THE Most High and Mighty Prince, 16 [...]3. Frederick, by the Grace of God, Heredi­tary Prince of Norway, The occasi­on of these Travels. Duke of Sleswick and Holstein, of Stormarie and Dit­mars, Count of Oldenburg, &c. having built the City of Frederickstad, in the Dutchy of Holstein, would settle there the Trade of Silks, the most important, no doubt, An Embas­sy sent the King of Persia and Great Duke of Muscovy. of any in Europe. Persia is the Kingdome, which of any in the World, yeilds most of it, upon which accompt, the said Prince resolv'd to court the friendship of the Sophy. But in regard there were several reasons, why the Silks could not be brought home by Sea, and that, to transport them by Land, he stood in need of the per­mission of the Czarr, or great Duke of Muscovy, he thought fit in the year 1633. to send a solemn Embassy to those two great Monarks.

He employ'd in this Embassy, The Em­bassadors. Philip Crusius, a Lawyer and his privy Councellor, and Otton Brugman, a Marchant of Hamborough, whom he honour'd with the quality [...] Councellor. On the 22. OCTOB. of October in the year aforesaid, they departed from Gottorp, the place where Duke Frederick made his residence, and went to Hamborough, where they took order for their Voyage.

There they entertain'd their retinue, Their reti­nue. which consisted of 34 persons, and departed thence the 6. NOVEM. of November. The next day they came to Lubeck; the 8. to Tauemund, where the Am­bassadors took into their service an experienc'd Sea-Captain named Michael Cordes, who was to be their Pilot, especially upon the Caspian Sea.

The 9. we took leave of our Friends, They em­bark. who had come along with us from Hamborough, and embarqu'd in a Ship called the Fortune, whereof Iohn Muller was Commander. We took abord along with us Wendelin Sibelist, a Physician, who was going to Muscovy, to be principal Physician to the Great Duke.

We got out of the Haven about 2. in the afternoon, and anchor'd in the Road at 8. fathom water. Orders for civil beha­viour. About 9. at night, the wind South-West, we set sail, and made that night 20. leagues. The next day, the Ambassadors thought fit to make some particular Orders to be observ'd du­ring our Voyage, so to prevent the disorders which are but too frequent among those, who or­dinarily leave not their own Country, but out of a hope to live with greater freedom else­where; and to see the execution of them the better performed, they named several Officers, giving the Secretary of the Embassy the quality of Fiscal, and to Wendelin Sibelist, and Hartman Gramem, our Physician, that of Assessors. They discharg'd their places well, and Justice was [...]o duely administred, that at the end of our Voyage, which was but of five dayes, the penalties [Page 2] came to above 22. Crowns, which were put into the hands of the Captain, with order they should be equally distributed between the Poor of Riga and Lubeck.

The same day, Bornholm. toward evening, we pass'd by the Island of Bornholm, leaving it a good league on the right hand. That Island is conceiv'd to be distant from Lubeck 40. German Leagues. The length and breadth of it is neer the same, viz. 3. leagues; it hath a Royal Palace, named Hammershausen, belonging to the King of Denmark. Towards the North-side of the Island are the Rocks called Erdholm, well known by reason of the frequent wracks, which make them so much the more formidable to Mariners in the Autumn, in regard the darkness of the nights keeps them from being discover'd, and that all about them those that sound meet with no bottom.

The 11. at noon, we were at 56. degrees of latitude, the weather continuing fair; but, to­wards night, the wind, still at South-West, rais'd such a tempest, that we were forc'd to take in all our sails, and go before the wind till the next morning. Those among us who were not us'd to the Sea, Sea sick­ness. were so sick, that some vomited blood: but in regard we had the wind a-stern, it's violence hindred us not from keeping on our course, and making fifteen Leagues that night.

Some are of opinion, Its cause. that the stinch of the salt water, corrupting in the sink, is that which provokes such vomiting. Others, on the contrary, affirm, that it is caused by the violent agi­tation of the Ship, which makes the head turn, and the stomack to cast up what is in it. But certain it is, that both contribute thereto, in as much as if the agitation trouble the brain, the stinch also offends it, and makes those heart-sick whose smelling is subtile, provoking vomiting, even without any violent motion, wherever they are, not only at Sea, but also any where else. Those who conceive, that people are not subject hereto upon Rivers are deceiv'd; for, besides that experience hath evinc'd the contrary, we have there the same motion, and fresh water being corrupted, stinks no less than the salt.

The 12. we had so great a calm, A Calm. that the Ship being as it were fastnen'd to the same place, we had the convenience to bring our Musical Instruments upon the deck, to sing a Te Deum, and to give God thanks for our deliverance, out of the imminent danger we had been in the night before.

About noon the wind came to South, Cap de Demesnes. which carried us to the Cap de Demesnes, in Courland, where we cast Anchor, and staid all night. The next day 13. the wind West, we weighed An­chor, doubled the Cape, enter'd into the Bay, Dune­munde. and came, the 14. before the Fort of Dunemunde, so called, because situated at the mouth of the River Dune, where that River enters the Baltick Sea, within two leagues of Riga, And forasmuch as the thick mist hindred those of the Fort from seeing us, we caus'd the Trumpets to sound, to oblige them to send us a Pilot, without whose assistance we should hardly have got into the Haven. Those who had the oversight of the Customes, came immediately to search our Ship, but finding no Merchants goods in it, for which they might challenge ought, they return'd back, and sent us a Pilot, who conducted us that night as far as before the City of Riga. The Ambas­sadors come to Riga. The Ambassadours being got ashore, at the en­trance of the City found a coach, which the Governour had sent to meet them: but in regard they were not far from their Inn, they would make no use of it, and so kept on their way afoot.

The 21 ^th. the Magistrate sent his Presents to the Ambassadors, The Magi­strat's pre­sent. viz. an Ox, some Sheep, some Poultry, Hares, Patridges, and other Fowl, Wheaten and Ry-Bread, and half a Tun of Rhenish Wine. The 24 ^th. The Ambassadors entertained, at Dinner, Andrew Erichzon, the Governour of the City, as also the Magistrate, the principal Minister, who amongst the Lu­therans is look'd upon as a Bishop, and some Officers of the Garrison.

During our abode in this City, which was almost five weeks, in expectation the Fens of those parts should be frozen up, and the snow cover the Way, which we were to Travel in Sledges, we augmented our retinue with some necessary persons for that great journey, and we had the leisure to learn the condition of the City, whereof we shall here give a short description.

Clytraeus, Riga de­scribed. in his History of Saxony, p. 19. says, That the City of Riga was built by Al­bert the third, Bp. of Livonia, in the Year 1196. but Alnoul, Abbot of Lubeck, an Author of the same time (as living under Otho IV.) says, in the continuation of the Chronicle of Hel­mold, Its foun­dation. 1. 7. c. 9. that it was built in the year 1189. by Bertold, Abbot of Locken, in the Coun­ty of Shauenbourg, in the Diocese of Minden, of the Order of White-Friers, successor to Menard in the Bishoprick of Livonia, Made an Archbi­shoprick. the seat whereof he setled at Riga. In the Year 1215. it was rais'd to an Archbishoprick, and made Metropolitane of all Livonia, Prussia, and Cur­land. The Knights of the Espadon, and, afterwards, the Master of the Teutonick Order in Prussia, have, many times, divided the administration of Justice and the Soveraignty in that place, with the Archbishop, till that, in consequence of the Reformation of Religion, both lost the Authority they had in this City. It was forc'd afterwards to have recourse to the Crown of Poland, Subject to Poland. whose it became by a voluntary rendition, made in the year 1561. occa­sion'd by the War with the Muscovite. Since that, Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having u­surp'd the Crown of Sueden, from Sigismond, his Nephew, who had been called to that of Poland, thought it not enough to fortify himself in the possession of what he had usurped, but [Page 3] conceiving he might turn into an Offensive War, that which even in the Defensive was crimi­nal, he enter'd Livonia in the Year 1605. where he besieg'd the City of Riga. He was forc'd to raise the siege; as also to do the like in the year 1609. but Gustavus Adolphus was so fortu­nate as to take it, in the year 1621. Taken by the Suedes. Ever since that time, the Suedes. have been in possession of it, though without any Title thereto; the Treaty agreed on between the two Crowns in the year 1635. allowing them the possession of it no longer than till the Peace, which was to be made between the two Kings, should restore it to it's lawful Prince, or bestow it on him who was possess'd of it. The Suedes discover how unwilling they would be to restore it, by the care they took when we were upon our Travels, to carry on the Fortifications thereof. They consist, Its fortifi­cations. on the land side, of six regular Bastions, with their Half-moons, and their Counterscarps Palisadoed. It's situation is very pleasant, in a spacions Valley, upon the Ri­ver of Dune, which in that place, is a large quarter of a League broad. It is very populous, and very considerable because of its Commerce, as well with the English and Hollanders, and the Hansiatick Towns, Its com­merce. in Summer time, while the Baltick Sea is Navigable, as with the Muscovites when the frost and snow can bear Sledges. The Traffick of it is so great, that it hath almost as many Shops as Houses. All Provisions are very cheap, because there is such an abundance of all, that an Ox may be bought for three Crowns, a Hog for one, and Fowl and Venison proportionably, all the Country Peasants thereabouts having the liberty to Hunt, though they have not any other. Since the last reduction of it, they have no other Religion there than the Protestant, the Magistrate and Inhabitants being all Lutherans, and so zealous in their way, that they no less hate those of the Reformation, than they do the Catholicks, and Muscovites. There is no Inhabitant almost but understands the Highdutch, the Sclavonian, and Curland Language; but the Magistrate in his publick Acts makes use only of the Highdutch. The same is used by the Ministers in their Sermons, unless it be that for the meaner sort of people, who understand not the Highdutch well, there are Sermons made in the Sclavonian and Curland Language, in two several Churches.

Decem. 14. DECEM. we dispatch'd away 35 Sledges, The Ambas­sadors leave Ri­ga. with part of our Train and Baggage, and the next day, the Ambassadors follow'd, by the way of Derpt. The 18 ^th we came to Wolmar, a small Town, distant from Riga 18 leagues, and so ruin'd by the Muscovites and Polanders, that the Inhabitants, to avoid the injuries of the weather, have been forc'd to make little buil­dings of wood upon the ruines of better foundations. The Governour came to meet us, and entertain'd us kindly. Ermes Castle. The 20 ^th we got six leagues farther, to the Castle of Ermes, belonging to Colonel De la Barre, who treated us most magnificently.

The 21 ^th we got four leagues to the Castle of Halmet, Halmet Castle. Ringen. Come to Derpt. where we saw a young Elk, which was higher than a Horse, brought to us while we sate at Table. The 22 ^th we got four leagues further, to the Castle of Ringen; and the 23 ^th we reach'd Derpt or Torpat. This City is with­in 6 leagues of the Castle of Ringuen, upon the River Eimbec, between the Lakes of Worzero and Peipis, in the heart of Livonia. Its buildings are very antient, but extremely ruin'd by the War. The Muscovites, who call it Iuriogored, were possess'd of it, till the year 1230. in which the Master of the Teutonick Order took it, An Episco­pal City. and rais'd it to a Bishoprick. Iohn Basilo­vits, Great Duke of Muscovy, retook it the 19 ^th of Iuly 1558. without any resistance, through a pannick fear of the Bishop, the Nobility and the Inhabitants, who rendred it upon the first Summons. In the year 1571. Reinold Rose, a Gentleman of the Country, attempted to put the City into the hands of Magnus, Duke of Holstein, but this design being discovered, he was cut to pieces by the Muscovites, who thereupon exercis'd all manner of cruelties upon the Inhabitants of that City, without any distinction of age or sex. It return'd to the Crown of Poland, Re-united to the Crown-f Poland. Taken by the Suedes. with all the rest of Livonia, by the Peace made between the Great Duke, Iohn Ba­silovits, and Stephen Battory, King of Poland, in the year 1582. Iacob de la Garde, General of the Suedish Army, took it from the Polanders, in the year 1625. since which time the Suedes have kept it, but by a Clause in the Treaty of 1635. viz. Until it should be otherwise dispos'd of, according to the event of the present War. The late King of Sueden, Gustavus Adolphus, An University founded there by the King of Sueden. founded an University there, in the year 1632. at the instance of Iohn Skytte, whom the said King made Baron of Duderof, and, afterward, Senator of the Crown of Sue­den, as a gratification for the pains he had taken, in laying the first foundations of Learning in him. But the University is not much known, either for the reputation of its Professors, or number of its Scholars; there having not been above ten Suedes, and haply as many Finlan­ders, who ever could be perswaded, there was any thing to be learnt in those quarters.

Having kept Christmass at Derpt, JANUARY 1634. we left it Dec. 29. and got, the 3 ^d. of Ianuary 1634. to Narva, where we were forc'd to stay almost six moneths, in expectation of the Suedish Am­bassadors, who were to go along with us to Muscovy. But though we had here, as well as at Riga, all divertisements imaginable, keeping open house, and having Musick at Meals, the Ambassadors entertaining all persons of Quality, The Am­bassadours come to Narva. and endeavour'd to abate the wearisomness of our stay there, by banquests, hunting matches, and walking, for which there were dayly ap­pointments made; yet did that course of life, with the impatience we were in to go on in out [Page 4] Travels, become in time insupportable to us. Upon which consideration, as also that it was conceived in a manner impossible the Suedish Ambassadors should come before the Spring; that then the way between Narva and Novogorod would be very ill for travelling, and that in the interim our people had daily quarrels with the Souldiers of the Garrison; it was resol­ved, that on the 28 ^th. of February, FEBRU­ARY. M ^r. Paul Fleming should be sent away with part of the Train and Baggage, and that he should goe by Sledges to Novogorod. D ^r. Wendelin made use of that convenience, and so took his way for the City of Mosco. We had had yet another in­convenience, in that, Provisions failing us, our Pourveyors, who were Muscovites, were forc'd to go 8 and 10 Leagues from the City to get Fowl and Mutton. And in regard we could not so soon expect the Suedish Ambassadors, ours went with a retinue of twelve persons to Reuel, To Reuel. where they were receiv'd with the shooting off the great Guns, complemented, and entertain'd with Presents, by the Magistrate, the Governour and principal Citizens, who did us much honour during the stay we made there, which was six weeks. Of Reuel, Narva, and the rest of Livonia, we shall speak in the ensuing Book.

May 10. Philip Scheiding, MAY. Governour of Reuel, named to be Chief of the Embassy which the Crown of Sueden sent to Muscovy, had information that his Collegues were come to Nar­va; so that being ready for his journey, we left Reuel the 15 ^th following, the Governour cau­sing the Artillery to be discharg'd at our departure. We came to Narva the 18 ^th and within a League of the City, Return to Narva, and meet the Suedish Ambassa­dors. met with Colonel Henry Fleming, Eric Gyllenstiern, and Andrew Bure­us, design'd for the Embassy of Muscovy, with a very gallant retinue. The Governour caus'd all the great Guns to be discharg'd at our entrance, as he had done the first time. The Ambas­sadors resolv'd the next day, that to go to Novogorod, they would take the way of Carlelia, by Sea, or the Lake of Ladoga; whereof they sent notice to the Governour of Novogorod by an Express, that he might take order for our reception, and that we might not be stay'd upon the Frontiers. For it is the custom of Muscovy and Persia to make stranger Ambassadors stay on the Frontiers, till the Governour of the Province hath sent intelligence to the Court of their arrival, and receiv'd orders from his Soveraign, for their reception and entertainment. The reason whereof is, The Musco­vites and Persians defray Ambassa­dors char­ges. that the great Duke of Muscovy, as also the King of Persia, defrays the charges of the Ambassadours, both as to Provisions and Carriage, from their coming into their Countreys, and to that end allows them a Conductor, whom the Muscovites call Pristaf, and the Persians, Mehemander, who provide for their entertainment and conveyance of their baggage, and have a party of Souldiers for their Convoy.

The Suedish Ambassadors, having dispatch'd a Messenger to Novogorod, left Narva the 22 ^th. of May, by the way of Kapurga, where they made accompt to pa [...]s over Whitsuntide, so to be nearer the Frontiers of Muscovy. In the mean time, we stay'd at Narva; where I had the curiosity to go, May 24. being Whitsun Eve, to Russian Narva, and there to observe the Ceremonies of their Anniversary, and their Devotions towards their deceas'd Kinred and Friends. The Church-yard was full of Muscovite women, who had spread the Graves with Handkerchers, Anniver­sary Cere­monies ob­serv'd by the Musco­vites for the dead. whereof the Corners were fring'd with silk of several colours, upon which they had lay'd dishes full of fish broyl'd and fry'd, Custards, Cakes, and painted Eggs. Some stood; others kneel'd, making divers questions to their Kinred, weeping over their Graves, and expressing their affliction by dreadful howlings; but with so little attention, that they slipp'd no occasion of speaking, nor indeed of laughing with those of their acquaintance who pass'd by. The Priest, attended by his Clerks, walk'd up and down the Church-yard, having in his hand a Censer, into which he ever and anon cast little pieces of Wax, to cense the Se­pulchers. The women named to him, those of their Kinred and Friends whom they would re­commend to his prayers, pulling him by the surplice to be serv'd one before the other. The Priest did this devotion very slightly, and with so little attention, that he was but too well pay'd with the piece of Copper they gave, so far was he from deserving the Provisions they brought him, which his Clerks had a care to secure for the advantage of their Master.

The 26 ^th We did our Devotions, The Ambas­sadors leave Nar­va. Gam Fort. and having sent away our baggage, and part of our train, by water, as far as Neuschans, we left Narva the 28. Colonel Port, Governour of the place, did us all possible honour at our departure, and accompany'd us to Gam, which is a fortified place, or rather a Fort, in the Province of Inguermannia, not 12. (as the Baron of Herberstein says in his travels of Muscovy) but three leagues from Narva, upon a small River called the torrent of Gam. 'Tis a small place, but encompass'd with a good Wall, and fortified with five Bastions built of stone, having near it a Village inhabited by Muscovites, but subjects to the Crown of Sueden. Kapurga. There we took up fresh Horses, which brought us to Kapurga, six leagues from Gam, whether we got the 29 ^th. Burgislas Rose, Governour of the Fort; received us kind­ly, and treated us sumptuously, both that night at Supper, and the next day at Dinner. We departed the 30 ^th. at three, afternoon, being to Lodge that night at the house of a Bojar, or Mus­covite Lord; but in regard we had still seven Leagues to go, we were forc'd to travel all night, and could not reach it till three next morning. The Bojar entertain'd us nobly, and gave us the divertisement of two Trumpets while we were at Dinner. And to honour us the more, as we [Page 5] riss from Table, he caus'd his Wife and Daughter to come in; they were very rich in Cloaths, attended by a Gentle-woman or waiting-maid, who was extremely deformed, the more to set off the beauty of the Ladies, The civility of the Mus­covian Ladies. who indeed needed not that foil. They drank each of them a Cup of Aquavitae, and presented each of them as much to the Ambassadors. This is the greatest ho­nour the Muscovites think they can do strangers; unless it be, that, to make it a transcendent civility, they also suffer them to be kiss'd. This civility Count Alexander Slakou did me, when the Duke my Master sent me since into Muscovy, in the year 1643. in acknowledgement of the honour he had receiv'd in our Court, during his Exile. This Bojar's name was N. Basi­lovits. He was a very handsome person, and of an excellent good humour. He told us he had been in the Wars of Germany; that in the year 1631. he was at the battel of Leipsig, and shew'd us the scars of the wounds he had receiv'd there.

The last of May, at one afternoon, we took leave of him, and got four Leagues that day, to Iohannestal, Johan­nestal. or St. Iohn's Valley, so called from the name of Baron Iohn Skytte, who was then going to build a little Citie there. There it was we met with the first persecution of Files, Gnats, and Wasps, which the Fens thereabouts produce in such quantity, that a man hath much ado to make his party good against them. There we received intelligence, that the Suedish Am­bassadours expected us at Neuschans, JUNE. which caus'd us to be on our way Iune 1. by three in the morning. Neuschans Ladoga, a Lake. Neuschans, by others called Nie, is a Fort, two Leagues and a half from Iohannest­hal, upon a Navigable River rising out of the Lake Ladoga, discharging it self into the Gulf of Finland, and serving for a common Frontier between Carlelia and Inguermannia. The Suedish Ambassadors departed thence after a conference of two hours had with ours. The Am­bassadors come to Note­bourg. We follow'd them the next day, Iune 2. and came the same day to Noteburg, where we stay'd above six weeks, in expectation of the Great Duke's orders for our reception. The Governour of the place, Iohn Kunemund, cross'd the River in a Boat, made, and cover'd like a Gondole, to come and meet us. The Suedish Ambassadors kept open house during their stay at Noteburg, and every meal sent their Mareshall, a place like that of High Steward in the Courts of Germany, and the Gen­tlemen of their retinue, to invite and conduct to them the Ambassadors of Holstein.

