The Lord of Ormonds Letter, to Collonell Jones.

I Have not thus long forborne to invite you, with those under your Command, to a submission to his Majesties authority in me, and a Conjunction with mee, in the wayes af his service, out of any the least aversion I had to you or any of them, or out of any disesteeme I had to your Power to advance or impede the same, but out of a fear that whilst those that have of late usurp'd power over the Subjects of England, held forth the least colourable shadow of moderatiō in their intentions toward the settlement of Church or State, & that in some tole­rable way with relation to Religion, the intrest of the King and Crowne, the Freedom of Parliaments, and the Libertie of the Subject, any addresses from mee proposing the withdrawing of that Party from those thus professing, ana from whom they have received some, and expect farther support, would have beene but coldly received, & any determination thereupon deferred in hope & expection of the fore mentioned settlement, or that if you your selfe (who certainly have not wanted a fore-sight of the sad confusion now covering the face of England) would have declared with mee, the Lord Inchequin, and the Protestant Army in Munster, in prevention thereof. Yet my feare was, it would have beene as diffi­cult for you to have carried with you the maine body of the Army under your Command (not so clear sighted as your selfe) as it would have beene dangerous for you and those with you, well inclined, to have attempted it without them. But now that the Masque of hypocrisie, by which the Independent Army hath en­snared and enslaved all Estates and degrees of men, is laid aside: Now that bare­faced they evidently appeare to bee the subvertours of true Religion, and the pro­tectors and invitors not only of all false ones, but of irreligion and athisme, now that they have barbarously and inhumainly layed violent sacrilegious hands upon, and murthered Gods Annointed, and our King; not as heretofore some Patricides have done, to make roome for some usurper, but in a way plainly manifesting their intentions, to change the Monarchy of England unto Anarchy, unlesse their aime bee first to Constitute an elective Kingdom, and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected, then by the same force by which they have thus farre compassed their end, to establish a perfect Turkish tyranie: now that of three Estates, of King, Lord, and Commons; whereof in all ages Parliaments have consisted: there romaines only a small number; and they dreggs and [...] of the house of Commons picked and awed by the Army, a wicked remnant left for no other end, then yet further (if it bee possible) to delude the People▪ with the name of Parliament, the King being murthered, and the Lords and the rest of the [Page 2] Commons being by unheard of violence forced at severall times from the house and some imprisoned: and now that there remaines no other Liberty in the Sub­ject, but to professe blasphemous opinions, to revile and tread under foote Maje­stracy, to murther Majestrates, and oppresse and undoe all that are not like mind­ed with them. Now I say I cannot doubt, but that you, and all that are with you, or under your command, will take this opportunity to declare and act, against so monstrous and unparpalel'd a Rebellion, and that you and they, will cheerefully acknowledge, and faithfully serve and obey Our gracious King, Charles the second, undoubted Heire of his Fathers Crowne and vertues: under whose right and conduct wee may by Gods assistance restore Protestant Religion to purity, and therein settle it, Parliaments to a Freedome, good Lawes to their force, and our fellow Subjects to their just Liberty: wherein how blessed and glorious a thing it will bee, to bee so considera [...]ly Inst [...]umentall as you may now make your selfe; I leave to you now to consider, and though I conceive there are not any Motives relating to Particular interests to bee mentioned after these so weighty Considerations, which are such as the World hath not at any time beene furnished with, yet I hold it my part to assure you, that as there is nothing you can reasona­bly propose for the safety, satisfaction, or advantage for your selfe, or of any that shall adhere to you, in what I desire, that I shall not to the uttermost of my power provide for, so there is nothing I should or would more industriously avoid, then those necessities arising from my duty to God and Man, that may by your rejecting this offer, force mee to bee a sad instrument of shedding of English blood, which in such a case must on both sides happen. If this overture finde place with you (as I earnestly wish it may) let mee know with what possible speede you can, and (if you please) by the bearer in what way you desire it should bee drawne on to a Conclusi­on, for in that, as well as in the substance you shall find all ready compliance from mee that desires to bee,

Colonell Jones, his Answer to the Lord of Ormonds said Letter.

