The next sort of Arguments respect some special Cases, as (1) of the Transplan­tation, (2) of the Corporation.

Concerning the Transplantation, P. W. perempto­rily concludes, That it cannot be continued on account of their Crimes since 1648. nor stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the Iustice of the Prince.

1. This Conclusion without any proof, with the same facility as it is said, may be gainsaid.

2. The foundation of those Articles, and conse­quently the Articles themselves are thrown down by the Irish Papists; wherefore it matters not as to his Majesty, what can or cannot stand with them.

3. Many other Countreys and Ages have formerly on less grounds used Transplantation, and been justi­fied therein as just and equal, by Lawyers and Ca­suists.

4. Observe his Sacred Majesties Royal and Father­ly indulgence even to those Irish Papists, who being Innocent, sued out Decrees, and obtained possession of Lands in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare. First, Positively; for though they had bound [Page 17] themselves up therein by their own Act, in which though his Majesty saith in the 14 page of his Graci­ous Declaration of the 30 of November 1660. We might without any injustice deny to relieve them; yet his Clemencie is so great, That in the same 14 page of his said Declaration, he breaks those fetters which they had bound themselves in, and orders them to be restored unto their former estates.

Secondly, Comparatively; his Majesty uses those innocent Irish Papists with more tenderness than even those which He honors with the high Title of his Friends in England and Ireland, as appears in the 18 and 19 pages of the said Declaration: For though such are not to expect that his Majesty should pay back to them the Moneys they were compelled in the evil times to disburse for their Compositions, the payment whereof they would have avoiden had it been in their power, as much as the Irish Papists would have avoided their Transplantation: yet his Majesties Friends are not relieved from their own Act, when the innocent Irish Papists are relieved from theirs.

5. Observe the insolency of P. W. for though his Sacred Majesty in Council, by his said Declaration published to the world in print, declared that some other transplanted Irish are to stand bound by their own Act, and not to be relieved against it; yet P. W. is so far from acknowledging and magnifying his Ma­jesties Mercy in using the innocent Irish Papists with more favor, than even those happy persons whom his Majesty honors with the high title of being his Friends, [Page 18] that P. W. peremptorily says, viz. The Transplanta­tion cannot be continued on account of their crimes since 1648. nor can it stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the Iustice of the Prince.

6. That the Justice of his Sacred Majesty in Coun­cil may appear to be such, in not breaking so much of the Transplantation, as is confirmed by the said De­claration, I desire these following particulars may be throughly considered:

(1) If such transplanted Irish Papists into Con­naught and Clare should plead that the Force of the late horrid Usurpers constrained them to go thither in person; I answer, yet no Force lay upon them to sue out Decrees, and obtain possessions of Lands there in liew of their former forfeited Estates in the other Provinces. And it is onely in point of Land that the said Transplantation is continued: so that their do­ing of what they could not avoid, is not made conclu­sive to them, but onely their doing of that which they could avoid, and yet sollicited and brought to effect, is made binding to some of them. To which I shall add, that those to whom it is made obliging, are one­ly such as having no title to innocency, (for all Inno­cents are freed from Transplantation) have no title to any of their former Estates. And therefore this confirm­ing of them in the compensation of that, to which they had no right, should invite them to acknowledg his Majesties Mercy, which yet P. W. in their behalf exclaims against as injustice.

[Page 19](2) Though all these guilty Transplanted Irish have forfeited their right to the Articles extorted from his Majesty in 1648. and though by those Ar­ticles (had they been as punctually observed by them, as they have been generally and often violated by themselves yet) his Majesty was not obliged to hinder them from making an unequal bargain or exchange for those their forfeited Lands, which by his mercy they were restored unto, nor to confirm to them those Lands which they sued for in satisfaction of their for­mer Estates; yet his sacred Majesty confirms to them, in confirming their Transplantation, those Lands which they themselves had obtained from the Usurpers, as a compensation for the Lands they left, and to which they had not the least shadow of a Title, because they had broken, yea often, if not always, the said Arti­cles of peace vouchsaved to, and extorted by them, in the year 1648.

(3) The persons themselves who are transplanted, have by their publick Agents made the continuance and settlement of the Transplantation the subject matter of several Petitions and Addresses to the RVMP: therefore as for them to decry it now, argues in them a fuller readiness to obey Force, than Right: so the continuance of it being in effect but a granting of their own desires and petitions, they can justly blame none but Themselves. To prove the truth of this, I shall set down the Titles and chief Heads of two petitons presented to the RVMP. The one is in print, and thus addressed: To the Su­preme [Page 20] Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, &c. The humble Petition of Sir Robert Talbot Baronet and Garrot Moor Esq on the behalf of them­selves and the distressed Irish, Submittees upon Articles of War, and others who are to have a certain proportion of their estates by the Act for the settling of Ireland, held forth in the year 1652. Wherein, to use their own words, They humbly show, That the Petitioners upon con­fidence of enjoying the benefit of several Declarations and Articles of War held forth unto them by Authority of this Parliament, &c. did readily subject and put their Con­sciences, Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary un­der the protection of this Commonwealth, having ever since walked peaceably and in due conformity to the Go­vernment, without the least defection therein; That since the Interruption given to the sitting of this Parliament in the year 1653. No Christian Nation can parallel the sufferings of the Petitioners, &c. which render the Pe­titioners as fit Objects of your Honors piety, justice and compassion, as any who may challenge your protection. Notwithstanding the Petitioners withered hopes, and for­mer confidence, being afresh revived by your Honors re­turn to the management of the present Government, and their propensions so great to peace and quietness, that ra­ther than ravel into the settlement, They do willingly ac­quiesce in the Transplantation, albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from your Honors. Soon after in the same Petition follow these words: They do apprehend that contrary to your Honors pious intentions manifested in the said Act for settling of Ire­land, [Page 21] they may be postponed or neglected, unless provided for in the Act of settlement now to be established: And therefore the Petitioners humbly pray, &c. This Peti­tion was delivered by the said two Agents for the Irish Papists at the door of the House of Commons in England, and entered by the Clerk of the Rump.

The other Petition was in writing, and subscribed Robert Talbot, Garret Moor: the Title of it is, To the Supreme Authority, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, &c. Supplications humbly tendered by Sir Robert Talbot Bar. and Garret Moor Esq for and on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Roman Ca­tholicks of Ireland, in order to be therein relieved by the Act of Settlement now to be passed. Their second Sup­plication in this Petition is set down in these words, viz. That the estates assigned unto the Petitioners in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare be confirm'd unto them. The third Supplication in the said Peti­tion is in these words, viz. That the Decrees obtained by any of the Petitioners pursuant to the Articles and Qualifications be put in a way of satisfaction and for the time past put in equal condition with others who have had the benefit of their Decrees. The fourth Suppli­cation of this Petition is expressed in these words, viz. That there having been no time limited by this Par­liament for the Petitioners to enter and prosecute the claims according to their respective Qualifications, and the interruption given to the sitting thereof soon after the Act of Settlement, having hinderd many from doing the same; and that others through absence, poverty, and [Page 22] the short sitting of the Court for the adjudication of Claims, appointed since the said Interruption, could not do it, That a farther time be allowed unto such to enter and prosecute (as aforesaid) their Claims. The fifth Supplication is expressed in these words, viz. That several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Common­wealth, for whom a competent time to be allowed to make out the same, is humbly supplicated, and that these and such of the Petitioners as have already done the same, may have the benefit held forth unto them by the Act for set­tling of Ireland.

These expressions being verbatim in the said two Petitions, I shall onely observe from thence what fol­lows, 1. The persons who presented these Requests to the RVMP, did it not onely for themselves, but for the Papists of Ireland, in whose behalf they own themselves to be Sollicitors. 2. Those two Gentlemen (their publick Agents) were persons of too much knowledg and discretion to have done any thing, espe­cially of so high a nature as this, for so great a body of people, without sufficient power from themselves so to do 3. That these their Agents Addresses to the RVMP were by allowance and command from them­selves, needs not better to be proved, than by the Irish Papists ever since continuing those their two A­gents in publick employment for them, even to this day.

4. To that very RVMP by whose immediate Commission the horridest of Murthers was acted, they scruple not to make their application, and even by [Page 23] the stile of the Supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, &c. and that twice. If P. W. should say they were necessitated to petition, and that their petition would not be received with­out it were so directed, I answer, No consequence of their suffering could be so great, as the guilt of own­ing the RVMP by the twice before mentioned Ti­tles. The single Advocate of the Irish Papists, viz. P. W. lays it as a guilt upon all the Protestants of Ireland, that some of them fought under one of the Regicides to recover their own Estates, and punish the guilt of the first Rebellion, and their often vio­lation of their Articles; and yet their publick Agents in behalf of all the Papists of Ireland, own all those Regicides to be that Supreme Authority.

5. But if the Consciences of the Irish Papists were hardened enough to run into a certain sin, but in the expectancy of an uncertain advantage, why yet in their printed Petition did they use these guilty expressions, viz. They did readily subject and put their CONSCIENCES, Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of that Commonwealth. Though if they would petition, they may say there was a necessity to stile the RUMP, the Supreme Authority; yet sure they cannot say there was a necessity in the body of the Petition to insert such criminal words: therefore since the Body of the Petition is more than consonant to the Title of it, it is but reasonable to believe, the Title they gave the RVMP, was as voluntary as the ex­pressions with which they treat them. If they would [Page 24] but make his Sacred Majesty, what in print they ac­knowledged the RVMP was to them, viz. A secure Sanctuary to put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes in; if what is past could not be remedied, yet the mis­chiefs to come might perhaps be prevented.

6. But as if the immediate before mentioned re­spects to the RVMP had not been sufficient, they pay them others, professing in these words, viz. Their withered hopes and former confidences are a fresh revived by the RVMPS return to the management of the Govern­ment, under which their propensions to peace and quiet­ness are so great, that they willingly ACQVIESCE in the TRANSPLANTATION. Would they be but as joyful for his Sacred Majesties restauration, as they say they were for the RVMPS, and had they been as willing to express their propensity to the peace and quietness of this Kingdom, under his Majesties un­doubted Authority, as under the RVMPS usurped power, P. W. had been exempt from the Guilts of writing and printing his Letter, and I from the trouble of answering it. The Irish Papists are not onely con­tent to declare, They willingly acquiesce in the Transplan­tation; but to heighten the merit of that performance, they add these words, viz. Albeit it was not executed by any legal power: yet had they stop'd there, those their last words had been true, and sure the RVMP would have had arrogancy enough to have assumed to themselves, without an explanation from the Pe­titioners, that thereby was meant, what their Agents positively say in the immediate next following words, [Page 25] viz. As not derived from your Honors. Though the Irish Papists in their ingagements, nay Oaths to o­thers, are not without their Equivocations and Mental reservations, &c. yet to the RVMP, when they might have left themselves, (as to the last expression,) to a fair explanation, they voluntarily cast it behind them, in these clear words, As not derived from your Honors. Those which now pretend to such Loyalty to his Majesty, voluntarily confess, No execution was legal that was not derived from the RVMP; is not this implicitely, if not explicitely, an owning in the I­rish Papists the legality of the RUMPS power, even in the Bloudy Murther of his Sacred Majesty, that being derived from those the Irish Papists call Their Honors. But it is no wonder, that those to whom the Irish Papists did rerdily subject themselves, and put their Consciences, lives and fortunes as into a secure san­ctuary, should have so much plainness, kindness and o­bedience for them. May we not too from thence in­ferr, till they consider his Sacred Majesty, as they profess'd they considered the RUMP, his Majesty may not well expect from them, that ready subjection and propensity to peace, which in their said Addresses they promised to those Usurpers.