Iune 17. came to Noteburg Mr. Spring, Spiring, a fifth Am­bassador from Sue­den, a Hol­lander born, and sometime an Arras­weaver. The Suedish Ambassa­dors depart Farmer General of the Outland customs of Sueden and Livonia, one of the Ambassadors design'd from Sueden, for Muscovy. Iune 25. the Suedish Ambassadors had intelligence that the Weywode or Governour of Novogorod had sent a Pristaf, to receive them upon the Frontiers, which oblig'd them to depart the next day to go to Laba. Ours accompany'd them four Leagues from Noteburg, and permitted me to follow the Suedes even to the Frontier, to see the Ceremonies of their reception. The 27. at four in the morning, we came to the River which is about 40 paces broad, and, in that place, serves for a Frontier between Sueden and Muscovy. The Ambassadors having understood, that there were on the other side of the River seventeen Boats, for their waftage over, sent immediately their Interpreter to the Pristaf, to desire him to send some of them to bring over the baggage, so to facilitate their reception. The Pristaf, who was an aged man, made answer, that he durst not do it, and that they were not to imagine, the expences of one day, which they should not think much to lose, would be any inconvenience to the Czaar his Master (so the Muscovites call their Prince) and that he must begin with the reception of the Ambassadors. About noon he sent to them his Interpreter, with four Musketiers, whom they call Strelits, whereof he had about thirty to wait on him at this Ceremony, to tell them, that he was ready to give them re­ception. A Suedish resolution. One of the Ambassadors made him answer somewhat roundly, yet civilly enough, that they had been five weeks upon the Frontiers, and that the Pristaf could not take it ill, if they made him stay one day; That his Collegues being then taking their rest, he could not make him an absolute answer, and that he should have notice, when they could pass the River with their convenience. The Ambassadors were indeed asleep, which happen'd as well in regard they had travell'd all night, The Musco­vites sleep after Din­ner. as that, being come to the Frontiers of Muscovy, they comply'd with the custom of the Countrey, where sleep is as necessary after Dinner as in the Night. One of the Suedish Ambassadors ask'd the Interpreter, when those of Holstein would be receiv'd; he told him he could not tell, but, as he thought, it would be three weeks first, that is, after the arrival of the Suedish Ambassadors at Moscou, because the same horses and carriages were to bring them thither. About 4. afternoon, the Ambassadors gave notice they were ready to crosse the River, and that the Pristaf had no more to do but to receive them; whereupon they, with their Interpreter, went into one Boat, and I with some of their Gentlemen into another. The Pristaf got into another, accompany'd by fifteen Muscovites in very good order; but to express the greatness of his Prince, the Boat-men, who were instructed how to behave them­selves, put off so slowly that they could hardly quit the shore, forbearing ever and anon to row, purposely to let the Ambassadors get before, which method was also observ'd by the Boat-man that carried over the Ambassadors. But Philip Scheiding, perceiving the intention of the Mus­covites, calls to the Pristaf, telling him, that pride was not seasonable at that time, that he should come forward, and consider, that that kind of proceeding would conduce as little to the advantage of the Great Duke, as to the disadvantage of their Prince. At last the Boats being all [Page 6] come to the middle of the River, the Pristaf advanc'd, and read out of a paper, That the Great Duke and Czaar, Michael Federouits, &c. had ordered the reception of the Ambassadors com­ing from the Crown of Sueden, The recepti­on of the Suedish Ambassa­dors. and that he had given command, they should be provided for, they and their retinue, with Provisions and all things necessary, till they came to the Citie of Mosco. After the Ambassadors had answered the Complement, the Pristaf brought them ashore, and conducted them to a Gentlemans house who was of the quality they call Simbojar, not far from the River, where they were receiv'd into a little Stove, black as Hell, by reason of the smoakiness, yet had they then made a fire, never considering the sultriness of the wea­ther, A Musco­vian Colla­tion. which indeed was extreme. They treated the Ambassadors with spic'd bread, some gobelets of a very strong kind of Aquavitae, and with two sorts of very bad Hydromel. The Ambassadors only put it to their lips, and having pass'd the Cup from hand to hand, the last presented it to me, with this commendation, addatur parum sulphuris & fiet potio infernalis. After this banquet, which lasted about an hour, during which time, the Muscovite Muketiers gave several volleys such as they were, the Ambassadors and the Pristaf departed; the Suedes in twelve Boats, and the Muscovites, with Colours and Drum, in three. I return'd to Note­bourg, where our Ambassadors continued three weeks, as the Pristaf had foretold.

The Countrey, which the Muscovites call Osinca, about Notebourg, is very pleasant, so that we wanted no divertisement, especially that of hunting. Within a quarter of a League of Notebourg are two Isles, distant one from the other, as far as a Musket will carry, both well stor'd with wood, and so furnish'd with Fowl that our pieces could hardly be at rest for them, and the Sea-dogs, whereof there is an incredible number in the Lake, found us excellent sport, when they expos'd themselves to the Sun along the Rocks. We had also the learned and diver­tive conversation of Mr. Peter Crusbiorn, who came, during that time, to Notebourg, with a design to go into Mvscovy, in the quality of Resident from the Crown of Sueden. This place is situated at 63. degrees, The situati­on of Note­bourg. 30. minutes, at the entrance of the Lake Ladoga, upon an Isle, which the said Lake makes there in form like a Nut, which gives it the name. The Muscovites had built it, and encompass'd it with a wall, two fathom and a half thick, against the attempts of the Suedes, who took it, under the command of Iames de la Garde, after the extremities of the siege, and a contagious disease had consum'd the whole Garrison to two men, who yet made a very advantageous Capitulation. The place is pleasant and delightfull, but not healthy, be­cause of the fresh-water Lakes and Fenns that ly about it. We were extremely troubled there with a kind of Fly much like those which in Latine are called Pyraustae, whereof there was such abundance, that many times they depriv'd us of the sight of Heaven, and would not suffer us to open our eyes. These insects are also very numerous in Carelia, but not neer so much as at Notebourg.

Iuly 16. JULY. Notice was brought us, that a Pristaf, named Simon Andrew Kareckshin, was come to the Frontiers, The Am­bassadors came to Laba. to receive us; so that we put all things in order for our journey, and de­parted the 20. for Laba. We were no sooner got thither, but the Pristaf's Interpreter, ac­company'd by a Musketier, came to know, whether the Ambassadors desir'd to be received? In answer whereto, we asking, whether he would receive us on this side, or in the middle of the River, as he had receiv'd the Suedish Ambassadors; he told us, we had no more to do but to pass, and that those Ceremonies were observ'd only with the Suedes, because of the contest there is between them about the Frontiers.

Having pass'd the River, Their re­ception. we found the Pristaf standing within 8 or 10 paces of the shore, clad in a long Coat of red Damask. As soon as the Ambassadors had set foot on land, he came to­wards us, being still cover'd, till such time as he began to speak. Then he took off his Cap, as he pronounc'd the Great Duke's name, reading out of a paper these words, His Majestie, the Czaar, Michael Federouits, Conservator of all the Russians, &c. hath sent me hither, to receive thee, Philip Crusius, and thee, Otton Brugman, Ambassadors from the Duke of Holstein, and commanded me to accommodate you and retinue, with Provisions, Carriages Horses, and what else shall be necessary, till you come to the Citie of Moscou.

His Interpreter, whose name was Anthony, spoke High-Dutch so ill, that we had much ado to understand him. The Ambassadors made answer by their own Interpreter, Iohn Ar­penbeck, who was very well vers'd in the Muscovian Language. This done, The Pristaf gave the Ambassadours the upper hand, and conducted them to the Inn, through a party of twelve Musketiers, all Cosaques. The volley they gave us was not so well discharg'd, but that the Secretary belonging to the Resident of Sueden, Another Muscovian Collation. who came along with us to see the Ceremonies of our reception, was shot in his Buff-coat. After a collation of Ginger-Bread, Cherries newly preserv'd, and Aquavitae, we took water again, and embark'd for the continuation of our Voy­age. After we had dined with the Governour of Notebourg, who came along with us thither, and who treated us that day with several sorts of pleasant drinks, we were dispos'd into seven Boats. The Am­bassadors prosecute their Voy­age

The 22. we pass'd the Lake Ladoga, which in that place is 12 leagues over. We landed neer a Monastery called Nauolkus Konsky, where he met with a Monk, who presented us with bread [Page 7] and dry'd Salmon. The Pristaf who was to bear our charges, ask'd whether he should provide for us, or that we had rather take the money allow'd by his Majesty for our entertainment, and have our meat dress'd by our own Cooks. We made choice of the later, according to the cu­stome of those Ambassadors who go into those parts. So that we bought our provisions our selves, which we found cheap enough, in comparison to what the Pristaf provided for us. Two Copecks, which make two sols French, would buy a tame Fowl, and for a peny we had nine Eggs. We were allow'd every day two Roubles and five Copecks, amounting to four Crowns five pence, which found us very good fare. After dinner, we embark'd on a River which brought us to Ladoga, Come to Ladoga. which is distant from Laba 17 leagues, whither we came the same night. We met by the way a Pristaf, going to meet the Suedish Resident, with three Boats. In all our Travels had we not seen so many Children under 7 years of age, as we found at Ladoga. Some of ours being gone to take the Air, they run after us, having Goosberies to sell, where­of we bought a hatful for a Copeck. 'Twas pleasant to see those Children, to the number of fifty together, leaping about us, as we lay on the grass to eat our Goosberries, so dress'd as that we could not distinguish the Boies from the Girls, for both had their hair cut all off, excepting on­ly two mustaches, which were suffer'd to grow at their Temples, and were clad in shirts reach­ing to their ancles. Our Physician would needs make a discovery of sexes among them, and ha­ving caught one of the Children by the shirt, it happened to be a Boy, who told him laughing, Deske niet, that he was no Girl, and thereupon pointed to some that were.

The 23. at dinner, The Mu­sick of Muscovy. was the first time we heard any of the Country Musick, which consisted of a Lute and Violin, with some voices, singing aires to the honour of their Czaar, Michael Fe­derouits, and perceiving they were permitted, they fell a-dancing after a strange manner. The men and women danc'd much after the same manner, every one alone, making strange faces, with as strange gesticulations; the motions of the hands, shoulders, and hips, being more vio­lent than those of the feet, which they do but gently stir, not moving as it were from the same place. The women have commonly handkerchers in their hands, fring'd with silk of divers co­lours, which they cast about their heads.

After dinner we embark'd upon the River Wolgda. Wolgda. Our Musketiers, or Strelits, begg'd the benediction of a Monk that happen'd to be by the River side; it being their custom to beg it of all Monks, The devoti­on of the Musco­vites. and in all the Churches they come to by the way, which if they have not the time to go into, they think it enough to do reverences to the Crosses they see upon the Churches and Chapels, pronouncing these words, Hospodi Buchmilo, that is to say, Lord be merciful to me.

The wind being with us, it was thought fit we should make use of our sails, but, the Musco­vites being not the most expert Mariners, one of the Ropes broke, and the sail falling on one of the Musketiers, struck him down so as that we gave him over for dead, but coming to himself again within an hour after, and having taken a considerable dram of the Aquavitae bottle, he was as well as ever.

The Wolgda is as broad as Elbe, Wolgda described. but runs much more slowly. It rises neer great Novogorod, out of the Lake called the Lake of Ilmen, and falls into that of Ladoga. Seven werstes (whereof five make a German League) from Ladoga, A dange­rous fall of water. there is a strange fall of Water in that River, and about a league and a half thence, another, where the water falls with such violence, that it runs like a shaft, amidst the many Rocks scatter'd up and down neer those places: in so much that to draw the loaden Boats up the River, there needs above a hundred men. We got ashore at the former, and saw our Boats pass safely, all save the last, in which we had left Simon Frisius, a Merchant's Son of Hamborough, who being extremely sick was forc'd to stay in it. This Boat being drawn up to the highest pitch of the water, the rope broke, so that the water forc'd it back with such violence, that it would have split against the Rocks, if, by an unexpected good hap, one end of the rope, which was fasten'd to the mast, had not twin'd it self about one of the Rocks, by which means the Boat was stay'd▪ till we had the convenience to dis-engage it. There we were told, that a certain Bishop, coming that way in a Boat laden with Fish, had been cast away some few dayes before. The other fall we pass'd without any danger, and came that night to a Con­vent, called Nicolai Nepostiza, where we took up our quarters, and stay'd the next day, expecting the Boats that were coming after us.

From Reuel to Moscou, Trouble­some Flies and other insects. are nothing but Woods, Fenns, Lakes and Rivers, which produce such abundance of Flies, Gnats, and Wasps, that people have much ado to keep them off, in so much, that, in the night time, they are forc'd to wrap themselves up in certain linnen cloaths, such as Travellers make use of in Livonia and Muscovy: those among us who had not been care­full to cover themselves, having their faces so sported, as if they were newly recover'd from the small pox. The Wagoners and Conntry people, who have not convenience enough of those cloaths, are forc'd to make use of fire against the importunity of those Insects; insomuch that Muscovy being every where well furnish'd with wood, they make good fires, and lye down by them; The Pre­sents of a Muscovian Monk. all which hinders not but that they are extremely troubled with them.

There were but four Monks in the Convent; the most aged among them made us a Present of Turneps, pickled Cowcumbers, some green Pease, and two wax candles. We gratify'd him [Page 8] with a Crown piece, which he took so kindly, that he let us into his Church, contrary to the Custom of the Country, and put on his Sacerdotal Vestments, that we might see them. He shew'd us, in the Portal, the Miracles of S. Nicholas, painted according to the mode of the Country, very roughly, and without proportion. Upon the door was represented the last Judgement, wherein the Monk pointed to a Man habited after the German fashion, and told us, The Mus­covites do not con­demn those of a con­trary belief. That the Germans and other Nations were not uncapable of Salvation, provided they had a Muscovite Soul, and that they lived justly in the sight of God. He shew'd us also a Bible in his own Language (for no Muscovite knows any other than his own and the Sclavonian) and read to us the first Chapter of S. Iohn's Gospel, which we found absolutely conformable to our Text. To which he added, that being once at Reuel, he had there had a conference with some of our Pastors, concerning the Holy Scripture; but that he could give them no great satisfacti­on, because he did not well understand the German Interpreter. He would have shewn us all the Church, but our Musketiers coming in grumbled at it, and reproach'd him for having com­municated too much to us. We gave him the tother Crown, for which he gave us many thanks, bowing his head to the very ground, and smiting it with his forehead. We intended to have made our repast upon the grass, but were hardly set, ere the wind turning for us, the Monk brings us another prefent of Turneps and Cowcumbers, telling us, that the kindness we had done him had obtain'd of S. Nicholas the good wind which was to carry us on in our Voyage.

About 2. afternoon, we set off, made four leagues that day [...]punc; and came at night to a Village called Cerodiza: Corodiza. but finding it more pleasant to be by the water side, than in a Village, we caus'd our meat to dress'd there, and supp'd, while the Marriners, who made accompt to goe thence that night, took some hours rest.

We slept not, but made sport with a young Bear, the Pristaf had brought us, which could shew a thousand tricks. After midnight we set forward, and got four leagues to the Village Soliza; Soliza. where the Pristaf, who had stay'd at Corodiza, overtook us, bringing along with him his Host, who was a Knez, or Muscovite Prince, named Roman Iovanouits. He had treated him so well, that both were got drunk: however, seeing they were still desirous to drink, we supply'd them so well with Aquavitae and Sack, whereof we had good store, that we laid them asleep.

We got that day six leagues to a Village called Grunza, which the Country people had also absolutely forsaken, Grunza. which oblig'd us to take up our Lodging in the Fields, in a Meadow near a great Pool, where we made three great fires: and in regard we had slept almost all day in the Boat, we spent some part of the night i [...] telling of stories, and diverting our selves with the Bear. The Musketiers, who had been somewhat busy with the Aquavitae, entertain'd us with some feats of their activity. Here we saw abundance of Cranes, and counted, upon the Pool, above 300 of them.

The next day, Iul. 26. about three in the morning we prosecuted our Voyage, and before noon got four leagues, Wisoko. to the Village of Wisoko. The Pristaf, whom we had invited to dinner, hearing the name of Iesus pronounc'd, made the sign of the Cross several times upon his breast, and desir'd to have our Prayer in writing, and liked it so well, that he said, he could not have believ'd, that the Germans were so good Christians, and so just men.

The 27. all day, and the night following, we prosecuted our Voyage, so that the 28. with the day, we were come to the Village of Krifseuiza. There we staid that day, to give the Pristaf time to acquaint the Governour of Novogorod with our arrival, Krifseuiza. and to know his plea­sure concerning our reception.

This Village is within 2 leagues of Novogorod, and about 600 paces from it is a very fair Mo­nastery, which some call Nachatim,, but it is commonly called Krifseuiza Chutina Spasof Monastir. It is well built, and better situated, having an Abbot, 60 Monks, and 400 Coun­try people to husband the grounds belonging to it: but it is oblig'd out of its Revenue to maintain a hundred men of the Garrison of Novogorod, for the service of the Great Duke.

The 29. we continu'd our Voyage, The Ambas­sadors came to Novogo­rod. and came to Novogorod, within a league of which we met with some of our retinue, whom we had sent away from Riga, and who had expected us for several moneths with much impatience. They met us in a Boat, and express'd much joy at our arrival. The Weywode sent to our Inn, one Tun of Beer, another of Hydromel, and a Barrel of Aquavitae; and we sent him a silver Cup, Vermilion gilt. We left Novogorod the the 13. of Iuly, Brunits. and went 4 leagues farther by water, to Brunits, whence we finish'd our Journey by Land.

As we were dis-embarking our Baggage at Brunits, August 1. AUGUS. came to the River side a Mus­covian Procession, A Musco­vian Pro­cession. to bless the water thereof. In the first place march'd two men, one carrying a Cross, having at the four corners the four Evangelists; the other, an old Image, painted, and cover'd with a clean linnen cloath. After them came a Priest pontifically vested, holding in his hands a wooden Cross, a good half foot wide, and singing in consort with a little Boy who [Page 9] carried a Book after him. Then came the Country people with their Wives and Children, those who were of age carrying a wax Candle. After all came one who seem'd to be the Clark of the Parish, having ten Tapers fastned together, all lighted. The Priest being come to the River side, spent half an hour or better in singing and reading: Then he took the wax Can­dles from the Clark, and extinguish'd them in the Water, in imitation of whom, the people did the like with theirs. Then the Priest dipp'd his Cross three several times in the Water, when he took it out letting it drop into a Basin destin'd for the preservation of that Water, which they esteem'd most sacred. This Ceremony over, the Women put their Children, great and small, into the Water, some with their shirts on, others naked. Those who needed not the assistance of others leap'd in themselves. Nay some brought their Horses to drink, that they might also participate of the vertue of that Holy Water. This done, the whole Procession re­turn'd to the Church, where the Priest, having given the people his benediction, dismiss'd them.

About 4. afternoon, we got on Horse-back, after we had dispos'd our Baggage into 50. Wagon, Crasmi­stansky. and travell'd that day five leagues, to a Village nam'd Crasmistansky. The next, August 2. Gam Chresta. we travell'd eight leagues, and came at night to Gam Chresta. Gam, among the Muscovites, are those places where Travellers take fresh Horses.

The 3. we came to Iazelbitza, Jaselbitza. a little Village which the Country people had forsaken. There we met with this misfortune, that our Cook being gone two leagues further to provide our Sup­per, we could not come up to him, by reason of the badness of the way, so that we had a sleep­less night of it. We met that day with several Officers, who, upon the Peace concluded between the Polanders and Muscovites at Smolensko, had desired leave to go to their own Habitations.

The 4. we met at Simnogora, Simnogora Wolsolk. where are fresh Horses to be taken up, with Colonel Fuchs; and the 6. at Wolsolk, with Colonel Charles. They both honour'd our Ambassadors with their visits, which occasioning entertainments, begat also those▪ excesses and disorders which ordinarily attend them in Germany; in one whereof our Trumpetter mortally wounded one of our Musket­tiers, without any injury done him by the other. We left the wounded person behind, and gave money to those who were to look to him. The Trumpetter was kill'd afterwards, after he had been entertain'd into the Great Dukes service, at our return from Persia.

The 5. we pass'd through a Village, which the Inhabitants had forsaken, to avoid quartering the German Souldiers, who had been disbanded neer Moscou. We lodg'd at night in the Vil­lage Columna. Columna▪ In those parts, we found many great blue stones, which the Tyrant Iohn Basi­louits, had caus'd to be taken out of the Sepulchres, when he took the City of Reuel, having design'd them to be brought to Mosco; but news being come that he was dead▪ they were un­loaden in the high-way, where they have remain'd ever since.

The 7. Budeua. we came Budeua, a Village also; but at our entrance into it, our Horses began to wince, stand upon their hinder feet, and beat the ground, as if they had been bewitch'd, where­of we could not imagine what should be the cause, till that having alighted, we found them co­ver'd all over with Bees, which were beginning to fall-upon us, and prosecuted their animosity so far, as to force us to keep them off with our Cloaks, and other Garments, and to go and take up our quarters in the Fields. We understood since, that it was a Stratageme of the Inha­bitants, who had incens'd the Bees, purposely to prevent our lodging in the Village.

The 8. we came to a Stage where were fresh Horses, Torsock. and so to Torsock, a little Town situate upon the descent of a Hill, not far from the High-way, fortified with Ramparts, and Bastions of wood. Bread, Beer, and Hydromel were there excellent good. The Ambassadors caused Huts to be made of boughs of Trees without the Town, where we Supp'd and Lodg'd that night.

The 9. we passed over two Torrents, one neer Torsock, the other half a League from Mi­edna. Tuere. We came at night to the Citie of Tuere, which is also on a Hill-side, as Torsock, but somewhat bigger. These two places have each of them their Weywode, or Governour. The lat­ter hath its name from the River Tuere, The River Wolga. which passes by it, as well as the Wolga, which conti­nuing its course from this City, through Muscovy and Tartary, disembogues its self above 600 German Leagues thence (which make above 1500 French) in the Caspian Sea. It is already so broad in those quarters, that we were forc'd to make use of a Ferry-boat to cross it. We were lodg'd the other side of the City, in the Suburbs. This was our last stage for fresh Hor­ses, till we came to Moscou.