YOur Lodrships of the 9 I received the 12 instant and therein have I your Lordships Invitation to a Conjunction with your selfe (I sup­pose) as Lord Lievtenant of Ireland, and with others, now united with the Irish, and with the Irish themselves also. As I understand not how your Lordship should bee invested with that power pretended, So am [Page 3] I very well asured, that it is not in the power of any, without the Parliament of England to give and assure pardon to those bloudy Rebells, as by the Act, to that end passed, may appeare more fully. I am also well assured, that the Parliament of England, would never assent to such a Peace (such as is that your Lordships with the Rebells wherin is little or no Provision made either for the Protestants or the Protestant Religion, nor can I understand how the Prote­stant Religion should be settled and Restored to it's purity by an Army of Pa­pists, or the Protestants intrests maintained by those very Enemies by whom they have been spoiled, and theirs slaughtered, and very evident it is, that both the Protestants and Protestant Religion are in that your Lordships treaty, left as in the Power of the Rebells to be by them born downe and rooted out at Pleasure.

As for that consideration by your Lordship offered of the present and late Pro­ceedings in England: I see not how it may bee a sufficient motive to mee, (or any other in like trust, for the Parliament of England, in the service of this Kingdom) to joyn with those Rebells upon any pretences in that your Lordships Letter mentioned.

For therein were there a manifest betraying of that trust, reposed in mee, In diserting the service and worke committed to mee, in joyning with those I should oppose, and in opposing whom I am obliged to serve.

Neither conceive I it any part of my work and care to take notice of any whatsoever proceedings of State forraigne to my charge and trust here, esp [...]cially they being found hereunto apparently destructive.

Most certaine it is (and former ages have approoved it) that the intermedling of Governours and Parties in this Kingdome with sideings and Parties in Eng­land, hath been the very betraying of this Kingdome to the Irish, whiles the Brittish forces here had been thereupon called off and the place therein layed open, and (as it were) given up to the common Enemie.

It is what your Lordship might have observed in your former Treaty with the Rebells, that upon your Lordships thereupon withdrawing and sending hence into England, the most considerable part of the English Army, then commanded by you, thereby was the remaineing Brittish party, not long after, overpowered, and your quarters by the Irish over runne to the gates of Dublin, your selfe also reduced to that low condition as to be beseiged in this very City (the Metropolis and Principall Citadell of the Kingdome) and by those very Rebells who till then, never could stand before you. And what the end hath beene of that party also, so sent by your Lordship into England (although the flower and strength of the English Army here, both for Officers and Souldiers) hath been very observable.

And how much the Dangers are at present (more then in former ages) of hazarding the English intrest in this Kingdom by sending any parties hence into any other Kingdome, upon any pretences whatsoever is very apparent, as in the [Page 4] generality of their Rebellion, now more then formerly, so considering your Lordships present Conclusions with, and Confessions to the Rebells, wherein, they are allowed the continued possession of all the Cities Forts, and places of strength, whereof they stood possessed at the time of their Treaty with your Lordship, and that they are to have a standing Force of fiveteen thousand Foote, and two thou­sand five hundred Horse (If I well remember it) all of their owne party, Officers, and Souldiers, and they (with the whole Kingdome) to bee regulated by a Major party of Irish trustees chosen by the Rebells themselves, as persons for their intrests and ends to be by them confided in, without whom nothing is to be acted. And herein, I cannot but minde your Lordship, of what hath been some­times by your selfe delivered, as your sence in this Particular, that the English intrest in Ireland must be preserved by the English and not by Irish; and up­on that ground (if I be not deceived) did your Lordship then Capitulate, with the Parliament of England, from which cleare Principle, I am sorry to see your Lordship now receding.

As to that by your Lordship menaced to us here of bloud and force, if discenting from those your Lordships wayes and designes.

For my Particular I shall ( my Lord) much rather choose to suffer in so doing (for therein shall I doe what is becomming and answerable to my Trust) t [...]e [...] to purchase to my selfe, in the contrary, the ignominious brand of Perfidy, by any Alurements of whatsoever advantages offered mee.

But very confident I am, that the same divine power which hath followed me in this worke, will still follow mee, and in that Trust doubt I nothing of thus giving your Lordship, plainly, this my Resolution in that Particular. So I remaine

The Lord of Ormondes Letter to Collonell Michael Jones. March the 27. 1649.

