who in London and other places had gotten innumerable Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign, how hate­ful themselves grew, because they had be­trayed and inslaved their own Privileges, to­gether with the Liberties of the Subject to an insatiable and Phanatick Army, and how an evident Ruine attended even their Con­quests [Page 178]of Him whom it was unlawful to as­sault, did at last (though too late) contrary to the clamours of their Factious and Democra­tick Members, Repeal those Votes which they had formerly made, of No more Addresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses, they afterwards with a strong Consent Vote a Treaty with the King, in Honour, Freedom and Safety. The Factious Party in the Parlia­ment found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and whole Kingdom to Peace. But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more since Members, and to baffle the People's just desires of it, by imposing many unequal Conditions, and obstructive restrictions.

For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight, and not at London; that it should be by Commissioners, and not immediately with the two Houses, as was Pe­titioned. The Propositions that were sent to be Treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court, and were then rejected by Him, and also con­demned by the Army it self as too unjust. The Commissioners were so streightned in Power, that it was not lawful for them to sof­ten any one of the Conditions of Peace, not to alter the Preface, or change the Order of [Page 179]the Propositions, nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were agreed on. They could conclude nothing; they were only to propose the Demands, urge Reasons for the Royal Assent, receive the King's Answer, and refer all in writing to the Parliament, whose slow Resolves, and the delays of send­ing were supposed would consume that nar­row measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things, for they were limited to forty days. The Commissioners they sent, were Five of the Lord's House and Twelve of the Commoners, and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers, who were to press importunately for their Church Government, to elude the King's Arguments for Episcopacy, and only to impose, not to dispute, their own.

With all these, upon so many several and different Propositions, some relating to the Law of the Land, others to Reason of State, and some to the practice of the Apostolical Primitive Churches, the King was to deal without publick assistance. For though He was permitted the Ministery of some Officers of State, Counsellours and Divines, yet were they but of private advice, and to stand be­hind the Curtain; He only Himself was to speak in the Debate, and singly to manage matters of Policy with their most exercised [Page 180]Statists, and the points of Divinity with their best-studied Divines. ‘The Vulgar, to whom the Arts of these men were not so obvious were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty, and now hoped to exchange their Servitude under so many importunate Ty­rants, for the moderate and easie Govern­ment of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight, and observed with what difficulties it was burthened, hoped for no benefit from it. Because that if His Ma­jesty should not Consent, as they believed. He would not, then He would be the ob­ject of the popular impatience: And if He should Consent, He that now was thought to be most injuriously dealt with, would then be conceived not to deserve the Pity even of His Friends; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions, than to be ruined with more Dishonour. So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Majesty, and the implacable Malice of His Enemies, they despaired of any happy Issue.’

But beyond the Faith of these men, and the Hopes of the other, the King's incredible Prudence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions. And by a present Judgment and commanding Eloquence di [...] so urge His own, and refell their Arguments [Page 181]that He forced an Admiration of Himself and which was a Testimony of the Divine Assist­ance, drew many of the unwilling Commis­sioners to His own Opinion (though their Commission, and the danger of their Lives, necessitated them, contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences, to prolong the De­bates;) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust, yet granted what was not directly against His Honour and Consci­ence: Thus devesting Himself of His own Rights, He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country. For He indeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People. Yet the King saw by the Obsti­nacy of the most Powerful of those He Treat­ed with, that they intended nothing less than Peace, nor any thing more than His De­struction; which that it might be adequate to their Malice, they would have it accom­panied with the damnation of His Soul (as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful, as the Alienation of Church-Lands. Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His Blood, yet be­cause He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island, He did not hearken to the same Servant, who perswaded Him to pro­vide [Page 182]for His Safety by flight, which He assur­ed Him was not difficult, and in administring to which He offered to hazard his own blood. But the King always thought His Life be­neath the Honour of Faithfulness, and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame, which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person, chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allot­ted for Him, than by any approach to Infa­my seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of: For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes, which their People either cannot or will not preserve. And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wick­edness of Others, than to live by His own.

While the Treaty thus proceeded, the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton, (this last was Bold, Subtle, Perfidious and Active in all Designs; so that his Soul being congenial with that of Crom­well, had been the cause of an Alliance be­twixt them, for he had Married one of Crom­well's Daughters, and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius, that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design,) drew towards London, and quartered within half a days march from the City; that if their Interest did require, they might the more suddenly oppress those who [Page 183]were less favourable to their Enterprises. The Officers did at first publickly profess a great Modesty as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advan­tages, and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War: yet in private practised an universal Confusion, for mingling Counsels with their Factious Party in the Two Houses, they set up again the Meetings of their Adju­tators, framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty, and to require that all Delinquents without difference (wherein they included the Person of the King) might be brought to Tryal; and by their Emissaris abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignomi­nious persons, (by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy, and imagi­nary advantages by the change of Govern­ment,) to subscribe to them.

When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect, and they had infected most of the Souldiers in the several Garrisons, and that more Parties of their Ar­my were gathered to their Quarters about London; Ireton, under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax, withdraws himself privately to Windsor Castle, where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament, they joyntly frame a Declaration in an impe­rious [Page 184]and affected Style. Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King, and His Restitution to the Government: afterwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent: with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parlia­ment, some to please the Souldiers, and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble.

This being prepared, and the Treaty now drawing towards an End (which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed, that the Army might have more time to gather to­gether) and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation, they thought it now seaso­nable to begin their intended Crime. There­fore they speedily call a Council of War, at which met the Colonels, and other inferiour Officers, all men of Mercenary Souls, Sediti­ous, Covetous, and so accustomed to Dissi­mulation, that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour Impostures. They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting, pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act. This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People, while they commit [Page 185]the most horrid Crimes. For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason, or any Command of the known Will of God, they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer. This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used; and the credulous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion, that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints. Thus having prefaced their Villany, Ireton produces his Remonstrance, which being read among them was received by the Souldiers (who, through a pleasure in blood, and hopes of Spoil, are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs, whether good or bad, that tends to disturbance, and con­tinuance of War,) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven; and to make it the more terrible, they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army, and order it to be presented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England.

‘When this Remonstrance was published, the minds of men were variously affected. Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the al­teration of an Ancient Government, an at­tempt so far above their fortune; and to design against the Person of their Sove­reign, who by the Splendour of his former Majesty, and by a continued Descent from [Page 186]so many Royal Progenitors, had derived a [...] that challenges the Reverence of the People. And they thought the act so full of a mani­fest Wickedness, that the Contrivers could not really intend the Execution, but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Preten­sions of a lesser guilt. Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People, and their damnable blas­phemies of the Almighty God, did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the extremest mischiefs; and that having pro­ceeded thus far, they would think their Safety consisted in an accumulation of their Sins. Only they admired that these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pre­tending to God's Direction, (in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judg­ment be deprehended) by boasting of the Concurrence of the People, which was too evident a Cheat, for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abomi­nate their practices. But others more Spe­culative knew it was the accustomed Method of the Subverters of a lawfull Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny, first to seek the favour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice, and then to boast of it as though they had it, and were entrusted by the People to [Page 187]recover what they presented to their hopes and desires; and that these men following the same practices would be the greatest Op­pressors of those whom they pretended to vindicate.’

The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army, yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually, and preferring the utmost ha­zards to a Compliance with this Remon­strance, laid it aside, and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them. This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Souldiers, who stormed at the contempt of those whose Grandeur de­pended upon their Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their Chief Design, and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition, they immediately sent a Party of their Army into the Isle of Wight, to secure the King: these laying hold upon Him, with a most Insolent Rudeness, not permitting the delay of a Break­fast, forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle, an unwholesome and sordid place. The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London, with all the imagina­ble signs of terrour, as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemies Town. When they had entred, they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were [Page 188]nearest the Parliament-House, hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger, so to affright those Members who were not so wicked as to comply with them, that they should voluntarily withdraw, and hiding themselves, leave the possession to their own scanty Party. For then the Violence would seem less, and give more Authority to their unjust Decrees.

But the honest Members were more in love with Justice, and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Souldiers, but as inspired with some unaccustomed Cou­rage at this time, and thinking themselves guarded by the Priviledges of Parliament, with a greater boldness than usually they did upon designs, they appear in the House. Where the Commoners re-assuming the confi­deration of the King's Concessions, continu­ed that Debate till past Midnight; the Facti­ous Party, and the Creatures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples, mul­tiplying Cavils, and by tedious harangues wasting the time, that the more Just Party, which consisted most of Gentlemen of For­tunes, not accustomed to such Watchings and Fastings, might be wearied out, and leave them to their own Resolves: and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night. Among the [Page 189]rest, Sir Henry Vane, (who was born to dis­quiet the world, and to be a firebrand of Communities, yet still carrying his designs of Confusion under a feigned meekness and sim­plicity of the Gospel) This Man in the Isle of Wight had perswaded the King not to be pro­digal in His Concessions; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask, or Him to grant, and undertook to make it evi­dent to the whole world: yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously inveigh against the Concessions, as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruine the Parliament and Common-wealth. Yet at last, notwith­standing those Terrours without, and Trou­bles within, the House came to this Resolve, that The Kings Concessions were a sufficient ground for Peace. Which was carried by Two Hundred Voices, and there were scarce Sixty Dissenters.

The next day the same Resolve was passed by the Lords in the very same terms, not one dissenting. Who immediately adjourned for a week, to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend it self after so generous an opposition. And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote. This free and publick detestation of the Crime, that was designed, did extremely [Page 190]enrage the Projectors of it, and the Demo­cratick Party in the House mingled Threat­nings with their Advices. For One of the Chiefs of the Faction could not forbear to assure them, that If they continued in this their Resolve, they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again. Which accordingly was executed: for the next day they were to meet there, the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons, who strictly keeping all the Avenues thereto, that none might enter without their Licence, laid hold upon Forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Re­solution; they denied admission to One hun­dred and fifty more, and suffered none to en­ter of whose servile compliance they were not well assured. Some that had escaped their observation, and got into the House, by tickets, as from Friends or Servants, they in­vite forth; whom being once without doors they violently force away, while they in vain pleaded the Privileges of Parliament.

The imprisoned Members they vex and tor­ture with great Indignities, exposing them to the mockeries and insolencies of the Com­mon Souldiers: although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies, Brigades and Regiments in the Par­liament's [Page 191]cause against the King; and o­thers that had been most importunate asser­tors of their first injustice to their Prince. ‘Those that beheld these vicissitudes won­dred, and acknowledged the just Judg­ment of God, that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign by the ministry of their own more vile and mer­cenary Souldiers, and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King; the very same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them: for both equally pretended to a Necessity of Reformation, and Self-preservation. O­thers were inquisitive for the faith of these men, who taking up Arms for the Sacred Privileges of Parliament, had now left no­thing but the Walls of that House.’ For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parliament, being scarce the eighth part of that Convention, and not much above Forty in all, and those the re­proach of that Assembly. For befides those that were violently excluded, others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there with­drew themselves to their own homes. And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion, Justice and Li­berty, had hitherto been of the Faction, yet [Page 192]now awakened by those clamorous Crime forsook their bloody Confederacy.