7. Observe, all this is said and done since the Peace of 1648. yea part of it, and that the most cri­minal too, but some few months before his Majesties blessed restauration; with what face could the Irish Papists by the same Agents plead for the Articles of peace before his Majesty, as inviolable observers of [Page 26] them; who but a few weeks before owned the RUMP for the Supreme Authority: owned that they readily did subject and put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes, as in a secure sanctuary, under their protection: owned their withered hopes and former confidence was afresh reviv'd by the RUMPS return to the management of the Government: ow­ned, their propensions to peace and quietness under the RUMP to be so great, that as one evidence there­of, they willingly did acquiesce in the Transplanta­tion; with these superlative expressions, Albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from their Honors. The very Murtherers of his late Majesty of Glorious Memory are the elected Sanctuary of the Irish Papists, not onely for their lives and fortunes, but even for their CONSCIENCES also. That bloudy Power which made the Royal Line of England, and all good Subjects of England, Scotland and Ireland so long wither, is by their return to Go­vernment, that onely which makes the hopes of the Irish Papists to revive and spring. That Power is by the Irish Papists owned to be the onely legal one, by which all our Laws and Liberties were cut up even by the very roots. Were there nothing but this to make them forfeit the Articles they so plead for, it were but too much; if this be their observance of their Recognition of his Majesty, though the Pope may ab­solve them, God will not. Sure P. W. cannot prove any one of the Protestants whose whole number he so calumniates, to be so criminal, as I have pro­ved [Page 27] even the Generality of the Irish Papists to be, in this one particular; I bate him many others. And doubtless 'twas a less sin in the seduced Protestants to submit for a while to him, who cast down those English Murtherers, and helped them against these Irish Murtherers, than readily to subject their Con­sciences, Lives and Fortunes to those Parricides, yea to own them as their secure Sanctuary for all, and so pathetically to exult in their second Usurpation.

8. In the many forementioned passages, both of the written and the printed Petition, they press for the Confirmation of the Transplantation, and the benefit of the Rules for adjudging of Qualifications, and make the granting thereof to be effects of the RUMPS Piety, Iustice and Compassion. The Irish Papists are pleased to beg that Grant, as an act of piety, justice and compassion in the RUMP, which his Sacred Majesty confirming, (and much more to the advantage of the Irish) P. W. calls an Injustice. And in the 6. and 7. Paragraphs of the said written Petition, they set forth that several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Com­monwealth, that some have already actually done it: And in effect, That the number of those so adhering and of constant good affection to the Commonwealth was so great, that they sue even for a longer time than had been allowed, for the proving thereof; they being so many, that they were streightned in time to make out that Truth.

There are other clear observations and inferences [Page 28] which I could make out of those two Petitions, which I decline; enough having been said to evince what I promised to prove upon this Head: and I have much behind to answer, to which I hasten.

The Guilt of the Corporations in part instanced.

The 2. special Case concerns the Irish Corporations which P. W. with his usual confidence determines, cannot be excluded on any account that may stand with his Majesties Gracious Concessions; nor can there be any reasons of State which may accord with a good con­science to exclude them; yet he confesseth with a par­adventure, That two or three of them deserved punish­ment, and Limerick a severe one.

The Corporations of Ireland that P. W. mentions were so notoriously guilty in overthrowing the founda­tion of that peace wrested from His Majesty, that it seems strange how any one can be found to plead for them, especially to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, who knows their actings. Their Education rendered them most able of any know their duty; their Incor­poration most capable of any to deliberate concerning their duty; their Fortifications and men most secure to discharge their duty; yet these above all other persons and places, put forth with greatest Arguments of choice and freedom, the highest acts of Treachery and Rebellion. The evidences whereof amount to much more than P. W's. paradventure, and the subject reach­eth much farther than P. W's. two or three Corpora­tions, [Page 29] it being the general practice of all such, into which his Majesties L. Lieutenant desired admiss [...]ion. P. W. confesseth, That Limerick deserved a severe pu­nishment, and certainly the demerit must be great, which extorts this confession even from their Advocate; nor was their crime less than laesae Majestatis, for they insolently opposed the admission of his Majesties Vice­roy: though 1. their Mayor had invited him, 2. Iretons storm threatned their wrack, 3. the L. Lieute­nant offered to steer that Vessel, and to adventure his person and Fortune in the same bottom with them. But surely if Limerick deserves many stripes, Gallway and Waterford proportionally to their crimes deserve more. Gallway after the Articles of 1648. (so much and groundlesly pleaded) 1. searched (to use his Gra­ces own words) with force and arms for the L. Lieute­nant, as if they judged him a Traitor. 2. They treated with the Duke of Lorrain to be Protector of Ireland, as if they judged themselves Lords of all. 3. They refused to admit any Garrison commissionated by his Majesty's authority, and surrendred that Town (as if they esteem'd themselves a Free State) without con­sulting the Marquess of Clanrickard then L. Deputy, though resident within few miles thereof, and though he were of P. W's. own Nation and Religion. But I will not say that even those double Ties were less powerful to beget a respect for him, than his represen­ting the Kings person, and his own worth, were incite­ments to P. W's. Countreymen so highly to affront him. Waterford likewise after those Articles of 1648. [Page 30] deny'd a passage to the L. Lieutenant and his Army, though at that time his Lordship was strengthned with the conjunction of the Vlster Forces, in pursuit of the Enemy, who were weakned by a long Winter-March, multiplicity of Garrisons, want of necessaries, and sickness of the Souldiers; nay offered himself to become an hostage, and to commit the Army to ano­thers conduct; yea so horrid was their perfidie, that when afterwards the L. Lieutenant and seven more were occasionally received into that City, the Citi­zens combin'd either to take away his life, or deliver him up prisoner to the Vsurpers; for the prevention whereof, he was forc'd suddenly and secretly to with­draw thence.

What falsehood will P. W. be affraid to suggest to Strangers, and what wickedness will he be affraid to patronize at home, when he shall dare thus to assert to the L. Lieutenant himself, and publish it in print to the world, That no reasons of State can accord with the dictates of a good Conscience, to exclude these Corpora­tions from the future capacity of repeating such sig­nal acts of Rebellion. But P. W. as farther motives of favor to the said Corporations, adds and says, 1. The hand of God hath punished them; 2. Some were faith­ful amomg them; 3. The English Protestants are more cri­minal.

First, The hand of God hath punished them: But that the Magistrate should spare, because God punishes, is a non sequitur. Though the Lord sent hornets be­fore Israel to drive out the Hivite and the Canaanite, [Page 31] and the Hittites; yet he commands Israel to destroy those Nations, and their name from under heaven.

2. P.W. says, There have been many faithful subjects in those Towns, even in the most criminal of them; and God was so far from involving the just in the destruction of the wicked Sodomites, that if he could find there but ten just men, he would for their sake pardon all the rest.

1. The sin of Apostacy seems worse in some respect than other sins; and therefore on this sin, Lots wife, whom God had rescued from the destruction of So­dom, though but for looking back to it, is immedi­ately turned into a pillar of Salt. I heartily wish the Irish Apostates would remember Lots wife.

2. Though God would not involve the righteous in the punishment of the wicked but delivered just Lot; yet he transplanted him into Zoar, and condemned So­dom and Gomorra with an overthrow, making them an Example to those that after should live ungodly. Even so his Majesty hath taken care for the innocent, in his Gracious Declaration, without justifying the wicked, and for the innocent has provided a Zoar, whe­ther their souls may escape and live.

3. Since P. W. professeth his thoughts to be far from desiring to obstruct the securing the peace of the Countrey; let him consider how adviseable it is to put a sword into a Madmans hand, or to capacitate such rebellious spirits to hurt themselves and others.

Since Limerick, nothwithstanding the hand of God, and mixture of good, deserved a severe punishment; and since Gallway and Waterford are not less deserving; [Page 32] ought not those Corporations and their Advocate ra­ther to acknowledg his Majesties gracious indulgence and mercy, in remitting the severity of the Laws: than to exclaim thus insolently against his Royal pro­ceedings as unjust, unequal, and such as cannot accord with a good Conscience.

The Guilt of English Protestants and Irish Papists compared.

Thirdly, P. W. returns to his former Comparison between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants; and in prosecution thereof, urgeth, 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were never Regicides; 2. That they fought against such men, when England, Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royal Cause.

As to the first, That the Irish Papists are not Regi­cides; let it be considered, That the Doctrine of Re­gicide is common in the Romish Schools, and the Pra­ctise in their Courts.

2. That to touch the Annointing, is virtually to touch the Annointed. Take away the Regalia, and in effect you tak away the King. The Irish Papists were so guilty hereof, that they not onely usurped all the Royal peculiars, but also set up a Government distinct from, and opposite to his Majesty's in a General As­sembly; yea therein they Enacted, viz. That no Tem­poral Government or Iurisdiction should be assumed, kept or executed in Ireland, or in any Province or County thereof, other than what should be approved or instituted [Page 33] by their General Assembly. Had the Devil had leave to touch Iob's person, he would not have spared him, when he touched all that was his.

3. Did not the Irish Papists, distrust, disobey, oppose and excommunicate the L. Lievtenant, and absolutely disclaim his Majesties authority in him; did they not conspire to Murther Him, or which is worse (if worse can be) to deliver him to the worst sort of Murtherers? Surely those who dealt thus with such a Servant, if the Son had been sent to them, would not have scrupled his Murther, that the inheritance might wholly be theirs.

As to the 2. That when England, Scotland and the the Protestants of Ireland wholly deserted the Royal Cause, the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defense of his Majesties right.

1. It is no less calumnious than false, to charge England, Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: and it is amazing to consider how any Irish Papist (I am loath to say Re­bel) dare thus by a Letter even to the Duke of Or­mond, and printed paper to the whole World, impeach the Nations of England and Scotland, and all the Pro­testants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: what may not Forreigners credit against us a­broad, if P. W. dare thus to charge us at home?

But a Narrative of the matter of Fact is the clearest expedient to refute this slander: wherein let England and Scotland answer for themselves; (if any Answer seem necessary to so palpable a falsehood) and let the [Page 34] Protestants of of Ireland excuse my zeal, if I urge some clear instances (though I pretermit many) for their vindication.

Those which P. W. slanders with having deserted the Royal Cause, when the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesties Rights, were even the very first in Ireland which proclaimed his Majesty, my L. Lieutenant also at the head of them; and that duty was performd by the Protestant Army in the Province of Munster, the same year in which by giving the Irish Papists some considerable defeats, the said Papists were reduced to a real necessity of sub­mitting to his Majesty, which yet they but seemingly did. But possibly P. W. was at that time so busie in preparing those Articles of Peace which were to fetter his Majesty, that he had not leisure to hear how his Protestant Subjects freely proclaim'd him. It is also undeniably true, that a considerable Body of the Pro­testants of Ireland under the L. Lieutenant, though mingled with the Irish Papists, fought constantly a­gainst the Regicides, nay after the said Irish Papists would have been Kegicides themselves, at least so far such as conspiring to murther his Majesty in effigie at Waterford &c. did amount unto, and never declin'd that quarrel, till by the infidelity of their Accusers, they were not onely disabled to prosecute it, but as several of themselves have confest, were reduc'd at last, even for the preservation of their lives, to keep as strict Guards against the Irish Papists as against Crom­well. All which his Grace having found was but too [Page 35] true, he withdrew himself at last out of the Kingdom and permitted those Protestants to withdraw them selves from the Irish: Therefore let any unbyassed person judg whether the Irish Papists or all the Prte­stants were wholly the deserters of the Koyal Cause; or which of them fought longest against the Kegicides: if the insolence and disloyalty of the Irish Papists were such, even when Cromwell was at their gates, what would it not have been without that Curb. But I see though P. W. remembers what he should not, yet he can forget what he should remember.