I Should not trouble you nor yet my selfe with a Reply to your Letter of the 14 of March answering mine of the ninth, but that I am unwilling to suffer you to remaine in the mistakings you seeme to have taken up of my procee­dings, or that any other to whom your said Letter may bee communicated [Page 5] should bee thereby misled, and if in what I have to say you find your duty pointed at even in relation to the trusts reposed in you, you will have the lesse reason to beleeve it impertinent if you reflect vpon some parts of your Letter which minde mee of mine. And if you further consider that I have at least as much title to give such adm [...]nitions in this Kingdome as you can justly pretend unto, for it was (as you say you suppose) as Lord Lievtenant of Ireland that I invited you to a Submission to that his late and his now Majesties authority placed in mee, and to a conjunction with others both English and Irish that have Submitted thereunto, and I heartily wish there were no other Arguments necessary to your satisfaction then such as might prove this Authority to bee derived to mee by the same Power that in all ages since the Conquest, hath and only can dispose of the Government of this Kingdome, so that whatsoever your understanding of the matter may bee, you must looke for imposters, and bare pretended Authorities neerer home, whither what you next say and affirme, and are so very well assured of (namely that it is not in the power of any to give and assure pardon to those bloody Rebells) bee an inference out of your former mistake, or grounded on the Act you mention, or both, is not much materiall; for as I am sufficiently able to justifie the Authority I had to treate and conclude the Peace, so if it were granted that by the said Act his late Majestie had limited his power of Pardoning till after conviction to the consent of his two houses of Parliament then sitting by vertue of his writts and summons, And this I beleeve (though I bee not well read in the Statutes) to be the vttermost extent of that Act in this Particular, will it therefore folow that by no meanes this power can ever revert to the proper fountain whence (even that act showes) it was, and must bee derived, and if by none other meanes; yet will it not revert by the dissolution of that Parliament; or if not by an ordinary dissolution of it, yet by so horrible and execrable dismembring as that mentioned in my former Letter; is not that Parliament torne asunder & the power reverted, or can it bee thought that the intent of that act (passed by the free vote of the Lords and Commons and compleated by the Royall [...]ssent) was, that a despicable num­ber of the Commons, become slaves or Parazites to a Rebellious Army, should as­sume the name or power of Parliament, declare Regall power unnecessary, nay prejudiciall to the Common-Wealth, abolish [...]oth it and the House of Peeres for ever, and erect in the roome of this demolished antient, and glorious Fabrick, a mishappen Republique, wherein to settle themselves Revenues and Bloody Gover­nours, and get the Power of pardoning and making vse of his Subjects (evidently invested in and reverted to the king) against so great unheard of & horrid innova­tions must not bee exercised without their leave, nor they punished for the Highest Treasons but by their owne consents, and if these men are meant by you under the name of the Parliament of England, you may bee well assured as you say you are, they would never consent to this or any other Peace thwarting their evill ends, one of the most monstrous, whereof declaredly is never to have more Parliament to deliver Judgement in this or any other matter; for the title Bloody Rebells [Page 6] which you appropriate to those with whom this Peace is concluded. You may know that by an Article of the Peace all such are excluded from pardon, and therefore I conceive it is that one father Reyly an active Instrument in crimes of that nature, is as I here treating for conditions for himselfe and others, with some of a like dye, not that you or any with you are hereby any further intended then as you or they shall abet or adhere to those in England that undeniably are so. And where you say there is in this Peace little or no provision made either for the Protestants, or Protestant Religion, you are to understand with whom the Treaty was, namely with those of another Religion, from whom propositions for Protestants or Pro­testant Religion was not to bee expected, nor was it necessary to obtaine their con­sents to any such provision, the established Lawes providing for both, and no part o [...] those Lawes being by the Peace to bee repealed, they stand in force for their advantage and security; true it is that the severity of certain Lawes against Roman Catholiques for the Exercise of their Religion is to bee porvided against by Act of Parliament, but without prejudice to Protestant Religion, or Prote­stants whose interests as fully saved unto them.