August 13. Nichola Nachinski. we came to a Village called Nichola Nachinski, two Leagues from Moscou, whence our Pristaf dispatch'd an Express to give notice of our arrival.

The 14. the Pristaf, attended by his Interpreter and Secretary, came to Complement the Ambassadors, giving them thanks for the kind treatment he had receiv'd from them, and ma­king an Apology for the ill they might have receiv'd from him. We presented him with a Vermi­lion Gilt-Cup, and gave some ten or twelve Crowns among the rest. The same day, the Messen­ger sent by the Pristaf return'd from Moscou, and oblig'd us to prepare for our Entrance, which we made the same day in the order following.

• [Page 10]1. The Strelits, or Muscovian Musketiers, who had convoy'd us, match'd in first.
• 2. After them, Iacob Scheve, our Harbinger, Michael Cordes, Captain of the ship, and Iohn Algueyer, Clark of the Kitchin, all three abreast.
• 3. Three led Horses, to be presented to the Great Duke; one, black, and two, dappled­grey.
• 4. A Trumpetter.
• 5. Marshall, or Steward.
• 6. Three of our Gentlemen a-breast.
• 7. Three more of our Gentlemen.
• 8. The Secretary, Physician, and Controller.
• 9. The Ambassadors, attended each, by a Guard of four, with their Carabines, having on their right hand, but a little distance, the Pristaf who had conducted them.
• 10. The six Pages, in two ranks.
• 11. A Coach with four grey Horses.
• 12. The Master of the Waggons, with eight others, three in a rank.
• 13. The Presidents design'd for the Great Duke, carry'd in five Litters, covered with Turkie Tapistry.
• 14. An open Waggon, wherein Simon Frisins lay sick.
• 15. Forty six Waggons loaded with baggage.
• 16. Three Servants.

Having march'd in this order, very slowly, till we came within half a League of the City, we met ten Coureiers (or Messengers) who came one after another with full speed towards us, to acquaint the Pristaf with the place, where they were whose Office it was to receive us; with order, one while, to march on very slowly, another, to make more haste, to the end we should be much about the same time with them at the place appointed for our reception. We saw also several Muscovites; very well mounted and richly clad, who only rid at some distance from us, and return'd having taken a view of us. Within a quarter of a League of the City, we pass'd through a Body of above 4000 Muscovites, all excellently well mounted and sum­ptuously clad. Most of the Suedish Ambassadors retinue came also to meet us, but were not per­mitted to come neer us, so that we could only salute them at a distance.

Within a Pistol shot thence we saw coming towards us, two Pristafs clad in coats of Purfled Satin mounted on two gallant white Horses. Instead of Bridles, they had Chains of silver, whereof the links were two inches broad, but no thicker than the back of a knife, and of such a compass as that a man might thrust in his first into them, which made a strange noise as the Horses went along. The Great Duke's Master of the Horse followed them, with twenty led Horses all white, and was accompany'd by a great number of persons both a foot and a hors-back. When the Ambassadors and Pristafs were alighted, The recepti­on of the Ambassa­dors. the antienter of the two uncover'd himself, and said; The Grand Seigneur, Czaar, and Great Duke, Michael Federouits, conservator of all the Russians, Prince of Vladimer, Mosco, Novogorod, Czaar of Cassan, Czarr of Astrachan, Czaar of Siberia, Lord of Plescou, Great Duke of Tuersky, Iugersky, Premsky, Wadsky, Bolgarsky, &c. Lord and Great Duke of Novogorod in the Low Countries, Commander of Rosansky, Rostofsky, Gerastafky, Besolerski, Vdorski, Obdorski, Condinski, and of all the North, Lord of the Countries of Iveria, Czaar of Kartalmski and Ingusinski, Prince of the Countries of Kabardinski, Cyrcaski, and Iorkski, Lord and Soveraign of many other Seignenries, receives you, as great Ambassadors from the Duke of Sleswick, Holstein, Stormarie and Ditmars, Count of Oldenbourg and Delmenhorst. He grants you and the Gentlemen of your retinue the favour to make your entrance upon his own Horses, and hath appointed us Pristafs to have a care of you, and so to furnish you with all things necessary, during your aboad at Mosco. To which Complement when the Ambassador Crusius had made answer, there were brought two very stately white Horses, with Saddles after the Ger­man fashion, Embroider'd with Gold and Silver, with Footh-cloaths, and Harness suitable.

As soon as the Ambassadors were mounted, the Pristaf and Musketiers, who had conducted us from the Frontiers, were drawn off. There were brought also ten other white Horses for the chiefest of our retinue, with Saddles after the Muscovian fashion, of Cloath of Gold and Purfled Satin. The Pristafs take the vpper hand of the Am­dors. The Pristafs took the Ambassadors between them, though in Muscovy, he is thought to have the more honourable place, who hath the right hand free. After them march'd the Muscovian Grooms of the stable, who had the coverings of their Saddles of Leopard-skins, Cloath of Gold, and Scarlet. The Cavalry we had seen in the fields, and the other Mus­covites, came powring into the City with the Ambassadors, and accompany'd them to their Lodgings, Their Lodg­ings. within the white wall, in that quarter which is called Czarskigorod, that is to say, the City of the Czaar. We had assign'd us two Citizens houses built of wood, the Pristaf ma­king this excuse, in the name of the Great Duke, that a fire having not only consum'd the ordi­nary house for the entertainment of Ambassadors, but also another great house appointed for our Lodgings, we could not possibly be better accommodated for the present; And indeed, at [Page 11] our entrance into the City, we had observed whole streets burnt down, the fire having been so violent, that it had reduc'd to ashes above five thousand houses: insomuch that most of the In­habitants were forc'd to lodge in Tents and Huts.

Ere we had taken a view of our Lodging, The Great Dukes re­freshing present to the Ambas­sadors. the presents from the Great Duke's Kitchin and Cellar were brought us; viz. eight Sheep, thirty Capons and Pullets, great store of white and brown bread, and 22 sorts of drinks, Wine, Beer, Hydromel and Aquavitae, all brought in by 32 Muscovites, who marching all in a file made the shew so much the greater. This done▪ the doors of our Lodging were lock'd upon us, They are under a Guard. and a Guard of twelve Musketiers set, to pre­vent all communication between us and the Inhabitants, till after the first Audience. The Pri­stafs in the mean time fail'd not to visit us every day, to assure us of their readiness to serve us. They had also left with us an Interpreter, to facilitate the service which the Musketiers were oblig'd to do us in the buying of our Provisions and other things. This Interpreter was a Mus­covite born, and had been taken prisoner by the Polanders; by which means he fell into the hands of Prince Ianus Radzivil, who brought him to Leipsig, where he learnt the German Tongue.

Aug. 15. The Muscovites celebrated the Feast of our B. Lady's ascension, and the same day ended a Fast they had begun the first of that moneth. The 17. was design'd for our first Audi­ence; but the Great Duke being gone out of the City to do his Devotions, we spent the day in giving God our humble thanks for his happy conduct of us to the place for which our Embassy was design'd. We caus'd Te Deum to be sung, with Musick, and our Minister to make a Ser­mon, at which, as also at the Dinner which follow'd it, was present, by permission on of the Great Duke, M. Balthazar Moucheron, who manag'd the Affairs of the Duke of Holstein at Mosco, in the quality of Commissary. He told us, that the Muscovites thought our en­trance very handsome, and wondred much that Germany should have Princes able to send so considerable an Embassy. They give all strange Princes the quality of Knez, though their Knez are properly no more than what Gentlemen are with us, and, those excepted who have pub­lick employments relating to the State, the rest have no great Estates, it may be, about 800. or 1000 per annum.

The 18. The two Pristafs came to acquaint us that the Great Duke would give us publick Audience the next day. They desir'd also, in the Chancellors name, a Catalogue of the pre­sents we were to make his Majesty. After Dinner, the younger Pristaf came to confirm the notice they had given us in the morning, viz. that on the morrow we should have the honour to kiss the Great Dukes hand. We ask'd him what the discharging of the great Guns the day before meant, and the shooting we had seen out of our Windows in a great Meadow. He told us, it was only to make tryal of some pieces which the Great Duke had lately order'd to be cast. Others said, that they had been discharg'd, only to make it appear that the Muscovites had not lost all their Artillery before Smolensco, as some would have had it believ'd.

Aug. 19. The Pristafs came to see whether we were ready for Audience; and having per­ceiv'd that our men had put on their best Cloaths, and that all was in readiness, they went im­mediately to give notice thereof at the Castle, whence were brought us the white Horses which we had at our Entrance. About 9 of the Clock the Pristafs return'd to us, having their stript­satin Coats carried after them, as also their Caps of Martins skins, which they left in the Am­bassadors Antichamber. The Ambas­sadors Cavalcade We mounted with our Cloaks on, but no Swords, none being per­mitted to wear any in the Great Dukes presence, and rode towards the Castle, the Cavalcade being as followeth.

In the front, march'd 36 Musketiers.

After them our Steward.

Three Gentlemen of the Ambassadors retinue.

Three other Gentlemen.

The Commissary, Secretary, and Physician.

After them went the Presents, The Pre­sents. led and carried by Muscovites, viz. One Horse coal-black, with a rich covering.

One, dapple grey.

Another, dapple-grey.

Harness for one Horse, set out with Silver, and enrich'd with Turkish Stones, Rubies, and other precious Stones, carried by two Muscovites.

One Cross of Chrysolite enchac'd in Gold, about half a foot long, carried in a Basin.

An Ebony Cabinet, garnish'd with Gold, like a little Apothecaries Shop, with its Boxes and Vials of Gold, enrich'd with precious Stones, full of several excellent Chymical extracti­ons, carried by two Muscovites.

A small Vessel of Rock-Christal, garnish'd with Gold, and beset with Rubies.

A great Looking-Glass, being an ell and a quarter high, and half an ell broad, in an Ebony frame, with Boughs and Fruits carv'd thereon in Silver, carried by two Muscovites.

[Page 12] A Clock, on which was represented, in painting, the Parable of the Prodigal Child.

A Walking-Staff, Vermilion Gilt, in which was a piece of Perspective.

A great Ebony Clock, in an Ebony Case, garnish'd with Silver.

Next went two Gentlemen of the Chamber, carrying up on high in the Air, the Credential Letters from his Highness, one to the Great Duke, the other to the Patriarch his Majesties Fa­ther. His name was Philaretes Nikidits; He dy'd after our departure from Holstein, but we were told it would not be amiss to make it known we had Letters of credence for him.

Then follow'd the Ambassadors between the two Pristafs, having before them the Interpre­ters, on each side four Lacqueys, and behind them, the Pages.

It was, from our Lodging to the Castle a good quarter of a German league, there being a­bove 2000 Strelits or Musketiers dispos'd on both sides of the street, to make us free passage to the place of Audience. The streets, windows and houses tops were full of people, who were come from all quarters of the City to see our Cavalcade. We march'd in very good order, halting and advancing according to the orders, which the Courriers, who rid with full speed from the Castle, brought our Pristafs; to the end we might come to the Hall of Audience, just as the Great Duke were sate in his Throne.

Being come into the Castle-Court, we pass'd before the Posolsky Precase, or the Chancery for strangers affairs, where we alighted. After the Officers, and Gentlemen, had taken their places, to wit, the Steward, in the head of the Presents, and the Gentlemen, with the o­ther Officers, immediately before the Ambassadors, we were brought to Audience. The Hall for Audience is on the right hand of the Cour: when there come any Ambassadors from Persia, Turky, or Tartary, they are carried up a stone pair of stairs on the right hand; but in regard we were Christians, we took the left hand, and were led through a vaulted Gallery, purpose­ly that we might pass by a very fair Church, where they were then at service. Before we came into the Hall, we saw, in a spacious vaulted appartment, abundance of people, and among others many antient Men, venerable for their long snowy beards, whereof some sate, others stood along the walls, all clad in long Coats of stript Satin, and Caps of Martins skins: they told us they were his Majesties Goses, that is, his principal Merchants or Factors, who had those habits out of the Great Dukes Wardrobe, that they might honour him in those kinds of Ceremonies, conditionally they return'd them assoon as they were over.

The Ambassadors being come to the door of the Antichamber, they met with two Bojares, or Lords, clad in Coats of Purfled Satin, cover'd with an embroidery of great Pearls, who were to receive them at their Entrance. They told them that his Czaarick Majesty did them, and the Gentlemen of their retinue, the favour of admitting them into his Presence. The Presents were stay'd in the Antichamber, and they conducted into the Hall the Ambassadors with the Officers, Gentlemen, and Pages, there going before them Iohn Hermes, the Great Dukes principal Interpreter. As soon as he had set his foot within the Hall; he saluted his Majesty with a loud voice, wishing him all prosperity and long life, and acquainted him with the ar­rival of the Ambassadors. The Hall was square, and vaulted, hang'd and floor'd with Tape­stry. The roof was gilt, and had several Sacred Stories painted therein. The Great Duke's Chair was opposite to the door, against the wall, rais'd from the floor three steps, having at the four corners Pillars which were Vermilion Gilt, about three inches about, with each of them, at the height of an ell and a half, an Imperial Eagle of Silver, near which the Canopy or upper part of the Chair rested upon the same Pillars: besides which the said Chair had at the four Corners as many little Turrets of the same stuff, having also, at the ends, Eagles, after the same manner. We were told there was another Chair of State a-making, about which were bestow'd 1600 Marks of Silver, and 120 ounces of Ducat-gold for the gilding, and that it would amount to above 25000 Crowns. The designer of it was a German, born at Nurem­berg, his name, Esay Zinkgraf

The Great Duke sate in his Chair, clad in a long Coat, embroider'd with Pearls, and beset with all sorts of precious Stones. He had above his Cap, which was of Martins-skins, a Crown of Gold, beset with great Diamonds, and in his right hand a Scepter of the same Me­tall, and no less rich, and so weighty, that he was forc'd to relieve one hand with the other. On both sides of his Majesties Chair stood young Lords, very handsome, both as to Face and Body, clad in long Coats, of white Damask, with Caps of a Linx's skin, and white Buskins, with Chains of Gold, which crossing upon the breast, reach'd down to their hips. They had laid over their shoulders each a Silver Ax, whereto they put their hands, as if they had been going to give their stroke. On the right side of the Chair, upon a Pyramid of Silver carv'd thorough, stood the Imperial Apple, of massy Gold, representing the World, as big as a Canon-bullet of 48 pound weight; and at a like distance, on the same side, a Basin and Ewer and a Napkin, to wash and wipe the Great Dukes hands, after the Ambassadors and those of their retinue had kiss'd them. The principal Bojares or Lords of the Court, to the number of fifty, were all set upon Benches by the wall-side, on one side, and opposite to the Great [Page 13] Duke, very richly clad, with great Caps, of a black Fox furr, a good quarter of an ell high. The Chancellor stood on the right hand, some five paces from the chair.

They having made a low reverence at their Entrance, The Cere­monies of the audi­ence. were plac'd in the midst of the Hall opposite to the Great Duke, and about ten paces from him, having behind them the Offi­cers and Gentlemen of their retinue, on the right, the two Gentlemen who carry'd the Cre­dential Letters, which they held before them, and on the left, the Interpreter Iohn Helmes. This done, the Great Duke made a sign to the Chancellor, that he should tell the Ambassadors, that his Majesty granted them the favour to do him reverence. The▪ Ambassadors went one after another, and kiss'd his right hand, which he very gracefully reach [...]d to them, and with a smi­ling countenance, taking the Scepter in the mean time in his left hand. Now it is to be observ­ed, that in these ceremonies, he who kisses the Great Dukes hand is not to touch it with his own, and that only the Ambassadors of Christian Princes have the honour to kiss it, which the Turks and Persians, much less the Tartarians, have not.

This Ceremony ended, he caus'd the Chancellor to tell them, that if they had ought to pro­pose from their Prince, they might do it. Whereupon the Ambassador Crusius made him a complement from the Duke our Master, and his condoleances for the death of the Patriarch his Father, adding, that his Highness hoping we should have found him living, had given them Letters of Credence for him, and that they had brought them along with those his Highness writ to his Majesty. Whereupon he took the Letters from those that held them, and was ad­vancing to deliver them; but the Great Duke made a sign to the Chancellor to take them, and having commanded him to come to him, he whisper'd in his ear the an­swer he would make the Ambassadors. The Chancellor being return'd to his place, said, The Grand Seigneur Czaar, and Great Duke, &c. tells thee, Philip Crusius, and thee, Ot­ton Brugman, Ambassadors from the Duke of Holstein, that he hath received the Letters of his Highness, that he will order them to be translated, and he will acquaint you with his intention by his Bojares, and that he will make answer thereto. The Chancellor, who had not unco­ver'd himself, no more than the other Lords, took off his Cap when he pronounc'd the name of his Majesty, or that of his Highness of Holstein.

This done, The Ambassadors were seated on a Bench cover'd with a Turkie Carpet, which was set behing them, and the Chancellor told them, that the Great Duke was pleas'd that their Officers and Gentlemen should have the honour of kissing his hand. Which done, the Great Duke rais'd himself up a little in his Chair, and said to the Ambassadors, Knez Fre­deric jescha sdorof? Is Duke Frederick in good health? Whereto it was answer'd, that at our departure we had left him very well, God grant a good life and a long, and all happiness to his Majesty and Highness.

Then was brought in a List of the Presents, which were sent in with it▪ and stood some time before the Great Duke, till the Chancellor ordered them to be taken away. The said Chan­cellor presently after told the Ambassadors, that the Czaar and Great Duke of all the Russians, Lord and Soveraign of many Seignories, &c. was further pleas'd they should speak of their A [...]airs; but they desir'd, that, to avoid doing any thing prejudicial to the Treatise made be­tween the Crown of Sueden and his Highness, concerning the Commerce of Persia, they might have a private Audience together; which was accordingly granted. After this, the Great Duke caus'd them to be asked, whether they were in health, and whether they wanted any thing, gi­ving them notice, that that day he would do them the favour to treat them with meat from his own Table. This was the first publick Audience the Ambassadors had. They were brought back to the Antichamber by the same Bojares who had receiv'd them at their en [...]rance. We mounted at the same place where we alighted, and return'd to our Lodgings, accompany'd by our Pristafs, The Grand Duke treats the Ambassa­dors. in the same order as we had gone thence. We were hardly alighted ere there came in one of the Gentlemen of the Great Duke's Chamber. He was of the quality of the Knez, to which his countenance and behaviour was suitable, being of great stature, magnificently clad, excellently well mounted and attended, and had been sent by the Great Duke, to treat the Am­bassadors at Dinner. Assoon as he was come in, he caus'd the cloath to be laid, on which were in the first place set, a Salt-seller, and two Vinegar-dishes of Silver, and certain drinking-cups, whereof three were of Gold, and two others of Silver, and so big, that they were above a foot diameter, a great Knife and some Forks. This Lord, seating himself at the end of the Table, ordered the Ambassadors to sit down by him, the Gentlemen standing before them. He caus'd to be set on the Table before the Ambassadors three great vessels full of Sack, Rhenish-Wine, and Hydromel, and caus'd the meat to be serv'd out, on 38. great Silver Dishes, which consisted in boil'd, rosted and pastry. All being serv'd, the Knez rise, caus'd the Ambassadors to come before the Table, and told them, there was the Provision which the Czaar had commanded him to entertain them withall, praying them to be pleas'd with the treatment. Then he took the great Cup, which he caus'd to be fill'd with excellent good Hydromel, made with Raspices and having drunk his Majesties health, he caus'd as much to be given the Ambassadors, and all their retinue, obliging us to drink the Great Duke's health all at the same time. Some of us [Page 14] would have reach'd their arms over the Table, to take the Gobelet, but the Muscovite would not suffer it, saying, that Table then represented the Great Duke's, who permits none to go be­hind his Table, and so oblig'd them to come round about and take the Cup. This health was follow'd by that of our Prince, which he began to the Ambassadors, saying, God grant health and prosperity to his Highness, and make him long to continue in a good correspondence and amity with his Majesty. The third health was that of the Prince, the Great Duke's son. This done, they sate to the Table, and some Gobelets of a Wine made of Cherries and Mulberries were drunk about. The Ambassadors presented him with a Vermilion-gilt cup, of the weight of three Marks and a half, which he caus'd to be carried before him, as he return'd to the Castle.

Aug. 20. The Pristafs came to tell us, that the Great Duke was pleas'd we should go [...] and gave us the liberty to walk about the City, and to that end Horses should be brought us from his own stables, when ere we should desire it. We were also permitted to vi­sit the Suedish Ambassadors, and to receive their Visits. All which were thought so great fa­vours, that the Muscovites themselves were astonish'd at it; for till then it had not been suf­fer'd, that the Domesticks of strange Ambassadors should walk about the City, but, when their occasions oblig'd them to go abroad, they were accompany'd by one or more of the Musketiers. Two dayes after, the Pristaf accompany'd by a Groom of the Great Duke's stables, brought us six horses, and conducted us to the Lodgings of the Suedish Ambassadors, whom we saw se­veral times after, and held a very fair correspondence with them.

Aug. 23. The Ambassadors would have invited to Dinner Dr. Wendelin, the Physician, the Apothecary, and some other servants of the Great Duke; but the Chancellor would not suffer them to come, and forbad them seeing us for three dayes; of which rigorous treatment we could have no accompt, till afterwards, that we were told, it was, because, the Presents had not yet been valu'd, among which was the Cabinet made like an Apothecaries shop, we spoke of be­fore, which could not be valu'd but by them.