Yet did not this contemptible Number, of which in most Votes there were Twenty Dis­senters, blush to assume the Authority of ma­naging the weightiest Affairs of the English Empire, to alter and change the Government, to expose His Majesty to a violent Murther, and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army, they communicated counsels with them; and what­soever was resolved at the Council of War, passed into a Law by the Votes of this Infa­mous Remnant of the House of Commons, who now served the Souldiers in hopes of part of the Spoil, and a precarious Greatness, which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting. In order therefore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addres­ses to the King; (which had at first but surrep­titiously, and by base practices passed, and had been afterwards Repealed by a full House.) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King, and of the Satisfactoriness of His Concessions, with scorn they rased out of the Journal-Book, And then proceeded to Vote,

• 1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power.
• [Page 193]2. That the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, being Chosen by, and Represent­ing the People, have the Supreme Authority of this Nation.
• 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament (by which they understood themselves) hath the force of a Law.
• 4. That all the People of this Nation are con­cluded thereby, although the Consent and Concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto.
• 5. That to raise Arms against the People's Repre­sentative or Parliament, and to make War upon them, is High Treason.
• 6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament, and on that account is guilty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War, and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood.

‘Those that were less affected with the common Fears and Miseries could not tem­per their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers, that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes; that in one [Page 194]breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy, and in the next rob the People to invest themselves. And (it is said that) even Cromwell (who intended to ruine our Liberty,) was ashamed, and scorned their so ready Slavery, and after­wards did swear at the Table of an Inde­pendent Lord, that he knew them to be Rascals, and he would so serve them. Others of more melancholy Complexions, considering the baseness of these servile Tyrants, and the humours of their barbarous Masters the Souldiers, all whose inhumanities they were to establish by a Law; and that Power got­ten by Wickedness cannot be used with the Modesty that is fit for Just Magistrates; just­ly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty, so under these men they were to be overwhelmed in the depth of Slavery: and that these Votes which overturned the very Foundation of our Laws, could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety, and our lasting Bon­dage, which came so to pass.’

For in their next Consultations they Con­stitute a Tribunal to Sentence their Sovereign (which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People) of the most abject Subjects; and to procure a Reverence to the Vilest of men, [Page 195]they give it the specious name of The High Court of Justice. For which they appoint One hundred and fifty Judges (that the Num­ber might seem to represent the whole Multi­tude) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction: To whom they give a Power of Citing, Hearing, Judging and Punishing CHARLES STƲART King of Eng­land. To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House, and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army (who having confederated against His Ma­jesty, and publickly required His Blood, could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges) and Mem­bers of the Lower House, who were most violent against Monarchy, and indeed all Government wherein themselves had no share. The rest were Persons pick'd out of the Ci­ty of London and Suburbs thereof, who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts.

‘Those that surveyed the List, and knew the Men, deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice, and proper Instruments for any wicked undertaking; for of these Judges one or two were Coblers, others Brewers, one a Goldsmith, and many of them Mechanicks. Such among them as [Page 196]were descended of Ancient Families, were men of so mean worth, that they were on­ly like the Statues of their Ancestors, had nothing but their Names to make them known unto the World. Some of them were Spend-thrifts, Bankrupts, (such as could be neither safe nor free, unless the Kingdom were in Bondage) and most no­torious Adulterers, whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse, Cowardly, and Base in Spirit, Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels, and those Parts that can­not honestly be named were most dishonest. One of them was accused of a Rape; Ano­ther had published a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity. Some of them could not hope to get impunity for their Oppressions of the Country and Ex­pilations of the publick Treasure, but by their Minstry to this Murther. Others could not promise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Iniquity. Yet all these by the Faction were inrolled in the Register of Saints, though fitter to stand as Malefactors at the Bar, tha [...] to sit upon Seats of Judgment. And notwith­standing their diligent search for such a Num­ber of men, who would not blush at nor fear any guilt, some of those whom they had named, in abhorrency of the Impiety, refu­sed [Page 197]to sit; and some that did, yet met there in hopes of disturbing their Counsels.’

All this while the House of Peers were not Consulted, and it was commonly supposed that most of them terrified with those Prepa­rations against the King (the only defence of the Nobless against the Popular Envie) would ab­sent themselves from that House, except four or five that were the Darlings of the Facti­on; and they deemed the Names and Com­pliance of those few were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also; for some of the Peers did constantly meet, and on that day wherein the Bill for Tryal of the King was carried up to that House, there were Seventeen then present (a greater Num­ber than usual,) who all Unanimously (even the Democratick Lords not dissenting) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal. This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction, that they meditated a severe revenge, and for the present blotted out those Peers, whose Names they had before put into their Ordi­nance, to make their Court more splendid. After this they did also rase out the names of the Judges of the Land; for they being private­ly Consulted concerning these Proceedings a­gainst the King, (although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Facti­on, [Page 198]yet) answered, that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England, that the King should be brought to Tryal.

To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with, they use two other artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party. First, they bring from Hertfordshire a Woman (some say a Witch) who said, that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Army's Proceedings. Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with Thanks, as being very seasonable, and com­ing from an humble Spirit. A second was the Agreement of the People, which was a Module of a Democratical Polity, wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great di­stance from Government, had their hope raised to a share of it, if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction, which was the Person and Life of the King. This was present­ed to the House of Commons by Sir Hard [...] Waller and sixteen other Officers, as a tem­porary remedy; for when they had perpet [...] ­ted their Impiety, they discountenanced and fiercely prosecuted those that endeavoured it.

In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power, notwithstanding all these Pub­lick Abhorrencies and detestations by all Per­sons of Honour and Knowledge, they Ena [...] ­ed [Page 199]their Bill. And for President of this Court, they chose one of the Number, John Brad­shaw; ‘A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment. A Monster of Im­pudence, and a most fierce Prosecuter of evil purposes. Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law: but of so virulent and petulant a Language, that he knew no measure of mo­desty in Speaking; and was therefore more often bribed to be silent, than fee'd to main­tain a Client's Cause. His Vices had made him penurious, and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable under­taking.’ They also had a Sollicitor of the same Metal, John Cooke, ‘A needy man, who by various Arts, and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence, yet still so poor, that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid corners to a­void the Prison. So that vexed with a te­dious Poverty, he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment, which at the first mention he did profess to abhor.’ These were their Chief Agents: other infe­riour Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments, as Dori­slaus a German Bandito, who was to draw up the Charge; Steele, another of their Counsel, under pretence of sickness covered [Page 200]his fear of the Event, though he did not ab­hor the wickedness of the Enterprise, having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust, and relating to this, the Murther of Captain Burleigh. The Serjeants, Clerks and Cryer were so obscure, that the world had never taken notice of them, but by their subservi­ency to this Impiety.

These were the Publick Preparations; [...] private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings, and the Matter o [...] their Accusation. Concerning the first, they were divided in Opinions. Some would have the King first formally degraded and devest­ed of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty, and then as a private person ex­posed to Justice. But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project, which, as all horrid acts was to be done in a present fury, lest good Counsels might gather strength by their De­lay. Others rejected this course as too evi­dently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sovereign Princes, and they feared re­confirm that common Suspicion, that they followed Jesuitical Counsels (whose Societ [...] (it is reported) upon the King's offering [...] give all possible Security against the Corrup­tions of the Church of Rome, at a Council [...] theirs did decree to use their whole Intere [...] [Page 201]and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death.) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe, because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the As­sertors of this Violence on His Majesty, were but gleanings from Popish Writers. These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who, designing a Tyrannical Oli­garchy, whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government, would have the King proceeded against as King, that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty, and with Him murther Monarchy. For several of them did confess, that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King, and because the Excellency of His Parts, and Eminent Vertues, together with the Rights of His Birth, would not suf­fer Him to be a private Person.

In their second Debate about the Matter of Accusation, all willingly embraced the Ad­vice of Harrison (who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell, and though now his Cre­ature, yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times) to blacken Him as much as they could; yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name. For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King, had been so publickly refuted, that [Page 202]they could afford no colour for His Murther. Therefore they formed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was, that He had levied War against the Parliament; that He had ap­peared in Arms in several places, and did there proclaim War, and executed it by killing several of the Good People; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and an implacable Common Enemy. ‘This Charge, in the Judgment of Considering men, ar­gued a greater guilt in those that prosecu­ted it than in Him against whom it was form­ed: for they seemed less sensible of the in­stability and infirmities of humane Nature, than those that had none but her light to make them generous, for such never re­proached their conquered Enemies with their Victory; but these men would mur­ther their own Prince, against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhap­py issues of a War, which leaves the Conquer­ed the only Criminal, while the names of Ju­stice and Goodness are the spoils of the Con­querour. How false those Imputations of Ty­ranny, Treason and Murther were, was suffici­ently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign; where­in it was judged, that if in any thing He had declined from the safest Arts of Empire, it was in the neglect of a just Severity on [Page 203]Seditious persons whom the Laws had condemned to die. And in the War it was known how often His Lenity had clip­ped the wings of Victory. But it ap­peared that these men, as they had broken all Rights of Peace, so they would also those of Conquest, and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save.’

How little credit their Accusation found, appeared by the endeavours of all Parties to preserve the King's Person from Danger, and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus engaged to perpe­trate their intended Mischiefs, all Parties de­clare against it. The Presbyterian Ministers, almost all those of London, and very many out of the several Counties, and some, though few, also of the Independents, did in their Sermons and Conferences, as also by Monitory Let­ters, Petitions, Protestations and Remon­strances, publickly divulged, adjure the As­sassinates not to draw so great a guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murther. For it was contrary to those numerous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths; to the Publick and Private Faith, which was ex­prest in their Protestations and many Declarati­ons; to the Laws of the Land, those of Nature, and Nations, and the Commands of Scripture. That is was to the dishonour of our Religion, [Page 204]and against the publick good of the Kingdom. But all was fruitless, for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Faction so long, till they needed not their Assistance, and despised their admonitions: Besides, the very same Principles they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces, and made use of against them to adjust the Murther. The People also contemned them for their short-sightedness, in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men, and in such practices as must of ne­cessity at last ruine them and all Ministers, as well as the King and Bishops.