Your not understanding how Protestant Religion should bee setled and restored [...]o its purity by an Army of Papists makes it not impossible, nor I hope improbable but that that happy work may bee effected by the blessing of God under the conduct of his Majesty that now is, whose Authority a Protestant Army hath acknow­ledged, and will faithfully obey; and to a conjuction with these (not excluding any that have good and loyall Affections) you were invited however you think fitt for this worke to make me intend only an Army of Papists, And where you say it is evident that both Protestants and Prostestants Religion are in that treaty left as in the Power of the Rebells to bee by them borne downe and rooted out at pleasure, I must take leave to affirme that the contrary is indeed very evident, as will appeare when the particular powers left in the Irish afterwards mentioned by you as ar­guments for that assertion come to bee considered of, you are pleased still to mistake the invitation, which was not as you say to joyne with Rebells but to forsake the worst of those that ever deserved that title even in relation to the Parliament of England, whether taken in the true definition of it when the King was acknoledged head of that body, or when the two Houses without the King were so called, which how they have been served by their Servants the Independent Army hath been already sufficietnly spoken of, to manifest that to serve or adheare to those that have acted such mischeifes by the impulsion or countenance of that Ar­my is the fowlest breach of trust imaginable, and I am very sorry you so farre re­solve your selfe obleiged to serve them as to thinke it no part of your worke to endeavour to preserve or restore those by whom you were intrusted, and that it is not worth your notice or care what destruction falls upon them, but take it to be a matter Forraigne to your charge and trust. I shall readily acknowledge that the div [...]sions in England have in former ages been by the meanes you mention preju­diciall to the English interest in this kingdome, but you must also acknowledg that [Page 9] the Ʋsurper or wrong Doer in England, was only guilty of that prejudice; unlesse you will impose upon all that have Governed or shall Govern in this Kingdom, a necessity of turning Trust-breakers and Traytors, when, and as often as it hath pleased or shall please God to give successe to any Rebellion in England: Nor should this in my judgement, be a very pleasing profession to those you are (as you say) oblieged [...]o serve, since it amounts to no more then that, whilst they prosper, you will so think and no longer; which is all I shall say to your Observations, of the consequences of my sending part of his late Majesties Army to serve him in Eng­land, according to his Command; which Army came over under his Commission. Now to those Concessions, which you say are so dangerous to the Protestant and English Interest in this Kingdom: I shall first answer, that admitting them to be, as you have mistaken, and set them down, the danger is much more encreased by the division of the English and Protestants; if this be granted, as in reason it ought to be; the Question then will be who is in fault, that there is not a conjuncti­on, and in that sence by what you have written, I conceive you will not believe me a competent Iudge, and that for the same reason, I am confident you are not, it must be left to God, who I am sure is.

Your mistakes in the Concession [...] are these: First, you say, they are allowed the continued possession of all the Cities, Forts, and Places of Strength, whereof they stood possessed at the time of the Treaty; but you give no limit to the time they are to continue this Possession, as the Article doth; namely, till settlement by Par­liament, nor do you mention that those Places are to be commanded, ruled, and Governed in Chiefe, by his Majesties Chiefe Governor or Governours for the time being, as by that Article they are.

Next you say, that they are to have a standing Force of fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, all of their Party: in the number you are not mistaken, but you are when you say that they are all to be of their Party, if you intend by Rebels the late Confederates, for if they be Roman Cotholikes, that Article is fulfilled, and of them there are many that were not of t [...]e Confede­rates, but much more mistaken you are, when you affirm that those Forces and the whole Kingdom, are to be regulated by a major Party of Trustees of the Irish, there being nothing in their power through the whole Articles, extending either to the regulating of an Army, or any piece of one, much lesse of the whole King­dome: and even in those powers derived to them by the Articles, which for the most part are in matters of Levies and Taxes upon their own freehold: there is a negative power left to the chiefe Governour for the time being, for the more equall execution thereof, in case any Protestant, or Protestants Estate happen to be there­in concerned.

I shall not deny (though I doe not remember it) but I may have said, that the English Interest in Ireland, must be preserved by the English, for I avow it is still my opinon: But then certainly I understood, of no English Interest separate, from, or Independant of the King and Crown of England; much lesse such an English In­terest as is now set up; and which you say, you are oblieged to serve, exclusive both to King, Crown and Parliament; nor did I understand my selfe, and many others lesse English, or lesse concerned in the English Interest, because of our long [Page 10] continuance in this Kingdom; nor yet was it exclusive to all of Irish discent, many of whom doe now, and have in all Ages well deserved of the Crown of England.

I shall not deny neither, but that being pressed principally by the Party, for whom the mentioned Father Reyley is said to bee now Treating at Dublin, I made choise to capitulate with you, and others employed by the two Houses of Parliament to that end, and into their hands to commit the keeping of the places, I could no longer hold, then to give them up: or suffer them to be taken by an Army in­stigated by a forraigner to the danger of the whole Kingdom, and the destruction of those I had so long protected; and you may remember the expressions you were then pleased to make in detestation of any violence to the Kings person, or the just rights of his Crown, from which loyall expression, I am sorry to see you now recede.