The 24. Came before Moscou Arnald Spirin, Farmer General of the Customs in Livonia, through which he had pass'd, and was sent by the Crown of Sueden to be present at the Nego­tiation, which the Ambassadors thence were to manage for Commerce, wherein he was very well vers'd. The Muscovites, who knew him, made some difficulty to entertain him in that quality; but perceiving the Suedes took it ill, they were at last content to do it, and sent a Pri­staf to meet and receive him.

September 1. SEPTEM. The Muscovites celebrated the first day of their New year; The Musco­vian New-years day. for having no other Epoche than that of the Creation of the World, which they believe to have been in Autumn, they begin the year with the Moneth of September, and they accompted then 7142 years, ac­cording to the opinion of the Greeks, and the Eastern Church, which count 5508. from the Creation of the World to the birth of Christ; whereto add 1634. you will find the number 7142. whereas we accompt from the Creation of the World to the same year 1634. but 5603 years. Their Procession was hand som enough, consisting of above 20000 persons, of all ages, who were admitted into the outer Court of the Castle. The Patriarch, attended by almost 400 Priests, all Pontifically habited, and carrying a many Banners, Images, and old Books open, came out of the Church, which is on the right hand of the second Court, while the Great Duke came out on the left hand of the same Court, accompany'd by his Councellours of State, Knez, and Bojares. The Great Duke and the Patriarch advanc'd one towards the other, and kiss'd, the Duke having his Cap in his hand; and the Patriarch, who had a Mitre on his head, held in his [...]id a Golden Cross, about a foot long, beset with Diamonds and other precious stones, which he presented to the Great Duke to kiss. That done, the Patriarch gave his Majesty his Benediction, as also to all the people, wishing them all prosperity in the New year. There were many Muscovitis who held their Petitions in the air, and, their way of presenting them to the Great Duke, was, to cast them with no small noise at his feet, whence certain Officers gather'd them up, to be carried to his Majesties chamber, that they might be answer'd. This done, the Processions parted, and return'd to the place from whence they came.

Sept. 3. Gillenstiern, Bureus, and Spiring, who were to Negotiate joyntly with us concerning the Passage into Persia, were conducted to their publick audience, with the same Ceremonies as we had been, while the two other Suedish Ambassadors, Mr. Philip Scheiding, and Col. Henry Fleming were to treat in private, of the difference which were between the Crown of Sueden and the Great Duke. The Three former desired in their audience to be receiv'd joyntly with us, to treat with those whom it should please his Majesty to appoint for that purpose: which was granted.

Hereupon, all the Ambassadors, as well the Suedish as ours, went the 5 ^th to the Castle. They were at first conducted into a spacious appartment, on the left hand, where they found the same Goses, or Merchants, and in the same habits, as we had seen at our first Audience. Thence they went into a Hall, where the four Commissioners appointed to treat with us, were sate at a Table expecting us. They were, two Bojares, and two Chancellors, or Secretaries [Page 15] of State, very richly clad, having Coats of stript Satin, embroidered with very great Perls and other precious stones, and great Golden Chains which made a Cross upon their breasts. The Bojares had Caps, after the fashion of calotts, beset with Perls, having in the midst a clustre of Diamonds and precious Stones. The other two had their Caps of black-fox fur, according to the ordinary fashion. They receiv'd the Ambassadors very civilly, and intreated them to sit down by them; but with all their civility they took up the best places themselves, at one cor­ner of the Hall, where the benches joyn'd. The Ambassadors took up theirs neer them against the Wall; and there was brought a seat without any back, for the Chancellors or Secretaries of State, opposite to the others. Iohn Helmes, the Great Duke's chief Interpreter, stood among our Pristafs, and all the Gentlemen, with all the rest of our retinue, stay'd in the Antichamber, except only the two Secretaries of the Suedish Ambassy and ours, as many Interpreters, and a Muscovite Clark, who was taken in to take notes of what was treated of. All having taken their places, one of the Bojares ask'd the Ambassadors, whether they were supply'd with ne­cessary provisions, or wanted any thing? The Ambassadors made answer, that they had occa­sion rather to commend those who had the management thereof, and that they gave his Ma­jesty their most humble thanks for his care of them. After this complement, all rise up, and be­ing uncover'd, the more considerable of the two Bojares, said, The Grand Seigneur Czaar and Great Duke (reciting all his Titles, and being all sat down again, he went on) gives you to understand, you Lords Ambassadors from the Crown of Sueden, and Duke of Holstein, that he hath caus'd your Letters to be translated into the Muscovian Language, and that he hath also hearkned to the Propositions you made to him, at the publick audience he gave you. Upon that they all rose again, and the other Bojare, uncovering himself, said, The Grand Seigneur, Czaar and Great Duke, &c. (not omitting any of the former titles, and so sitting down, continued) wishes the Queen of Sueden and the Duke of Holstein all prosperity, and victory over their Enemies, and tells you, that he hath read their Letters, and that he well understands their in­tention. The third Commissioner proceeded with the same Ceremonies, saying The Grand Seigneur, &c. hath seen the Letters you have brought him, is satisfy'd, that all credence is to be given you in what you shall say and propose, which shall accordingly be done. To which the fourth added, That his Majesty, the Czaar, had appointed them Commissioners, to receive from them, what they had to propose and desire; and thereupon read the names of the Com­missioners, who were:

• Knez Boris Michaelouits, Likow Obolenscoi, Weywode of Tuere
• Knez Vasili Iuanouits Stresnow, Weywode of Tarschock
• The two Secretaries of State, whom they call Dumnoi Diaken, were,
• Iuan Tarascouits Granmatin, Lord Keeper of the Seals or Chancellor, &c.
• Iuan Offonassiowsin Gauaarenow, Vicechancellor.

This done, they all rise, and one of the Suedish Ambassadors, Eric Gillenstierna, having given his Majesty thanks on the behalf of his Mistriss, for their admission to a private audience, read to the Commissioners their proposition, contained in one sheet of paper, written in the the German tongue. We would have done the like with ours; but being larger than the other, to forbear importuning the Commissioners, we thought it enough to put it in with that of the Suedish Am­bassadors. The Commissioners, having receiv'd them, went up to the Great Duke's Chamber, to communicate them to him, leaving us alone, save that the Pristafs and Gentlemen of our re­tinue were permitted to come into the room to entertain us. Having expected a good half-hour, the Vice-chancellor came down to tell us, that we should have no other answer at that time, than that his Majesty would cause the propositions to be translated, and would let us know his reso­lution with the soonest.

Sept. 10. The Suedish Ambassadors had their last private audience, as to what concern'd the affairs of that Crown.

The 12. A Tartari­an Caval­cade. We saw a Cavalcade of three Tartarian Ambassadors. sent by the Prince of Cassan, a Vassal of the Great Duke's. They had no other retinue or company than that of sixteen ser­vants, who follow'd them, with their Bows and Arrows in their hands. Their Cassocks, were of a very coarse red cloath; but at their return from audience, they were in Damask coats, some red, some yellow, which the Great Duke had bestow'd on them by way of present. There hardly passes a year, but these Gentlemen, as well as the other Tartars their Neighbours, send such an Ambassy to Moscou; not so much for any business they have, as to get some Furs, Martins skins, and silk Vestments.

The 15. Our Pristafs came to tell us, that the Great Dutchess was, the day before, deliver'd of a Daughter, who was already Christned, and nam'd Sophia, according to the custom of the Muscovites, who baptize their Children immediately after their birth, and without any Ce­remonies or entertainments, as they do in other Countreys. The Patriarch was her God­father, as he had been to all the rest of the Great Duke's Children, who would nevertheless [Page 16] have us to participate of that joy, upon which accompt, our ordinary allowance was doubled.

The 17. Came in a Turkish Ambassador, The en­trance of a [...]urkish Ambassa­dor. who was receiv'd with great Ceremonies; and though they sent 16000 Horse to meet him, yet in all that Army there were seen but six Co­lours. The first, which was that of the Duke's Guard, was of white Satin, and had in the midst, within a circle of Laurel, an Imperial Eagle with a triple Crown, with this Motto, Virtute Supero. One of Crimson Damask branch'd, having in the midst a Ianus with two faces. One of a plain red Damask; and the other three, blew and white, whereof one had a Gryffon, another, a Snail; the third, a naked Arm coming out of the Clouds, and holding a sword. 'Tis thought these were the devises of the German officers, during the War at Smo­lensco. Every Colours was attended by Timbrels and Hautbois, but the white had six Trum­pets, which made a wretched inharmonious noise. The Knez and Lords that were sent to meet this Ambassadors, were excellently well mounted, upon Horses that came out of Persia, Poland, and Germany, very richly set out, having with them out of the Great Dukes Stable, twen­ty led Horses, with great silver Chains instead of Bridles, such as we have mention'd before.

We, with the Gentlemen and Officers of the Suedish Officers retinue, made up a Troop of fifty Horse, under the command of Wolfwolf Spar, Gentleman of the Horse to the Suedish Em­bassy, who, as our Captain, march'd in the head of the Troop. We went a good league to meet the Ambassador, who no sooner perceiv'd us, but he look'd very earnestly upon us, and we upon him. We kept along with him a good while, to take the better notice of his retinue, and Cavalcade, which march'd in the order following.

First, march'd 46 Strelits, having, instead of Muskets, Bows and Arrows, and Cimitars by their sides. After them came a Pristaf clad in a Coat of Brocado, and follow'd by eleven Men, clad in Red Branched Velvet, whereof some were Grecian and Turkish Merchants, some Greek Ecclesiasticks. After them march'd the Ambassador's Steward, alone, and behind him a Gua [...]d of four, with Bows and Arrows. After them two Cavalliers very richly clad, im­mediately preceding the Ambassador, who march'd alone. He was a middle-statur'd Man, much tann'd in the face, his Beard very black: His under-coat was of a White-Flowr'd Satin, and his upper Garment of Satin purfled with Gold, lined with Martins-skins. His Turbant was white, as were also those of his retinue. He was in a sorry Wagon, of a white kind of Wood, but all cover'd with rich Tapestry. The rest of his Train consisted in above forty Wag­gons of Baggage, which were every one kept by one or two Boys. Being come within a quar­ter of a league of the City, near, as he imagin'd, the place where the Muscovites would re­ceive him, he mounted an excellent Arabian Horse. Nor indeed had he rode a Pistol-shot, ere he met the two Pristafs appointed for his reception, with the Great Duke's Horses, according to the custom. The Pristafs continued on Horsback, till the Ambassador had alighted; but he, on the other side, stirr'd not his Turbant, though the Muscovites took off their Caps, when they pronounc'd the Great Duks name.

After this first Complement, the Pristafs immediately mounted; the Ambassadour did what he could to be in the Saddle as soon as they, or sooner; but they had brought him a very high Horse (with a Saddle yet much higher, according to the Muscovian fashion) and so skittish withal, that he not only found some difficulty to get up, but very narrowly scap'd being hurt by him. Being got up, the Pristafs took him between them, and conducted him to the ordi­nary place for the entertainment of Ambassadors, which had been built up since our coming thither. As soon as he was got in, the doors were shut, and several Guards of Musketiers plac'd about it.

Our Ambassadors intended to have gone that day to those of Sueden, who had invited them to dinner, to shew them the Turks, who were lodg'd near them, the Suedes having a prospect into their Court: but the Chancellor sent to desire us not to stir abroad that day, for reasons he could not discover.

The 19. We had the second private Audience with the suedish Ambassadors.

The 23. The Turkish Ambassadour had his first publick Audience, The Turk­ish Ambas­sadors first audience. to which he went in this order.

In the Front march'd 20 Cosaques, mounted on white Horses, out of the Great Duke's stables: after them, the Turkish and Greek Merchants; and then the Presents, viz.

Twenty pieces of Satin stript with Gold, carried by so many Muscovites, who march'd all in a file.

A Golden Cross, about a fingers length, beset with several large Diamonds, carried by a Muscovite in a Basin.

A Vessel of Rock-Chrystal, adorn'd with Gold, and enrich'd with precious Stones.

A Belt or Girdle for a Cimitar, enrich [...]d with Gold, and beset with precious Stones.

A Pearl of great bigness, laid on a piece of water'd Taffata, in a Basin.

Harness for two Horses, embroider'd with Gold, and set with Pearls.

[Page 17] A very fair Diamond-ring, in a Basin.

A Ruby, as big as a Crown piece of Silver, enchac'd in Gold, in a Basin.

A very fair Battel-Ax, which they call Bulaf, form'd like a Scepter.

After the Presents march'd eight Turks, two a-breast, and after them, two very handsome young men, carrying upon great pieces of silk, the Credential Letters, which though folded, were yet at least half an ell wide. The Greek Ecclesiasticks were not in the Cavalcade, but had their Audience by themselves the 28. following. Two Muscovy Priests went to them at their Lodgings, and conducted them to the Castle, where they met a great number of Priests, who accompany'd them to their audience. Their presents were;

Six Basins with Relicks, or a parcel of Bones, whereof some were gilt.

Linings for a Priest's Cope, embroider'd with Gold and Perls.

A Head-stall for a Horse, beset with precious Stones.

Two pieces of Satin purfled with Gold.

One Priest's Cope.

One piece of silver'd Taby, with flowers of Gold.

The Greeks march'd after the Presents, clad in Violet Chamlet, and had a Cross carried be­fore them.

Our Ambassadors had also Letters from the Elector of Saxony to the Great Duke, and thought fit to deliver them at a Publick Audience, for which was appointed St. Michael's day, Sept. 29. We went in the same order as the time before, and the Letters were carried M. Vchterits upon black and yellow Taffata, which are the Elector's Colours. The Great Duke receiv'd them with much kindness, enquir'd after the health of his Electoral Highness, and com­manded we should once more be furnish'd with meat from his own Table; which indeed was brought us, not ready dress'd as the former, but we were left to order it as we would our selves.

October 1. the Muscovites keep as one of their most solemn Festivals, OCTOB. A Musco­vian Festi­val. or Prasnick: the Ce­remonies, these. The Great Duke attended by the whole Court, and the Patriarch, accompa­ny'd by all the Clergy, went in Procession to the Church which is in the outer Court of the Ca­stle, called by the Muscovites, that of the Blessed Trinity, by the Germans, Ierusalem. But before they went into it, they turn'd aside to a place balcony'd about much after the form of a Theatre, on the right hand as you go to the Church, neer which place are two great pieces of Canon, whereof the bore is at least half an ell diameter. The Great Duke and the Patriarch, being got into it, not admitting any other, the Patriarch presented to his Majesty an Image painted upon a piece of past-board, which folded as it had been a book, enrich'd with silver in the middle, and at the four corners, to which Image the Czaar made a most low reverence, and touch'd it with his fore-head, the Priests in the mean time muttering over their Prayers. Which done, the Patriarch approaching the Great Duke again, presented him, to kiss it, a Golden Cross, of about a foot length, beset with Diamonds. He also touch'd his forehead and tem­ples with it: whereupon they all went into the Church, where they concluded the service.

The Greeks that came along with the Turkish Ambassador, went in also, by a priviledge par­ticular to them, of all Christians, whom the Muscovites suffer not to enter their Churches; but they permit the Greeks, as such as profess the same Religion with them.

Octob. 8. we had our third private Audience, with the Suedish Ambassadors, and were above two hours in conference with the Great Duke's Ministers.

The 12. the Great Duke went on Pilgrimage, The Great Duke goes a Pilgri­mage. to a Church half a league from the City. He rode alone on horseback, with a whip in his hand, and was follow'd by above 1000. horse. The Knez and Bojares who attended him, march'd ten a-breast, which made a noble show, and express'd the greatness of the Prince. The Great Dutchess, with the young Prince and Prin­cess, followed them in a large Chariot, all of Joyners work, cover'd with Scarlet, the curtains of yellow Taffata, drawn by sixteen white horses. After the Dutchess's, the Court-Ladies were carried in 22. other Chariots, of wood, painted green, covered with Scarlet, the curtains drawn close, so that those within could not be seen. I had the happiness, the wind having blown those of the Great Dutchess, a little on one side, to have a glimps of her, and I thought her very handsome, and very richly clad. On both sides march'd above a hundred Strelits, ha­ving white tlaves in their hands, to keep off the people, who were thronging to bless their Prin­cess, for whom the Muscovites have a particular respect and devotion.

The 23. we had, with the Suedish Ambassadors, our fourth private Audience, wherein we concluded our Negotiation, The 28. the Suedish had their last publick Audience in order to their departure, returning from which, they caus'd the Answer to their Letters, to be carried by two Gentlemen. The 7. and 10. of November they departed from Mosco, in three troops, some taking the way of Livonia, others that of Sueden.

Nov. 19. we had our fifth and last private Audience, NOVEM. at which it was told us, that his Czaarick Majesty, having taken our propositions into serious consideration, had at last re­solv'd to gratifie his Highness the Duke of Holstein, as his Friend, Uncle, and Ally, as to [Page 18] what he had desir'd of him, and to grant him, what he had deny'd many other Princes and Po­tentates of Europe, to wit, a passage through Muscovy to go into Persia, and that his Ambassa­dors might go thither, The Great Duke grants the Ambassa­dors a pas­sage through his Country. but with this proviso, that they should first return back to Holstein, and bring him the ratification of the present Treaty.

Having so happily, though with much difficulty, perfected our negotiation, we thought it not amiss, to divert our selves, for some days, among our friends; as we did at the Christe­ning of a Child of the Residents of Sueden, at a feast which Dr. Wendelin made, at the marri­age of a Kinsman of his, and at the magnificent entertainment which David Ruts, one of the chiefest Dutch Merchants there, gave us at his own house.

The 22. The Muscovites made a solemn Procession to a Church, near the ordinary place where the Ambassadors are entertain'd, at which the Great Duke and the Patriarch were pre­sent. There was a passage made with Deal-boards, from the Castle to the Church, along which came first several pedling Merchants, who sold wax Candles; after them, some that swept the passage and kept it clean. The Procession was thus.

First, went a man carrying an Ewer, and a Napkin.

Three men carrying Banners, like Cornet's Colours, half Red, half White.

Sixty one Priests, in their Copes.

Four Cherubins carried upon long poles.

A man carrying a Lantern at the top of a long pole.

Forty Priests.

Eight Priests, carrying a great Cross, fasten'd in a great piece of timber, double-cross'd.

A hundred Priests and Monks, carrying every one a painted Image.

A great Image cover'd, carried by two men.

Forty Priests.

A great Image, adorn'd with abundance of precious Stones, carried by three men.

Another lesser Image.

Four Priests singing.

Another Image.

A Cross of Diamonds, in a Basin.

Two men, carrying each a lighted Taper.

The Patriarch, in Pontificalibus, very richly clad, under a blew Canopy, and led by the Arms by two Men, having behind, and on one side of him, about fifty Priests and Monks.

The Great Duke under a red Canopy, supported by two Lords of his Counsel, and atten­ded by his Knez and Bojares.

The Great Duke's Chair of State, of red Velvet, carried by two men.

The Great Duke's Horse.

His S'edge, drawn by two white Horses.

This Procession was occasion'd upon the finding of an Image of our Lady's in a certain place, where, since, there is a Church built.

December 12. We saw a Cavalcade of seventy two Crim-Tartars, A Caval­cade of Crim-Tartars. who all took the quality of Ambassadors, and were going to have Audience, which the Great Duke gave them, and whereat he had the patience to endure them for the space of three hours. Being come into the Hall of Audience, some sate on the ground, others lay along, and there was given every one a Gobelet of Hydromel; to the two Chief of the Embassy, Garments of Brocado, to others of Scarlet, and to the most inconsiderable among them, Cloaths of some more common Stuff, with some Furrs, and Caps of Martins-skins, which they had upon their other cloaths, as they return'd from Audience. 'Tis a Nation absolutely barbarous and dreadful to look on. Though they are at a great distance from Muscon, towards the South, yet they do the Great Duke abundance of mischief by their incursions, and the robberies they incessantly com­mit upon his Subjects. The Czaar, Faedor Iuanouits, the present Great Duke's Father, en­deavour'd to prevent their incursions, by causing the Woods to be cut down, and by means of a Causway and a Moat, which he had caus'd to be drawn a hundred leagues together, to hin­der their entrance into his Country: but they never rested till they had pull'd down one, and fill'd the other; so that, to keep them at home, the Great Duke is oblig'd from time to time, to suffer these Embassies, the design whereof is only to get Presents, whereof the expence would not trouble the Great Duke, if they would keep the Barbarians quiet, but they continue in peace but till they perceive they can make any advantage by the breach of it.