In the years 1641 and 1642, the Protestants in Ire­land not onely fought as his Majesties Subjects, but by his command and with his Commission against the Irish Rebels; in the year 1643, a Cessation was concluded by his Majesties Authority, and the Irish engaged by Articles; both English and Irish by duty, to transport their Armies to England for his Majesties service. The English did it, the Irish onely made a show (till the English were gone) of doing of it, and then plotted and attempted the destruction of the few English re­maining in Munster, whereby the Lord of Inchiquin, who then commanded in that Province by the Kings Commission; and the English with him were necessi­tated to stand on their own defence, yet this is the first pretence which the Irish Papists make, that the English Protestants deserted the Royal Cause. Can even Malice it self judg, the Protestants designed the deserting of the Kings Service, when they sent their Army to the King, by which onely they were capable [Page 36] of disserving him: nay sent it in that very Juncture of time, wherein they had as much cause to fear the ruine of themselves and Families, from the often Vio­lations of the Cessation by the Irish Papists, after that Cessation was made, as from their inhumanities before. But yet, when his Majesties Service required it, though the answering thereof, by transporting their Armies into England, threatned more than a probable ruine to them at home from the Irish Papists, who then de­layed, and indeed never after would send an Army to the King into England; yet the Protestants did not so much as hesitate, but cheerfully exposed themselves to the danger, to pay the duty, and receive the honor of their obedience.

The same infidelity and Treachery which Munster, and the parts more remote first experienced, the L. Lieutenant and the Protestants with him at Dublin at last tasted: And his Grace was thereby compelled in the year 1647. (with his Majesties permission, if not Order) to resign Dublin and all the adjoyning Garrisons into the hands of the Parliament, which is the second pretension for this slander.

On these occasions the English Protestants of Ire­land (not by choice but necessity, (and a necessity onely created by the Irish Papists themselves) not by the Protestants own private acts, but the necessitated acts of those that were set over them by his Majesties au­thority) came into the Stream, with the violence whereof they confess themselves afterwards hurried into such miscarriages as made their hearts ake; yet [Page 37] (they hope) less criminal than those in the Irish Re­bellion, or to any degree of Apostacy, which deserves the scandal that P. W. lays on them, of wholly desert­ing the Royal Cause.

For 1. Notwithstanding the violent endeavors of both Papists and Anabaptists, not many of the Prote­stants of Ireland have declined the Church of England, in her greatest Tryals, whose principles are not one­ly most consonant to Truth, but also most useful and dutiful to the Royal Cause: and for that reason were opposed most by the two extremes. So that Old Pro­testants in the Anabaptist dialect, was the same with Royalist, and by them the Protestants of Ireland were dealt with accordingly. And 2. as the principles, so the practises of the Protestants vindicate their loyalty. 1. They submitted this Kingdom to his Majesty; not as England and Scotland, by the concurrence of the General and General Officers, but without them, nay a­gainst them, 2. Though they saw the difficulty of that attempt, and foresaw the hazard from Anabaptists (who then in chief commanded the Army in Ireland) if they succeeded not; and from Irish Papist preten­ders (whose necessities had driven them to serve them­selves by his Majesty in Flanders) if they succeeded; yet were they early (if not the first) and free without Articling in the duty of their submissions. And least P. W. who says many things that are not true, should deny this, which is so signally true, I will cite the un­deniable Testimony of his Sacred Majesty himself, which follows in these words in the 2. page of his [Page 38] Majesties gracious Declaration for the settlement of Ireland: We acknowledg that our good Subjects of the Kingdom of Ireland have born a very good part in pro­curing this happiness, that they were EARLY in their dutiful Addresses to us, and made the same professions of a resolution to return to their duty and obedience to us, during the time of our being beyond the seas, which they have since so EMINENTLY made good and put in practise.

Here is not onely a profession of duty, but a making of it good, and putting it in practise. Here is not one­ly an early owning of his Majesties Authority, but an owning it when he was devested from the actual ex­ercize of it, and that too (as to Ireland) by the Irish Papists. And this is also the first fruits of the Prote­stants having recovered the power of Ireland, and that with no less hazard than loyalty.

3. To make the Discrimination yet clearer: The Irish Papists at first murther'd and fought against his Majesties good Subjects, to take from him his Crown. The Protestants of Ireland fought aganst his Enemies to restore him to it. The Papists of Ireland were seem­ingly good Subjects, but to become more dangerous Re­bels. But the Protestants of Ireland if seemingly Re­bels, were such, but to become more useful Subjects. The last action of the Irish Papists, when they had the power, was to expell his Majesties Authority, with circumstances as wicked as the very sin: but the first action of the English Protestants, when they were in power, was to restore his Majesties Authority, [Page 39] with circumstances almost as dutiful as the Action it self.

Lastly, Not to hold a candle longer to the Sun, I will but instance one other experiment, and against an experiment there is no arguing; and the instance of this experiment is even in the very Case now contro­verted, and in which also my L. Duke of Ormond himself was the Iudg. In the year 1650. when it came in Question, which were the worst, the Irish Pa­pists, or the seduced Protestants. He permitted all those worthy Protestants which till then he served under him, to come off to the rest of the Protestants, though then headed by Iret [...]n himself; esteeming them safer with that real Regicide so accompanied, than with those pretended Antiregicides, so principled. Cer­tainly he esteems those less ill to whom he sends his Friends, than from whom he sends them. If so wise and so faithful a Servant to his Majesty, as the L. Lieutenant is, had had any hope that the Irish Papists would ever have return'd to their Loyalty, doubtless he would never have sent away from them, so many powerful helpers of it, and friends unto it : and if his Grace had not had more than hopes that the English Protestants would have return'd to their obedience as soon as they had got the power of doing it, he would never have sent his friends unto them. The Wisdom of his Grace's foresight has been happily ju­stified in the Result. For all the Protestants which then came off, were eminently instrumental and con­curring in the duty of accomplishing that blessed E­vent. [Page 40] I dare as truly as confidently say, the most of the Protestants of Ireland onely served under the U­surpers, but to bring the Irish Papists to those terms which without the force of English swords they would never have been brought unto. The Antient and Modern often breaches of Faith which the Irish Papists were guilty of, made it too evident to many of the Protestants, that nothing could bind them but steel and iron. The truth of both these positions is clearly read in that issue which the Providence of God has effected. However the once Seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves, and give glory to God, in confessing their Guilt such, (though not by causing, yet by complying with the late Vsurpation, though to a good end) that they rea­dily acknowledg they ow their lives and estates whol­ly to his Majesties Grace and indulgence; and will be more joyful to employ both in the honor and duty of his service, than now they are in having received both from his mercy and goodness. For 'tis fitter to discharge obligations, than to contract them. The lively sense the once seduced Protestants of Ireland have of their failings, and of his Majesties Clemencie, so justly hum­bles them, that they can take no pleasure to recrimi­nate others, farther than by shewing the Injustice of P.W's. comparisons; which they are more troubled he gave them a rise to do, than after the rise was given they were troubled to find out what fully has done it. But in regard the Irish Papists in all their discourses, as well as their Papers, pretend to the defense of his Maje­sties [Page 41] Right; it seems even necessary, by way of answer to the other branch of this proposition, to rub up their memories. 1. That in 1641 the Irish Papists unprovok'd (1) rebelled, (2) robbed the Protestants of more personal Estate, than the Fee-simple of all the forfeited Lands in Ireland is worth; (3) in a few Months murthered a­bout two hundred thousand innocents; (4) with a sin next to Blasphemie, as now they pretend his Maje­sties defense, so then they pretended his Authority. The PRETENDING whereof having been so horrid a sin, (for it was no less than to have intitled his then Sacred Majesty to all their unparallel'd crimes, nay to have made him the Author of them) I think it a duty to the memory of that Glorious MARTYR, to present the Reader in this place with what will clearly evince their malice therein to be as great, as his then Majesties Innocence; and nothing can better illustrate the vastness of this, but by proving 'tis a parallel to that. I could instance many signal and clear evidences of this Truth, besides that memorable one which follows: But since I have in most of my An­swer made use of their own writings, and prints, to make out their guilt: in this very particular I will pursue that method, and onely cite the Preamble of their own Remonstrance, deliver'd by the L. Viscount Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon, and Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, to his Majesties Commissioners at rhe Town of Trim in the County of Meath, on the 17 of March 1642. In which Remonstrance of Grievances (for so they call it) after they have taken notice that his Ma­jesty [Page 42] had authorized Commissioners to hear what they should say, or propound, these very words follow, viz. Which your Majesties gracious and Princely Favor we find to be accompanied with these words, viz. Albeit we do extremely detest the odious Rebellion which the Recusants of Ireland have, without ground or colour, raised against Vs, Our Crown and Dignity. Words which deserve to be written with a Beam of the Sun, as eternal monuments of his Majesties Iustice, and their Guilt; nor were they spoken in a corner, but spoken under the Great Seal, and even in that Commission which those False-accusers were to see and hear read; and by those expressions they were sufficiently pro­voked to have pleaded that Authority they so falsely pretended, had they had the least shadow for that black calumny. In these Royal expressions also (if at least the Irish Papists have the Modesty (I bate them the Justice) to acknowledg the King was a fitter Judge of their Crimes, than they themselves were) the act­ings of the chief Governors of Ireland, when that horrid Rebellion brake out, are fully vindicated: for the said Irish were so far from being provoked unto it by those, that no less a testimony than the word of that great, just and wise Prince proves, they had no ground, nay not so much as a colour for it.

2. In the year 1646, and after a peace concluded with them, they attempted, by a Treachery not to be parallel'd by any but themselves, to cut off the Lord Lieutenant and Army with him, who marched out of Dublin on security and confidence of that peace.

[Page 43]3. The same year, the Council and Congregation of the confederate Catholicks of Ireland, obliged their Ge­neral Preston by a solemn Oath, in these very words, viz. To exercize all acts of Hostility against the L. Mar­quess of Ormond by name, and his party; and to help, advise with counsel, and assist in that service the L. Ge­neral of Vlster employed in the same expedition.

This Oath is a fruitful Theme to declame upon, but I will limit my observations upon it, onely to these following particulars. 1. Least any should doubt they are his Majesties Subjects; least any of them­selves should repent the sin of not having been such, they swear (that they may raise their crimes above pardon) to exercize all acts of Hostility against his Ma­jesty, in the person of that noble Lord who had then, as now, the high honor to represent him; If killing be an act of hostility, they in this Oath swear to kill him; if this be not actual Regicide, I am sure 'tis not their fault that it is not. This horrid Oath takes off all disguises, and makes their sin as visible as great. And if such a Crime be capable of accession, it did contract it by the same persons engaging privately, about the same time, (as I have been assur'd by an un­deniable Testimony) That he would serve the King, which he afterwards endeavour'd to excuse onely by saying, His Army was not Nuntio-proof. By which it appears indisputably whether the Irish Papists are Sub­jects to the King, or to the Pope.

(2) Instead of repenting and making amends for the late violated peace in the year 1646, they swear [Page 44] to destroy him, with whom they had made it.

(3) This Oath reduc'd the taker of it to a sad Di­lemma, either to Rebellion or Perjury.

(4) This Oath evidences that nothing is so power­ful with the Irish Papists, as to destroy his Majesties Government; since the uniting of the Old Irish Papists and the Old English Papists, which the Pope himself could not effect: the dethroning of his Sacred Maje­sty has accomplish'd. They that could never agree in any thing else, agree in this, and 'tis made the very Bond of their iniquity. I will say no more on this sub­ject, but that Herod and Pilate could be friends, when it was to crucifie Christ.