If you please to look again upon that part of my Letter, which you interpret, a menace of blood and force, you will retract that part of yours that charges mee with it, or else must give me leave to think you were willing to take a slender oc­casion, to manifest your resolution to some other then to me, who am as ready to submit to Gods good pleasure, in the event of my undertakings, as you are positive, that he will follow you in your work. I remaine

Colonell Michael Jones his returne to the Lord of Ormonds Letter of the 27. of March, 1649.

YOur Lordships of the 27. of March I received this 29th. this being in reply to mine of the 14. of March, answering your Lordships former of the ninth.

The rectifying of mistakes in me concerning your Lordships proceedings, and the satisfying of others, that they be not by that my Letter misled, are by your Lordship declared the reasons moving you to this Reply.

Notwithstanding all which, I do (for my part) professe my selfe there­withall nothing satisfied, nor my judgement thereby any way convinced, so, as I should abate any thing in my former conceptions of your Lordships waies and designes, from apprehending them to be, to the Protestants here, to the Protestant Religion, and to the very English Interest in this Kingdome, per­nicious altogether, and apparantly destructive, nor can I think any other (not interessed in those your Lordships wayes, or not carried on and byassed with particular respects) will, on view of this your Lordship now offered, passe any other judgement upon those your proceedings. And herein am I now con­firmed more then formerly, being by that your Lordships Reply called on, and enforced to look into your Lordships late transactions with the Rebels fur­ther, and more then otherwise, I should have done.

[Page 11]As for the Protestant Religion, I cannot but very much wonder to finde your Lordship still asserting, the possibility and probability of its being by you restored to its purity, and setled by that Army of Papists.

To passe what may otherwise shew it, at least, improbable: Let it bee here considered, that now we look on those Armies of Papists with you, as on them who have stiled themselves Confederates in respect of that Association, and of those Oathes wherein they stand bound to the setting up of Romish Reli­gion, and that to the greatest advantage.

And how inconsistent that their solemn Profession is with their restoring the Protestant Religion to its purity, and for setling it, I leave it to all not Popishly affected. This I am sure of, That neither before your Lordships late Treaty with the Rebels, nor since, have their actions given us the least hope of proba­bility (if in that power by your Lordship still left in them, there be not a very impossibility) of that by your Lordship herein so confidently affirmed.

But you say, Yours is not an Army of Papists, pointing to those of the Prote­stants in Munster drawn, or rather forced into that Confederacy, with your self, and the Rebels.

That remnant of Protestants (I speak it plainly, betrayd into the hands of their mortall enemies, the Enemies of both their Religion and Nation;) that remnant (I say) is all your Lordship hath for countenancing that your asser­tion. And what can that handfull do, (although of good affections) for en­forcing the predominant, and so the contrary confederate party, to a restoring and setling Protestant Religion to its purity? If it be not impossible, sure I am it is improbable. I said, that for the Protestants there is little or no provision, in that your Lordships peace with the Rebels.

Herein your Lordship now tells me, That it was not necessary the Pro­testants should be named in that Treaty, the established Lawes of the Kingdome, (no part of which is to be in those Articles repealed) saving to them their Interests.

Thereunto shall I adde what of your Lordships owne words are thereunto preceding, which are these, You are to understand with whom the Treaty was, namely with those of another Religion, from whom Propositions for Protestants or Protestant Religion was not to be expected; wherein is enough (I think) to shew a necessity of some expresse provisions to be made for the Protestants and Protestant Religion, and that they should not be so cast upon tacite im­plications, having to deale with such from whom nothing was to be expected for good, either to them, or their Religion, (as you so confesse.) Herein is al­so appearing the possibility and probability of restoring and setling the Pro­testant Religion by an Army of Papists.

As for the not repealed Lawes by your Lordship mentioned, whereunto the Protestants are in that case by your Lordship left and referred, I desire herein to be satisfied concerning the Protestants remedy for satisfaction from those by whom they have been most unjustly dispoiled and destroyed in their whole fortunes; are they herein referred to the established lawes not repealed in that your Lordships peace? But those Lawes (although not repealed) are [Page 12] by your Lordship as to this particular, all dasht out at once, in that your 18. Article, wherein is found an Act of Oblivion, passing over all whatsoever was done by the Rebels in that kind, and much more, from 23. of October, 1641. And for the Protestants Estates of land and free-hold, I mean in the Plantation of the Kingdome, since 1. Iacobi, are not all of them shaken in your Lordships 7. 15, and 16. Articles? Thus indeed are the Protestants in your Lordships Treaty provided for, and (your Lordship thinks) sufficiently.