The Scots also by their Commissioners de­clare and protest against it. The States of Hol­land by their Ambassadors (if they were faith­ful in their trust) did intercede, and depre­cate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest. Some of the most eminent of the Nobility, as the Earl of Southampton, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Hertford, the Earl of Lindsey, and others, neglect no ways, either by Prayers or Ransom, to save the King. Yea, they offered themselves, as being the prime Ministers of the King's Commands, as Hostages for Him, and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood, to suffer in His stead for whatsoever He had done amiss. The Prince pi­ously assaies all ways and means to deliver His [Page 205]Father from the danger. For besides the States Ambassadours (whom He had procu­red) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred, Relations, and Allies of Cromwell, Ireton, and the other Conspirators, with full power to propose any Conditions, make any Promises, and use all Threatnings to divert them, if it were possi­ble, from their intended Cruelty, or at least to gain some time before the Execution. But all was in vain, for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires: their Am­bition (that is more impetuous than all other affections) had swallowed the hopes of Em­pire; therefore they would remove the King to enthrone themselves. Some thought that their despair of Pardon had hardened them to a greater Inhumanity, for if after all these attempts they continued the King's Life, they must beg their own; which they knew Justice would not, and they resolved Mercy should not give; for this is reckoned among the benefits which we hate to receive, and Men are usually ashamed to confess they deserved death.

Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel, they publickly pretended no other Motive than the Calls and Ducts of Provi­dence, and the Impulses of the Blessed Spirit. [Page 206]To carry on this Cheat, Hugh Peters ( ‘the Pulpit-Buffoon, of a luxuriant Speech, skill'd to move the Rabble by mimical Ge­stures, Impudent, and Prodigal of his own and others fame, Ignominious from his Youth, for then suffering the contumely of Discipline, being publickly whipt, at Cam­bridge, he was ever after an Enemy to Go­vernment, and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries) preaches before these fictitious Judges upon that Text,’ Psal. 149.8. To bind their Kings in chains, and their Nobles in fetters of Iron. He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them, that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture, that they should judge the Kings of the Earth, often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges. Then he professed, that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny, that there were in the Army 5000 Saints, no less holy than those that now in Heaven conversed with God. After­wards kneeling in his Pulpit, weeping and lifting up his hands, he earnestly begs them in the name of the People of England, that they would execute Justice upon that Wretch CHARLES, and would not let Benhadad escape in Safety. Then he inveighs against Monarchy, and wrests the Parable of Jotham to his purpose, wherein when the Trees would chuse a King, the Vine and the Olive refused [Page 207]the Dignity, but the Bramble received the Empire, and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble. And all the while of contriving and executing this Murther he preached to the Souldiers, and in some places about the City, bitterly and contemptuously railing a­gainst the King. Others also of the Congre­gational perswasion acted their parts in this Tragedy, but more closely, and not so much in the face of the Sun.

The Conspirators taking heat from their infamous Preachers, whom they themselves had first kindled, and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applications from all Parties to save the King, and the Universal Discontents, might take some advantage from their delay, with more speed hasten the Assas­sination. In order to which they send a Ser­jeant of Arms with a guard of Horse (lest the People should stone him for his Employment) into Westminster-Hall, and other places in London, to summon all that could lay any crime to the King 's charge, to come, and give in their evidence against Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes, and dress'd up a Tri­bunal at the upper end of Westminster-Hall, with all the shapes of terrour, where the Pre­sident with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed, thither afterwards they bring this most Excellent Monarch, whom having [Page 208]despoiled of three Great Kingdoms, they now determined also to deprive of Life.

Into which Scene the King enter'd with a generous Miene, shewing no signs of discom­posure, nor any thing beneath His former Majesty; but as if He were to combate for Glory the Monsters of Mankind, He undaun­tedly took the Seat which was set for Him, with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges, and with pity upon the People, who croud­ing in (the great Gates of the Hall being flung open) did bewail in Him the frailty of our Humane condition, whose highest Greatness hath no Security: A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger.

He being set, the Charge against Him was read, with all those reproachful terms of Ty­rant, Traitor and Murtherer; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England. This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impatience and De­testation of all, and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax, Wife of the Lord Fair­faix, who by this act shewed her self worthy of her Extract from the Noble Family of the Veres; for from an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood, she cryed out with a loud voice (but not without danger) that It was a Lie, not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of [Page 209]such a Crime, but all was done by the Machina­tions of that Traitor Cromwell.

But the King after the Charge was read with a countenance full of Majesty and Gra­vity, demands by what Authority they pro­ceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith, and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign. Bradshaw replying, that of the Parliament; His Ma­jesty shewed the detestable Falshood in pre­tending to what they had not, and if they had it, yet it could not justifie these Practices. To which reply when they could not answer, they force Him back to the place of His Cap­tivity.

The Magnanimity of the King in this days contest with these inhumane Butchers, did much satisfie the People, and they were glad (while they thought not of His Danger) that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies; that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself, and had preserved the Fame of His Vertues even in so great Adversities. For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to. The Parricides sought to break His Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges, and often exposing Him to the contempt of the [Page 210]armed Rabble; therefore four days they tor­ture Him with the Impudence and Reproache [...] of their Infamous Sollicitor and President. But He still refused to own their Authority, which they could not prove lawful, and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety, that He made Col. Downes, one of their Court, to boggle at, and disturb their Proceedings. They therefore at last proceed­ed to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour, and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign, Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany, but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint.

At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a Phanatick and base Rabble, instigated by Peters and other Instructors of Villany, could invent and commit. And He suffer'd many things so con­formable to Christ His King, as did alleviate the sense of them in Him, and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Cha­rity. When the barbarous Souldiers cryed out at His departure, Justice, Justice, Execu­tion, Execution, as those deceived Jews did once to their KING, Crucifie Him, Crucifie Him; this Prince, in imitation of that most Holy King, pitied their blind fury, and said, [Page 211] Poor Souls! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders. As He pas­sed along, some in defiance spit upon His Gar­ments, and one or two (as it was reported by an Officer of theirs, who was one of their Court, and praised it as an evidence of His Souldiers Gallantry, while others were stupi­fied with their prodigious baseness) polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle: the Good King, reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master, wiped it off, saying, My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me. Into his very face they blowed their stinking Tobacco, which they knew was very distaste­ful to Him; and in the way where He was to go, just at His feet, they flung down pieces of their nasty pipes. And as they had devest­ed themselves of all humanity, so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Re­verence or Pity to Him as He passed. (For no honest Spirit could be so forgetful of humane frailty, as not to be troubled at such a sight; to see a Great and Just King, the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms, now forced from His Throne, and led captive through the streets.) Such as pull'd off their Hats, or bowed to Him, they beat with their Fists and Weapons, and knock'd down one dead but for crying out, God be merciful unto Him.

When they had brought Him to His Cham­ber, [Page 212]even there they suffered Him not to rest, but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy Tobacco, they permitted Him no privacy to Prayer and Meditation. Thus through vari­ety of Tortures did the King pass this day, and by His Patience wearied His Torment­ors: nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him, though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes, and these were such as might have forced passion from the best-tempered meekness, had it not been strengthned with assistance from Heaven. In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army, of the King's de­sire, that seeing His death was nigh, it might be permitted Him to see His Children, and to receive the Sacrament, and that Doctor Jux­on, then Lord Bishop of London, (now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber. The first they did not scruple at, the Children in their power being but two, the Lady Eliza­beth and the Duke of Glocester, and they very young. The second they did not readily grant. Some would have had Peters to un­dertake that employment for which the Bi­shop was sent for: But he declined it with some Scoffs, as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon. So that at last they permitted the Bishops ac­cess [Page 213]to the King, to whom his eminent Inte­grity had made him dear. For with so won­derful a prudence and uprightness he had ma­naged the envious Office of the Treasury, that that accusing age, especially of Church-men, found not matter for any impeachment, nor ground for the least reproach.

The next day being Sunday, the King was removed to S. James's, where the Bishop of London read Divine Service, and preached before Him in private on these words, In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel. While the King and the Bishop at this time, and also at other times, were performing the Divine Service, the rude Souldiers often rushed in, and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs, vain and frivolous Questions. The Commanders likewise, and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations, who came to tempt and try Him, and pro­voke Him, to some unnecessary disputations. But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments, that He put some to silence, the petulancy of others He neglect­ed, and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches. In the narrow space of this one day, and under so continu­ed Affronts and Disturbances, the King (whose whole Soul was totally composed to [Page 214]Religion,) applyed Himself, as much as was possible, to the Reading Holy Scriptures, to Prayer, Confession of Sins, Supplications for the forgiveness of His Enemies, the receiving the Eucharist, holy Conferences, and all the Offices of Piety: so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men, He laboured for the Mer­cy of God, and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death.

While the King thus spent this day, the Mi­nisters in the several Churches in London, and in those parts of the Kingdom where His danger was known, were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Deliverance and Spiri­tual Assistance. ‘Some of them in their Ser­mons declared the horrour of that sin that was about to be committed, detested the Im­piety of the Parricides, and denounced the heavy Judgments which such a sinful Nati­on polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect. The Congregations were dissol­ved into Tears. Some bewailed the sad Con­dition of the King, as the effect of the Sins of the Nation. Others cursed their dam­nable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just Man, and the promises of Liberty by their Impostors. And another sort wept, because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them. And every one found matter [Page 215]of grief, fear, and indignation in the loss of so Excellent a Prince. All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment, there was no Tumults nor any Quiet, every one list­ning and hearkning, either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery, or greedy to receive some hopes of Comfort in their Sovereign's Safety; otherwise there was a stilness like that which too strong Passions effect, and might be thought a Stu­pidity rather than a Calmness.’

The next day, being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children. His conference and words with them was taken in writing and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter, a Lady of most eminent Endowments; who though born in the supremest Fortune, yet lived in continual Tears, the passages of her Life be­ing spent in beholding the Ruines of her Fa­mily, and the Murther of her dear Father, whom she not long survived, but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty, in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight.

While these things were done in publick, the Conspirators meet in private in a Commit­tee, to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy, determine what Gestures they were [Page 216]to affect, what Words they were to use, as also for the manner, place and time of the Murther. In which Consultations, both now and before the Sentence, each one according to the bloodiness of his temperament, or ser­vilely to flatter Cromwell, by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition, did propose several ways either of contempt or hatred in killing their sentenced, yet anointed, Sovereign. Some would have His Head and Quarters fastned upon Poles (as it is usual with Traitors) that the marks of their Cruel­ty might out-last His Death. Others would have Him hanged, as they punished Thieves and Murtherers. Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habiliments with His Crown, and in His Robes, that it might be a Triumph of the Peoples power over Kings.

At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroak of an Axe on a Scaffold near White Hall Gates before the Banqueting House, that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne, and shew the Splendour of Majesty, He might pass to His Grave; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty, and laying them down as Spoils, where He had before used them as the Orna­ments of Empire. Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice Ingenious, and provided [Page 217]Triumphs for their revenge. And because they suspected, or were informed, that as the King had not owned their Authority, so He would not submit to their Execution, nor willingly stoop to the Block, they caused to be fastned in it some Iron Staples and Rings, that by them with Cords they might draw Him down, if He would not comply. But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhu­manity; and He died disowning their Au­thority, though He could not escape their Power.