4. In the year 1647, from Kilkenny Ian. 18. the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholicks of Ireland employ Com­missioners to Rome, France and Spain, to invite a for­reign power into Ireland, particularly to Rome their titular Bishop of Ferns and Nicolas Plunket Esq (who was Knighted by the Pope for his good service there­in, and is now one of the confident Advocates for the Irish Papists as defenders of his Majesties Rights, and against the Protestants of Ireland as deserters of the Royal Cause) these, I say, were authorized to declare, viz. That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catho­lick Religion, which are their own very words in the third Article of those their Instructions.

In their Remonstrance in the begining of the Re­bellion, whatever they said necessitated some few dis­contents to take up arms, then they took off the vail, [Page 45] and positively said, That they raised arms for the free­dom of the Catholick Religion. Certainly if ever they may be believed to speak true, it is when they speak to the POPE; and if ever any thing may be believed to be the voice of all the Irish Papists, it is when the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholicks speak in one Assembly. What is meant by the Freedom of the Catholick Reli­gion has been practically expounded by the Professors of it in Ireland; not onely affirmatively, that those which are of it, should enjoy the publick and undi­sturbed exercize thereof themselves; but negatively, to be an exclusion of the publick, if not private, exer­cize of the True Religion. Many instances I could present the Reader of this, but I shall onely set down two: The 1. is Dean York a reverend Minister of Gods word, during his residence at Gallway, was not allowed to pay the last duties of Christian burial to those Protestants which died in that Town; but was forced to bury them, nay his own children privately in his Garden. The 2. is, That my L. Duke of Or­mond, though owned by the Irish Papists to be the Kings L. Lieutenant, and consequently representing his Sacred Majesties person, was still denied the use of so much as one Church or Chappel, wherever the said Papists had the power; nay one of the Generals of the Irish PAPISTS, now living, told my L. Lieu­tenant at Kilkenny, That if the King in person came into Ireland, he should not be allowed by them One Church to celebrate his Devotions in: to whom his [Page 46] Grace made a return, proportionate to the disloyalty of that Declaration, and part of that return being pro­phetical, and since fulfilled, I shall here insert the words, viz. I hope to live to soe all of that mind to be without one Church in Ireland to say Mass in. By these two instances it is evident, That the direct meaning of those words, The Freedom of the Catholick Religion, is no other than the total banishing out of this Kingdom the exercize of the Religion established in it, by Truth it self, and by the good and wholsom Laws of the Land.

5. In another part of the third Article of the said Instructions, these very words are inserted, viz. The cofederate Catholicks do intend that you let his Holiness know, their resolution to insist upon such Concessions and Agreements in matters of Religion, and for the security thereof, as his Holiness shall approve of, and be satisfied with.

This palpably evinceth, that the Papists of Ireland being Subjects, or Rebels, depends wholly upon the Popes pleasure: For let his Majesty grant them what he will, yet his pretended Holiness's approbation must be the rule by which onely they will be bound. And this is made most evident by the words of the nineth Article in the said Instructions, which follow in these words, viz. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to de­scend to such Conditions, as might be granted in matters of Religion, then you are to sollicit for considerable aids, whereby to maintain a war, and to ascertain and secure the same &c. And soon after in the same nineth Ar­ticle, these words follow, viz. You are to make appli­cation [Page 47] to his Holiness for his being Protector of this King­dom; and by special instance to endeavor his acceptance thereof, &c.

Still the Pope is their King; and that he may be so almost in name as well as in power, they sollicit him by special instance to accept that Title, under which he might act that power: so that it is not the Confederate Catholicks fault, if a PROTECTOR were not in Ireland, before the Sectaries had set up one in England. Nay their Commissioners then sent to France and Spain, were required in case of the Popes refusal of being their Protector, to offer it to either of those Kings, nay to any Popish Prince, from whom (to use their own words) they might have most considerable aids. In effect, they are willing any one should go­vern them, but he who onely had the Right to do it. But yet as becomes obedient sons of the Church of Rome, the Pope has the advantage of the preem­ption.

It appears the Irish Papists hang, as their Faith in God, so their Loyalty to their Prince, on the Popes sleeve; and certainly it is not probable that those should defend his Majesties Right, over whom (1) a forreign Prince, (2) such a forreign Prince as considers His Majesty as an Heretick, and consequently an ene­my, hath full power; and (3) That power on the strong­est account, even that of Conscience and Religion.

In the year 1648 another Peace was concluded with the Irish Papists, but after that, they disowned, disobeyed, opposed, conspired to murther, excommuni­cated, [Page 48] and banished his Majesties Viceroy, as appears by the former instances.

In sum, when the power of Ireland was in the hands of the Irish Papists, they design'd and endeavour'd to betray it to Forreigners: But when in the hands of the Protestants of Ireland, they absolutely, and without an­tecedent conditions, submitted it and themselves to his Sacred Majesty.

As to their fighting against the Regicides,

I answer, 1. Vitious extremes are not onely oppo­site to virtue, but also one to the other; Papists and Sectaries oppose each other, and both the Protestants.

2. The Spaniard and the Dutch fought against the Regicides, yet neither of them in the day of Tryal, pro­ved themselves friends to his Majesties Rights.

3. 'Tis the Cause, not the Suffering onely, which makes the Martyr; 'tis not the fighting, but the ground and end of the fighting, which proves which is the good Subject, and of that, let even P. W. judg by the former Instances.

The last Argument pretends to commutative Ju­stice, and is usher'd in by a comparison and preoccu­pation.

The former thrice pressed way of comparison, is yet propounded here again, but with less injustice here, than before; the comparison before was between Papists and Protestants, here between Papists and Presbyterians, Anabaptists, Quakers, Fifth Monarchy men, Independents.

[Page 49]To which I shall onely say, Whatever tenents op­posit to Regal power may be found among any Secta­ries, are, if not learn'd from, I am sure taught by the Romish Schools. Papists and Sectaries like Sampsons Foxes, are tyed by their tails, though their heads be divided; their way may seem contrary, but they all tend to the same end, the ruine of the Corn-field.

As P. W. ushers in his Arguments on one side with a comparison: so on the other with a preoccupation, relating to the power of those which he calls Adver­saries, and declareth it to be no greater than his Maje­sty is pleased to make it.

To the truth of this Declaration the Protestants of Ireland freely consent; professing to the world, that though their Army is such, as sufficed to subdue the Irish Rebels when universally confederated throughout the Kingdom, and supplied by Forreigners with Mo­ney, Arms and Ammunition, and strengthen'd with no less than the Popes blessing and Nuntio: yet their power consists not in Arms or Armies, Fortifications or Men; but in loyalty and obedience to his Sacred Ma­jesties Commission and Authority; and is consequent­ly, as P. W. says, no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it. And since this is the true State of the Pro­testant, both principle and interest, As in truth it is, even their Adversary being their Judg, 'tis likely therefore that P. W. declares they are his Adversaries, (for I believe his Friends are other guess men) But doubtless those are fittest to be trusted with power, who are no stronger by it, even by their enemies ac­knowledgments, [Page 50] than He which gives it, is willing to make it; than those who never had power, but what they forc'd from his Majesty, and who never employ'd that power (the whole stream of their own actions be­ing their Judges) but against that Sacred Majesty from whom they wrested it.

The Arguments following plead Iustice, and that Iu­stice grounded on the Articles of 1648. and judged by the sad consequences threatned on the breach thereof, whether we regard men or God.

Though concerning the Articles of 1648, enough hath been instanced already, yet to leave P. W. with­out occasion of Cavil, it will not be unfit to add some­what more here.

• 1. The Contents of those Articles are in themselves unwarrantable, except in case of Necessity which hath no Law.
• 2. The Condition of those Articles whereon they were principally, if not onely founded, hath been often and intirely violated by the Irish Papists.

The Contents of those Articles are unwarrantable unless in case of necessity, because they are contrary to an higher obligation, according to the Rule both of publick and private justice.

1. His Majesty at his Coronation, binds himself to God, to govern these Kingdoms according to their re­spective Laws; and let P. W. himself consider, how agreable it is to Law or publick Justice, that the Mili­tia, [Page 51] Treasury, an Army of fifteen thousand Foot, two thousand five hundred Horse, of Irish Papists, and e­ven in effect the Legislative power it self, should be in the hands of twelve men to be chosen by Irish Papists; or that there should be no alteration in England of what they in Ireland should think fit to transmit to his Majesty for the settlement of that Kingdom; or even that the Irish Rebels should be pardoned without the consent of Parliament, when his Majesty in Parliament the seventeenth year of his Reign, adjudged such par­don before conviction to be null and void; hereby even when they treated with his Majesty concerning the affairs of this Kingdom, assuming the Legislative authority of it, by repealing the Statute made the 10. of Henry the VII. (commonly called Poynings Law) and the explanatory Law thereof, in 3. and 4. of Phi­lip and Mary.

And though hitherto they chiefly pleaded before his Sacred Majesty in Council, but for so much benefit of the Articles of peace in 1648, as would restore them to their forfeited Estates: yet if they had prevailed therein, upon the score of that plea, it must in conse­quence have adjudged for them the benefit of all the other Articles, as a right. For if any of those Articles are due to them by an obligation of Iustice, all are then due to them by the same obligation; and since, as appears by his Majesties Gracious Declaration in Council, of the 30 of November 1660. that they have no right to any of their forfeited estates, nor any title but what his Majesties mercy and bounty hath vouch­safed [Page 52] safed to diverse of them; it thence follows, That his Majesty in Council has adjudg'd, They have no right to those Articles. For as an adjudication of his Sa­cred Majesty of their title to any one of the said Ar­ticles, had entitled them to all: so an adjudication of his Majesty in Council, That they had not a right to that one they pleaded for, has adjudg'd them to have no right to any.

2. Was not his late Majesty of glorious memory before those Articles, (1) preingaged to the Adven­turers for many of the forfeited Lands in Ireland; (2) in the strictest form of ingagement, even by an in­gagement in Parliament; (3) on the account of stri­ctest justice, even by way of sale; (4) on the best ac­count of sale, the end thereof being to reduce the Irish Rebels: therefore might not these Arguments which P. W. urgeth in this instance against the breach of publick Faith, be at least more appliable to this en­gagement of his late Majesty, to his now Majesties Declaration at Breda, and his gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660; which were all Acts of choice, premeditation and freedom: than to those Ar­ticles of 1648, which was an act of necessity and re­bellious force. The Casuists and School-men will ea­sily resolve P. W. that the later and lesser obligation, ought to give place to the elder and greater. But if P. W. object, that if his Majesty were under an obli­gation preceding and opposite to theirs, why did he enter into an obligation unto them? To that I an­swer, 1. That then it was not Res integra; for his Maje­sties [Page 53] Rebellious Subjects, even some of the Adventu­rers themselves had superinduc'd a necessity upon his Majesty, which as he could not foresee when he made his first contract: so by all the ties of natural pre­servation, he was bound to take away, when they were brought upon him; and it could not be a breach of Faith in the King to them, who made it (as things then stood) impossible to perform it. 2. Though necessity be an unhappy plea, yet when 'tis a true, it is an allowable one. (3). That very necessity which con­strain'd his Majesty to those Articles, had they been observed by those with whom they were made, would have invited all honest Englishmen to have cheerfully waited, till by the expected fruits and effects of that Peace, his Majesty might have been enabled to have satisfied them; nay they would rather have lost their money, than his Majesty should have broken his Faith with them, that had kept it with him, and would have been so serviceable to him; besides his Majesty might have been so soon reseated in his throne, that the debts of the Crown would have been so small, & his Subjects ability and affections so great; that he might and would easily have satisfied the Adventurers desires, without forfeited Land in Ireland, even by their own consent. But the breach on the Irish Papists side, has occasion'd so long and chargeable a War, that their for­feitures, together with the vast sums sent out of Eng­land into Ireland, and raised in Ireland it self, are scarse able to defray that expence, which their own viola­tion of Faith has engag'd the Crown in: so that it is [Page 54] but just, that the Bear-skin (as far as it will go) should contribute to pay for the healing of those wounds, which the Bear it self had given. His Sacred Majesty in the 3. page of his Declaration, speaking upon these Articles, uses these very words: viz. When they who wickedly usurped the Authority in this Kingdom, had e­rected that odious Court, for the taking away the life of Our dear Father; no body can wonder that we were de­sirous, though upon DIFFICVLT CONDITIONS, to get such an united power of our own Subjects, as might have been able, with Gods blessing, to have prevented that infamous and horrible Parricide.