You say (my Lord) 'I am mistaken in saying that the continued possesion of all the Cities, Forts, and places of strength, whereof the Rebels stood pos­sessed at the time of the Treaty, is allowed them in that Treaty.

Vnder favour (my Lord) I am not therein mistaken, the 29. Article shew­eth it; it is true indeed, that thereunto is that limitation given by Your Lordship now mentioned, this to continue till settlement by Parliament: But is not a continuance till settlement by Parliament a continuance? And of how long a continuance that may be, I beleeve Your Lordship cannot at present easily resolve, nor (by any thing yet appearing) is Your Lordship cert [...]ine when that expected Parliament and settlementshall be (if ever it be) whether the Rebels so possessed of so considerable a part of the Kingdome, and of the standing power of a confiding Army of fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, will be willing to to cast off what may assure unto them, that which is to be so setled to them by that Parliament.

That very Parliament also (by them and in the Articles termed a free Parli­ament) is none other then what shall be made up wholly (or more then the most part) of their own (for more then five parts of six of the Corporations are wholly theirs;) a fit Parliament for setling the Protestant Religion and the Protestants Interests.

I have not herein mentioned (your Lordship addeth) that those Forts, &c. ars to be commanded, ruled, and governed in Chiefe, by his Majesties chie [...]e Governour for the time being, as by that Article they are.

That in the Article concerning this, is in substance, That the said Cities, Garrisons, Townes, Forts, and Castles, now in the Quarters of the Roman Catholikes are to be commanded by such as shall be approved by the Lord Dillon Costillagh &c. (naming the Rebels twelve Irish Trustees) or by any seven of them, the said persons so by them approved, being to be therein au­thorized by the Lord Lieutenant, wherein appeareth that in those Trustees is the approving power, without whom your Lordship can act nothing as to the persons intrusted with those Commands. And it is presumed that the persons so approved by those Trustees, are likely to be such as they confide in so, as no [...] to be commanded, ruled, or governed (I say not by Your Lordship, whom they look on with more then ordinary respects) but by any other, to the pre­judice of their designes; therefore was not that omission in me (I conceive) so great, as to dese [...]ve your Lordships paines in so observing it, or that your Trumpet should post so, and so farre, to minde me of it.

It was said of the Rebels standing Force of fifteen thousand Foot, and 3500. Horse, That it was to be all of their owne partie, Officers and Souldiers, and [Page 13] they with the whole Kingdome to be regulated by a major party of Irish Trustees.

Herein you say, I am not mistaken in the number (to use your Lordships own words) but when you say they are all of their owne party, if you intend by the Rebels, the late Confederates, for if they be Roman Catholikes, that Article is fulfilled, and of them there are many that were not of the Confederates. So your Lordship.

In which difference by your Lo: given me, between the Roman Catholiques Con­federates (with whom your Lo. so Treated) and the Roman Catholiques. I finde my self allowed the libertie of terming the Confederate Romane Catholique Rebels but not all that are Roman Catholiques. I will not say that all that are of the one, are al­so of the other. I shall say they are not, if (as not actually declaring in the Rebel­lion so) they do not any way abett, aid, or countenance, those in rebellion so; for such in the eye of the law are looked on, as in the same guilt equally involved. But how many there be of such Roman Catholiques, I know not, I am certain they are not of that number as to make up an Armie of fifteen thousand foot and two thou­sand five hundred horse (which was that intended) and most sure I am that such Roman Catholiques would not be those to be so confided in.

But much more are you mistaken, (so it followeth in that your Lordships Replie) when you affirm, that those forces and the whole Kingdom are to be Regulated by a Major partie of Trustees of the Irish, there being nothing in their power, through the whole Articles extending either to the Regulating of an Armie or any peice of one, much lesse of the whole Kingdom. And even in those powers derived to them by the Articles (which for the most part, are in the matters of leav [...]es and taxes upon their ownfreeholds) there is a negative power left to the Cheif Governour for the time being.

Herein I appeale to those your Lordships Articles wherein the power of the said Trustees appears to be in some things more then in leavies, and Taxes. And further then what concerns that mentioned army, and that with an negative power in them also ballancing if not over ballanci [...]g that in your Lordship.