The 16. we had Audience, The Ambas­sadors have their last Audi­ence. in order to our departure, to which we were conducted with the same Pomp and Ceremonies as to the first, save that by reason of the Ice and Snow, which hin­der great Lords to make use of horses, they sent us two sumptuous Sledges, whereof one was lin'd with a Crimson water'd Satin, the other, with Damask of the same colour. There were within them some white Bears-skins, and over head rich Turkie Tapistry, to serve for a cover­ing. [Page 19] The Buckles of the Harness were cover'd of all sides with Fox-tailes, which is the richest Ornament, that the Great Lords, nay indeed the Great Duke himself, can make use of. The Pristafs had each his Sledge, and went on the right hand of the Ambassadors. At our alighting, we were receiv'd by two Bojares, after the accustomed manner. As soon as the Ambassadors were come into the Great Duke's presence, and that the Chancellor had given him an account of their health, a seat was brought, and they were intreated to sit down. Whereupon the Chan­cellor said, The Grand Seigneur, Czaar, and Great Duke, Michael Federouits, Conservator of all the Russes, &c. tells you the Lords Ambassadors, that his Highness, Duke Frederick of Holstein▪ having sent you to his Czaarick Majesty with the Letters which he hath received, he hath, npon your intreaty, caus'd your propositions to be communicated unto and examined by his Bojares and Counsellors, Knez Boris Michaelouits Lukou, Vasili Iuanouits Strenou; and the Dumnoi, Diakan, Iuan Tarassouits, and Iuan Gauarenow, upon which all sides are agreed to a Treaty which you have signed. His Majesty hath also received the Letters you brought him from Iohn-George, Elector of Saxony, the contents whereof he hath also considered. You shall immediately receive his Majesties answer, both to Duke Frederick, of Holstein, and to the Elector Iohn-George. Whererpon he deliver'd them the Letters before the Great Duke's Chair, and the Ambassadors having receiv'd them with much respect, the Great Duke said, When the Ambassadors shall have arriv'd at the Court of the most Serene John-George, Elector of Saxony, and his Highness, Duke Frederick of Holstein, they will salute them from me. Which done, they were told by the Chancellor, that his Majesty was pleas'd to grant the Ambassadors, and Gen­tlemen, and Officers of their retinue, the favour of kissing his hand once more.

That done, they told us, we should have meat sent from the Great Duke's own Table. The Ambassadors gave the Czaar thanks for all the favours they had receiv'd from him, wishing his Majesty long life and a happy Government, and, to the whole house of the Czaar all prosperi­ty. Having taken their leaves, they return'd to their quarters. About an hour after, the meat from the Great Duke's Table was brought, in forty six dishes, most fish, boyl'd, broyl'd, and fry'd in Oyl, some Sallets and Pastry; but no flesh, by reason of the Fast which the Muscovites very rigorously observe before Christmas. Knez Iuan Wolf, came along with them, to treat us, with the same ceremonies as we were treated with at our first publick audience. After Din­ner, we were visited by the Groom of the Stables, the Butler, and the Pourveyer, who came to demand their Presents. The Knez, the Groom, and the Butler, had each of them a drinking Cup of Vermilion-gilt. The rest, who were about sixteen, had bestow'd among them 32. Rou­bles, which amount to about 64. French Crowns.

The next day, the two Pristafs, accompany'd by their Interpreters, Iohn Helmes, and An­drew Angler, of whom the former had serv'd us in our Negotiation, with the Great Duke and the Bojares, the other, in our private affairs, came to ask us how many Horses we should stand in need of for our return. We demanded 80. and presented each of them with a large drinking Cup, of Vermilion-gilt. We did the like to the chief Secretary of the Chancery, and some of the great Lords.

The 21. Our Pristafs presented to us another Pristaf, named Bogidan Tzergeuits Gomodof, who had orders to conduct us to the Frontiers of Sueden.

The next day were brought us the Horses appointed for our journey, and at the same time came, with one of our Pristafs, the Lord Treasurers Secretary, accompany'd by 12. Musco­vites, loaden with Martins-skins, The Czaar's present. to be presented, from the Great Duke, to the Ambassadors, and those of their retinue. The Ambassadors had for their shares eleven Zimmers (every Zim­mer makes twenty pair) of the best kind of Sables; The Officers, Gentlemen, Pages, Har­binger, the Clerk of the Kitchin, and the Master of the Wagons, had each a Zimmer of Mar­tins-skins. The rest had some two, some but one pair. We gave the Secretary a drinking Cup, of Vermilion-gilt, and to the rest 30 Crowns. The Great Duke sent also to tell us, that if we would make a little longer stay at Moscou, by reason of the approaching Festivals of Christ­mas, and the cold weather, which indeed was to extremity, he should take it kindly, and, though we had our dispatches, yet should we be furnish'd with the ordinary provisions; but the desire we had to return into Germany, would not permit us to accept of his favour, so that we put all things in readiness for our journey. To that end, we bought Sledges, that we might travel with more convenience; they standing us in but three or four Crowns apiece. But in re­gard we were to travel into Persia, having obtain'd the Great Dukes permission to do it, it was thought fit, that Michael Cordes, with six other persons of our retinue, should be sent to Nisa, which is a hundred Leagues from Moscou, there to order the building of such ships as we should stand in need of, as well upon the River Wolga, as the Caspian Sea.

Decemb. 24. Was the day of our departure from Moscou, in order to our return. The two Pristafs came about noon, accompany'd by a certain number of Musketiers, who had brought with them those two Sledges, which we had made use of at our last audience, and conducted us in very good order a quarter of a League from the City; where we took leave of them, as also of those friends who had brought us so far on our way.

[Page 20] That day, and the night following, we made 90 Werstes, or eighteen German Leagues, to a Village named Klin, where the next day we had a Sermon, it being Christmas day. In the afternoon, Kl [...]n. Tuere. we parted thence, and kept on our way all night, so that the next day in the morning, Decemb 26. we arriv'd at Tuere, where we took fresh Horses, with which depart­ing that night, Tarsock. Novogo­rod. we came the next day to Tarsock. Four days after, viz. Decemb. 31. which was the 7 ^th after our departure from Moscou, we came to the City of Novogorod, which is distant from the other 120 German Leagues. Which is not to be much wondred at, for that Muscovy is a plain Country, and during the cold weather, many times the Horses travel upon the Snow ten or twelve German Leagues together without ever drawing bit.

Ianuary 1. 1635. After Prayers and Sermon, we left Novogorod, and got forwards 36 Werstes, 1635. or seven Leagues, to Mokriza. The 2. We came to Tuerin, six leagues and a half. The 3. to Orlin, JANU­ARY. six Leagues; the 4. to Sariza, 8 Leagues; and the night following vve made four Leagues, to Lilienhagen, belonging to Dame Mary Stop, the Relict of Iohn Muller, who, Mokriza. Tauerin. living, had been Agent from Sueden, in Muscovy. We were very vvell treated there; and the next day we got seven Leagues, and came to Narva.

The 6. We sent away our baggage. Orlin. Sariza. Lilienha­gen. Narva. Reuel. The Ambassadors follow'd the next day, and three days after, viz. the 10. we came to Reuel, vvhence we stirr'd not for the space of three weeks. But considering at last, that the Baltick Sea was not Navigable that time of the year, and be­ing withal unwilling to stay there the rest of the Winter, Narva. vve conceiv'd it vvould be our best course to be gone thence with the soonest, Reuel. and to prosecute our journey by Land, through Prus­sia, Pomerania, and Mecklenbourg.

The Ambassadors left Reuel Ian. 30. having tabled most of their retinue with Mr. Henry Ko­sen, and vvith a retinue of ten persons, took their way to Riga The two first nights vve pass'd over at Kegel, a house belonging to Iohn Muller, Counsellor of the City of Reuel, my Fa­ther-in-law; vvhere vve vvere very vvell entertain'd.

Feb. 2. vve came to Parnau, at vvhich place God was pleased to favour me with a great deli­verance, vvhich vvas thus; discharging their Canon at our entrance, the Tampion, which they had forgotten to take out of one of the pieces, pass'd very near me, and struck against the vvall of the City Gate, where it broke, the splinters of it flying about my head with such vio­lence, that, being stunn'd thereby, it was half an hour ere I recover'd my self.

The City of Parnau is but a small one, FEBRU­ARY. but hath a good Castle, built of wood, and after the Muscovian fortification; to which the Houses, the Gates, and the Churches are suitable. It is seated upon the little River of Parnau The De­scription of Parnau. of Parnou, which gives it the name, and which rising out of the great Forrest near the little River Beca and the Castle of Weissenstein, and receiving in its passage the waters of the Rivers Fela and Pernkeia, disembougues it self into the Baltick Sea, near this City, which is divided into two parts, the Old and the New. 'Tis numbred among the Hanseatick Towns, though it hath not in a manner any other Commerce than that of Wheat. Eric, K. of Sueden, took it from the Poles, in the year 1562. but they recovered it again by stratagem, in the year 1565. The Muscovites became Masters of it Iuly 9. 1575. but it was re-united to the Crown of Poland, with the rest of Livonia, by the Treaty of Peace made between that Crown and the Great Duke. In the year 1617. the Suedes took it, and have kept it ever since.

We met there with the Countess Dowager La Tour, named Magdalene, of the house of Hardek, in Austria. The Ambassadors sent me, with tvvo more of our retinue to complement her, and to make proffers of service to her in their names. She took it so kindly, that not content to make us drink his Highnesse's health three times over, she forc'd us to take the bovvls out of her ovvn hands, and in the mean time entertain'd us vvith much excellent discourse, in commendation of his Highness and that Embassy; as also concerning the manners and Religion of the Muscovites, vvith a svveetness and gravity vvhich cannot vvell be express'd. She vvould needs have the young Counts, Christian, and Henry, her sons, go to the Inn vvhere the Am­bassadors vvere Lodg'd, to complement them▪ vvhich the young Lords perform'd handsomly; and to heighten their civility, they also stay'd Supper vvith them.

The next day, the Countess sent us all manner of Provisions, and Letters for Count Mathew Henry de la Tour, her father-in-lavv. She sent also to desire the Ambassadors to recommend her sons to his Highness, and to assure him of their services, when they should be of an age, and in a capacity to do him any. As we were getting on hors-back, our Host shew'd himself an honest man, and refus'd to take our money, telling us, the Countess had sent in most of the Provisions for the Ambassadors Supper, and that the rest was not worth the reckoning: so that to require his sincerity we gave him twenty Crowns. But we were not got a League off the City, ere we were overtaken by a man he had sent, to return us our money, and to tell us the Present was too small, in requital of the trouble we had given him. We sent back our Harbinger, with the Messenger, who gave the Host twelve Crowns more, wherewith he seem'd to be satisfy'd.

[Page 21] The 6. We enter'd Riga. 1635. The next day, the Governour visited the Ambassadors, and the 10. he made a great Feast for them, The Am­bassadors come to Riga. to which he invited the chiefest of the City. Some days follow­ing were also spent in Feasting, among some or other of our friends.

Febr. 13. The Ambassadors left Riga, having in their Company a certain Ambassador of France, who was called Charles de Tallerand, and assum'd the quality of Marquess of Exidueil, Prince of Chalais, Count of Grignol, Baron of Marueil and Boswille. Lewis xiii. King of France and Navarre, had sent him with Iames Roussel upon an Embassy into Turky and Musco­vy. But Roussel, his Collegue, had done him such ill Offices with the Patriarch, that the Great Duke sent him to Siberia, where he continu'd three years a prisoner; till such time, as the ma­lice and artifices of Roussel, who endeavour'd nothing so much as to inflame the differences be­tween the Princes, being discover'd, he was set at liberty, after the Partiarch's death. Du­ring his restraint, his diversion had been to learn by heart the four first books of Vergil's Aeneids, which he had, as they say, ad unguen. He was a person of an excellent good humour, aged about 36. years.

We took our way through Courland, Mittau. and came the 4. about noon to Mittau. This little Ci­ty is situated in that part of Courland, which is called Semgalles, six Leagues from Riga, and it is the place where the Duke ordinarily resides. Courland made a Dutchy. The Dutchy of Courland was some time part of Livonia, from which it is divided by the River Dune: but all this Province having been mise­rably ruin'd by the Suedes and Muscovites, and the Archbishop of Riga and the Master of the Teutonick Order having submitted to the Crown of Poland, with all they were still possess'd of there, Sigismond Augustus, King of Poland, rais'd Courland to a Dutchy, and gave it to Go­dard Ketler, of Nesselrot, last Master of the Teutonick Order in Livonia, to be held immediately from the Crown of Poland. Godard dies, May 17. 1587. leaving, by Anne, the Daughter of Albert Duke of Meklenbourg, two sons, Frederick, who died without issue, and William, who succeeded his brother in the Dutchy of Courland. This William having been dispossess'd by Si­gismond III. and the States of Poland, was forc'd to live in Exile, till that, upon the media­tion of several Foreign Princes, he was re-establish'd in the year 1619. During the first War between Poland and Sueden, the City of Mittau was taken by the Suedes, who fortifi'd it, and restor'd it not to the Duke of Courland, till oblig'd thereto by a Cessation agreed on between those two Crowns, in the year 1629. Iames (William's son) who now hath the Dutchy, and assumes the quality of the Duke of Courland, L [...]vonia, and Semgalles, is married to Louise-Char­lotte, Daughter to George-William, Elector of Brandenbourg, and Elizabeth-Charlotte, of Baviere. It is not long since, that this Duke of Courland, having dispatch'd a Gentleman for Moscou, to manage some affairs there, the Weywode of Tleslau would not give him passage, and sent him word, that Courland being dependent on the Crown of Poland, could not have particular Agents and Ministers, but was to negotiate Affairs by means of the Ambassador, which the King his Master had at Muscovy. But this Prince hath been so fortunate, as, since this last War, to obtain the neutrality of all the neighbouring Princes, so that it is very likely, the Treaty to be agreed on between them will be such, as that he shall have no dependance on any of them.

At night we came to a Village, Doblen. called Doblen, three Leagues from Mittau. The Inn­keeper, who took us for Souldiers or Gypsies that were in distress for Lodging, made some diffi­culty to let us into his house: but at last he was perswaded, and lodg'd us. All we had to sup­per, was, hard Cheese, very brown Bread, and sour Beer.

The 15. we travell'd 7. Leagues, Bador▪ and came to Bador, in Poland, where an antient Gentleman, who had sometime been a Captain of horse, named Iohn Amdod, lodg'd us, and treated us ex­tremely well, especially with all sorts of drinks, as Lithuanian Hydromel, excellent Sack, and good Beer, which made us spend some part of the night in carowsing: the Wine having the vertue of contracting a great friendship between the Ambassadors and him. The next day he gave us a very sumptuous entertainment, and the divertisement of Timbrells; and that all might be compleat, in the treatment, he would needs bring in his two Daughters, whom we had not seen the night before. He also presented the Ambassadors, one with a Fire-lock, the other with a Sword: and the Ambassadors gave him each of them a fair Watch. This breakfast, which lasted till the afternoon, hindred us so, that we could get but four Leagues that day, to Hashoff, Hashof. where we went to bed supperless. The 18. we travell'd six Leagues, to a Village called Walzau. Walzau.

The [...]9. we came to Memel, Memel. six Leagues from 'Tis a pleasant little Town, at the entrance of the Gulf called the Courishaf, or Lake of Courland. The Courlanders, in their Jar­gon, call this Town Cleupeda, and Crometus, in his History of Poland, calls it Troipes. The Castle belonging to it is pleasant, and well fortify'd, and its Haven very commodious. The Ri­ver Tange compasses it round, and not far thence falls into the Gulf. It was built in the year 1250. and was at that time part of the revinue of Livonia. The Friers of the Order of Livonia, in the year 1328. sold this City to the Master of the Order of Prussia, and it is, with that Dutchy, come to the Elector of Brandenburg, who hath been possess'd of it, ever since the Suedes restor'd it, by vertue of a cessation of 26. years, which France got concluded, in the [Page 22] year 1635. between the Crowns of Poland and Sueden. The 20. we got upon the Haf, or Gulf of Curland, and dind▪ that day at Snenzel, Swenzel. three leagues from Memel, and lodg'd at Bulcapen Bulcapen. five leagues from the said Memel.

The 21. we travel'd 8 leagues, and came to Koningsberg▪ Konings­berg. where, the snow beginning to fail us, we were forc'd to quit our Sledges. This city, called by the Polanders Krolefsky, is seated by the River Pregel, the chiefest of that part of Prussia, which is called the Ducal, be­cause it hath its Duke, or particular Prince, under the Soveraignty of the Crown of Poland. 'Tis a Production of the thirteenth age, in which the Knights of the Teutonick Order built it, and named it Coningsberg, or Royal-mount, in honour of Primislas Ottocarus, King of Bohe­mia, and in acknowledgement of the assistance he had brought them against the Heathens in those parts. It is now much bigger than it was then, inasmuch as, besides the suburbs, which are very great, there was added in the year 1300. that part of the city which is called Lebenicht, and in the year 1380. that of Kniphof, both which have their several Magistrates, both as to policy and administration of Justice. The Palace ows its perfection to George Frederick, of Brandenburgh, Duke of Prussia, who built it, about the later end of the last age. Among o­ther remarkable things, there is a Hall, that hath no pillars, and yet is 274 Geometrical feet in length, and 59 in breadth; and a fair Library well furnish'd with abundance of excellent Books; among which, in drawers full of Books adorn'd with silver, is to be seen, that which Albert of Brandenbourg, first Duke of Prussia, made and writ with his own hand, for the instruction of his Son, and goverment of the country, after his death. The University was founded by the same Prince, who made it his business to render this city one of the most conside­rable of all the North, The River Pregel, or Chronus, which rises in Lithuania, and falls into the Gulf, called the Frishaf, a league below the City, contributes very much to the improvement of its commerce; and the City is so populous, that many times there are seven or eight families in a house. They generally speak the German language, though there are few Iahabitants but have also the Polish, with those of Lithuania and Courland. There are brought thithes, from [...]oland and Lithuania, Oak for Joyners work, Soap-ashes, Wax, Honey, Hydromel, Leather, Furrs, Wheat, Rye, Flax, and Hemp; and the Suedish, Dutch, and English Ships, bring Iron, Lead, Tinn Cloath, Wine, Salt, Butter, Cheese, &c. We say nothing here of Prussia, out of a fear of making too great a digression, and medling with ought relating to the History of Ger­many, which hath nothing common with our Travells; but only, that the Crown of Poland hath quitted all pretension of Soveraignty over the Dutchy of Prussia, by the last treaty it made with his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourg.

We left Coningsberg, Feb. 24. and came the next day to Elbing, Elbing. a City seated upon a River of the same name, between the Lake of Drauser, and the Frishaf, in the Royal, or Polish Prussia. It is not very big, but its streets are streight and spacious; and its fortifications, made by the late King of Sueden, during the last War of Poland, before his entrance into Germany, are very regular. If he who is Master of it, were also Commander of the Fort of Pilau, which the Elector of Brandenburg is possess'd of, at the entrance of the Frishaf, it might be made a very considerable place for Commerce.

The 27. we came to Dantsig, Dantsig. where we staid 16 or 17 days, during which time, the Ma­gistrates treated us with the ordinary Presents of refreshments, and the principal Inhabitants gave us several noble entertainments. The Polanders call this place Gdansko, whence comes the modern Latine word Gedanum. It is not very antient, and yet it cannot be certainly af­firm'd whether it was built by the Dukes of Pomerania, or by the Danes, since it seems to have its name from the later. It was a long time possess'd by the Dukes of Pomerania, and afterwards by the Kings of Poland, and by the Masters of the Teutonick Order in Prussia. In the year 1454 it redeem'd it self out of subjection to the Order, and made a voluntary rendition of it self to Casimir, King of Poland. It is situated in Cassuba, upon the Vistula, and Rodauna, which they say is the Eridanus of the Antients (because in that place there is found much yellow am­ber) and near the Moslava, which falls into the Vistula, a quarter of a league below the City. But the River is so shallow there, that great Ships cannot come up to the City: Towards the West, it hath several mounts of sand, which they were forc'd to bring within the fortifications, because they commanded the city: though Canon can­not be discharg'd to any great purpose, when they shoot point-blank downwards, and that there would not have been space enough between the mount and the ditch, to put forces in or­der, and to give an assault. Towards the South and North, it hath a pleasant Plain, and on the East, the River. It is well built, but the streets not over-clean. The publick Structures are magnificent, and those of private persons very commodious, and handsome. On the other side of the Moslava, lies part of the Suburbs, called Schotland, or Scotland, as large as a pretty little City, but it depends not on the City of Dantsig, but on the Bishop of Cujavia. It hath its seat and suffrage in the Diets of Poland, even in those which are called for the election of the King. 'Tis one of the four Cities, which have the superintendency of all the Teutonick Association, or Hanseatick Towns, and hath so many other Privileges, that, though it con­tributes [Page 23] to Poland, and gives the King half the duties raised there, yet does it in a manner en­joy an absolute freedome. There is so great a Commerce of Wheat in this City, that it is thought, there are sold every year above seven hundred and thirty thousand Tuns, whereof two make a Last. The Magistracy consists of fourteen Senators, and four Burgomasters; whereto are to be added the Governour, appointed by the King of Poland, some Escheuins, or Sheriffs, for civil and criminal causes, and a hundred Counsellors for affairs of importance. Criminal causes are finally judged, without admitting any appeal, as also Civil, not exceed­ing a thousand Livers. It makes Statutes, and imposes taxes upon the Inhabitants, ac­cording to the exigencies of publick Affairs, without staying for any superiour Per­mission, and regulates the exercise of those Religions that are permitted by the Laws of the Empire.

March 16. We left Dantsig, and came the 25 to Stetin, It Stetin▪ the chief City of Pomerania. is at 53 deg. 27. min. latitude, and 38 d. 45. m. longitude, seated in a very pleasant place, upon the descent of a Hill. The River Oder divides it self there into four branches, whereof that which runs by the City keeps its name (the others taking those of Parnits, and the great­er and lesser Kegelitz) and straggles so, as that to come to the City from Dam-side, a man must pass over six bridges, which, put together, are in length, 996 German ells, and 24 foot broad, and are all joyn'd by a noble Causey, well paved, and having in the middle a Royal Fort. The structures of it are beautiful, and it is excellently well fortify'd, especially since the Suedes became Masters of it. Iohn Frederick Duke of Pomerania, in the year 1575. laid the first foundations of the sumptuous Palace which is there built after the Italian Architecture, with very noble appartements, where, before these last Warrs, there were worth the seeing, a noble Library, a Magazine of Arms, many rarities, and the rich Wardrop and Plate of the Dukes of Pomerania. 'Tis one of the Hanseatick Towns, and enjoyes many great Privileges, among others, that of obliging strangers to disburthen in the City all the Merchandises which pass through it, what nature soever they are of: as also that the Gentlemen thereabouts cannot build any Castle or strong place any way within three Leagues from it; nay, that the Dukes of Pomerania themselves cannot build any Fort upon the Oder, or the Suine, or upon the Frishaf, between that and the Sea. But this advantage is lost by it's coming into the hands of the Suedes.