In these clear and Royal expressions the world may see what was the onely incentive to his Majesty, for his granting of that Peace, even no less than the pre­venting of the Murther of his blessed Father, and the bloudy consequences of it: And therefore if that were the hopeful effect of those Concessions, had they been observed on the Irish side; may not we (without too much straining) inferr, that the breach on their side, contributed to, if not acted that unparallel'd Crime. To commit the sin, and not to prevent the sin, when men have the preventative power of it, are very near ally'd, if not the same Crimes.

I shall also here again observe, that what P. W. calls Freely putting themselves and their power into my L. Lievtenants hands; his Sacred Majesty justly marks with these observable expressions, [ upon difficult Con­ditions;] may I not therefore from thence also well infer, That P. W's. Clients, do nothing so freely as [Page 55] when they put difficult Conditions on His Majesty.

Though I have said and prov'd by undeniable evi­dences, That the Irish Papists have violated and bro­ken the Articles they extorted in 1648; yet because P. W's. Tenents obliges him to believe Works of su­pererrogation, I will gratifie him in practicing in this particular, one of his own principles, by adding far­ther what follows, to evince the Irish Papists have egre­giously broken the said Peace; the foundation of which, is the Recognition made by them of his Majesties Sove­raignty, and their Obligation to obey and uphold it, with their Lives and Fortunes, which is therefore not onely inserted after the Title, as a part of the Agree­ment, but premised to all the rest, as the Ground and Principle of the following Graces and Securities, which without it, are like a Castle in the air, that has no foundation, and therefore cannot stand.

Besides the 18th Article of the said Peace expresly excludes from the benefit thereof, such as should after offend. The doubt then that remains, turns on these two Hinges,

• 1. Whether this Condition or Recognition were bro­ken.
• 2. By whom it was broken.

The first appears affirmatively, beyond contradiction, in the many former instances; for after the conclusion of those Articles, the Irish Papists despised, disowned, rejected, expelled, banished and excommunicated the L. Lieutenant, and all adhering to him, and in him, his Ma­jesties Authority.

[Page 56]Secondly, It clearly appears, That even those who made these Articles with the Lord Lieutenant, were guilty of their Breach: For if they were not able to keep this Condition inviolable, they transgressed that duty express'd in the Recognition, and were Abusers both of His Majesties Authority and Service. And if they were able to keep this Condition inviolable, they are guilty for not accordingly keeping it.

Thirdly, These Articles were not made with any in­dividuals singly consider'd, but with the then Ruling Power of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, for accor­dingly the phrase in the Title is, viz. [ Articles of Peace, made and concluded with the General Assembly.] And in the Conclusion, [ Signed by Sir Richard Blake Knight, in the Chair of the General Assembly, by Order, Command and unanimous Consent of the said Catholicks in full As­sembly.] Seeing then their Ruling Power made the said Recognition, and that their Ruling Power publi­shed the Breach thereof to the world, as is evident by their Declaration of the twelfth of August 1650. so by many other insolent violations, though His Majesties Grace and Mercy hath indulg'd to the particular act­ings of many Individuals, yet in relation to those Arti­cles, or an account of any Obligation in Iustice due to them, they are not to be regarded.

Yet his sacred Majesties justice to, and tenderness of the said Irish Papists has abundantly appeared, not on­ly in his having in person still heard them upon the said Articles of Peace, but also in giving them near 2 years time to prove all they pleaded, and so long left the [Page 57] Kingdom unsettled, that they might be fully heard in all their Allegations; nay, even by his giving Them a liberty which never yet was given to any, even a free sight of the Bill of Settlement, which was humbly pre­sented to Him by the Lords Justices and Council, pur­suant to Poynings Law, and a full liberty to make all the objections they could against it; which yet they have been so far from acknowledging as an effect of his Royal Care and Indulgence, that in all their Answers (which I have diligently perused) I do not find so much as a bare taking notice of that unpresidented Favour. But possibly since by that Indulgence their guilt has been but the more evidenced, they untruly consider the con­sequences of that mercy to be, what only was intended in the extending of it, and therefore were loth to pay his Majesty thanks for what has but more discover'd their Crimes. But yet this is but proportionate to the rest of their proceedings: for since they call his sacred Majesties mercy an injustice, they may at the same rate decline paying Acknowledgments for his condescentions to them.

Having thus proved that the Peace was broken by the Irish Papists after it was made, I shall now say something to prove that it was DESIGNEDLY broken BE­FORE IT WAS MADE.

If by a previous Ingagement and Oath the Irish Pa­pists confirmed their first confederacie not to be dissol­ved by the Peace which then they seemingly pursued. If they combin'd to make themselves IVDGES of his Majesties Actions, and to appeal to themselves upon [Page 58] every Occurrence that they should be inclinable to misinterpret; notwithstanding their Protestations of obedience to his Majesties Authority, then I conceive the whole peace thereby is on their part made void and null. But that they did so, is clearly evident, and that by an OATH solemnly taken (not by private men, or a factious party, but) by all the Prelates, Noblemen, and Gentlemen that were the Grand Committee, upon concluding the said Peace, That in case of non-perform­ing of the Articles thereof, (that is to say, If all the particulars therein were not carried on according to their liking) they were to continue the Association and Vnion of Confederate Catholicks, and to do ALL Acts preservative thereunto.

In this place it seems to me requisite to let the Reader know what that Vnion and Association of the Confederate Catholicks was, which they swear to con­tinue; which I shall instane in somce particulars, out of their own Originals now remaining on Record.

In the first Roll they swear in these very words, viz.

I A. B. do promise, protest and swear before God and his Saints and his Angels, That I will during my life bear true Faith and Allegiance to my Soveraign Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and to his HEIRS and lawful Successors, and that I will to my power, during my life, defend, uphold and maintain all his and their IVST PREROGATIVES, Estate [Page 59] and Rights, the Power and Priviledges of Parliament of this Realm, the Fundamental Laws of Ireland, and the FREE EXERCISE OF THE ROMAN CATHO­LICK FAITH AND RELIGION THROUGHOUT THIS LAND, and the Lives, just Liberties, Possessions, Estate and Right of all those that have taken, or shall take this Oath, and perform the Contents thereof; and that I will OBEY and RATIFIE all the ORDERS and the DECREES MADE and TO BE MADE by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom concerning the said publick Cause. And that I will not SEEK or RECEIVE directly or indi­rectly ANY PARDON or protection for any Act DONE or TO BE DONE touching the General Cause, without the consent of the Major Part of the said Council; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts that shall prejudice the said Cause; but will to the hazard of my life and estate, assist, prosecute, and MAINTAIN the same.

Moreover I do further swear, That I will not accept of, or submit unto ANY PEACE made or to be made with the said Confederate Catholicks, without consent and approbation of the General Assembly of the said Confe­derate Catholicks, and for the preservation and strength­ning of the Association and Vnion of the Kingdom, that upon any peace or accommodation to be made or concluded with the said Confederate Catholicks as aforesaid, I will to the uttermost of my power insist upon, and maintain the ensuing propositions, until a peace as aforesaid be made, and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace [Page 60] be ESTABLISHED and SECURED by PARLIAMENT. So help me God and his holy Gospel.

In this their first Confederacie Oath, they swear flat and known contradictions: for they swear to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, and with the same breath they swear they will obey and ratifie all the Or­ders and Decrees made and to be made by their supreme Council, who had then actually cast off the Kings Au­thority, and set up a Government in opposition to his Majesties. It had sure been at least enough to swear to obey and ratifie all Orders and Decrees they had made, without increasing that guilt by the high acces­sion of swearing to obey and ratifie all to be made by the Supreme Council. Herein they show, what the POPE is to them in Spirituals, their Supreme Coun­cil is in Temporals, whom they obey with a blinde and implicite Faith.

They swear also to maintain the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, and in the same breath they swear to maintain the free exercise of the Roman Catholick Reli­gion, which is expresly against Law; as it is, that any should govern the Kingdom, but by his Majesties Au­thority; which they assumed and usurped in all the essen­tials of it: nay not onely the matter of the Oath is a­gainst those Laws they swear to maintain; but even the taking or imposing of any Oath which by Law is not warranted, is a violation of the Laws: But they are so far from owning these their Crimes, that they swear [Page 61] they will not seek or receive directly or indirectly any par­don or protection for any thing done or to be done, touch-this General Cause, &c. They can be content to seek and receive a Pardon from the POPE for sins to come, but they swear they neither will seek or re­ceive directly or indirectly a Pardon for, nay not so much as a Protection from his Majesty, for sins past, without the consent of their Supreme Council. This is a fine bearing Faith and Allegiance to the King, this is a good upholding and maintaining the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. They swear too, that these Acts of highest Re­bellion, they will to the hazard of their Lives, and Estates assist, prosecute, and maintain.

But they proceed further, for they swear not to ac­cept of, or submit to ANY PEACE made or to be made without the consent and approbation of the Gene­ral Assembly of the said Catholicks: ANY PEACE, that is, let the Conditions be never so good, let the Per­son that grants them be the King Himself, they will not accept of it, they will not submit unto it, without, &c.

If the King would so far forget those signal Crimes which made them need his Pardon and Protection, and would not so much as name them, but make a Peace with them, as if they had never done any offence, yet they swear, that not one of them shall accept of, or sub­mit to such a Peace, but as is before expressed; nay, to show how perfect a ROMISH Confederacie it is, if any Individual should be struck with the horrour of his Crimes, he cannot fly to the Kings Mercy for Par­don or Protection, without Perjury: And to inveagle [Page 62] such as had not then been polluted with those sins, they swear to protect all such as shall enter into their guilt; and thereby in consequence threaten to ruine such as shall not: This is admirable bearing true Faith and Al­legiance to the King, and maintaining the Laws of the Kingdom!

But this is not all, for they further swear in these words, viz. For the preservation and strengthening of the Vnion of the Kingdom upon any peace to be made or concluded with the said confederate Catholicks as afore­said, They will to the uttermost of their Power, insist up­on and maintain the ensuing Propositions, until a peace as aforesaid be made, and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace be established and secured by Parlia­ment.

The first Proposition to which this Oath relates, and to which it is annexed, is expressed in these words, viz. That the Roman Catholicks both Clergy and Laity in their several capacities have the free and publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom, in as full lustre and splendor as it was in the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, or other Catholick King his Predecessours, Kings of England and Lords of Ireland, or in England.

That is to say, That none should be admitted to live in Ireland but Papists: for none or very few but such; were in the Reign of those Kings in Ireland.

The second Proposition mentioned, follows in these words, viz. That the secular Clergy of Ireland, viz. Primates, Archbishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and [Page 63] Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, and all other Dig­nitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and all persons of the secular Clergy, and their respective successours, shall have and en­joy all, and all manner of Iurisdictions, Priviledges and Immunities in as full and ample manner as the Roman Ca­tholicks secular Clergy had or enjoyed the same within this Realm, at any time during the Reign of the late King Henry the Seventh, sometime King of England, and Lord of Ireland, any Law, Declaration of Law, Sta­tute, Power, or Authority whatever, to the contrary not­withstanding.