The power of the Irish Trustees is found to be in Causes Maritine ( Article 24) in naming and approving those, Commanding t [...]eir Townes, Forts, &c Article 29) to dismisse, or adde at their pleasure, to the standing Army of 15000 foot and 2500 horse, ( Article 9) To approve of those who shall be appointed Ju [...]tices of the Peace ( Article 28) To name and approve of persons for the Judic [...]tories ( Article 33) To dispose of Estates of all not adhering to their party ( Article 27) To Leavy money for buying Arms &c. and for entertaining of Friggots ( ibid) To lay up such arms & amunition in such Magazeens, &c. ( ibid) To rayse m [...]ny &c. ( ibid) And not to raise money (as your Lo: hath it) on their own freholds onely bu [...] therein to taxe the persons or Estates of any in the Kingdom (Article 27) So as it is evident that the influence of their power is not upon th [...] Armie alone, but even upon the Kingdom also. As for your Lordships pretended negative power it is certainly as nothing, while it is not in your power to act in those things, without them, more then your Lordship conceiveth them of no power with [...]ut you, There being a ne­gative power in both, and a joynt conccu [...]rence necessary. And if the dispute should at any time be of the validity of either, their will be found with most advantage being backt up, and supported with that power and force which will appear theirs wholly. You except of my tearming the Rebels, bloody Rebels, I wish heartily I [Page 14] had been mistaken, And very heartily, that it had not been (as now it is) your Lordships misfortune to plead for them, in that cause of blood, that innocent blood whose crie, and justice, will undoubtedly pursue to destruction▪ those murderers, and their abetters, whosoever they were, or shall be.

Your Lordship tells us, that by an article of that peace, all such are excluded from pardon: But how (my Lord) the 18 Article sheweth it in the manner and Circum­stances. As, that there shall be first a singling out, and particularizing of certain actions there tearmed barbarous and inhumaine, by whom? by the Lord Lievte­nant, and by the Lord viscount Dillon of Costilah, the L. Viscount Muskery, the Lord Barron of Athenry, Alexander Mac Donell, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir Nicholas Plunket, Sir Richard Barnwall, Ieffrey Brown, Donough O Callaghan, Tirlagh O Neil, Miles Reily, and Gerrald Fennell, or any seven or more of them. I know not whether all these are, (I am sure some of them are) persons chargeable with the same barbarous and inhumaine crimes; neither know I but that all of them are nearly interessed in such as may be so charged, But see the triall of these Malefactors▪ They are not to receive justice in the ordinary course of Law in such Cases provided; but left they are to be tried, and adjudged by such indifferent Commissioners as shall be agreed upon by the Lord Lievtenant, and the said Lord Dillon &c. or any seaven or more of them, neither is this all, for the power also of those very Comissioners so chosen, is to continue onely for two yeers beginning six moneths after the date of the said Articles: dated Ianuary 17. 1648. See what mock Iustice is here, And whether in this kinde of inquisition for blood, your Lordship hath sufficiently pro­vided for purging the land of that blood, and for washing off from those Rebels, that their lasting blot of Bloody Rebels. You tell me (my Lord) of him you call father Reyley (by you said) to be here, Treating with me: As here he is not, so was his Treating with me, concerning release of Prisoners; nor am I enabled (nei­ther desire I to be enabled) with such power of Treating, as is by your Lordship in­tended; neither conceive I him, or those of his Party such, as are to be deluded with a Treaty, where is not power to grant, no not to receive what should be propounded. And if any thing should have been so by him propounded, it could be no more in­terpreted a Treaty, then may this with your Lordship, yet is he your Lordship now mentioneth the same, who was with others of that tribe, sometimes by your Lordship imployed for Treating with the Rebells, in the beginning of this Rebelli­on: and (if reports faile not) with whom your Lordship would now close, if you knew how: but that were (it seems) in me a sin, which in your Lordship were none, Circumstances considered. As for that power remaining in me (which your Lordship is pleased to question) it is what is derived from the Parliament of Eng­land, in that Act wherein the management of the War of Ireland against the Re­bels, is to all intents and purposes left solely in the Parliament without further Con­currence. The forces here being to be raised, maintained, disposed and ordered by the Parliament, as is in the said Act appearing. In which Act is also provided against any pardon to the said Rebels before attainder (surely intending much lesse after) wherein the Parliament of England is not concurring; I had therefore suffici­ent grounds for questioning your Lordships assumed power, both in concluding that your peace with those Rebels contrary to the said Act, and in what else your [Page 15] Lordship pretends of power without the Parliament, over the Parliament forces in that Province of Mounster, or elsewhere in this Kingdom. And how Triviall (give me leave to say it) is that your Lordships discourse, of the now reverting of that power, seeing that Act is still in being. Your Lo: again presseth the late proceed­ings in England, those particularly against the Person of the late King: loath I was, in my last, to mind your Lo: of what then I might, yet did not but now must, being by your Lo: thereunto thus enforced, that your Lordship may doe well to lay your hand upon your own heart, and examine there, whether you may not there finde yourself (I say your self,) a principall occasioning that the Kings suffering. For it is evident, that Your Lordship appearing here, as you had done, & as you now do, ( the Treaty at Carisbrooke then in being, between the King and People, and very hope­full proceeding) you gave in your selfe and in your actions, occasion to the King­dome of England to suspect the sinceirty of that Treaty, which hath since occasio­nally produced what hath thereupon followed. Yet whatsoever that hath been, or whatsoever the Changes have been since as thereupon ensuing, (which your Lord­ship offers me as an an argument for changing me in my wayes,) I therein continue to expresse my selfe (as formerly I have done) that all those things, (being things without me) are matters forraign to my work and Trust here. For unto my stan­ding here (where I am placed) am I principally bound, and for any evils following the neglect of this my charge, am I accomptable, not for what is elsewhere, and out of my charge, of what consequence or concernment soever.