Mar. 29. being Easter-day, we came to Rostock, Rostock. a City seated on the River Warne, in the Dutchy of Mekl [...]nbourg, where heretofore lived the people called the Varini. Pribis [...]i II. the son of Niclot, last Prince of the Obotrites, incompass'd it with a wall, in the year 1160. and made it a City out of the ruins of that of Kessin, which Henry le Lyon, Duke of Saxony, had destroy'd. Its Port is not commodious, in regard Vessels of burthen are forc'd to unload at Warnemunde, two Leagues below the City, at the mouth of the River. The City is handsome enough, ha­ving three great Market-places, 27 streets, 14 little gates, and four great gates. Its University is one of the most antient in all Germany, and was founded, by Iohn and Albert, Cousin-Ger­mans, Dukes of Mecklenbourg, who, together with the Magistrate, opened it in the year 1419. Among its Professors are many very great Persons, of whom one was Albert Crantz Rector of it in the year 1482. This City, having been taken by the Imperialists, in the year 1629. with all the rest of the Dutchy of Mecklenbourg, the late King of Sueden, Gustavus Adolphus, besieg'd it in the year 1631. and took it the 16. of Octob. the same year.

The 30. of March, we left Rostock, and came the same day to Wismar, Wismar. seven Leagues. Those who say this City was built by Wismar, King of the Vandals about the year 340. tell a fabu­lous story, whereof the vanity is so much the more visible, in that it is certain, that it was no City, till Henry of Ierusalem, Duke of Mecklenbourg, made it such, by the privileges he be­stow'd on it, in the year 1266. It is near as big as Rostock, and its Port, which no doubt is one of the best upon the Baltick Sea, brings it very great Traffick. Its situation, being amidst Fenns, and upon the Sea, is very advantageous, and its Citadel fortify'd with five regular Bastions, makes it one of the most considerable places in all Germany. Adolphus Frederick, Duke of Mecklenbourg, and General Todt, took it, Ian. 10. 1632. from Colonel Gramma, who had the command of it, for the D. of Fridland; ever since which time the Suedes have kept it, as one of the most precious Jewels of their Crown.

The last of March, we came to the Castle of Schonberg, Schonberg belonging to the Duke of Mecklen­bourg, where some friends of our Comrade, Iohn Albert de Mandelslo, received us, and treat­ed us very nobly. For my part, I am particularly oblig'd to acknowledge their kindness, for, being casually shot in the arm with a pistol by one of our company, I was forc'd to stay there two or three dayes, during which time I receiv'd very great civilities from them.

Apr. 1 APRIL▪ the Ambassadors left Schonberg, but M. Mandelslo and my self stay'd two dayes after them, and the third of April overtook them at Lubeck. Lubeck. This City is so well known, that I need not give any particular description of it, after so many other Authors that have written of it. Only I shall say, that it is situated between the Rivers of Traue and Wagenits, at 28. d. 20. m. longitude, and at 54. d. 48. m. latitude, two leagues from the Baltick Sea. Those who have chiefly contri­buted [Page 24] to the building of it, were, Adolphus II. Count of Holstein, Henry le Lion, Duke of Saxony, and Henry Bishop of Aldenbourg. The Emperor Frederick I. re-united it to the Em­pire, and Frederick II. his Grand-Son, gave it some of those Privileges, which it enjoyes to this day. It lies in the Wagria, at the entrance of the Country of Holstein, and is very well forti­fy'd, according to the modern fortification, having, besides the other advantages which it hath equally with the other Imperial Towns, that of the oversight of the Teutonick Association, whereof all the [...] Archivi are kept in the Guild-Hall of this City. How considerable it is in the Empire, may be judg'd by the contributions it payes towards the charges of the journey to Rome, which amount to 21 horsemen, and 177 foot, and, reduc'd to money to 1980 Livers a mouth. As for its rank at the Diets, it hath a place alternatively with the city of Wor [...]nes. In this city the Peace between the Emperor Ferdinand II. and Christian IV. King of Denmark, was conclu­ded, in the year 1629. The Bishoprick of Wagria, which was transferr'd from Aldenbourg to this city, is now possess'd by Iohn, Duke of Holstein, brother to Frederick, Duke of Hol­stein, who lives at Oitin. Here also I escaped another great misfortune; as I alighted off my horse, I fell upon my wounded arm, but ere I could get up again, Mandelslo's horse, which was furious and skittish, startingthereat, stood up on his hinder feet, and very narrowly miss'd my head with his fore-feet. We travel'd on, in the Afternoon, and came that night to an Inn in the suburbs of Arnsbock. Arnsbock. This little city, lying in Wagria, between Lubeck and Pretz, belon­ged heretofore to the Carthusians; but now it is possess'd by Ioachin Ernest, Duke of Holstein, by the branch of Sounderborg, who is married to Dorothea Augusta, our Prince's Sister. Upon which accompt it was that he sent a coach and six horses to bring us to the Castle, where the Ambassadors and some of the retinue supp'd at his own Table, and lay there the night following.

The next day we broke our fast at the Castle, which done, we were brought in the Duke's coach to our Inn, whence we continued our journey, and got the same day to Pretz, Pretz. where there is a very rich and sumptuous Monastery of young Ladies Nobly descended, who are main­tain'd there, till they leave the place to embrace a married life.

April 6. about noon, we came to Kiel, Kiel. a city situated upon the Baltick Sea, and famous for a Fair kept there yearly at Twelf-tide, which brings thither all the Nobility about the coun­try, and a very great number of Merchants. We got the same night to Gottorp, Gottorp. for which we are to give Almighty God our humble thanks; and the next day, the Ambassadors made a re­port of their negotiation. And so much by way of accompt of our first Voyage into Muscovy.

HIs Highness had no sooner understood, 1635. that the Great Duke of Muscovy had permitted his Ambassadors to pass through his country, to go into Persia, but all his thoughts were busied about the prosecution of the second Voyage, Prepara­tives for the second Voyage. whereof the expence was incredible, which he gives order for, causing all neces­sary preparations to be made, and presents to be fought out worthy so great a Monarch.

He also augmented the Ambassadors retinue, and ordered, that, till the time of their departure, the Gentlemen, Officers, and Servants, should be entertain'd at Hambooough, at the house of Otton Brugman, one of the Ambassadors; where they were very well treated, every one according to his condition and quality, the Trumpet always sounding when the meat was carried up, which was also done all along the Voyage.

The retinue consisted of a Mareshal, The Ambas­sadors reti­nue. or Steward, a Secretary of the Embassy, four Gentle­men of the Chamber, and eight other Gentlemen for ordinary attendance, among whom were the Minister and interpreter, four Pages of the Chamber, four other Pages, four Grooms of the Chamber, four Masicians, a Controler, a Harbinger, two Sumpter-men, an Overseer of the Servants, two Trumpetters, two Watch-makers, eight Halbaldiers, who were of se­veral professions, as Bakers, Shoe-makers, Taylors, Smiths, Sadlers, &c. ten Laqueys, a Clark for the Kitchin, with two Head-cooks, and one Under-cook, a Master of the Wag­gons and his Servant, ten Servants belonging to the Gentlemen, an Interpreter for the Musco­vian Language, another for the Persian, and a third for the Turkish. The Sumpter-men, the Musicians, and the Trumpeters had also their boys, eight in number, besides twelve other persons for the ordering of things belonging to the Ship, and 30 Souldiers, and four Musco­vian Officers, with their Servants, whom we eatertain'd into our service in Muscovy, with the Great Duke's permission.

All Summer, They em­bark. and some part of Autumn, were spent in preparation for this Voyage, inso­much that we could not get from Hamborough, till the 21 of October 1635. The 24 we got to Lubeck, where we staid two days, during which, our Baggage, and Horses, which were 12. were embark'd at Trauemunde. The 27. we followed, and went aboard about noon, with all our people, into a new Ship, that had never been at Sea before. The wind serv'd as well as could be wish'd, to get out of the Harbour, and yet we met with such a strong current of water, that we could not avoid falling foul on two great Ships that were in the Port, between which we were so intangled, that we could not in three hours dis-engage our selves. Which many [Page 26] among us took for an ill omen of the misfortune that happen'd to us some few dayes after.

Oct. 28. about five in the morning, after prayers said, we set sail with a West-South-West wind, which growing higher at noon, was at night heightned to a dreadful Tempest. It con­tinu'd all night, during which, we discover'd, that our Mariners were as raw as the Ship was new, which had never seen the Sea till that time; and it was our continual fear that the Mast would slip out of its place, in as much as, the ropes, being new, stretch'd so, that they seem'd not to have any hold of it.

The 29. we found our selves to be on the Coasts of Denmark, which our Captain took for the Isle of Bornholm, and we perceived, that we had directed our course streight towards the Country of Schonen; so that if we had not at the break of day, discover'd Land, and found we were at 4. fathom water, which soon oblig'd us to alter our course, there had been an end of both us and our Ship. About 9. of the clock we discover'd the Island of Bornholm, and the wind being fair, made all the fail we could. But about ten at night, when we thought our selves most secure, and made accompt to rest our selves after the precedent night's toil, even, while Brug­man, one of the Ambassadors, was charging the Master's Mate to be carefull, and the other an­swer'd, there was no danger, since we had Sea-room enough, the Ship, being then under all the sail she could make, The Ship strikes a­gainst a Rock. struck against a Rock which was cover'd by the water. The shock made such a horrible noise, that it made all start up. The amazement we were in surpris'd us so, that there was not any one but might easily be perswaded, that the end of both his Voyage and Life were neer at hand.

At first we knew not where we were, and in regard the Moon was but newly chang'd, the night was so dark, that we could not see two paces from us, We put our [...]antern at the Castle, and caus'd some Muskets to be discharg'd, to see if there were any help to be had neer us. But no body made answer, and the Ship beginning to lye on one side, our affliction began to turn into despair; so that most cast themselves on their knees, begging of God, with horrid cries, that he would send them that relief which they could not expect from men.

The Master himself wept most bitterly, and would meddle no further with the conduct of the Ship. The Physician and my self were sitting one close by the other, with a design to embrace one another, and to die together, as old and faithful friends, in case we should be wrack'd. O­thers took leave one of another, or made vows to God, which they afterwards so Religiously kept, that coming to Reuel, they made up a portion for a Poor, but Virtuous Maid, who was married there. The Ambassador Crusius's Son mov'd most compassion. He was but 12. years of age, and he had cast himself upon the ground, importuning Heaven with incessant cries and la­mentations, and saying, Son of David have mercy on me; whereto the Minister added, Lord, if thou wilt not hear us, be pleas'd to hear this Child, and consider the innocence of his age. At last God was so gracious as to preserve us, though the Ship struck several times, with great vio­lence, against the Rock.

About one in the morning, we saw fire, whence we inferr'd that we were not far from Land. The Ambassadors commanded the Boat to be cast out, with design to get into it, with each of them a Servant, and to go streight towards the fire, to see if there were any means to save the rest: but no sooner had they thrown in two Cabinets, in which were the Credential Letters and some Jewels, ere it was full of water, which had almost occasion'd the loss of two of our peo­ple, who had leapt first into it, thinking to save themselves; in so much that they had much ado to get into the Ship ere the Boat sunk. We were forc'd to continue there the rest of that night, expecting to see a period of that danger.

At break of day we discover'd the Isle of Oleand, and saw the ruins of a Danish Ship, which had been cast away thereabouts a month before. The wind being somewhat abated, two Fisher­men of the Isle came aboard us, and Landed the Ambassadors, having a very considerable re­ward for their pains, and after them, some of their retinue.

About noon, we found the two Cabinets, and when the Sea was a little calm'd, many peo­ple of the Isle came in to our relief, to get off our Ship from among those Rocks: but with this misfortune, that as they would have let down the Anchor, which they had carried in the Boat about a hundred paces from the Ship, the Boat over-turn'd, so that those in it were toss'd into the Sea. Our Masters Mate went immediately with one of the Isle boats to their relief; and in regard, as they were over-turn'd, some caught hold of the Boat, others of an Oar, or somewhat else, as also that the Wine they had drunk a little before, had somewhat heightned their Cou­rage, we had the time to send twice to them, and to save all but our Carpenter, who was lost for want of having fasten'd on somewhat that might have kept him above water.

While they were getting off our Ship, the waters increas'd so, as that the wind, coming to the North-West, made our passage thence into the Sea the easier. Whither we were no sooner gotten, but the wind turn'd again to South-West, and brought us safely through the streight of Calmer, The streight of Calmer. which is so much the more dangerous in that season of the year, in as much as the Sea thereabouts is full of Rocks, and that even in the Summer time, it is ill sailing there by reason of the banks of Sand. The Ship stay'd for the Ambassadors, at Calmer, whither they got by [Page 27] Land, upon the first of November, NOVEM. and came aboard neer an old ruin'd fort, called Ferstat.

Being come to Calmer, we sent back a Page and a Lacquey to Gottorp, to get other Creden­tials, the Sea-water having spoil'd those we had at first. It was there also taken into considera­tion, whether it were not our best course to take our way by Land, through Sueden, or pro­secute our Voyage by Sea. The latter was resolv'd on; and that we might do it with the less danger, we laid out for a skilfull Master for the Baltick Sea; but there being none to be had, we took only two Pilots, who conducted us half a League through the Sand banks, till we were got into the main Sea.

The 3. we continu'd our course, and pass'd by a Rock called, the Suedish Lady, which we left on the lar-board. From Calmer thither are accounted eight Leagues.

About noon, we spy'd the Castle of Bornholm, in the Isle of Oeland. At night we doubled the point of the Isle, with such a Tempest from the North-East, that the fore-part of the Ship was more under water than above it, and ever and anon our sails were wash'd by the Waves.

Another misfortune was, that our Pump was out of order, in so much that till it could be made to do its Office, all the Kettles and other Vessels were little enough to empty out the wa­ter. This trouble lasted till the next day at noon, with so much danger to us, that if the wind had not chang'd, it would have been impossible for us to escape shipwrack. But the wind being somewhat better for us than it had been, we kept on our course, and came towards night in sight of Gotland.

The Isle of Gotland is opposite to the Province of Scandinavia, The Isle of Gotland. or Schoven, which hath also the same name given it, at 58. degr. of Latitude. It is in length 18. German Leagues; in breadth, between three and four. The Country is full of Rocks, Firre-Trees, [...] Juniper-Trees, having East-wards, many commodious Havens; as those of Ostergaar, Sleidaf, Sanduig, Naruig, and Heiligolm. Ostergaar is a small Isle standing at an equal distance from the two points of the great one, with a convenient Harbour, for those who can avoid the Sand-banks, which thereabouts reach out a good way into the Sea. Sleidaf is higher towards the North, than Ostergaar, and hath a safe Har [...] against all winds, the Ships lying under the shelter of four little Isles, or rather Mounts [...], which break the violence of the Waves. There's but one Town in all the Island; but there are above 500. Farms, and the Churches are built within a League distance one of another, as they are in the Isle of Oeland, so that the Steeples give a great direction to the Ships that sail that way. The Inhabitants are Danes, and the Island was sub­ject to the King of Denmark, till that after a tedious War it submitted to the Crown of Sueden, to which it payes annually 100. lasts of Pitch. All their Traffick lies in Cattel, and Wood, for building and fire, and thence the best deal Boards come. I would needs, with some other Came­rades, go and see the Town of Wisby. It is built on the descent of a Rock, upon the Sea side, encompass'd with a good Wall, and fortify'd with some bastions. The ruins of 14. Churches, and several Houses, Gates, and Walls of Free-stone and Marble, which we observ'd there, ar­gue it hath been bigger than it now is. It is said, that the foundations of it were laid, about the end of the eighth Age, and that it hath been since so populous, that it had 12000. Inhabitants, for the most part Merchants, not accounting the Danes, Suedes, Vandols, Saxons, Muscovites, Iews, Greeks, Prussians, Poles, and Livonians, who traded thither. There, they say, were made the first Orders concerning maritime affairs, which Lubeck, and the other Hanseatick Cities still make use of; But now the Port is quite lost, so as that Ships cannot get into it.

The 5. the wind became more boisterous than before, so that the Vessel, at every great Sea, was all under water. About 10. at night, we sounded, at 12. fathom; whereupon we chang'd our course, and got into the main Sea, for fear of running against the Land, which if we had, we must needs have been cast away.

The 6. we met a Holland Vessel, which directed us towards the Isle of Tageroort, Tageroort▪ whither we came at night; but, the same night, we were again forc'd into the main Sea.

The 7. at noon, we were upon the point of Tageroort; but the Masters Mate was mistaken, who, thinking the wind would have carried us North-ward, would perswade us it was Oetgen­sholm, Oetgen­sholm. and upon that presumption, imprudently engag'd himself in a most dangerous passage, called the Hondeshuig. Honde­shuig. He was not convinc'd of his error, till he saw the Church-Steeple; so that we were forc'd to return into the main, with greater hazard than we had run, at our en­trance into that passage. That day, we met a bark, which had lost its course; so that under­standing we intended for Reuel, she follow'd us a while, but at night left us, and cast Anchor before Tageroort, and, as we heard since, came safely the next day to Reuel. All the afternoon we lost not sight of the coasts of Livonia, and at night were within a League of the Isle of Nar­ga, Narga. which is at the entrance of the Haven of Reuel. Our Master and his Mate, would ueither go into, nor anchor before Tageroort, choosing rather the main Sea, though in a great Tempest, which kept us in action all that night, and took away our Main-mast, which was soon follow'd by the Mizen, and the fore-castle, and it was no less than a miracle, that our compass was left us, without which it had been impossible for us to have kept on our intended course.

The 8. we perceiv'd that we had pass'd the Haven of Reuel, and about ten, the weather be­came [Page 28] to foul, that it seem'd rather an Earthquake, that should turn the World upside down, than a storm. Our danger and fears encreas'd till three in the afternoon, that one of the Sea­men having got up into the scuttle of the sprit-sale, told us, he discover'd Hogland. We got thither by 7 at night, and cast Anchor at 19 fathom water. There we stayd the 9. and resol­ved, that thence-forward, Prayers should be said twice a day, to give God thanks for our de­liverance the day before, from a danger we could not have avoided, otherwise than by passing among the Rocks upon the Coasts of Finland, as we must have resolv'd to do, if we had not discover'd that Island. The Ambassadors went ashore, to observe the situation of the Country, and refresh themselves. At night it was consider'd, whether we should continue our Voyage by Sea to Narva, or return to Reuel; but the diversity of Opinions was such, that nothing was resolv'd on. About 9 at night, the Master came to the Ambassadors Lodgings, to tell them, that the wind being East, and forcing the Ship towards the Shore, he saw no liklier way to be safe than by making for Reuel. The Ambassadors bade him do what he thought most convenient, and went aboard: but as they were weighing Anchor, the wind riss so, that there was no pos­sibility of taking the course intended, so that the Master and his Counsel chang'd their design, and thought it best to ly still at Anchor, for fear of running-a-ground. But all to no purpose. For being near the shore, the Orders given could not be put in execution with diligence enough to avoid shipwrack. All could be done was to let down the Boat, and to set the Ambassa­dors ashore with some of their retinue. After the Ship had struck several times against certain pieces of Rocks, whereof there is abundance all along the Coast, it split and sunk. All the men were sav'd, a good part of the goods, and seven horses, whereof two dy'd the [...] day.

We shelter'd our selves in Fishers huts, along the Sea-side, where we met with some Live­nians that dwelt thereabouts who could speak nothing but the jargon of the country. That poor refuge sav'd their lives who had escap'd the wrack; else, their cloaths being all wet about them, most of them would have been starv'd to death in the snow, which fell the night fol­lowing.

The 10. we thought fit to try whether any more of the goods could be gotten out of the Ship; but the rough weather continuing, none would venture going near it with a Boat, till that in the afternoon some things were gotten out. Our Cloaths, Books, and other things we laid out a-drying, the Sea water having injur'd some, and utterly spoil'd others.

The greatest of our losses was that of a Clock, worth four thousand crowns, which the horses had broke to pieces, by striving to get loose.

This misfortune was follow'd by another, which though we saw at some distance, yet di­stracted us no less; and that was, want of provisions. The Sea-water had spoil'd ours, and our fear was, that the frost forcing us to winter in the Island, we must either be starved, or re­duc'd to the extremities of feeding on the barks of trees, as some that had been cast away there some years before, were constrain'd to do. We had but little bread left, and the Bisket was so soak'd in Salt-water, that we were forc'd to boyl it in fresh, with a little Cummin or Fen­nel, and so made a Pottage of it for our Servants. One day, we took in a Brook which falls from the Mountains, as many small Fishes as found us two good meals.

Hogland The Island of Hog­land. hath its name from the height of its situation, it being seen a great way into the Sea, and is about 3 leagues in length, and one, in breadth. You see nothing but Rocks, Firr-trees, and Thorns. We indeed saw some few Hares, which in Winter turn white, as they do all o­ver Livonia; but our Dogs could not follow them through the VVoods, and over the Rocks.