That is to say, Their Wills must be the Law; and since they think fit to set up POPERY in Ireland, and to banish the true Religion out of it, it is but re­quisite they should take the maintenance from the Le­gal, and give it to the Titular Clergy. And least we should doubt this to be the true meaning of the se­cond Proposal, they clearly explain it in the fourth, which follows in these words, viz. That the Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chap­ters, Archdeacons, Chancelours, Treasurers, Chaunters, Provosts, Wardens of Collegiate Churches, Prebendaries and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and other Pa­stors of the Roman Catholick secular Clergy, and their respective successors, shall have, hold enjoy all the Chur­ches and Church-Livings, in as large and ample manner, as the LATE PROTESTANT CLERGY respectively enjoyed the same, on the first day of October in the year of our Lord 1641. together with all the pro­fits, emoluments, perquisites, liberties, and the rights of [Page 64] their respective Sees, and Churches belonging; as well in places now in possession of the Confederate Catholicks, as also in all other places that shall be recovered by the said Confederate Catholicks from the adverse Party, within the Kingdom, SAVING to the said Roman Catho­lick Laity their Rights, according to the Laws of the Land.

That is to say, Our Clergy shall have All, therefore yours can have nothing; this is a perfect Fifth-Monar­chy Principle, for here Dominion is onely founded in pretended Grace, none being to have the benefit of the Laws of the Land, but the Papists. Nay, his Sa­cred Majesty, because a PROTESTANT, is as such, denied any one of those Rights, which the mean­est of the Irish Rebels, because a PAPIST, is to enjoy, as such; and lest their words for it should not be taken, they confirm it with an OATH. The Legal and Orthodox Clergy of Ireland may see in this, what goodly Provision had been made for them, and their respective Successours, if this pious Roman Catho­lick Confederacy had succeeded.

But least this their first Oath of Confederacie might be thought a thing they were surprized into, in the first heat and fury of the Rebellion; and least the ta­kers of it should forget what the Imposers of it would have them believe they were bound unto by it; some time after, premeditately, and in cool blood, they caus'd it a second time to be taken in terminis, and subscribed with a preamble to it, the close whereof, runs in these Words, viz. And for that it is requisite that there should [Page 65] be an unanimous consent and real union between all the Catholicks of this Realm, to maintain the premises and strengthen them against their adversaries, it is thought fit by them, that they, and whosoever shall adhere unto their party, as a Confederate, should for their better assu­rance of their adhering fidelity and constancy to the pub­lick Cause, take the ensuing Oath ▪ viz. I A. B. &c.

In the begining of the said Preamble, they give the priority and precedency of place to the Defence of their own Estates and Liberties, to that of the defence of his Majesties Regal Power, Prerogatives, Honour, State, and Rights; That is to say, They will mind themselves before the King, which they fully explain in the third Oath of their Union and Confederacie, which after their rejection of the Peace concluded with them by his Majesties Authority, they entered into, took and subscribed, and which follows in these words, viz.

I do swear and protest that I will adhere to the present Vnion of the Confederate Roman Catholicks that REJE­CTED THE PEACE lately agreed and proclaimed at Dublin; and do nothing by Word or Deed, Writing, Ad­vice, or otherwise, to the prejudice of that Vnion, and will to the uttermost of my power, advance and further the good and preservation of it, and of his Majesties Rights, and the priviledges of free born Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom.

The two former Oaths seem to them to be onely the [Page 66] THEORY of Rebellion, and they were loth to stop there, therefore they proceed in this third Oath, to the PRACTISE of it. In the first and second Oath, they swear they will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees made, and to be made by the Supreme Coun­cil of the Confederate Catholicks; and in this third Oath, they very abundantly observe what they swore in the two precedent ones; but although in both those they swore as positively, I am sure much more justly (though not justifiably) du rig their Lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, and though that just part of the Oath hath the priority of place, in both Oaths, yet the priority of obedience, when it came in competition which should be most binding, viz. either those parts which related to their obedience to his Ma­jesty, or those which related to their obedience to their General Assembly, they practically interpret it for, and adjudge it to the latter.

In their two first Oaths, they swear they will not ac­cept of, or submit unto any Peace made or to be made with the said confederate Catholicks, without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly.

But either this Peace which they swear to reject, was made with the consent and approbation of their Ge­neral Assembly, or without their consent or approbation: If the latter, how can the Generality of the Irish Pa­pists plead for the benefit of what their Governing Power was against; If the former, then against their two preceding Oaths, they reject that Peace which by their General Assembly's consent and approbation had [Page 67] been concluded, and which (at least by a strong im­plication) they were sworn to observe. I know of no Oath of theirs which bound them to more then not to accept of peace from his Majesty without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly, till this third was taken and subscribed. When they are not guilty enough by old Oaths, they will make themselves guil­ty enough by entering into new Oaths. Doubtless the guilt of two solemn Oaths, not to make peace with their King, without the approbation and consent of their own fellow Subjects, even of their own setting up, and that too, as one of the products of a bloody Rebellion, was guilt enough; but in their third Oath, they proceed farther, and reject that peace which even themselves had sollicited, and which was highly advan­tagious for them, onely because the HEADS of the Catholick Confederacie had then hopes of getting more from the King (whose condition then began to decline) by Rebellion, then by Peace. Nay, that which their two former Oaths did not oblige them unto, viz. To reject a Peace made with his Majesty when CONSENTED TO, and APPROVED BY their General Assem­bly, They SWEAR TO OBSERVE; and that which their two former Oaths obliged them unto, viz. During their lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, they WILL NOT OBSERVE, though the rate of that crime amounts to no less then to a double, if not a treble Perjury.

I must here acquaint the Reader, That this third Oath of Vnion and Confederacie, whereby they reje­cted [Page 68] the Peace, is, as the two former Oaths, without a date in its Original now on Record; possibly it was their intention thereby to insinuate to the people, that the Ingagement they entered into, was a duty incum­bent on them from the first, and was to have no end. But if P. W. should say that this Oath had onely refe­rence to the rejected Peace in Anno 1646. I will onely answer, The same Inferences are of the same force in reference to the rejected Peace in Anno 1648. and therefore if they be not rightly applied as to the time, yet they be as to the thing.

Certainly no written wickedness can ascend higher then in that same Oath, in which they swear to reject, and actually do reject his Majesties Authority, when cloathed with peace, even a peace of their own seek­ing, and highly advantagious to them, they also swear to preserve his Majesties Rights. I can finde no consi­stencie in the said Oath, unless they mean it to be his Majesties Right, to be governed and used according to the pleasure of the Roman Catholick Vnion and Con­federacy; nor can I tell what they mean by preserving the Priviledges of free-born Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom, unless thereby they mean, that those Privi­ledges are parramount to his Majesties Authority, and they the onely Judges and Preservers of them.

But because the Irish Papists endeavour to extenuate the sins of entring into their first and second Confe­deracie-Oath, by pleading that their ingagements in them were but temporary, and were not to be conclu­sive, but as they should be established and secured by Par­liament; [Page 69] I think it necessary least by that specious pretence the Reader might be deluded, to set down here how they designed that Parliament should be constituted: which I shall do out of the Original of their Instructions remaining in my hands.

The Title of those Instructions is, viz. Instructions for the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, Lord President of our Council, &c. And the rest of the Commissioners imployed by the General Assembly of his Majesties most faithful and dutiful Subjects, the Confederate Catholicks of his High­ness Kingdom of Ireland, &c. unto the Lord Marquess of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, &c.

The words of the 22. Article of these Instructions, are these, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty to have a Parliament helden before the Lord Marquess of Ormond, or a CATHOLICK, or a NATIVE well-affected.

I doubt if these Commissioners had not been imme­diately imployed to the then Lord Marquess of Or­mond (now Duke of Ormond) they would scarcely have named him to be the person before whom the de­sired Parliament should have been holden; for since even while they made a direct address to his Lordship, they had the presumption to add, viz. Or a Catholick, or a Native well-affected, if his Grace were not to have seen what they desired, they would not have menti­oned Him. And the truth of this appears clearly in the Paper intituled, The sence of the Congregation of the Clergy upon the Instructions presented to them, to be given the Agents to be now employed to France. Dated the 21 of [Page 70] December 1647. wherein to use their own words, they say, viz. We offer the ensuing Articles, which we desire may be drawn up into Instructions with the rest, to be gi­ven to the said Agents, with Order to insist on them, and in no sort to recede from them.

The first of those Instructions are in these words, viz. First, that an Instruction be given the said Agents for getting the Lord Deputy, or other chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom to be A ROMAN CA­THOLICK.

In this the Reader may evidently find, though when the Irish Papists make Addresses to the Lord of Or­mond they are so discreet as to name Him for the per­son before whom the Parliament shall be holden, yet when they may write what he is not to see, they abso­lutely leave Him out, and desire that the Parliament may be holden before a chief Governour that is a Ro­man Catholick, with this addition, viz. AND IN NO SORT TO RECEDE FROM THIS INSTRUCTION.

The second Particular which the said Congregation of the Clergy desire may be added to the Instructions to be given to their Agents, then designed to be sent to the Queen and Prince, then in France, and which they are to INSIST UPON, and IN NO SORT to recede from, is express'd in these very words, viz. 2 d. Instruction. That the particular Arti­cles or Concessions to be obtained for Religion, may be pub­lished together with the Temporal Articles; and that until both be published together, THE PEACE MAY [Page 71] NOT OBLIGE NOR BE ACCEPTED BY THE CONFEDERATE ROMAN CATHOLICKS: And that the QUEEN NOR PRINCE come not to this Kingdom till the Peace be published as aforesaid, and accepted by the Nation.

By this it undoubtedly appears that no peace would be accepted of by the Irish Papists, but such a one as even by the Royal Assent, was to give them the whole Kingdom in Fact and Power, if not in name: Nor was the QUEEN and PRINCE, his now Majesty, so much as to come into Ireland, till Ireland was in ef­fect given away to the Crown.

Although this Paper intituled The sense of the Con­gregation of the Clergy, have many Particulars as full of Disloyalty and Rebellion, as those I have already men­tioned, yet I shall set down no more but the seventh Paragraph, which they desire may be past into an In­struction; which follows in these words, viz. That if a PROTECTOR must be chosen for the Nation, it may be his HOLINESS. And that the Nation may not by choosing Spain or France for Protector, be ne­cessitated to make the other of them not chosen their Ene­my abroad, and thereby rend the Kingdom at home into division.

This in my opinion evinceth, that as bad as the Pa­pist Clergy in Ireland were, yet the Original design of choosing a PROTECTOR was the Act of the LAY PAPISTS, but indeed when a forraign Protector was resolved upon, the Popish Clergy as be­came [Page 72] true Sons of the Romish Church, were singly for the Popes having the Protectorship, and fortifie that their desire with a very material and politick conside­ration, if not threatning, viz. That unless it were so, it might rend the Kingdom into Divisions. But I desire the Reader woul observe that rending of the Kingdom would not have proceeded from the casting off of his Majesties Authority, but from the PAPAL, FRENCH AND SPANISH FACTIONS, who would have con­tended for the Soveraignty of this Kingdom: But not so much as the least word mentioned that the Kingdom would have been rent by the resistance of any party in his Majesties behalf: Though three forraign Powers would have found Friends to have countenanced their respective designes, yet his Majesties lawful Right could not find any numerous Assertors of it.

Having thus done with the Paper intituled The sense of the Congregation, I shall now proceed to acquaint the Reader with the residue of those Instructions, which will let him plainly see how they projected that Parli­ament should be constituted which was to establish and secure the Articles of Peace insisted on. One of which I have already particularized, and now shall proceed to the rest.