In the midst of these Preparations, they cause some Souldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions, to which if He would subscribe, they promise Life, and the continuance of a precarious Empire: either out of a Terrour and Fear of the con­sequents of their Impieties; for the confi­dence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a sollicitude when they come to be acted: or out of Design to ruine His Con­science and Honour, together with His mor­tal Life, if He should consent. But when one or two of them had been read to Him, He refused to hear any more, saying, I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so prosti­tute my Honour, or betray the Liberties of my People. Thus mindful of Justice, He would not deface the Splendour of His former [Page 218]Vertues with a too impotent desire of Lise [...]

At last that Fatal Day, Jan. 30. approach­ed: and that morning, a little before H [...] Death, the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers, viz. Marshal, Nye, Caryl, Sol­way and Dell, to pray with Him, as they said, in order to His passage out of this Life; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming, He returned answer that He was busie: they sent a second time and He re­plyed that He was at His Devotions: they importunately sent a third time, and my Lord of London then desiring to know what an­swer he should give to satisfie them; His Ma­jesty then as unconcerned in their Ministery said, My Lord, you may give them what answer you please, but I am resolved, that they who have so often and so causelesly prayed against Me, sha [...] not in this My Agony pray with Me, they may pray for Me if they please. Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devoti­ons in the [...] of the Church of England, in them found an unexpected Comfort; for the Gospel for that Day being the History of the Passion of our Saviour, did by that Ex­ample strengthen the King to follow Jesus, and to take up His Cross; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern. Being thus confirmed by the Blood (for He took the Sacrament that Morning) and sufferings of [Page 219]His LORD (whose Vicegerent He was) toge­ther with His own Innocency, against the Ter­rors of Death, He was brought from S. James's through the Park to White-Hall, walking very fast, and with as chearful a Countenance as if He were going to Hunting, (a Recrea­tion He was much pleased with,) often advi­sing His slow Guards to move faster, adding, I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less sollicitude than I formerly have led My Souldiers for an Earthly Diadem. And being come to the end of the Park, He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall, and so into the Cabinet-Chamber, where He continued some time in Devotion, while they were fit­ting the Theatre of His Murther

While these things were acting, the Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any pub­lick appearance in the practices of this Mur­ther, had taken up (as is credibly reported) some Resolutions, (either in abhorrency of the Crime, or by the Solicitations of others) with his own Regiment, though none else should follow him, to hinder the Execution. This being suspected or known, Cromwell, Ire­ton and Harrison coming to him, after their usual way of deceiving, endeavoured to per­swade him, that the LORD had rejected the King, and with such like Language as they [Page 220]knew had formerly prevailed upon him, con­cealing that they had that very morning sign­ed he Warrant for the Assassination; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD by Prayer, that they might know his mind in the thing. Which he assenting to, Harrison was appointed for the Duty, and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphemous Dis­course to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution, which they privately sent to their Instruments to hasten; of which when they had notice that it was past, they rose up, and perswaded the General that this was a full return of Prayer, and God having so manifested his pleasure, they were to acqui­esce in it. There was likewise another at­tempt made by Col. Downes, who had di­sturbed them in their Court, to obstruct them in their Execution; for it is said, that he en­deavoured to make a Mutiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness, but the hast of the Assassinates prevented him.

While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers, to the lasting reproach of Chri­stianity, the King, after He had finished His Supplications, was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold, which was dress'd to terrour, for it was all hung with Black, where were attending two Executi­oners in Disguises, and the Axe and the Block [Page 221]prepared. But it prevailed not to affright Him whose Soul was already panting after another Life. And therefore He entred this ignominious and gastly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne, shewing no fear of death, but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking about He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and about the Scaffold, that the People could not come near Him, and those that saw could not be Hearers; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spoken to the People, He spoke to the Offi­cers, and those that were then about Him, that which is now printed among His Works.

Having ended His Speech, He declared His Profession of Religion; and while He was preparing for the Block, He expressed what were His Hopes (for all the Righteous have such) in Death, saying, I have a good Cause and a Gracious God on my side; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world. After this composing Himself to an Address to God, having His Eyes and Hands like forerunners lifted up to Heaven, and expres­sing some short and private Ejaculations, He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer, and meekly submitted His Crowned [Page 222]Head to the pleasure of His God, to be pro­faned by the Axe of the disguised Executioner [...] which was suddenly severed from His Body by one strong stroke. So fell CHARLES the First, and with Him expired the Glory an [...] Liberty of Three Nations.

Thus the King finished His Martyrdom but His Enemies not their Malice, who ex­tended their Cruelty beyond His Life, and abused the Headless Trunk. Some washed their hands in the Royal Blood, others di [...] their staves in it; and that they might indulge their insatiate Covetousness as well as their boundless Inhumanity, they sold the chips of the Block, and the sands that were disco­loured with His Blood, and exposed His very Hairs to sale: which the Spectators purcha­sed for different uses. Some did it to pre­serve the Reliques of so Glorious a Prince, whom they so dearly loved. Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that disease which our English Kings (through the Indulgence of Heaven) by Their touch did usually heal: and it was reported that these Reliques experienced failed not of the effect. And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophees of their hatred to their Lawful Sovereign. Cromwell, that he might feed his eyes with Cruelty, and satisfie his sollicitous Ambition, which aspired at Mo­narchy [Page 223]when the Lawful King was destroyed, curiously surveyed the murthered Carcass when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall, and to assure himself the King was quite dead, with his fingers searched the wound, whether the Head were fully severed from the body or no.

Afterwards they delivered the body to be unbowelled to an infamous Empirick of the Faction, together with the rude Chirurgions of the Army (not permitting the King's own Physicians to this Office) who were all most implacable enemies to His Majesty, and com­manded them to search (which was as much as to bid them so report) whether they could not find in it Symptomes of the French disease, or some evidences of Frigidity, and natural impo­tency: that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity; or to make His Seed infamous. But this wicked design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill, who intruding himself among them at the Dissection, by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their Opprobrious Masters. And the same Physician also publish­ed that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men. And as His Soul was fitted by Heroick Virtues to Eternity, so His Body by a [Page 224]Temperament almost ad pondus made as ne [...] an approach to it as the present Condition [...] Mortality would permit.

Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny with more Impudence and Rancor they us [...] other ways to make Him odious, and rase the Love of Him out of the People's heart [...] They conclude from the outward unhappi­nesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him; and with the same Confidence as they inrolled themselves in the List o [...] the Saints, and entred their own names in the Book of Life, they blotted His out, and placed Him in some of the dark and com­fortless Cells of the damned: and they com­monly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief, that i [...] was impossible for Him or any of His party to be saved.

Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul, they endeavour likewise to murther His Memory. For they pull'd down His Sta­tue which was placed at the West end of S. Paul's Church, and that other in the Old Ex­change, and leaving the Arch void, they writ over, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus. But the Providence of God hath shewed them to be not only deceivers, but also deceived. For that Just Prince hath of His own Seed to sit [Page 225]upon His Throne. And Posterity shall won­der at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men, that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Successors to shew the Power of their Malice, but in a solid Ver­tue, which flourisheth by Age, and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years, when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a Violent Envy, and the Ruines of Time.

Besides this they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and most lasting Statues, His Writings, and therefore force from My Lord of London, whom they kept prisoner, all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him, and make a most nar­row search of his Cloaths and Cabinets, lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wis­dom should escape to the Benefit of Man­kind. Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Al­mighty God, to their eternal infamy, and for a perpetual Record of the King's great Ver­tues, there escaped their Search, and was pub­lished to the World, The Book of His Medi­tations and Soliloquies. In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to admire most, either His incredible Pru­dence, His ardent Piety, or His Majestick and [Page 226]truly Royal Style. Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions, and were so full of the Piety and Elegancy of David's Psalms, that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit.

His very Assassinates confessed the good­ness of the Book, though they were asham­ed He whom they had murthered should be the Author. For Bradshaw in his Examina­tion of Royston who Printed it, asked him, How he could think so bad a man (for such would that Monster have this Excellent Prince thought to be) could write so good a Book. Therefore they laboured by all ways and means to suppress it, as the greatest wit­ness against them to Posterity, and which would make them odious in all Generations. For the Blood of the Holy, Wise and Eloquent, leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spill'd it; because no man reads their Works, but they curse those cruel hands which cut the veins and stopp'd the streams of so much Good­ness; and we esteem them harbarous and inhu­mane Monsters who did not Reverence the Per­sons of those whose Writings we admire.

But their fury became ridiculous, while they thought by their present power to cor­rupt His Memory, and take off the admirati­on [Page 227]of the following Ages; for the more they hindred the Publication, the more earnestly it was sought after: yet they endeavoured it another way, and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Author of it. Espe­cially one base Scribe, naturally fitted to com­pose Satyres and invent Reproaches, who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets, and so approv­ed himself as fit for their service. This man they encouraged (by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the Office of a Secreta­ry) to write that Scandalous Book [...], (an Invective against the King's Medita­tions) and to answer the learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First. But all was in vain, for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Meditations, and drew those Letters which the Faction had published for His. Others, that were not able to satisfie themselves by such a Censure, were assured of it by the Relations of Colonel Hammond that was His Keeper, who did attest to several Persons that he saw them in the King's hand, heard Him read them, and did see Him to correct them in his presence. The Arch-Bi­shop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with, that he was employed by a Command from the King to get some of [Page 228]them out of the hands of the Faction, for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby. And Royston that Printed them did testifie to those that enquired of him, that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death; to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him, which were these, toge­ther with a design for a Picture before the Book; which at first was Three Crowns in­dented on a Wreath of Thorns, but after­wards the King recalled that, and sent that other which is now before His Book. Thus these several Testimonies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers, and made their endeavours as contemptible as themselves were hateful.

While the Parricides were seeking for fresh Occasions to express their Malice, the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and La­mentation; for never any King, not only of the English, but of whatsoever Throne, had His death lamented with greater Sorrows, nor left the World with a higher regret of the People. When the news of His Death was divulged, Women with Child for grief cast forth the untimely Fruit of their Womb, like Her that fell in Travel when the Glory was departed from Israel. Others, both Men and Women, fell into Convulsions and swound­ing Fits, and contracted so deep a Melancholy [Page 229]as attended them to the Grave. Some un­mindful of themselves, as though they could not, or would not, live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered, (it is reported) sud­denly fell down dead. The Pulpits were like­wise bedewed with unsuborned Tears; and some of those to whom the living King was for Episcopacie's sake less acceptable, yet now bewailed the loss of Him when dead. Children (who usually seem unconcerned in publick Calamities) were also affected with the news, and became so prodigal of their Tears, that for some time they refused comfort; even some of those who sat as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was spilt. Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the me­mory of His Vertues, to express their own Griefs, and to instruct the Mournings of o­thers; and their Passions made them above their usual Strain more elegant. Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour, and divulged the base Arts of His Enemies, even while their Power was dreadful.