In the mean time, it was reported at Reuel, that we were all lost, rais'd by this, that there had been dead bodies found upon the coast of Livonia, clad in red, which was our Livery; as also with this addition, that, the Bark, spoken of before, had related, that she had seen us car­ried away with the storm beyond the bay of Reuel. Besides, it was eight days before they heard from us; so that those of our people whom we had left there, at our return from Muscovy, were seeking out other services, when M. Vchterits (then Chamberlain to the Ambassadors, and now Gentleman of the Privy-chamber to his Highness of Holstein at Gottorp) brought them an accompt of us. We had the convenience to send him thither in one of the two Finland barks, which the tempest had forc'd to that Island on the 3 of November.

The 17. The Ambassadors embark'd themselves, A dange­rous at­tempt of the Ambas­sadors. each of them with a retinue of five persons, in two Fisher-boats, to pass over to the continent, from which this Island is distant above 12. leagues. Nor were we in less danger now than before, for as much as the Boats, being small and old, were not caulked, and were ty'd above, only with cords made of barks of trees. The sail was a great many rags fasten'd together, and so order'd, that there was no use to be made of it but when the wind blew right a-stern: so that the wind beginning to shift, after we had come five leagues, the Fisher-men would have tack'd about, but we prevail'd with them to let down the sail, and to make use of their Oars, to get to an Island which was within half a league of us, and where we arriv'd that night. We found there only two ruin'd hutts; we made a fire, [Page 29] and pass'd over the night, but having neither Bread nor Meat, we made our supper on a piece of Milan Cheese we had left.

The next day, we prosecuted our Voyage with a very good wind and fair weather, though the Sea was a little rough. Having made two leagues, a sudden blast coming from the East, though the wind were North turn'd the Boat, in which I was, with the Ambassador Brugman, so much upon one side, that it took in water; the surges at the same time rising half an ell above the brinck of it. All the Fisher-men could do was to let down the sail, and to run to the other side of the boat to weigh it down. The blast being over, we kept on our course, till a second put us to the same trouble. We had three of them in less than two hours; and this I think the greatest danger we had met with, in our Voyage: in as much as the Boat being old, and ha­ving in it, eight Persons, all the Silver Plate and other luggage, which in a manner fill'd it, so as that one wave might have overwhelm'd it, and cast us all away. But afterwards, when the Fisher-men saw the blast coming, they turn'd the side of the Boat to the wind, that the wave might not come with its full force upon it, and by that means we avoided the danger. Within three Leagues of Land we had also a violent shower of hail; but what is most to be admir'd in all this, was, that the Boat which carried the Ambassador Crusius, though within Pistol-shot of us, felt nothing of all this, but had fair weather all along.

Being gotten within half a League of Land, the wind, shifting to the South, was just in our teeth, and had oblig'd our Fisher-men to return, if the hope of a three-pint-Flagon of strong water, which we promis'd them, had not given them the courage to let down the sail, and to row us ashore. The Am­bassadors come into Livonia. This was the 18. at night, in Esthonie, after we had roved two and twenty dayes upon the Baltick Sea, with all the danger that is to be expected by those, who trust them­selves to the mercy of that Element in so uncertain a season.

The 22. came to Hogland two other barks forc'd thither by foul weather: Those we had left of ours in the Island pass'd in them to the continent, whither they came the 24. with the horses and baggage. We went thence to Kunda, a house belonging to my late Father-in-Law, Iohn Muller, distant two Leagues from the Sea, where we staid three weeks, to refresh our selves after so much hardship at Sea. Most of us fell sick, yet none kept their beds above three dayes. Thence we went to Reuel, To Reuel. DECEM. whether we came the second of December, with an intention to so­journ there some time, which we spent in ordering our Cloaths, and the Presents, which the salt-water, and the other inconveniences ensuing upon the wrack, had much prejudiced.

The Ambassadors having all their people about them at Reuel, thought fit to publish the Or­der which the Duke would have observ'd through the whole Voyage. They had brought it with them seal'd with his Highnesse's Great Seal: but they added some things thereto, the better to prevent the disorders, which are but too frequent where there are so many Servants. But in regard they contain'd nothing extraordinary, we shall not insert them here, and only say, they were ill observ'd: for the Ambassador Brugman having arm'd the Lacquies with Pole-axes, which had Pistols in their handles, and given order they should not take any affront from the Inhabitants of Reuel, there hardly pass'd a day during the three Moneths we staid there, in ex­pectation of other Credentials, but there was some falling out and fighting. In so much that Feb. 11. Isaac Mercier, a French-man, that waited on the Ambassador Brugman in his Cham­ber, a person of a good humour and not quarrellous, hearing the noise of an engagement be­tween the Ambassadors Servants and the Apprentices of the City, and desirous to relieve his friends, was struck over the head with an iron-bar, which bruis'd the skull so, as that he dyed the next day. The Magistrate did all lay in his power to find out the Murtherer; but, to no purpose, so that all the reparation was, that the Senate, together with the Ambassadors and their retinue, accompany'd him to the grave.

Reuel Reuel de­scribed. is situated at 50. degr. 25. min. latitude, and 48. deg. 30. min. longitude, upon the Baltick Sea, in the Province of Esthonie. Waldemar, or Wolmar II. King of Denmark, laid the foundations of it, about the year 1230. Wolmar III. sold it in the year 1347. together with the Cities of Narvan and Wesenberg to Gosuin d'Eck, Master of the Order of Livonia, for 19000. Marks of Silver. About 100. years since, Livonia groaning under a troublesome War against Muscovy, this City put it self under the protection of Eric, King of Sueden. It was so strong in those times, that it indur'd a notable Siege in the year 1570. against Magnus, Duke of Hol­stein, who commanded the Great Duke's Army; and another in the year 1577. against the same Muscovites, who were forc'd to raise it with loss. The situation of its Castle is so much the more advantageous, for that the Rock on which it is built is steepy on all sides, unless it be to­wards the City, which, being fortify'd according to the modern fortification, is almost as con­siderable a place as Riga; whence it came that for some years, it had the oversight of the Col­lege at Novogorod, joyntly with the City of Lubeck. It hath been these 300. years numbred among the Hanseatick Towns; but its Commerce began not to be great till about the year 1477. and at that time it might well keep up its Traffick, especially that of Muscovy, by rea­son of her excellent Port and Haven, which indeed are such, as if God and Nature had intended it for the convenience of Commerce. Had it not been ingross'd into few hands, it had still con­tinu'd [Page 30] in the same posture; but having broken with the other Hanseatick Towns in the year 1550. and the Great Duke having taken Narva soon after, the Muscovites establish'd, there, the Trading they before had at Reuel. It still enjoyes the privilege of being a Mart, and the Inhabi­tants have, with the preference of the Merchandises discharg'd in their Port, the power to hin­der the Traffick of Livonia into Muscovy, without their permission. These privileges have been confirmed to it by all the Treaties that have been made between the Kings of Suoden, and Dukes of Muscovy, as in the year 1595. at Teusina, in 1607. at Wibourg, and in 1617. at Stoluo [...]s. 'Tis true it hath lost some of these advantages since the last War of Muscovy, which were taken away, left, in imitation of several other of the Hanseatick Towns, it should attempt a defection from its Prince, yet does it still enjoy many other privileges, which have been confirmed to it, from time to time, by the Masters of the Order, while they were Lords of the Country, and afterwards by the Kings their Successors. It observes the same Customes with Lubeck, and hath a Consistory and a Superintendent for Ecclesiastical affairs, professing the Protestant Reli­gion, according to the Auspourg Confession, as also a very fair School, whence there come ve­ry good Scholars, who consummate their studies at Derpt, or some other Universities in those quarters. The Government of the City is Democratical, the Magistrate being oblig'd to sum­mon the principal of several Professions, and the most antient Inhabitants, to consultations that concern affairs of Importance. There are still to be seen, within half a League of the City, towards the Sea-side, the ruins of a fair Monastery, founded by a Merchant of that City, at the beginning of the 15 ^th age, out of a particular devotion he had for St. Bridget, under Conrad de Iungingen, Grand Master of Prussia, and Conrad de Vitinghof, Master Provincial of Livonia. It consisted of both Religious Men and Women, and the Book I saw of the foundation of this Monastery, pleasantly acquaints the Reader, that the Friers and Nuns there had found out a way to express their meanings one to another by signs, of which there is in it a little Dictionary.

Livonia hath, The descrip­tion of Livonia. on the East, Muscovy; on the North, a Gulf of the Baltick Sea, dividing it from Sueden and Finland; on the West, the same Baltick Sea, and on the South, Samogitia, Lithuania, and Prussia. It is above 120. German leagues in length, and about 40. in breadth, and is divided into Esthonie, Lettie, and Courland. The first of these Provinces is subdivided in­to five Circuits, called Harrie, Wirland, Allentaken, Ierwe, and Wiecks, its chief City Reuel, as Lettie hath Riga [...], and Courland, Goldingen.

Livonia, and its Lords, the Masters of the Order, of whom we shall speak hereafter, were subject to the Emperor of Germany, not only since the Conquest of that Island from the Infi­dels by the Germans, but also, particularly since that in the year 1513. the Archbishop of Riga, with his Suffragans, and the Master of the Order, who had freed himself from the subjection of that, of Prussia, were receiv'd among the Princes of the Empire. Let us now see how it is gone from the Empire. The Muscovite looking on this Province as lying very convenient for him, enter'd it, in the year 1501. with a powerful Army; but Gualtier de Plettenberg, Master of the Order, gave him battel, where­in above 40000 Muscovites were kill'd upon the place. This defeat produc'd a Cessation of 50 years. In the year 1558. Iohn Basilouits, Great Duke of Muscovy, having added to his territories the Tartars of Cassan and Astrachan, and willing to make his advantages of the diffe­rences between the Master of the Order, and Archbishop of Riga, enter'd Livonia, and having made incursions into the Bishoprick of Derpt, and Wirland, retreated into Muscovy. During these troubles, the Livonians were importunate with the Estates of the Empire, to send them relief against so cruel and barbarous an enemy; but none being to be expected, the City of Reuel, which was the most expos'd to danger, offer'd it self to the King of Denmark, and up­on his refusal, apply'd it self to Eric King of Sueden, and desir'd of him a considerable succour of men and money. His answer was, that his Kingdom was not in a condition to supply them with either, but if the Town would put it self under his protection, he would maintain all its Privileges, and defend it against the Muscovite. Upon which, the City, having advis'd with the adjacent Nobility, broke off from the Master of the Order, and put it self under the pro­tection of the King of Sueden, in the year 1560. The year before, 1559. the Archbishop of Riga, and the Coadjutor of the Order, had made their addresses to Sigis [...]und Augustus, King of Poland, for assistance against the same enemy, and had promised him the sum of 600000. Ducats towards the charges of the War, engaging to him, for his security, nine of the best Baylywicks of the Country. But in the year 1561. the King of Poland, perceiving that all Li­vonia was likely to be lost, through the divisions of the Province, and that the City of Reuel, with part of Esthonie, had submitted to the King of Sueden, refus'd to execute the Treaty, and to send the relief promised, unless the Archbishop, and Master of the Order, would acknow­ledge the Soveraignty of the King of Poland. This extremity forc'd them to put all the Acts and Privileges they had obtain'd from the Empire and Pope, with the Seal, and other marks of Soveraignty, into the hands of the Prince of Radzivil, Commissioner from Poland, to whom also they took the Oath of fidelity. Upon which the King of Poland gave Courland, with the [Page] [Page]

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[Page] [Page 31] title of a Dutchy, to Godard Ketler, Master of the Order, who took the Oath of Allegiance to the Crown of Poland, on the 5 of March 1562.

By the Treaty concluded between the King of Poland, and the Great Duke of Muscovy, Jan. 15. 1582. the Duke restor'd to the Crown of Poland all the places of Livonia, those excepted which the King of Sueden was possess'd of in Esthony. Now, it is in a manner all under the power of the Suede.

Livonia is, Its fertility in all parts, very fertile, and particularly in Wheat. For though it hath suffer­ed much by the Muscovites, yet it is now more and more reduc'd to tillage, by setting the Forests afire, and sowing in the ashes of the burnt Wood and Turf, which for three or four years produce excellent good Wheat, and with great increase, without any Dung. Which is the more to be admir'd, in that 'tis known there remains to generative quality in the ashes: So that it is to be conceiv'd, that the Sulphur and Saltpeter, which remain with the Cinders upon the earth, leave behind them a heat and fatness able to produce, as well as dung. Which con­ceit is not dis [...]onant from what Strabo says, at the end of his fifth book, where he speaks of the fertility of the Lands near the Mountain Vesuvius and Mont-gibel, in Sicily. There is also a­bundance of Cattel, and Fowl, so cheap, that many times we bought a young Hare for four pence; a Heath-Cock for fix, and accordingly others, so that it is much cheaper living there than in Germany.

The Inhabitants were a long time Heathens, Its Inhabi­tants. it being in the 12 age that the rayes of the Sun of righteousness began to break in upon them, occasion'd by the frequentation of certain Mer­chants of Bremen, and the Commerce they were desirous to establish in those parts. About the year 1158. one of their Ships having been forc'd by a Tempest into the Gulf of Riga, which was not yet known, the Merchants agreed so well with the Inhabitants of the Country, that they resolv'd to continue their Traffick there, having withall, this satisfaction, that, the people be­ing very simple, they thought it would be no hard matter to reduce them to Christianity. Me­nard, a Monk of Segeberg, was the first that preach'd the Gospel to them, and was made first Bi­shop of Livonia, by Pope Alexander III. in the year 1170. Menard was succeeded in the Bi­shoprick of Livonia, by Bertold, a Monk, of the Order of white Friers; but he, thinking to reduce those people rather by Arms than the word of God, met with a success accordingly, for having incens'd them, they kill'd him in the year 1186. and with him 11000. Christians. Al­bert, a Canon of Bremen, The Orders of Livoni­an Knights. succeeded Bertold, in the Bishoprick. He laid the first foundations of the City of Riga, and of the Order of the Friers of the short sword, by authority from Pope In­nocent the third, and by vertue of a power he had given them, to allow them the third part of that they should Conquer from the Barbarians. They observ'd the same rule as the Templars, and were call'd Friers or Knights of the short sword, because they had on their white Cloaks a red short sword, with a star of the same colour, which they have chang'd since into two short Swords, Saltar-wise. But in regard this new Religious Profession was not fully setled, it was joyn'd to the Order of St. Mary of Ierusalem, in the person of Herman Balk, Grand-Master of Prussia, in the year 1238. And it is since that time that the Master Livonia had a dependence on the Grand-Master of Prussia, which was, till Sigismond King of Poland chang'd that quality into that of Duke of Courland, in the person of Godard Ketler, as is said before.

All the Champain Countrey, of the two Provinces of Letthie and Esthonie, is to this day peopled with these Barbarians, who have nothing of their own, but are slaves, and serve the Nobility in the Countrey, and the Citizens in Cities. They are called Unteutche, that is, not-Germans, because their language was not understood by the Germans, who went to plant in those quarters; though that of Letthie hath nothing common with that of Esthonie, no more than there is between them, as their Cloaths and manner of Life. The Women of Esthonie wear their Petticoats very narrow, and without any folds, like sacks, adorn'd above on their backs with many little brass Chains, having at the ends Counters of the same metal, and be­low set out with a certain lacing of yellow glass. Those who would express a greater bravery, have about their Necks a Necklace of plates of silver of the bigness of a Crown, or half-Crown, and upon the breast, one as big as a round Trencher, but not much thicker than the back of a knife.

Maids wear nought on their heads, Summer nor Winter, and cut their hair as the men do, letting it fall negligently down about the head. Both Men and Women are clad with a wretch­ed stuff made of Wool, or a coarse Linnen. They are yet unacquainted with Tannage, so that, in Summer, they have barks of Trees about their feet, and in the Winter, raw Leather of a Cow's hide. Both Men and Women do ordinarily carry all the Wealth they have about them.

Their Ceremonies of marriage are very odd. The Cere­monies of marriages in Livonia. When a Country fellow marries a Lass out of another Village, he goes a hors-back to fetch her, sets her behind him, and makes her embrace him with the right hand. He hath in his hand a stick cleft at the top, where he puts a piece of brass money, which he gives to him who opens the wicket, through which he is to pass. Before, rides a man that playes upon the Bag-pipe, as also two of his friends, who, having naked swords in their hands, give two stroaks therewith, cross the Door of the House, where the marriage is to [Page 32] be consummated, and then they thrust the point of one of the swords into a beam, over the Bridegroom's head, which is done to prevent Charms, which, they say, are ordinary in that Country. 'Tis to the same end that the Bride scatters little pieces of Cloath, or red Serge by the way, especially where cross-ways meet, near Crosses, and upon the Graves of little Children dead without baptism, whom they bury in the High-ways. She hath a Veil over her face while she is at the Table, which is not long; for, as soon almost as the Guests are set down, the married couple rise, and go to bed. About two hours after they get up, and are brought to sit down at the Table. Having drunk and danc'd till such time as they are able to stand no long­er, they fall down on the floor, and sleep altogether like so many Swine.

We said the Gospel was pteach'd in Livonia in the 12. age; They are sad Chri­stians. but the Livonians are never the better Christians for it. Most of them are only such in name, and can hardly yet abstain from their Heathenish Superstitions. For though they are Lutherans, by profession, and that there is hardly a Village but hath its Church and Minister; yet are they so poorly instructed, and so far from regeneration, that it may be said, Baptism excepted, they have not any Character of Christianity. They very seldom go to Sermons, and never almost Communicate. They ex­cuse their backwardness in frequenting the Sacraments, by alleging the great slavery they are in, which, they say, is so insupportable, that they have not time to mind their Devotions. If they go at any time to Sermon, or to the Communion, it is by force, or upon some other particu­lar accompt. To this effect is a story was told me by Andrew Besiq, Provost of the Church of Luckenhausen, which was, That having been sent for to comfort, and administer the Com­munion to a Country-fellow who lay very sick, he ask'd him how he came to send for his Pa­stor in the condition he was then in, when for so many years before he had never bethought him of reconciling himself to God? The fellow ingenuously answer'd, that, for his own part, he should not have minded it then, but what he did, was by the advice of a friend, who told him, that if he did it not, he could not be buried in the Church-yard, nor carried to the ground with the ordinary Ceremonies. 'Tis true, the gross and inexcusable ignorance of most of the Pastors in those quarters, who might well come to be Catechiz'd themselves, hath con­tributed much to the obduration of those poor people: but the late King of Sueden hath taken order, therein enjoyning, by a severe Ordinance, the Bishop of the Province, who hath his residence in the Cathedral Church of Reuel, to convocate a Synod once a year, for the re­gulation of Church affairs, and then to examine, not only the Recipiendaries, but also the Pastors themselves, thereby to oblige them to apply themselves to the constant study of the ho­ly Scripture.

It must be acknowledg'd, Their sla­very. the slavery these people are in is great, and indeed insupportable; but it is true withall; that upon the least liberty given them, they would break out into any extravagance. For being perswaded that their Predecessors have been Masters of the Country, and that only force hath enslav'd them to the Germans, they cannot forbear their resentments of it, and discovering, especially in their drink, if any opportunity of regaining their liberty should offer it self, a readiness to prosecute it. Of which they gave an evident example, when, upon the irruption of Colonel Bot, the Peasants would side with the Enemy, and head together, to secure their Masters and deliver them up to the Polanders.

They believe there is another life after this; Their opi­nion of e­ternal life. but their imaginations of it are very extravagant. A Livonian woman, being present at her husband's burial, put a Needle and Thread into the Grave, giving this reason for it, that, her husband being to meet, in the other World, with persons of good Rank, she was asham'd he should be seen with his Cloaths rent. Nay, they so little mind what is to happen in the next World, that in the Oath they take to decide any dif­ference at Law, instead of interessing the salvation of their Souls therein, they are oblig'd to consider their present and temporal advantages, and so they are sworn, as followeth: I, N. N. am here present before thee: since thou, O Iudge, desirest to know, and askest me, whether this Land, on which I now am, is God's and mine with a just title, I swear to God and his Saints, and accordingly God judge me at the last day, that this Land belongs to me of right, that it is God's and mine, and that my father hath been possess'd of it, and hath enjoy'd it a long time. And if the Oath I take prove to be false, I consent, that the Curse of God fall upon my Body and Soul, upon my Children, upon whatsoever appertains to me, even to the ninth generation. And to shew that their Language hath nothing common with any of those, wherewith the most learned have any acquaintance, we shall here set down the same Oath, word for word, as they take it.

Nucht seisen mina N. N. Seihn. Kui sinna sundia minust tahat, eht minna se Kockto perrast tunnis tama Pean, Their Oath in Law-sutes. eht sesinnane mah, Kumba pehl minna seisan, jumla ninc minnu verteenitut mahon, Kumba pehl minna minno eo aial ellanut ninck prukinu tollen seperast sihs mannut an min­na jumla ninck temma poha de eest. Ninc kui nued jummal peph sundina selh wihmb sel pehwal; & ses in nane mab jumla ninck minnu verteenitur permah on, Kumba minna ninck minno issa igkas prukinut ollemei, kus ma ulle Kock so wannutan, sihs tulke sedda minno tho ninck hinge pehl, minno ninck Keick minno lapsede pehl, nink Keick minna onne pehl emmis se uduya polwe tagka.

[Page 33] 'Tis the same in Esthonie; but about Riga, when the Peasants swear at Law, they put a Turf upon their heads, and take a white stick in their hands, expressing thereby, that they are content, that they, their Children, and Cattel, may become dry as that Turf, and that stick, if they swear falsly.