Herein therefore declare I my selfe clearly, that were there neither King nor Parliament, yet should I stand firm to my principles, and to this my trust, against those Bloody Rebels, to the best of my power, for preserving the English interest in Ireland, which is in those your Lo. proceedings playnly hazarded. In the con­clusion of that your Lo: Reply your Lo: Retracts that in your former of mena­cing us here, with blood and force, if dissenting from you: You now say, no such thing is found in that your Letter.

I shall not much trouble my selfe in a thing I value not, were it so or not; I shall only referre you therein to your Lordships own words: 'There is nothing (you say) I should more industriously avoyd then those necessities arising from my du­ty to God and Man, that may by your rejecting this offer, force me to be a sad instrument of shedding English blood, which in such case must on both sides hap­pen. The construction I now leave to your selfe; this only, on this review which you give me of it, I cannot but offer to your Lordships very serious consideration, That as you shall answer it to God, you be tender of that English blood, there now in your disposing and power, that in the offering up those principally to the slaughter (a pleasing sacrifice to the Irish Rebels) you be not after found the betray­er of that part of the Kingdom (a considerable part of it) to the Common Enemy. And that your Lordship would also seriously consider, what it shall be, to be that Instrument (as your Lordship sayth you must bee) of shedding English blood on both sides, so engaging upon each other those by whom the English Intrest is to be here preserved. I should be sorry to see your Lo: (of the same blood) to be therein but an instrument, but most of all, a principall, as in this and such your Lordships [Page 16] proceedings, you must be necessarily. To that which hath passed mee in discourse with your Lo: (whereof you minde me) concerning violence to the Kings Person, It was occasioned on his removing from Holmby by some of the Army, against whom your Lordship expressing your selfe in some bitternesse, I sayd, that no evill or violence, was therein by the Army intended to his person, but that the securing him from evill was that principally respected: what since hath followed, is what I assure my selfe you Lordships proceedings here have very much occasioned. From which discourse, your Lordship cannot conclude me (as you do) receding from my principles.

All things thus considered, and seeing how little is in that your Lordships Re­ply more then in your former, either as to matter or satisfaction (give me leave to give your Lordship this my sense clearly) I have cause to doubt, your sending this your Trumpet, (on this slight errand) to bee intended for other ends rather. I therefore desire your Lordship would be pleased for the future, not in this kinde, to trouble your selfe or mee any further; this being a dispute to bee decided by the Sword, not by the Pen. And that your Lordship would be pleased thus to under­stand me once for all; That I shall never (by Gods grace) recede from my just principles, which hitherto I have never done, howsoever your Lordship is pleased therein to charge mee over deeply, and (I must needs say it) very unjustly. Nor shall I ever seek my selfe or my private advantage to the deserting of my trust (as have some others) a Crime not to be after so easily expiated by a slender or lean Ma­nifest. So I remain,