Men of all Sorts, Degrees and Sects (there being none among which He had not some Admirers) then freely and without Envy re­counted His several Vertues, which now ap­peared as great as Mortality refined by Indu­stry [Page 230]was capable of. For though Prosperity makes the Severest tryals of Vertues, yet Ad­versity renders them most Orient. As the night best acquaints us with the Splendor of the Stars.

That which first challenged their Wonder, was the Composure and Incli­nation of His Soul to Religi­on, His Majesties Religion. which He used not as an Artifice of Empire, but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast; for He never affected a Magnifick Piety nor a Pompous Vertue, but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who reward­eth openly. All His Offices in this were, like His Fortune, far above those of other men; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised, that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Majesty He did adore, and as in an Ecstasie to have left His senses without its Adsistency. An instance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham, the news of whose Murther be­ing whispered to the King while He was at Prayers, He took no notice of it (although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparati­ons for a great Design) till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven, and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to at­tend [Page 231]the Cares of that on Earth. This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devoti­on, that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches, slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it; which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards, as also the Consideration of His Condition, did evince to be false, and that the King neither hated him, nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown, and have obliged the People by permitting their fury to pass upon him.

Besides, His Majesty's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate, that nothing but a Principle of Holiness, which is always uniform, both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances, to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure, from which no les­ser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion. In the morning before He went to Hunting (His beloved Sport) the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Mi­nistery: and when He was at Brainford a­mong the Noise of Arms, and near the As­saults of His Enemies, He caused the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service, before He provided for Safety, or [Page 232]attempted at Victory; and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven, and then after­wards repel the Malice of men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His con­stant Devotions in His Closet; and no Arti­fice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions, as the Permission of the Ministery of His Chap­lains in the Worship of God, a mercy He va­lued, to some of His Servants, above that of enjoying. Wife and Children.

At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention (that His Enemies which hated, yet did even admire Him in it,) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was, or a new Charter for a larger Empire: and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises, that if on Tuesday mornings, on which Days there used to be Sermons at Court, He were at any distance from thence, He would ride hard to be present at the be­ginnings of them.

When the State of His Soul required, He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood. And he never refused to take to Himself the shame of those acts [Page 233]wherein He had transgressed, that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby, and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas, an house of the Earl of Devonshire, on Aug. 1. being Sunday, in the morning before Ser­mon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr. Sheldon (who then attend­ed on Him, and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessor) and drawing out of His Pocket a Paper, commanded him to read it, transcribe it, and so to deliver it to Him a­gain. This Paper contained several Vows, which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker, the advance of true Piety, and the emolument of the Church. And among them this was one, that He would do Publick Penance for the Injustice He had suf­fered to be done to the Earl of Strafford, His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England (though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission, and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament) and to the Church of Scotland: and adjured the Doctor, that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to ob­serve that or any of those Vows, he should solici­tously mind Him of the Obligations, as he dread­ed the guilt of the breach should lie upon his own Soul. This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable [Page 234]humiliation of the good Emperour Theodos [...] for he never bewailed the blood of those seven thousand men which in three hour [...] space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica, till the resolution of S. Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime. But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those offences to which He had been preci­pitated by the Violence of others.

This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God, for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Facul­ties of it. The Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education, as Choice, and He so well understood the Grounds of it, that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth, and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries. His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholick Church, against the Pride and Ig­norance of Schismaticks; yet not to prosti­tute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Ro­man Infallibility and Traditions.

Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with, were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery. From which He was so averse, that He could [Page 235]not forbear in His indearments to the Queen, (when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other, and when He admired and applauded Her affecti­onate Cares for His Honour and Safety) in a Letter, which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused, to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion; for He says, It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Ʋs. Malice made the Slan­derers blind, and they published this Letter to the World, than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King's most secret Thoughts, and Inward Sincerity, nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood. Nor did He only tell the Queen so, but He made Her see it in His Actions. For as soon as His Children were born, it was His first Care to prevent the Satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church. When He was to Die, a time most seasonable to speak Truth, especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble, He declares His Pro­fession in Religion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James.

How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe, was [Page 236]too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fa­thers against His Life and Honour, which the Discovery of Habernefield (to whose relati­ons the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief) brought to light. They were mingled like­wise among the Conspirators, and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him, even after His Death, as were the vi­lest of the Sectaries; which they had never done, could they have imagined Him to be theirs; for His Blood would in their Calen­dar have out-shined the Multitude of their fictitious Saints. For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family, abetted the Usur­pations of the following Tyrant, by impo­sing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government, invented fresh Calumnies for the Son, and obstructed by various Me­thods His return to the Principality, because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father. Although this Ho­nour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion, that their Loyal­ty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome, but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow, and to hasten the Son's Restitution.

He was not satisfied in being Religious as [Page 237]a particular Christian, but would be so as a King, and indeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire. This He assaied by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it, (which is the proper Province of a Magistrate, whose Power reaches but to the Outward man) that so carnal minds if they were not brought to an Obedience, might yet to a Reverence, and if men would not honour, yet they should not despise Religion. This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship, that Comeliness and Decency should be there con­spicuous where the God of Order was to be adored. And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore S. Paul's Church to its primitive strength, and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure. He taught men not to con­temn the Dispensers of the Gospel, because He had so great an esteem for them, admit­ting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels, as the Archbishop of Can­terbury; and the greatest Place of Trust, as the Bishop of London to the Treasury: con­sulting at once the Emolument of Religion, whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magi­strate; and the Benefit of the State, which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully, if any did more prudently, than Church-men.

Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times, yet a necessita­ted would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age; therefore the King, to obstruct all ac­cess of Ruine that way, secured her Patri­mony, and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege, which together with time had devoured a great part of it. His endeavours this way were so strong, that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War; the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Re­bellious practices, and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with Famine. In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth, by His Com­mand and Instructions, retrived very great Possessions, which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seize upon, and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety. In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons; and this way many Cu­rates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality, who before were contemptible in their Ministry, because they were so in their Fortune. His Enemies knew how Invi­olable [Page 239]was the Faith of His Majesty in this, and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands, rather than which He did abandon His Life, and parted sooner with His Blood than them. He used to say, Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church, yet I am resol­ved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone, (alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain, that said so of a Castle that was committed to His trust.) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime, that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry the 8. without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge. He neglected the Advices of His own Party, if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church.

Those Concessions He had made in Scot­land to the prejudice of the Church there, were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God (as appears in His Prayers) and men. For when the Reve­rend Dr. Morley, now Lord Bishop of Win­chester, (whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the In­trigues and Reserves of the Commissioners) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing [Page 240]of Episcopacy here, because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland, and withall told Him what answer he himself had made to them, That perchance the King was abused to those grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James 's Minority a­gainst Bishops was yet unrepealed, and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had; The King Answered, It is true, I was told so, but whenever you hear that urged again, give them this answer, and say, that you had it from the King Himself; That when I did that in Scotland, I sinned against My Conscience, and that I have often repented of it, and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin, and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again.

He was careful of Uniformity, both be­cause He knew the Power of Just and Law­ful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects, who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion; but Tyrants, who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals, work that most effectually by caressing Schisms, and giving a Licence to different Perswasions (as the Usurpers after­wards did:) Besides, He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety, because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a Growth, were all Wasted and [Page 241]Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms. He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity than the Rights of His Throne. For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed Him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed, and used this motive, because it was a small matter; He answered, Though it seem to you a small thing, it is not so to Me: I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown, than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion. Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects, yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts; and what the Example of a King (which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Vertue) could not do, that His Law should, and He would restrain those Vices which He could not ex­tirpate.

Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice; for this was peculiar to His Adversaries, His Ju­stice. who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at, they would fawn and smile on Heaven; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War, who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted [Page 242]to butcher them within their own Fortresses. But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God, but al­so in Justice to Men. He was, as a Magistrate should be, a speaking Law. It was His usual saying, Let Me stand or fall by My own Coun­sels. I will ever, with Job, rather chuse Misery than Sin. He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution. Those Acts of which the Faction made most noise, were de­livered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative. The causes of the Re­venue were as freely debated as private Pleas, and sometimes decreed to be not good; which can never happen under a bad Prince. The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast, wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates, or the loss of their Credit. Every one had both security and safety for His Life, Fortune, and Dignity; and it was not then thought, as af­terwards, to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies. His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law, but Equity overcame His Indulgences. For He knew that Ʋnjust Princes become O­dious to them that made them so. He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examina­tion [Page 243]when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery. He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer, when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight, on whose Estate, being held by Lease from the Crown, that Treasurer had a design; and He secured the Petitioner in his Right. The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most Contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon His weaker Neighbour. In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more, than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power, yet He thought it a Compensation, to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Mo­narchy to have an unjust Instrument, and to secure Posterity from Evil Kings. Al­though He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction, That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill, do likewise fetter Him from doing Good, and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Be­nefit. And that such is the weakness of Huma­nity, that he which is intrusted only to Good, may pervert that Power to the extremest. Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Com­munity to feel nothing in Government be­sides [Page 244]the Advantages of it, but in the Be­nignity of Providence, and the Justice of the Prince, both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him.

Though He was thus in Love with Justice, yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Ri­gour, His Cle­mency. but tempered it with Cle­mency, especially when His Good­ness could possibly find out such an Interpre­tation for the Offence, that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Publick Interest. He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own In­juries, when there was no fear lest His Mer­cy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People. And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation, that He would acquire it in despight of the Malignity of the times. For the Exercise of this Vertue de­pends not only on the temper of the Prince, but the frame of the People must contribute to it; because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed, sharper Methods are required to form Obedience. Yet He was unwilling to cut off, till He had tried by Mercy to amend, even guilty Souls. Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices, by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition, and forfeited to the Law.

Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight (by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies) being attended on by Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond (for they were the earliest in their Duties at that time) a Discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour, wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them. To which the King immediately replyes, I tell thee, Go­vernour, I can forgive them with as good an ap­petite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunt­ing, and that I assure you was not a small one; yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am, for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily. This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy, and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity.

He sooner offered and gave life to His cap­tive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it, and He was spa­ring of that blood of which their fury made them Prodigal. No man fell in battel whom He could save. He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace (and therefore conti­nually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it) than make one triumph a step to [Page 246]another; and though He was passionate to put all in Safety, yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men, and oftner remembred that God had made them His Subjects, than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels. He provided for them while in His Power, and not to let them languish in Prison, sent them by Passer to their own homes, only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sove­reign whom they had felt to be Gracious: for so He used those that were taken at Brain­ford. But yet the Casuist of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith, and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt. Those whom the fury of War had left gasp­ing in the Field, and fainting under their wounds, He commends in His Warrants, (as in that to the Mayor of Newbury) to the care of the Neighbourhood, either tenderly to recover, or decently bury: and His Com­mands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence.