The 24 ^th Instruction is set down in these words, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, that all Indictments, Out-Lawries, Attainders, and other Acts, made, published, or done, in the Courts of Dublin, or elsewhere in this Kingdom, or the Kingdom of England, in prejudice of the [Page 73] said Catholicks, or any of them, since the seventh day of August 1641. shall be before he sitting of the Parliament here, taken off the file, and vacated; and so declared by his Majesties publick Proclamation.

This is a good preparation for composing a fit Par­liament for the ends of the Confederate Catholicks. Be­fore they did any thing for the King, they press the King would by a Proclamation vacat the legal proceedings of the Court of Justice. They desire to be put in a capacity to act new crimes, by a forgiveness of the old.

The 11 ^th Instruction runs in these words, viz. You are to be humble Suitors to his Majesty, That such as are al­ready employed or appoynted, or that shall now be appoyn­ted to execute the Office of Sheriff by our party, in the se­veral Counties of the Kingdom shall stand: and the said Offices to be conferred upon them by Letters Patents.

Though the Sheriffs of Ireland are pricked by the chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom, yet they will themselves name those Sheriffs, that thereby they might be in a condition to be sure the re­spective Knights of the Shires for their intended Par­liament should be Roman Catholick Confederacie-Men.

The close of the 26 Instruction is in these words, You are to procure that no new Corporations shall send Bur­gesses to Parliament, without the allowance of Parliament first had.

The 13 ^th Instruction runs in these words, viz. You are desire that such Corporations as anciently sent Burgesses to the Parliament, be now admitted, notwithstanding that [Page 74] by the power of some late Governours, they were of later days debar'd of this priviledge.

By these three Instructions the Reader may see how well they would have constituted the House of Com­mons for the Catholick Confederacie; first, Sheriffs who are to be Judges of the Elections of the Knights of the Shires they would nominate, and have his Ma­jesty commissionate by Letters Patents. Secondly, some old Burroughs who had scarce an Inhabitant in them, and who therefore for several preceding Parliaments had no Writs sent unto them to make Elections, they desire now may send Burgesses to their intended Par­liament: And Burroughs who are by the Kings Char­ter to send Burgesses to Parliament, and who are nu­merously planted with Protestants, were to send none to serve for them in Parliament.

Thus far the Confederates had well provided for themselves in the constitution of the House of Com­mons, now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in the constitution of the House of Lords: For the 23 Instruction is in these words, viz. That no Lord not estated in this Kingdom, or estated in this King­dom, and not resident here, shall have vote in the said Parliament of this Realm, by PROXY or OTHER­WISE.

The King is the Fountain of Honour; but here the Confederate Catholicks will stop the Stream of it; as they think sit; voting by Proxy, which is the undoubt­ed Right of the Peers, they will not admit; and those Peers who by the Rebellion of the Confederates [Page 75] were expelled out of Ireland, must be denied their Rights, even when a peace is concluded; Nay possibly those Peers might not be considered as estated Lords, whose Estates the said Confederates had possest them­selves of; so that by the Acts of the Rebellion they were to lose their Lands, and by the Desires of the Rebels to lose their Votes: And perhaps if Protestant Peers which the Rebellion had forc'd into England would have returned into Ireland to vote in this intended Parliament, they might (had this Instruction took place) been denied to vote in Person, as well as by Proxy, on account that they were not estated persons by rea­son their Lands were then in the possession of the Re­bels, who had taken good care that the Peace should not oblige, nor be accepted by the confederate Catholicks, till all the Articles of it were established & secured by Parliament.

The Confederates rest not here, but to make all things surer, the 44 ^th Instruction is set down in these words, viz. That such as shall be recommended by the su­preme Council of the Confederate Catholicks, shall be by his Majesty called by Writ to sit in the Vpper House.

In the 23 ^d Instruction before mentioned, they at­tempt to hinder the constitution of the House of Peers to be as by Law and Custom it ought to be; and in this 44 ^th Instruction they attempt to constitute it as it ought not to be. In the foregoing Instruction they endeavor to stop the true Fountain of Honour, and in this Instruction they would make themselves to be the Fountain of Honour. Nor does this Instruction run with the introductive words of the former, viz. You are [Page 76] to be Suitors, or humble Suitors to his Majesty, but posi­tively set down, as if what they demanded were ra­ther a Right, then a Favour; neither do they limit their recommendation of such as are to be called to sit in the Upper House, to such onely as were his Majesties Subjects, or his Rebels, but indefinitely, viz. all that shall be recommended by the Supreme Council of the confe­derate Catholicks; so that the forming of the House of Peers, the great and inseparable Right and Prerogative of the Crown, they not onely desire to WREST from the King, but also they desire to VEST IT IN THEM­SELVES: Nor do they stop there, but by this Instru­ction (had it been granted) they would have had the power to have constituted the House of Lords OF FORRAIGNERS, and doubtless amongst those, his HOLINESS's NUNTIO, then amongst them, would scarcely have been forgotten.

Thus far the Catholick Confederacie had well pro­vided for the composition of the House of Commons and the House of Peers, as far as concern'd the Tempo­ral Lords; Now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in providing that the House of Peers should be as well constituted for the Spiritual Lords, which they manifest in their 25 ^th Instruction, which follows in these very words, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, that the Writs of summons be issued to the ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS WITH­IN OVR QVARTERS, and they to have PLACE AND VOTE in Parliament.

This is a Request INDEED, here is not onely a [Page 77] taking away of the Right of the Protestant Arch­bishops and Bishops, but a giving of it to the Papists: Nay, would not this have been (if granted) an owning that the POPE by his Consecration had the Right to send Peers into the House of Lords, if not to cre­ate them. But since they were sworn by their Confe­deracy to have the free and publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout this Kingdom in its full lustre and splendor, as it was in the Reign of King Henry the seventh, or any other Catholick King his Predecessor, Kings of England and Lords of Ireland, 'tis no wonder they take the surest Ways to reach that End. But yet the wisdom of the Kings of England, and their experience of the Irish Papists has been such, that had all these Instructions been granted to them, yet they could not have reach'd their Design, which the said Papists well knew, and therefore to throw down ALL Impediments, in their 21 ^th Instruction, which follows in these very words, they further desire, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, That upon the first sitting of the next Parliament, That an Act may be trans­mitted for the suspension of POYNINGS HIS ACT, intituled, An Act that no Parliament shall be holden in this Land, until the Acts be certified into Eng­land, and all other Acts inlarging or explaining the same. And that it be afterwards left to the consideration of the Parliament, whether the same shall be ALL TOGETHER REPEALED or continued.

In these Instructions the Confederates show a Catho­lick Care of the Roman Catholick Cause: They were [Page 78] not contented to attempt by force and open Rebellion to wrest this Kingdom from the Crown of England, but ha­ving failed thereof in that way, they endeavour to ef­fect it in this: first they will have a PAPIST chief Governour, and that (to use their own words) the Com­missioners must not onely INSIST UPON, but must IN NO SORT RECEDE FROM; Then they must have a Parliament, and that not onely to be constituted against the Kings undoubted preroga­tive, the known and ancient Laws of the Land, and Pri­viledges and Rights of both Houses, but also must be compos'd according to the desires and inventions of the Irish Papists: and because by Poynings's Act no Bill or Bills could be transmitted into England till first they had past the chief Governour or Governours and privy Council of this Kingdom, and then were certified to his Majesty and privy Council in England, by the said chief Governor or Governors, and privy Council to be good and expedient for this Kingdom, and then were not to pass in Parliament here, but as approved of by his Majesty and Council in England, and remitted hither under the Great Seal of England; whereby the Crown of Eng­land was wisely secured that nothing should be enact­ed here to the prejudice of it: The said Irish Papists desire that in their said next Parliament Poynings's Act might be suspended, and all other Acts enlarging and explaining the same; and then that it may be left to the consideration of the Parliament, SO CONSTITUTED, whether the same shall be ALTOGETHER RE­PEALED, or continued; that is to say, That the [Page 79] LAMB be put into the Claws of the WOLF, and then leave it to the consideration of the Wolf whether or no he would devour him. If it should be said, That the fore-mentioned Instructions were onely the Confe­derates desires to his Majesty; I onely desire to know whether they made those desires with an intention to have them denyed or granted: If the first it was ridi­culous, if the last it was rebellious. But by all this it undeniably appears, If the providence of God, and His Sacred Majesties Wisdom and Care had not disappointed the boundless designes of the said Irish Papists, not onely the Protestant Religion and the Professors of it in Ireland had been LOST, but also this Kingdom had been LOST to the Crown of England, for the said Irish Pa­pists were to have held what they then rebelliously possest till their Articles of Peace had been establish'd and secured by Parliament, and if they could have had a Parliament such as they designed, all the Kingdom would in effect have been theirs by Authority of Parlia­ment; so that either way they had secured themselves as much as their CONFEDERATED WISDOMS could project.

But since the most essential parts of the Articles of Peace were to be finally obliging but as they were to be confirm'd by Act of Parliament in the next Parlia­ment which should be assembled after the perfecting the said Articles; let P. W. remember this present Parliament is the first that has been call'd together in Ireland since the conclusion of the Peace, and let him see in the GREAT BILL OF SETTLEMENT how far [Page 80] the Parliament thinks fit to put their sanction to those Articles. If P. W. should say, This is not such a Par­liament as his Countrymen intended at and before the ma­king of those Articles; I shall joyn with him in his say­ing thereof, and shall onely add, That GOD AND HIS SACRED MAJESTY be praised, it is not such a Parliament.

I must desire the Readers excuse for these digression [...] which I thought necessary, that he might the better know, even out of the Originals of the Papers of the Irish Papists, what kinde of Parliament that was, by which they had designed to establish and secure the Articles of their Peace, as also what that Association and Vnion of the Confederate Roman Catholicks is, which their Grand Committee swore to continue, and to return unto upon the concluding of the Peace in 1648. in case they them­selves judged the Articles thereof at any time unobserved unto them. I wish the said Irish Papists think not them­selves TO THIS DAY bound by it; nay; I wish they do not think it INDISSOLVEABLE.

This horrid Oath of the Grand Committee before-mentioned, is now so undeniable, (though it was then manag'd in the dark, and carried on with all possible secreeie) that it was by all their Titular Bishops in their published Excommunications against the Lord Lieute­nant, interpreted and insisted on, as a most CONSCI­ENTIOVS engagement to invite all their Nation to a disobedience of his Majesties Authority; whereby they [Page 81] have not onely argued themselves guilty of the great­est unworthiness and treachery, men could possibly be faulty in; they have not onely forfeited all that Grace and Favour which could be intended them by that Peace, and invalidated all the Articles of it; but they have likewise continu'd to themselves the guilt of their Rebellion and Confederacie to this present DAY, and lie obnoxious to the utmost penalty of the Law for the same, unless his Majesties Mercy be greater then their Crimes; and consequently P. W's causeless curses and threatnings are not to be feared.

• Those Threat­nings respect MEN
  • The Irish Papists.
  • The Judicious Protestants.
• Those Threat­nings respect GOD.

First P. W. tells us that the hearts of the Irish Papists would by such proceedings be estranged from his Majesty: The sense whereof is, that the Irish will follow the King for nought but the LOAVES; nay, it had been happy for Ireland if the very Loaves themselves would have prevented their hearts from being estranged; but 'tis morally impossible while such a National and Reli­gional distinction continues: The experience of the last Rebellion, if no other proof thereof had been, evin­ceth the estrangedness of the Irish Papists to be such, that the Interest in them of the greatest Nobleman in Ire­land when for the Crown, is not so considerable, as a po­pish [Page 82] priests against it. Wherefore the estrangedness P. W. mentions must still be expected, but with this diffe­rence, That the BEAST if pamper'd, will Kick, if kept low, OBEY.