This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous, when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero: the first would kill numbers of Senators to [Page 247]make himself Sport, and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die, because he look'd like a School-master. But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any, His Admonitions were frequent, Cor­rections seldom, but Revenge never. He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders, and then He punish­ed the bad, but yet gave them space to re­pent, and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death, to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him, which Machiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Coun­sels, and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience. He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dissemble, and abhor­red to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lyon. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy; for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies, and la­boured to make His Clemency immortal, by commanding the practice of it to His Son.

None of His Vertues were in the Confines of Vice, and therefore this Admirable Cle­mency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit, His Fortitude. as His De­tractors [Page 248]tractors imputed it, and the Vulgar, who mi­stake Cruelty for Valour, imagined; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power, so the Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude. For this Vertue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious, the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power be. neath that of Heaven. When the Lord R [...]y first acquainted Him with the Conspi [...]y of Ramsey and Hamilton, He was upon I Remove to Theobalds, where the Marques was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber; who having some notice gi­ven him of the Discovery, besought His Ma­jesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence, and return the Treason upon the Accuser. The King answered, that He would therefore make him wait, [...] let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life because He was resolved to sell it so dear. And to make good His Confi­dence, He made him ride alone with His in His Coach to Theobalds, and lie in H [...] Chamber that Night: while the sollicitous Court admired, and even censured, His Magnanimity, for it went beyond His pat­tern, and did more than that Emperour who [Page 249]was stiled the Delight of Mankind, who be­ing informed of a Conspiracy against him, invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula, and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the The­atre; and to give them more advantage for their design, put the swords of the Gladia­tors (under colour of enquiring their judg­ments concerning their sharpness) into their hands, to shew how little dread he had of their fury. But the British Prince's Mag­nanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's, as much as the privacies of a Bed-Chamber, and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Soveraign than a publick Theatre.

As He never provoked War, so He never feared it; and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence, He shew­ed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest: in the success of these, Fortune, the Vanity of an Enemy, and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise, but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory. For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Fa­milies to joyn with Him, that with Cannon [Page 250]out-vied the Number of his Muskets, that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World, and not left Him the command of a Cock-boat, that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues, when He begged for a subsistence; was such a Courage that would have made that Se­nate of Gallant Persons, who were the most competent Judges of Valour, and never cen­sured Vertue by the Success, but thanked their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Commonwealth, when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow, to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES, had His life been an Honour to that Age, or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples. Most men in­deed thought the King's side most glorious, yet they concluded the other more terrible: those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp, but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction, or at least did not oppose them. As He first entred the War, so did He continue in it. His Moderation al­ways moved Him to desire Peace, and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it. His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears, but upon the Treachery and Cove­tousness of some of His Party, who could [Page 251]not endure an Honourable Want: and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him, and He was rather Betrayed than Overcome.

His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune, Arms and Liberty, it be­ing Natural, and not built upon them; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone. For when Whaley, that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army, insolently in­truded into His Presence to hear His Dis­course with a Foreign Minister of State, and being bold in his Power and Office, refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance, the King caned him to an Observance. When the Parricides sent their party of Soldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter, Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him: but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Ma­jesty, with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows. His Spirit al­ways kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies, and of their rudest Injuries would seem unsensible. He told a faithful Servant of His, that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linen and Shirts: But (said He) I scorned to [Page 252]give them that pleasure as to tell them I want­ed. Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Dia­monds, which cannot shake, but only wash it to a greater Brightness.

But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of Men, His Pa­tience. yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty: But with a won­derful Patience (a Vertue not usual with Kings, to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint, and therefore are more restless in Injuries) He did submit to the Will of His eternal Sovereign. He never murmured nor repined at that Pro­vidence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink: But His Meditations still breath the Justice of God and the Holiness of all His ways with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had fitted Him for the Condition he had brought Him unto. For when He marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West, one of them broke in a very narrow Lane, which made Him stop till an intole­rable Showre of Rain came pouring upon Him; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village, His [Page 253]Courtiers offered to hew Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords, but He refused: and when they wondred at it, He lifting up His hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace, said, As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience, so He hath given me Patience to bear My Af­flictions. The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him, nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Temptations to Passion from His own Party; for in a Letter to the Queen, He tells Her that She could not but Pity Him in His Condition as to them: yet He so managed their several Humours, and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness, that they quietly waited for a return of His Fortune.

When He was in His Captivity at Caris­brook under the strictest Restraint, those that attended Him never almost observed Him but chearful and pleasant in His Discourses, and sometimes breaking out into pleasing Reparties and Jests. When in the Treaty at Newport, (where He had occasions of Pas­sion daily administred by the Perverseness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with) one of the Commissioners was importunate [Page 254]with Him for more Concessions and mind­ed Him of His saying, That if there were ano­ther Treaty, it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace: the King answered, It would be so when there was a Treaty, but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty, but He was like the man in the Play, that cryed out he had been in a Fray, and when they asked him what Fray, he replyed there was a Fray and no Fray, for there were but three blows given, and he took them all: So this is a Treaty and not a Treaty, for there be many Concessions, but I have made them all. Ano­ther time, when He met one of the Presby­terian Ministers near His Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus, (who then waited on Him, and had been faithful to Him in that Service) the King told him, He wondred he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy, since he fared so ill in medling with them in his Disputes about Episcopacy the day before. These shewed how free His Soul was, and uncontrolled in the greatest and most displeasing perplexities.

He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross, nay, He scrupled at such expedients as some deemed most con­ducing to His great end. For at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedient, to secure His Conscience [Page 255]and satisfie the Commissioners in the Propo­sitions about the Church, and it being urg­ed by a great and faithful Counsellour, that He must grant what possibly he could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church, for (it was said) her safety depend­ed on His; with a present and pious indig­nation He replyed, Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life, but what I may do with a safe Conscience: God forbid that the Life or Safety of the Church should depend up­on My Life, or upon the Life of any mortal man; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do. Another time, a little after the Treaty was ended, Dr. Morley shew­ing to Him a billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress (who often conveyed much Intelligence) from an Officer of the Army, that the King's Death was resolved on; His Majesty answered, I have done what I can to save My Life without losing of my Soul. I can do, I will do no more: God's will be done.

In the Pomp of His Murther, wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World, Angels and Men, no Tryals were ever greater, nor ever were any better born: the Parricides found it was easie to take away His Life, but impossible His Honour and Patience; His [Page 256]Passions being then so low and quiet, that the natural Infirmity of His Speech did not in the least measure appear, which uses to be most evident in the smallest discomposure of the Spirit. After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His Assassination, and caus­ed Him to be persecuted with all the Indig­nities of the fanatick Souldiers, there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indig­nation, but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the title that was due to them: for when my Lord of London came to Him, (which was not till eight a Clock on Saturday Night,) He told him, My Lord, that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault; but now you are come, because these Rogues pursue My Blood, you and I must con­sult how I may best part with it. Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence; for though all about Him was tumultuous with Horror, Destruction and Contempt, His Soul seemed unconcerned, enjoyed a Calm Serenity, and was full of its own Ma­jesty. This Vertue made Him forget He was a Prince born to Command, and only consider that He was a Christian whose Cal­ling obliges to Suffer.

He had found out a way to Glory by Hu­mility. For the supreme Power, His Humility. to which nothing can be added, [Page 257]hath no better way to encrease, than when secu­red of its own Greatness it humbleth it self. And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing far­ther from Envy and Danger than in Humi­lity. He despised the converse of none, though poor, if honest: He shewed to Sir Philip Warwick (who had much of His Trust and Affections) in the Isle of Wight, a poor ragged Old Man, and told him he was a very honest fellow, and had been His best Company for two months together. He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty, and with them would He mingle Discourses as One of the People: none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty, not Pride in the King, thought it was enough: and He never did contradict any man without this mollifying Preface, By your favour, Sir. His discourse as it was familiar, so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by perfection; for He did not proudly scoff at, but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects. When Doctor Hammond had in some degree lost the Manage of His Voice, His Majesty shewed him his Infirmity, and taught him to amend it; which that Excel­lent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty. When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign [Page 258]travel, He would not let them go without His Instructions, of which this was one, My Lord, Keep alwayes the best Company, and be sure never to be Idle. Thus He would confer the Vertues as well as the Titles of Nobility, He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them, and that that blood might not be tain­ted in them which was honoured in their Ancestors. Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed, as Ty­rants and weak Princes will commend those Vertues which they are afraid of, for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities. Aristotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous; and it is reckoned a­mong the Usurpations of such Monsters, that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gallant. Plato indangered his Life when he conversed with the Sicilian Tyrant, because he was thought to understand more than his Host. It was observed of Cromwell, (by one of his confident Teachers) that in the time of his Tyranny he loved no man that spoke Sense, and had several Artifices to disparage it among his Slaves that attend­ed him; and he would highly extol those Pulpit-Speakers that had most Canting and least Reason. But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excel­lent Persons, and affected to be Great only [Page 259]by being Better; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own.

Of these He always chose the most accom­plished that He knew, to be His Ministers of State and clo­sest Confidents: His Choice of Ministers of State. for as the for­tune of Princes stands in need of many Friends, which are the surest supports of Empire; so He would always seek the Best, and those He thought fittest for His Employments, which a bad or weak King would hate or fear. Therefore He had always the finest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause, and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service: for the Archbishop and Earl of Strafford, that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals, were not guilty e­nough, even by those accusations which they were loaded with, and yet not proved, to receive the Censure of the Law, but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spilling English blood. When some disco­vered their Abilities even by opposing His Counsels, He preferr'd the Publick Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust, or win them to His Friendship; unless He saw them to be such whose Natures were cor­rupted by their Designs, (for He had a most [Page 260]excellent Sagacity in discerning the Spirits of men) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Religion to some base ends (the injuries of which He could never neglect:) and such He neither con­ceived Honourable in a Court, nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Community. Among these Purchaces were reckoned the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Lord Falkland, and others now living, whose Perfections honoured His Judgment, and justified His Choice.

He had no Favorite, as a Minister of Plea­sures, to gratifie whose Lusts and Vanities He might be sol­licited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Commu­nity; His Affection to His People. but all were Instruments of Govern­ment, and must be able to serve the Publick, whom He took to serve Himself. For no Prince was ever more affectionate of His People than He was, nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs. Those nice di­stinctions, and cautious limits of Prerogative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with, were all indi­stinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government: none dared to advise Him to attempt at a power His Predecessors had parted with, or the [Page 261]Laws had concluded Him from. For He told the Lords, when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane, (that he had advised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this King­dom; on which, though it had but a single and various testimony, the Faction built their Practices against His Life) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it, for if they had, I should have made them such an Example, and put such a mark upon them, that all Posterity should know My In­tentions by it. For My Intention was ever to govern by the Law, and not otherwise. He thought He could not be happy unless His People were so; as we found our selves mi­serable when He was not prosperous. There­fore He parted with so much of His Prero­gative to buy our Peace, and purchase our Content. He sought their Love by affect­ing them, the only way of gaining it, be­cause that Passion only is free and impa­tient of Command. Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it: When His Third Parliament granted five Subsidies, and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting, it is said, He wept for joy; and it had been happy for the People, if the King had always had such cause of Tears, and His Eyes had been always wet with the same.

Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince, for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance, yea, He part­ed sometimes, through their own importunity deluded by the Faction, with that which should have kept them Free: And when He made such Concessions which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it, He would say to some about Him, that He would never have granted these things, but that He hoped they would see the Inconvenience of that power which they begg'd from Him, yet themselves could not manage, and return it to its proper place, before it became their Ruine. He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek as unlimited power; but He thought it the Of­fice of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Li­berty. He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nation, and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Ar­my as the Conditions of His Safety, when ten­dred to Him the day before His Murther, be­cause they would inslave the People. Nei­ther would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable danger, though i [...] were to secure Himself: for when my Lo [...] Newburgh and his Noble Lady, at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was re­moved from Carisbrook to Windsor, propo­sed [Page 263]to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter, He rejected it, saying, If I should get away, they would cut you in Pieces; and therefore would not try their design, though it seemed feasible.

With these Arts He did seek to oblige the Community; but the Faction's Slanders hindred the Success: His Obliging Converse. which they the more easily ob­structed, because the King ne­ver affected Popularity, for that consists in an industrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances; but He always en­deavoured by a solid Vertue their real Hap­piness, and therefore in confidence of that neglected a specious Compliance with the less beneficial humours of the Vulgar: so that the Multitude, who are taken with things of the lightest consideration, could not suffici­ently value Him, being not able to appre­hend His worth: for a Statist observes, Mo­derate Princes are always admired, but Heroick are never understood. On particular Persons (if not the sworn Creatures of the Conspirators, and by Treason made inhumane) He seldom failed by conversing to take them. His Tro­phies in this kind, even when He was despoil­ed of means to bribe their hopes, were innu­merable; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him, after their knowledge of [Page 264]Him did curse their Credulity and their pro­sperous Arms. A clear instance of this (to mention no more) was in Master Vines, o [...] of the Presbyterian Ministers (who are con­ceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice a­gainst those that dislike their Government) that were sent to dispute against Episcopacy: for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it, pro­fessed to Master Burroughs, (one whose At­tendance the King required, and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those en­terprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety,) how he had been deluded to unworthy thoughts of the King, but was unconvinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him, and hoped so of others; and earnestly solici­ted those that attended on Him, to use all means to rescue Him from the intended Vil­any of the Army; saying, Our Happiness was great in such a Prince; and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be unspeakable. Yet He ne­ver courted, although He won them, but His passage to their hearts was through their brain, and they first Admired and then Lo­ved Him.

As He was powerful to gain, so He was careful to keep Friends. Fide­lity to the Publick and Private was His chiefest Care; His Fidelity. for He [Page 265]knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faith­ful, because it is so much their Interest that others should not be false. Though it is a My­stery of Empire with other Kings to propor­tion their Faith to their Advantage, yet He abhorred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe. Some over­fine Politici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction, as the most im­mediate way to their Ruine; for it was sup­posed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil, and their dissensions would have open­ed a way for the recovery of His abandoned Rights. But He was so constant in all that was good, that He thought the purchace of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith, and He hated those acquisitions which would give Him cause to blush. This Heroick Ex­pression often fell from Him, Leave me to My Conscience and Honour, and let what will befal Me. His Enemies knew this so natural, that if they could make their Propositions repugnant to His Conscience, they were sure no Peace should obstruct their Designs. Nay, He was faithful in those Stipulations where­in their first Breach would have justified a departure from His Promise; though He saw this Vertue would be rewarded with His Murther. For when some of His Attendants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to pro­vide for His Safety from the perfidious Vio­lence [Page 266]of the Army, which every day they had informations of, He made this return; Trouble not your selves, I have the Parliaments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here a Honour, Freedom, and Safety, and I will [...] dishonour My self by Escaping.

As He was to the Publick so to His Private Obligations. No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection: for though His foreign Enterprises required sup­plies of Money, and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Dukes blood, or De­gradation from His Trust, the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend. And although he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate, (for so the Assassinate pretended, that he might give a Splendor to his Crime, It being more specious to revenge the Publick than private Injuries,) yet was he not the King's Offering. In the Case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded: But Posterity will see that Noble Person was rather ravished from Him, (on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glory of Fidelity,) than deserted by Him; for He never left him till the Earl did abandon himself. And a Penitence for a Submission (not Consent) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence, and repaired the [Page 267]damage of the Injury. For His Majesties Tears over him will embalm and preserve his name and blood to the honour of Following Ages more than the remnant of his days would have administred to his Glory.

It would be an Injury to His other Vertues to mention His Chastity and Temperance, His Chastity. because it is an In­famy to be otherwise; unless to let Posterity know, that no injured Hus­band nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruine, but such who were engaged to Him for preserving all their Rights in those Relations unattempted, and securing them by His own example. He witnessed His Con­jugal Chastity the day before His Death, (a time not to be spent in falsities, which was too little for necessary Preparations to appear before the God of Truth;) when He com­manded the Lady Elizabeth to tell her Mo­ther; that His thoughts had never strayed from Her, and His Love should be the same to the Last. The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Cleanness of His Heart, for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse, And He was so far from defiling the Beds, that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects.

This Chastity found no Assaults from Intem­perance, [Page 268]for He never sed to Lux­ury but Health. His Tem­perance. His strong Con­stitution required large Meals, but His Vertue took care they should not be gluttonous; for He delighted not in Sawces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust, but all was sincere and solid, and therefore He never was subject to a Surfeit. He always mingled Water with His Wine, which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of Sobriety, that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together. He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer, another of Wine, and a third of Water, and seldom drank between His Meals. These though Ordinary Vertues, were yet eminent in Him, since they could not be cor­rupted by the Power nor the Flatteries of Fortune. And they are therefore mentioned to gratifie Posterity; for men are curious to know all, even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons.

Being free from Incontinency and Intempe­rance, the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exche­quer, His Fru­gality. He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock, and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressi­ons, but He would by Frugality make His [Page 269]Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown, and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magni­ficence, but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences. For He had found the Treasury low, and the Debts great, in His beginnings: He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Po­tentates of Europe, and the Faction had ob­structed the usual way of Supplies by Parlia­ments. Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue; and by sparing from Vanities, make provisions for necessary and glorious Enter­prises, which He did effect: for in that short time of Peace, which He enjoyed, He satis­fied all the Publick Debts, so furnished and in­creased His Navy, that it was the most con­siderable in the whole World, supported His Consederate the King of Sweden, and by Money inabled him for the Victories of Ger­many, and so fill'd His own Treasury, that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject, who were never more able to contribute to their own safety, nor ever had more reason, the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness. But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich, He would also keep them so by His Frugality. But those whose [Page 270]first care was to make Him necessitous, and the next odious, did brand it with the name of Covetousness, which was as False as ma­licious; For He never spared when Just De­signs call'd for Expences, and was magnifi­cent in Noble Undertakings, as in the Repair of Paul's. He was always Grateful, although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties, or their Merits, but by their Expectations from His Fortune, thought Him not Liberal. He chose rather not to burthen His People by Subsidies, than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties. For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Bene­fits to the Community than for those to private persons. And it may be Vanity and Ostentation, but not Liberality, when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity. His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fa­thers, that His Subjects as Children might have the more. He never, like subtle and rapacious Kings, made or pretended a Neces­sity for Taxes, but was troubled when He found it. The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure, but the Provisions for the Com­mon Safety, of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small [Page 271]part, He freely parted with His own Inheri­tance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour.

As He had these Moral Vertues, which are both the signatures of Ma­jesty, His Intellectual Abilities. and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit, so He was no less compleat in the Intellectual. His Understanding was as Com­prehensive as His Just Power, and He was Ma­ster of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations. How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson, and those at the Isle of Wight, where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains, (the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party) with so much Acuteness and Felicity, that even His Opposers admired Him. He so dexte­rously managed His Discourse with the Mi­nisters, that He made it evident they perswad­ed Him to that which they themselves judged unlawful, and had condemned as Sacriledge, when they pretended to satisfie the Scruples of His Conscience, and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands. And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him, for [Page 272]ever after silenced them, and permitted no Disputes but by Papers. At that time He ex­ceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in astonishment, that Certainly God had inspired Him. Ano­ther, that His Majesty was to a Wonder im­proved by His Privacies and Afflictions. But a third, that had had the Honour of a nearer Service, assured them that the King was ne­ver less, only He had now the opportunity of ap­pearing in His full Magnitude.

In the Law of the Land He was as know­ing (as Himself said to the Parricides, yet was no boaster of His own Parts) as any Gentleman in England, who did not profess the Publick Practice of it: especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People. In that Art which is peculiar to Princes, Reason of State, He knew as much as the most prosperous Con­temporary Kings, or their most exercised Ministers, yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice. The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts, to colour the breaches of Faith, and those inglorious and dark In­trigues of subtle Politicians, He did perfect­ly abhor: but His Letters, Declarations, Speeches, Meditations, are full of that Po­litical Wisdom which is consistent with Chri­stianity. [Page 273]He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries, and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it, that when He was young, and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain, He censured the weakness of that Mysterious Council. For He was no sooner on Shipboard, but the first words He spake were, I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy; One that they would use Me so Ill, and another that after such Ʋsage they permitted Me to Depart.

As those former parts of Knowledge did inable Him to know Men, and how to manage their different humours, His Skill in all Arts. and to temper them to a fitness for Society, and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was: so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Na­ture of Things, and easily comprehended al­most all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use; for He was ig­norant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent, (for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head.) He was well skilled in things of Antiquity, could judge of Meddals whether they had the number of years they pretended unto; His Libraries and Cabinets [Page 274]were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities. In Paint­ing He had so excellent a Fancy, that He would supply the defect of Art in the Work­man, and suddenly draw those Lines, give those Airs and Lights, which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter. He could judge of Fortifications, and censure whether the Cannon were mounted to Exe­cution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns, knew all that belonged to their ma­king. The exactest Arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing, together with all their furniture, were not unknown to Him. He under­stood and was pleased with the making of Clocks and Watches. He comprehended the Art of Printing. There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge. He incouraged all the Parts of Learning, and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists, and with so great a Faci­lity did apprehend the Mysteries of their Professions, that He did sometime say, He thought He could get His Living, if Necessita­ted, by any Trade He knew of, but making of Hangings: although of these He understood much, and was greatly delighted in them; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Foreign Parts to make them here in England.

His Writings shew what Notions He had gathered from the whole store of Learning, which He cloathed with a Wonderful and most charm­ing Eloquence. His Eloquence. Which was unquestionably so great, that those who en­deavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Do­minions granted Him a deserved Empire a­mong famous Writers. The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety, or a love to Wis­dom and Eloquence. For so great an affecti­on in the Breasts of men do excellent Writings acquire for their Authors, that though they may be otherwise blameable, yet their Works render their Memories precious; and the violent Deaths of such increase their Glory, while they load their Murtherers with Ignominy. All men, espe­cially among Posterity, deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Publick Injury, and by Persons brutishly mad, or by some hor­rid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind. So that all future times shall admire and ap­pland His Writings against them, and curse their Injustice to Him.

His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings, His Political Pru­dence. but also Practi­cal in His Counsels. None [Page 276]found out better means for accomplishing a Design, provided safer expedients for the Ressorts of Difficulties, or more clearly fore­saw the Event at a Distance; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own, when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He intrusted with the Execution; and He sel­dom miscarried but when He inclined to fol­low the Advices of others; as He did in that inauspicious Attempt to take Gloucester, where­in He forsook His own Reasons, which He urged with all possible Evidence of Success, to march towards London. He saw into the In­treagues of His Enemies; and had not the Treacheries (which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature) of some that followed Him opened to them His De­signs, He had (by the Ordinary Course of Providence) covered them with the shame both of Imprudence and Overthrow. Those Miseries that the Faction after they got into Power brought upon the Nation, and the Events of their destructive Enterprises, were discovered and foretold by Him in the very beginnings to the deluded World, who not­withstanding were Fatally blinded to chuse their own Ruine.

Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up, by the Direction of the Council, Declarati­ons or any other Papers, and offered them to [Page 277]his perusal, though both they and the Coun­cil had done their parts, yet He would al­ways with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form; He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand, Come, I am a good Cobler: and the Cor­rections were acknowledged by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings. His Instructions to His Am­bassadors, Commissioners, Deputies, were so full of Wisdom, and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with, that there was nothing to be supplyed on their parts to make their Negotiations hap­py, but seasonable Applications, or a fortune to deal with reasonable men. It was the Ob­servation of a Noble Person (who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithfulness, and was of His Council in all His Troubles) that bad the King been a Counsellor to any other Prince, He would have gained the Esteem of an Oracle, all His Proposals being grounded upon the greatest Reason, and proper to the Business consulted about. Those that have been forward to interpret His Actions by the Success, and from thence have proceeded to the Censure of His Prudence, considered not the numerous Difficulties in forming any Resolution, nor the fallacious represen­tations of Affairs to Him, but only looked upon His unprosperous Resolves according [Page 278]to the Fate of unhappy Counsels, which is to have that condemned, which was put in Execution, and that praised as best which was never tryed.

Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it; and had all those Excellencies, The Censure of His Fortune. which, if we had been free to chuse, must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone, there being nothing wanting in Him that the se­verest Censors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a compleat Monarch. It was therefore the wonder of those who con­ceive every man to be the Artificer of His own Fortune, how it came to pass that He had not that [...], an uninterrupted cur­rent of Success (which some men reckon a­mong the constitutives of Happiness) in all His Enterprises. To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Me­thod of the Decrees of Heaven, which yet they acknowledge just, though dark, it seem­ed one of the Riddles of Providence, that a King of so great Vertues should yet be cala­mitous: for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was, that could not be ruined even after a War (which usually em­bitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it) and a total Overthrow (whose common Con­sequent [Page 279]is Contempt) but by so various and such wicked Arts; and was judged by all men, though He wanted, yet to deserve Pro­sperity (as to humane judgment,) which (as some think) is the truest Happiness.

To these Doubts there appears no Resolu­tion so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty, who provoked by our sins, which had profaned his Mercies, and a­bused the Peace and Plenty he gave us, would chastise us by the scourge of Civil War, the corrective of too much felicity, and taking a­way the best of Kings leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men. And that it was a wrath directed against us was appa­rent, because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an ave­nue for all those miseries that a Community is obnoxious unto in the want of a lawful Government, while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings, provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Family in its lowest Estate, and miraculously preserved the Chief of it from innumerable dangers, and made us to see afterwards in the Series of his Providences, that he had not withdrawn his loving-kind­ness from the House of King CHARLES, by restoring it to its primitive Grandeur.

And this he was pleased to signifie to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle. For while He was at Ox­ford, and the Earl of Southampton, now Lord High-Treasurer of England, (a Person of unquestiona­ble Honour and Veracity, A Presage of His Fall, and the future State of the Royal Family. of an eminent Integrity, a­bove the Flattery of Princes, who doth attest this Occur­rence) as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber lay one Night in the same Chamber with Him, the Wax Mortar, which according to Custom the King always had in His Chamber, was in the night, as they both conceived and took notice of it, fully ex­tinguished. But my Lord rising in the Morn­ing found it lighted, and said to the KING, Sir, this Mortar now burns very clearly: at which they both exceedingly wondred, as fully concluding it had been out in the Night, and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms, or any other could possibly light it, the Door being locked with a Spring within. This busying the wonder of both for the present, the King afterwards when He saw the Malice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruine, reflecting upon this Occurrence, drew it into this Presage, That though God would permit His Light to be [Page 281]extinguished for a time, yet He would at last light it again; which was verified in the E­vent: for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood, yet after many years of Troubles, and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of de­struction, he restored His Son to the Crown in as much Splendour and Greatness as any of His Predecessors.

As His Abilities for the Publick Administra­tion of Government were all apt to raise Admiration; His Recrea­tions. so His Recreations and Privacies gave a Delight to such as commu­nicated in the sight of them, and there need­ed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Diversions, which were all serious, and there was no part of His time which either wanted benefit, or de­served not Commendation. In His younger dayes, His pleasures were in Riding, and sometimes in breaking the great Horse; and He did it so gracefully, that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horse-back. Besides this, He delighted in Hunting, an active and stirring Exercise to accustom Him to toils, and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease, which Vicious Princes think a part of Power, and the Rewards of Publick Cares: [Page 282]but He used this as the way whereby the An­tient Heroes were habituated to Labours, and by contending with some beasts in Strength and others in Swiftness, first to rout, then to chase their flying Enemies. When the season of the year did not permit this sport, then Tennis, Gough, Bowls were the ways of His Diversions, and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent.

His softer pleasures were Books, and of His time spent in these there were many Mo­numents. In His Library at Saint James's there was kept a Collection of His, of the excellent Sayings of Authors, written with His own hand, and in his Youth, presented to His Father King JAMES: and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person, His Extracts written with His own hand, out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisher, of all the Arguments against the Pa­pists, digested into so excellent a Method, that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper. The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judi­cious Hooker, and the Learned Works of Bi­shop Andrews, out of all which He had ga­thered whatsoever was excellent in them, and fitted them for His ready use. When He was tired with Reading, then He applyed Him­self [Page 283]to Discourse, wherein He both benefited Himself and others; and He was good at the Relation of a Story, or telling of an Oc­currence. When these were tedious by con­tinuance, He would either play at Chess, or please Himself with His Pictures, of which He had many choice pieces of the best Masters, as Titian, Rafael, Tintoret and others, with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces, as also with most antique pieces of Sculpture; so that to those that had travel­led it seemed that Italy was Translated to His Court.

As His Spirit was thus accomplished, so His Body had its Elegancies. His Stature was of a just height, The Features of His Body. rather decent than tall; His Body erect, and not enclining to a Corpulency, nor meager, till His Af­flictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Leanness; His Limbs exactly proportioned, His Face full of Majesty, and His Brow large and Fair: His Eyes so quick and piercing, that they went farther than the Superficies of men, and searched their more Inward parts; for at the first sight He would pass a judg­ment upon the frame of a Man's Spirit and Faculties, and He was not often mistaken, having a strange happiness in Physiognomy, and by reason of this He would remember [Page 284]any one He had seen but once many years after. His Complexion was enclining to a Paleness, His Hair a brown, which He wore of a moderate length, ending in gentle and easie curles: upon His left side He indulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life. His Beard He wore pic­qued, but after the Faction had passed those Votes of No Addresses, He permitted it to grow neglectedly, and to cover more of His face. His Gestures had nothing of affectati­on but full of Majestick Gravity. His mo­tions were speedy, and His gate fast: which shewed the Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind, for His Affections were temperate. He was of a most healthful Constitution, and after the infirmities of His Childhood was never sick. Once He had the small Pox, but the Malignity of it was so small, that it altered not His Stomach, nor put Him to the absti­nence of one Meal, neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Phy­sicians

He was the Father of Four Sons and Five Daughters. His Children.

1. Charles James, born at Greenwich on Wednesday, May 13. 1628. but died almost as soon as born, having been first Christned.

[Page 285] 2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales, born at Saint James's, May 29. 1630. whom, after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father, some brave, but unsuccessful, attempts to recover the Rights of His Inhe­ritance, and twelve years various fortune a­broad, God was pleased by a wonderful Pro­vidence, without blood or ruine, to conduct to His Native Throne, and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted, almost to a Desolation, by several changes of Government and Variety of re­proachful Usurpers, that they became the Scorn of Neighbouring Nations, and the mi­serable Example of a disquiet Community, so torn in pieces by Factions in the State, and Schisms in the Church; each party mutually armed to suppress its contrary, and destroy the publick, that it was impossible for them to re-unite or consent in common to seek the benefits of Society, until they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul, to be govern­ed by Him in the paths of Justice. He is now (and long may He be so) our Dread Sove­reign CHARLES II.

3. James, born in the same place Octob. 13. Anno 1633. entituled Duke of York by His Majesty's Command at His Birth, and after­wards so Created. He was a Companion of [Page 286]His Brother in Exile, spending His time abroad both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory, and returned with Him into Eng­land.

4. Henry Duke of Gloucester, born in the same place July 8. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother, with the pro­mise of an Annual Pension, which they never intended to pay: A very hopeful Prince, who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome, which His Brother hearing sent for Him into Flanders; and He also attended Him to His Throne, but not long after died of the Small Pox, Sept. 13. Anno 1660.

5. Mary, born on Novemb. 4. Anno 1631. married to Count William of Nassau, Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange, by whom she was left a Widow, and a short time after the Mother of the now Prince of Orange; and coming over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity, she died also of the Small Pox, Decemb. 24. Anno 1660.

6. Elizabeth, born Jan. 28. Anno 1635. who survived her Father, but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family, dying at Carisbrook the place of her Father's Captivity, [Page 287]being removed thither by the Murtherers, that the place might raise a grief to end her Days.

7. Anne, born March 17. Anno 1637. died before her Father.

8. Katharine, who died almost as soon as born.

9. Henrietta, born at Exeter June 16. Anno 1644. in the midst of the Wars, conveyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother, and is now marryed to the Duke of Anjou, only Brother to the King of France.

Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age, and 23. of His Reign, having lived Much rather than Long, and left so many great and difficult Examples as will busie Good Princes to imitate, and Bad ones to wonder at: A man in Office and mind like to that Spiritual Being, which the more men understand, the more they Admire and Love; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman who sought Glory by Vertue,