Secondly, P. W. fore-tells that the Iudicious Prote­stants will on such proceedings be perpeturlly jealous, not­withstanding any Declaration from Breda, or Acts from Westminster.

Though P. W. may be a true Seer of the estranged hearts of the Irish papists, yet I dare charge him to be a false Prophet concerning judicious protestants; for though they duly value his Majesties Declarations and Acts of Grace, as signal Expresses of his Goodness; yet their confidence rests on the inward principle in his Ma­jesties Brest, whereto without such Expresses, or Arti­cling, or capitulating for such (as the Irish papists did) they freely submitted, and are more confirm'd by their late experience to continue in that duty.

But if in P. W's judgement the ungrounded appre­hension of any violation or breach of promise may e­strange the hearts of the Irish papists from his Majesty, whom they are bound in conscience to love, honour and obey, notwithstanding miscarriages in Government; and if the like apprehensions may cause jealousies in judici­ous protestants notwithstanding Declarations and Acts of Parliament, let it not seem strange or hard (at least to P. W. and his Countrymen) if a continued Series of Covenant-Breaches, Rapines, Murthers, Massacres, Crueltys, Perfidies, Treasons and Rebellions exercised by the Irish papists against the Crown and protestant Religion, raise [Page 83] jealousies in the hearts of all judicious Protestants. Or if his Majesty be pleas'd on these accompts in his great Iustice, Wisdom and Goodnsss to restrain them from fur­ther ruining others first, and then themselves.

The Crown hath often lost by Credulity what it hath got by Valour; it hath lost by pretence of Peace what it had gain'd in open War: The Kings interest in France was thus lost, the GOD of peace prevent the like in Ireland.

The consequence threatned in respect of God, are dreadful judgements, such as P. W. confesseth to have bin wonderfully inflicted on the Irish Nation for their breach of the peace in 1646. and such as were inflicted on Sauls house for his breach with the Gibeonites.

I see the best Wits have not always the best Memo­ries, else P. W. would have remembred the breach made by his Nation in 1641. and since 1648. as well as in 1646. for those doubtless were as criminal as this: but possibly he thinks it was more sin for his Country­men to violate what they oblig'd themselves to as a FREE STATE, then what they were oblig'd to do as SUBJECTS; and therefore thinks their sins in 1646. were greater then in 1641.

But if all were pardoned by the peace made in 1648. why does he remember the Judgements for the breaches in 1646? if he thinks all were not, why does he not remember the breaches made in 1641. and at least attribute some of those Judgements to that breach?

But I had almost forgot what perhaps P. W. may [Page 84] plead in answer to my Objection, and that is no less then the POPE's BULL of indulgence and pardon published in Latin in Ireland, and thus carefully (for so much of it as follows) translated into English.

This BULL of Indulgence and Pardon of the Pope either is an answer to my question, or it is not; if P. W. should say it is not an answer to my Question, then it remains still in force: if P. W. should say that it is an answer to my Question, then I desire the un­byass'd Reader to consider whose Subjects the Irish pa­pists are: For His late Majesty of Glorious Memory under His Great Seal declares in these very words, viz. We do extremely detest the ODIOVS REBELLION which the Recusants of Ireland have without Ground or Colour raised against Vs, Our Crown and Dignity: But the Pope by his Bull calls that Rebellion of the Irish [Page 87] Papists, an imitation of their godly and worthy Ancestors, with this farther addition, That the said Irish Papist GALLANTLY do what in them lieth TO EXTIR­PATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PRO­TESTANTS, who he is pleas'd to call Workers of Ini­quity. Nay, his Holiness proceeds farther, for being willing to cherish them in their Rebellion, he dispen­ses to them the gift of spiritual Graces, of which he says he is under GOD the onely Disposer on earth, and there­fore grants them a full & plenary indulgence and absolute remission for all their sins, trespasses, transgressions, crimes and delinquences, how hainous and atrocious soever they be. If the Pope's power over the Irish Papists be so great, I shall not wonder their obedience to the King is so little: neither shall I admire that Rebellions have been so frequent in Ireland for the time past, nor doubt they will be as frequent for the time to come, if the strength of the Irish Papists proportions their inclinati­ons, & if the said Papists consider fighting against the Kings Authority is Merit, and dying in that Quarrel is MARTYRDOM. Their propensity to the sin of Rebellion needed not those two double incentives to it, viz. If they succeed, HEAVEN and IRELAND is theirs; if they succeed not, HEAVEN is theirs: His Sacred Majesty will have but little hold of men who are acted by such Principles, and by such beliefs. I de­sire also it may observ'd, this BVLL was sent them in May 1643. at which time the Irish Papists were in the height of their Rebellion; for they then had nei­ther Cessation or Peace to plead, which might intitle [Page 88] them so much as to the Name of Subjects. It may be also this pardon of the Pope's made them the more cheerfully swear neither to seek or receive directly or in­directly a pardon from a King. I hope the Reader will also observe that the designe of the Irish Papists by their Rebellion, what ever they pretended for it, was no less then TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PROTESTANTS, and this atte­sted by the POPE himself, which he calls a GAL­LANT ACT, and an imitation of their GODLY ANCESTORS, which proves that General if not Vni­versal Massacrings has not been onely the attempted sin of the Irish papists of this Age, but had descended to them by inherritance, and some wish it may not be con­vey'd to their Posterities. 'Tis likewise worthy the Readers observation, Though his Sacred Majesty might warrantably have done unto those Irish papists what they would have done to the protestants, and though persons of such bloody principles and designes as the POPE owns the said Irish papists to be, and incourages them to persevere in, with assurance of pardon here, and Heaven hereafter, are not very likely to be obedi­ent Subjects to the King, or good Neighbours to their fellow Subjects; yet not one of them suffers meerly for his Religion, and many of them, though guilty, are pardon'd and restor'd. This practically and clearly shows the difference between the true mother and the false mother, as also how much more consonant to CHRIST's Doctrine and Practise the HEAD OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCH does act, then the HEAD [Page 89] OF THE POPISH CHURCH does act; and MAN can in nothing be so well like unto GOD, as in being merciful as GOD is merciful.

But for all P. W's fencing, I am confident were his Country-men as fully pardoned for their breaches of the Articles made in 1648. as by that peace P.W. says (whatever he thinks) they are pardon'd for their brea­ches in the year 1646. he would as well attribute his Countrymens sufferings to the breaches of 1648. as to any preceding. But I see it is easier for his Majesty to forgive TWO Rebellions, then for P. W. acknow­ledge ONE, which he is so far from doing, that upon a supposititious covenant-breach on the Kings side, he thereby insinuates a charge against the most faithfully indulgent of Princes. But the protestants of Ireland dare APPEAL CHEERFULLY even to the Tribunal of GOD HIMSELF, that the Iudgement may fall where the breach is.

And since P. W. acknowledges that all the wonder­ful judgements fallen upon the Irish Nation is for the breach of the Articles of 1646. and that I have fully proved in many signal instances, the Articles ni 1648. were no less broken by them, let all men consider how visible the breach was which he CONFESSETH, when the breach in 1648. is so visible, which he DENYETH: And since all the past judgements on his Countrymen, he owneth, were onely inflicted for the breach in 1646. let him and them, if they please, ascribe the punishments to come in the Bill of Settlement, to their breaches in 1641. and to their breach of the Articles in 1648. for [Page 90] doubtless these deserve some judgements as well as that.

I fully own Faith should be observed where-ever it is given, as long as the conditions for which it is gi­ven are observed: And I as heartily confess that a vio­lation of Faith calls down the severest of Gods punish­ments; for all promises made before the righteous Judge of heaven and earth, when broken, are not bro­ken singly to those to whom, but even also to him be­fore whom they are made; and God will not be mock­ed: I wish those which now think such judgements on such breaches just and inevitable, had in 1641. in 1646. in 1648. and many times since, so well remem­bred the truth of that position, as not to have run in­to those sins, which must, as an inevitable consequence of them, draw down such punishments. But since what is past cannot be recall'd, I will pray they may avoid in the future, what for the time past they might have pre­vented. But because P.W. has instanc'd the case of Saul's children and the Gibeonites, I will endeavour to show how far it is parallel to that case to which he unjustly applies it, and how far it is not.

First how far it is Parallel.

• 1. Ioshua knew not the persons of those with whom he made that league; neither did the King know the hearts of those with whom he made that peace.
• 2. Those were neighbours, nay liv'd amongst the Isra­elites to whom Ioshua promised peace, though they said they were of a far Country; the Irish were neighbours, at least locally; nay they liv'd long amongst us, though at [Page 91] last they would not let us live among them; but in­deed they were from a very far Country, even from Rome it self.
• 3. Those deluded Ioshua into that league, and said they were his servants, when they were his Enemies; the Irish Papists did also delude the King into that peace, and said they were Subjects, when indeed they were Re­bels. Thus far the Parallel holds.

Now I will show in what, and how much it differs.

• 1. The Gibeonites deluded Ioshua into a peace; but the Irish Papists (to use His Sacred Majesties own words) forced, compelled, necessitated him into Cessati­ons and Peaces.
• 2. The Gibeonites were Strangers, but the Irish Pa­pists were (at least ought to have been) Subjects.
• 3. The Gibeonites never broke those Conditions gran­ted to them, though by those conditions they were made in effect Slaves; but the Irish Papists broke, yea often, if not always theirs, though after an unparallell'd Re­bellion they were in effect made Lords of all Ireland, even the bloody Stage upon which they had acted their guilt.
• 4. Saul's children were not executed for their Fa­ther his having made the Gibeonites hewers of wood, and drawers of water, (the utmost that the Protestants desire even to the worst principled of the Irish Papists) but for killing the Gibeonites after they were peacea­ble Slaves: So that those judgements P. W. seems to threathen his Majesty with, if they have not the Articles [Page 92] of 1648. made good, he and his Countrymen have on­ly reason to fear; for his Majesty kept them, and they have broken them. Since the breach of Faith is so foul a Sin, and deserves such heavy Punishments, even by P. W's own confession, and since it is fully proved those for whom he pleads, have not onely once, but of­ten, yea always broken their Agreements; let them with patience bear what they have drawn upon them­selves; and let him henceforth imploy his Pen and his Press in inviting his Countrymen rather to acknow­ledge his Majesties mercy, that no more are punish'd, then that some are, and that so little too, comparatively to their crimes.

I will from P. W's Parallel take a rise for the insert­ing of two particulars: The first is, If any of the chil­dren of P. W's Clients lose their Lands, though actu­ally they were not guilty of their Fathers Rebellions, let him remember, even in the case which he instances, that the seven sons of Saul were hanged up unto the Lord in Gibeah of Saul, though they had not actually slain those Gibeonites for which they themselves were punish­ed. Let him also remember that till Iustice was done, the famine lasted; and after it was done, the famine ceased. Those lost theirs lives for their fathers sin; but these (if any) lose but their fathers forfeited Lands for their Fathers crimes. The second is, Though even the Spirit of God it self witnesseth, That Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the children of Israel and Iu­da; yet that it self could not silence or suspend the Ju­stice of God. And therefore let P. W. know, That [Page 93] though in the third Article of their Instructions to the titular Bishop of Fernes, and Sir Nicolas Plunket, (their Commissioners to Rome) they own to the Pope that in their zeal they rais'd Arms for the freedom of the Ca­tholick Religion, yet no zeal in Religion can apologize for, or will hinder the effects of Gods Justice on his Countrymen for their unparallell'd murthers, and their often breaches against Nature, and against Stipulation: To do evil that good may come of it, may be the Doctrine of Rome, but is not the Doctrine of Christ; and by the Fruit the Tree is best known.