These customs favour of their antient Idolatry. The Ministers do all they can to weed it out of them by little and little: to which end we saw, at Narva, the Catechism, Epistles, and Gospels, with their explications, which Henry Stahl, Superintendent of Ecclesiastical affairs in those parts (a person much esteem'd for his Learning and pains in instructing those Barbari­ans) had caused to be translated and Printed in their Language, to give them some apprehensi­ons of Christian Religion. But Idolatry and Superstiton are too deeply rooted in them, and their stupidity and stubborness too great to give way to any hope, that they will ever be suscepti­ble of instruction. They do their devotions commonly upon hills, or neer a tree they make choice of to that purpose, and in which they make several incisions, bind them up with some red stuff, and there say their prayers, wherein they desire only temporal blessings. Two leagues from Kunda, between Reuel and Narva, there is an old ruin'd Chapel, whither the Peasants go once a year on Pilgrimage, upon the day of our Lady's Visitation. Some put off their cloaths, and in that posture having kneel'd by a great stone that is in the midst of the Chapel, they after­wards leap about it, and offer it Fruits and Flesh, recommending the preservation of themselves and their Cattel to it for that year. This piece of devotions is concluded with eating and drink­ing, and all kind of licentiousness, which seldom end without quarrels, murthers, and the like disorders.

They have such an inclination to Sorcery, Their Sor­cery. and think it so necessary for the preservation of their Cattel, that Fathers and Mothers teach it their Children, so that there is scarce any Pea­sant but is a Sorcerer. They all observe certain superstitious Ceremonies, by which they think to elude the effects of it, upon which accompt it is, that they never kill any Beast, but they cast somewhat of it away, nor never make a Brewing, but they spill some part of it, that the Sorce­ry may fall upon that. They have also a custome of rebaptizing their Children, when, during the first six weeks after their birth, they chance to be sick or troubled with fits, whereof they think the cause to be, that the name, given them at their baptism, is not proper for them. Where­fore they give them another; but in regard this is not only a sin, but a crime which the Magi­state severely punishes in that Country, they conceal it.

As they are stubborn in their superstitions, Their obsti­nacy. so are they no less in the exact observation of their Customs. To which purpose we had a very pleasant, but true, story, related to us at Co­lonel de la Barr's, concerning an old Country fellow. Being condemn'd, for faults enormous enough, to lye along upon the ground, to receive his punishment, and Madam de la Barre, pittying his almost decrepit age, having so far interceded for him, as that his corporal punishment should be chang'd into a pecuniary mulct of about 15. or 16. pence, he thank'd her for her kindness, and said, that, for his part, being an old men, he would not introduce any novelty, nor suffer the Customes of the Country to be alter'd, but was ready to receive the chastisement which his Predecessors had not thought much to undergo, put off his cloaths, layd himself upon the ground, and receiv'd the blows according to his condemnation.

This is accounted no punishment, but an ordinary chastisement in Livoniae For, the people, being of an incorrigible nature, must be treated with that severity, which would elsewhere be insupportable. They are not permitted to make any purchase, and to prevent their so doing, they have only so much ground to manage, as will afford them a subsistence. Yet will they ven­ture to cut down wood in some places of the Forests, and, having order'd the ground, sow wheat in it, which they hide in pits under ground, to be secretly sold. When they are taken in this, or any other fault, they make them strip themselves naked down to the hips, and to lye down upon the ground, or are ty'd to a post, while one of their Camerades beats them with a Switch, or Hollywand, till the blood comes of all sides; especially when the Master says Selcke nack maha pexema, Beat him till the skin falls from the flesh.

Nor are they suffer'd to have any money; for as soon as it is known they have any, the Gentle­men and their Officers, who are paid by the Peasantry, take it from them, nay force them to give what they have not. Which cruelty of the Masters puts these poor people many times into despair, whereof there happened a sad example. A Peasant press'd by his Officer to pay what he neither had, nor ought, and being depriv'd of the means whereby he should maintain his Fa­mily, strangled his Wife and Children, and when he had done hung himself up by them. The Officer coming the next day to the house, thinking to receive the mony, struck his head against the man's feet that was hanging, and so perceiv'd the miserable execution, whereof he was the cause.

The Nobility of Livonia, The Nobili­ty of Livo­nia. especially of Esthonie, is free from all charges and taxes. Their courage, and the services they have done against the Infidels and Muscovites, have acquir'd them this liberty, and most of their privileges. Volmar II. King of Denmark, first gave them Man­nors to be held by Fealty, which have been since confirm'd by Eric VII. who gave them Letters [Page 34] Patents to that purpose. The Masters of the Order of the Short Sword, and the Grand Masters of the Order of Prussia, augmented them. Conrad de Iungingen extended the succession of such Mannors, in Harrie and Wirland, to the daughters and their issue, to the fifth degree: and Gaultier de Plettenberg, who was chosen Grand-Master, in the year 1495. and acknowledg'd Prince of the Empire in 1513. absolutely exempted the Nobility of Esthonie from all subjection; excepting only the service which Gentlemen are oblig'd to do in person, upon the accompt of their Mannors. Once a year there is a review made of them, and that body of Nobility is look'd upon as a Nursery, that hath furnish'd and still doth furnish Sueden with a great number of Officers, even to Generals of Armies; besides the Noble Cavalry it is able to raise, for the service of that Crown. The said Nobility came not under the protection of the King of Sueden, till such time as, being forsaken by all their Neighbours, and not able to op­pose their enemies any longer, they were forc'd to make their applications to a forein Crown, which hath promis'd to secure unto them all the Privileges, they have by their courage acquired.

The Government of the Country, The Go­vernment of Livonia both as to Policy and Justice, is in the Nobility, who commit the administration thereof to twelve of themselves, who are the Council of the Coun­try, and have for their President, him who is Governour of the Province for the Crown of Sueden. In the time of our Embassy Philip Scheiding was President, who hath been since suc­ceeded by Eric Oxienstern, Baron of Kimilko, Counsellor of the Crown of Sueden, and he, by Henry, Count de la Tour.

They meet yearly, in Ianuary, and then decide all differences between parties, all their proceedings consisting in a Declaration and an Answer, upon which they immediately give judgement. To this purpose is chosen a Gentleman, who hath the quality of Captain of the Province, and represents to the Governour and Council the grievances of the people, if there be any, and this employment is not continued in the same person above three years. And whereas, during the Wars with the Muscovites and Polanders, private mens Inheritances in the Provinces of Harrie, Wirland, and Wieck, have been so confounded, that the sutes occa­sion'd thereby could not be peremptorily decided; there are appointed certain Judges from three years to three years, who take cognizance thereof, and if any one find himself aggriev'd by their judgement, he may appeal to the Governour and Council of the Country, who appoint Commissioners, who having been upon the places in question, do either reverse or confirm the former Judgement. They have also particular Judges for the High-wayes, which are there ve­ry bad, because of the Fenns, Bridges, and Causwayes, which are frequent all over the Country.

To return to our Voyage. The cont [...] ­nuation of our Voyage We said before, that the Ambassadors, coming to Calmer, in the beginning of Novembor, had sent a Page and a Lacquey to Gottorp, for other Credentials, instead of those the Sea-water had spoil'd. Iohn Arpenbeck our Interpreter, had been sent to Musco [...], to give an account there of our delay, as also of the particulars of our wrack. Being all return'd to Reuel, FEBRU. we prepar'd for the prosecution of our Voyage, and the 24 of Febr. the Ambassador sent away the Controller of their house with 31 sledges, with part of the train and baggage. MARCH The Ambas­sadors leave Reuel. Kunda. Come to Narva. We all went along with the rest. March 2. the Magistrate and some of our friends brought us a league out of the City. We lay that night at Kolka, a house belonging to the Count de la Garde, Constable of Sueden, 7 leagues from Reuel. March 3. we came to Kunda, whereof we have spoken elsewhere; and the 4. to a house belonging to M. Iohn Fock, 5 leagues from that of the Count de la Garde's.

March 5. after five leagues travelling, we came to Narva. 'Tis a small Town, but strong, and hath a very good Castle. It is situated at 60 degrees of the Aequinoctial, in the Province of Allentaken, so called from the River Narva or Nerva. This River rises out of the Lake Peipis, and falls into the Gulf of Finland, two leagues below this Town. It is in a manner as broad as the Elbe, but much swifter, and its water is very brownish. About half a league above this Town, there is a fall of water, which makes a dreadful noise, and is so violent, that break­ing upon the Rocks, it is reduc'd as it were to powder, which filling the Air affords a strange sight, by reason that the Sun shining upon it, makes a kind of Rain-bow, no less pleasant than that fram'd in the Clouds. This fall occasions the unlading of all Merchandizes which pass that way from Plescon and Derpt for Narva, to be sent into the Gulf of Finland. 'Tis said that Volmar II. K. of Denmark, built it in the year 1213. Iohn Basilouits, G. D. of Muscovy, took it in the year 1558. and Pontus de la Garde, General of the Suedish Army, recover'd it from the Musco­vites, on the 6 of September 1581. and ever since the Suedes have been masters of it. Nielis Asserson was Governour of it, at the time of our Embassy, who was succeeded since by Eric Gyllenstierna Governour and Lieutenant General for the Crown of Sueden, in Ingermania. It hath a long time enjoy'd the same privileges with the other Hanseatick Towns: but the Wars between Muscovy and Sueden had so far destroy'd the commerce of it, that it is within these few years that there are some hopes conceived of its re-establishment, which cannot encrease but as that of Reuel abates. The War between the English and Hollanders was so much to its [Page 35] advantage, 1636. that the Commerce of Archangel being by that means interrupted, the Ships that were wont to go to Muscovy made use of the Haven of Narva, whither there came in the year 1654. above sixty Ships, and took up, there, Merchandizes amounting to above 500000 Crowns. Upon this they took occasion to cleanse and augment the Town, to build new and regular streets for the convenience of strange Merchants, and to facilitate the passage of Ships into the Haven. Queen Christina of Sueden, exempted this City out of the general Jurisdiction of the Governour of the Province, and gave it a particular Lieutenant, to judge of affairs Secu­lar and Ecclesiastical, without appeal to any other place.

The Castle is on this side the River, and on the other, Juanogo­rod. that of Iuanogorod, which the Musco­vites have built upon a very steepy Rock, whereof the River of Narva makes a peninsula, so that the place was judg'd impregnable, till Gustavus Adolphus took it, in the year 1617. At the foot of this Castle is a Town called Narva Muscovite, to distinguish it from the Teuto­nick or German Narva, whereof our discourse hath been. This Town is inhabited by natural Muscovites, but Subjects of the Crown of Sueden, to which the said Gustavus hath also joyn­ed the Castle of Iuanogorod, where Nichola Gallen govern'd, at our passage that way, in qua­lity of the King's Lieutenant.

The Country between Reuel and Narva, as also generally all Ingermania and Livonia, have in the Woods, a great number of Beasts that are yellowish and black; and among others such abundance of Wolves and Bears, that the Peasants have much ado to keep them off their Cat­tel and themselves. In Winter, when the ground is covered with snow, the Wolves, not meeting with ought abroad, will come, in the day time, into mens yards, and carry away the Doggs that keep them, and will break through the VValls, to get into the Stables.

We were told, A remark­able story of a Wolf. that in the year 1634. upon the 24. of Ianuary, a Wolf, not of the biggest, had set upon 12. Muscovian Peasants, who were bringing Hay to the City. He took the first by the throat, got him down, and kill'd him; he did the like to the second. He flead the third's head; eat off the nose and cheeks of a fourth, and hurt two more. The other six got together, put themselves into a posture of defence, struck down the Wolf, and kill'd him. It was after­wards discovered, that he was mad, for all those he had hurt dyed so. The Magistrate of Narva had caus'd the skin to be preserv'd, which was shew'd as a thing very remarkable.

We were told also that a Bear, finding a Vessel of Herrings, which a Peasant had laid down at an Alehouse door, fell a-eating of them, and went thence into the Stable, whither the Peasants follow'd him; but having wounded some of them, the rest were glad to get away. Thence he went into a Brewhouse, where meeting with a fat of new Beer, he got so drunk, that the Peasants perceiving he reel'd every step, and at last fell asleep in the High-way, pur­su'd and kill'd him. Another Peasant having turn'd out his Horse a-grazing in the night, found him next morning dead, with a Bear lying by him, who had fed very heartily upon him. But as soon as the Bear perceiv'd the Peasant, he leaves the Prey he was already assur'd of, got hold of the Peasant, and was carrying him away between his paws to his Den; but the Peasants Dog having got the Bear by the foot, made him let go, and, while they were engag'd, the Master had time to get up a Tree and save himself.

In the year 1634. A Bear digg'd up thirteen Carcasses out of a Church-yard, belonging to a little Village near Narva, and carried them away with the Coffins. Not is it long since that a Lady of quality in those parts met one carrying away a Carcass, with the shrowd trailing after it, which frighted the Horse that drew the Lady's Sledge, so as that he ran away with her, cross the fields, to the great hazard of her life. Many other stories were told us; as that of a Bear who had kept a Woman 15 days together in his Den, and the manner how she was deliver'd thence; but we shall forbear any further accompt of them, as relating more to natural History than Travels. I shall only add, that the Peasants, who are not secure from these Creatures when they goe but into the fields, especially in the night time, are of opinion, that the noise of a stick, they fasten to the Sledges, frights the VVolves, and makes them run away.

March 7. We left Narva, The Ambas­sadors leave Nar­va and lodg'd at night at Lilicnhagen, Lilicnha­gen. seven leagues from it. The 8. we travel'd six leagues, to Sarits. Sarits. The 9. before noon, we got four leagues to Orlin, Orlin. where the Interpreter we had sent before, to give notice of our departure from Reuel, met us, with this news, that a Pristaf waited for us upon the Frontiers. And whereas many disorders were crept into our retinue, insomuch that some express'd but little respect to their Superiours, the Ambassadors caus'd all to come before them, and told them, that being upon their entrance into Muscovy, where they judge of the quality of the Embassy, and the greatness of the Prince that sends it, by the honour which the Ambassadors receives from those that are about them, they should be mindful of their duty.

We all promis'd not to fail therein, provided we were mildly treated, every man according to his place and quality. Which the Ambassadors having promised for their parts, we parted cheerfully, to go and meet the Pristaf. We found him in a Wood within a league of Orlin, [Page 36] where he stay'd for us, in the Snow, with twenty four Strelits about him, and ninety Sledges.

As soon as the Pristaf, whose name was Constantino Iuanouits Arbusou, had perceiv'd us, and saw that the Ambassadors were a lighting, he also came out of his Sledge. He was clad in a Garment of green flower'd Velvet, which came down to his Hams, with a great Golden Chain crossing over his breast, and an upper Garment lined with Sables. As the Ambassadors advanc­ed, he also came forward, till that being come up to them, and the Ambassadors having put off their hats, the Pristaf said, Ambassadors, be uncover'd. The Ambassadors return'd him answer by the Interpreter, that he saw, they were uncover'd, whereupon the Pristaf read out of a Paper, That Knez Peter Alexandrowits Repuin, Weywode of Novogorod, had sent him, by order from the Grand Seigneur, Czaar, and Great Duke Michael Federouits, Conservator of all the Russes, &c. to receive the Ambassadors Philip Crusius, and Otton Brugman, and to accommodate them with Horses, Carriages, Provisions, and what else were necessary for the continuance of their Voyage to Novogorod, and thence to Moscon. After we had return'd him our thanks, he gave us the precedence, enquir'd how we did, and of the particulars of our voyage, and causing the Horses to be put before the Sledges, he made us travel six leagues fur­ther that day, Tzuerin. Desan. Mokriza. Come to Novogo­rod. to a Village named Tzuerin.

March 10. About noon, we came to Desan, and at night to Mokriza, a Village 8 leagues from Tzuerin.

The 11. We came to Novogorod. At the entrance of the City, the Pristaf took precedence of the Ambassadors, though they endeavour'd to hinder him. But as soon as we were lodg'd, he desir'd the Interpreter to excuse the incivility he had been guilty of, and to satisfie, the Am­bassadors, that what he had done was by express order from the Weywode, who would have done him some ill Office about the Great Duke if he had not obey'd him.

From Narva to Novogorod are counted 40 German leagues; thence to Plescou 36. and to Moscou 120. leagues. A descrip­tion of the City of No­vogorod. Novogorod is situated upon the River Wolgda, at 58 degrees, 23 min. elevation. Lundorp in his Continuation of Sleidan, puts it at 62. and Paulus Iovius, at 64 degrees: but at the exact observation I made of it on the 15 of March 1636. I found, that, at noon, the Sun was above the Horizon 33 degr. 45 min. and that the declination of the Sun, by reason of the Leap-year, because of 55. degr. was 2 degr. and 8 min. which being substra­cted out of the elevation of the Sun, that of the Equinoctial line could be but 31 degr. 27 min. which taken out of 90 degr. there remains but 58 degrees, 23 minutes. Which almost agrees with the calculation made of it by Bureus, some time Ambassador for the Crown of Sueden in Muscovy, who puts the City of Novogorod, at 58 degrees, 13 minutes. It is seated in a spacious plain upon the River Wolgda, or Wolchou, which hath its rise out of the Lake of Ilmen, half a league above this City, and crossing the Lake of Ladoga, does, in its way, pass through the River Niova, near Notebourg, and by the Gulf of Finland, falls into the Baltick Sea. It a­bounds with all sorts of fish, especially Breme, which are there excellent good, and very cheap. But the greatest advantage accrews to this City from this River, is by Commerce. For being Navigable from its very source, and the Country abounding in Wheat, Flax, Hemp, Honey, Wax, and Russia Leather, which is better dress'd at Novogorod, than in any other City of Muscovy, the easiness of the transportation of these Commodities, brought thither not only the Livonians and Suedes, who are Neighbours, but also Danes, Germans, and Flemmings, who setled themselves there so well, that it was, without dispute, the greatest City for Trade in all the North. The Hanseatick Towns had an Office of Address in this City, which enjoy­ing many great Privileges under its Prince, who had no dependance on the Great Duke, was grown so powerful, that it grew into a Proverb, Ochto Moschet stoiati protif Bocho dai welik Novogorod? Who can oppose God and the great City of Novogorod?

Some would compare it, for greatness, with Rome; but they are mistaken. For though it be called Weliki Novogorod, the great Novogorod, yet can it not be compar'd to Rome. It's not unlikely, it hath been greater than it is now, not only because it was the greatest for Com­merce of any in the North, but also for that all about may be seen the ruins of Walls, and seve­ral Steeples, which, no doubt, had been part of the City. The number of its Steeples pro­mises yet somewhat more great and noble, than what may be now seen; since that coming to the City, we see onely VValls of VVood, and Houses built with Beams lay'd one upon a­nother.

Vithold, Great Duke of Lithuania, and General of the Polish Army, was the first that, in the year 1427. oblig'd it to pay a considerable Tribute, which some would have amount to 100000 Roubles, which come to above 200000 Crowns. The Tyrant Iohn Basili Grotsdin, having after a seven years War, gain'd a great victory over an Army rais'd by this City, in the moneth of November 1477 forc'd the Inhabitants to submission, and to receive a Governour from him: but considering withall that he could not make himself as absolute as he would be there, and that it would be hard for him to settle himself there by force, he thought it best to go thither in person, pretending some concernments of Religion, and that he would prevent [Page 37] their embracing the Roman Catholick. The Archbishop Theophilus, who had most authority there, was the most forward to promote his design, and the first rewarded for his pains. For no sooner was the Tyrant got into the City, but he pillag'd it, so that, at his departure thence, he carry'd away three hundred Wagons loaden with Gold, Silver, and Jewels, besides the rich stuffs and other sumptuous moveables, which he dispos'd into other Wagons, and convey'd to Moscou whither he also transported the Inhabitants, and sent Muscovites thither in their stead. But nothing contributed more to the destruction of this Citie, than the bruitish cruelty of Iohn Basilouits, Great Duke of Muscovy. This Tyrant, upon a meer suspition he had con­ceiv'd of the Inhabitants of Novogorod, enter'd the City, in the year 1569. and caus'd to be kill'd or cast into the River 2770. persons, without any respect of quality, age, or sex, besides an Infinite number of poor people who were trampled to death by a party of horse. A Gentle­man, sent by the King of Denmark, to this Tyrant, eight years after the taking of the City, relates in his Itinerary, that persons of quality had assur'd him, that there were so many bodies cast into Wolgda, that the River stopping overflow'd all the neighbouring fields. The Plague which soon follow'd this cruelty, was so great, that, no body venturing to bring in Provisi­ons, the Inhabitants fed on the dead Carcasses. The Tyrant took a pretence from this inhuma­nity to cause to be cut in pieces all those who had escap'd the Plague, Famine, and his former cruelty, which was no doubt more dreadful than all the other chastisements of God. I shall al­lege onely two Examples relating to Novogorod. An exam­ple of cru­elty. The Archbishop of this place, having escap'd the first fury of the Soldiery, either as an acknowledgement of the favour, or to flatter the Ty­rant entertains him at a great Feast in his Archiepiscopal Place, whither the Duke fayl'd not to come, with his Guard about him: but while they were at Dinner, he sent to pillage the rich Temple of St. Sophia, and all the Treasures of the other Churches, which had been brought thither, as to a place of safety. After Dinner he caus'd the Archbishops Palace to be in like manner pil­laged, and told the Archbishop, that it would be ridiculous for him to act the Prelate any lon­ger, since he had not to bear himself out in that quality; that he must put off his rich habit, which must thence-forward be troublesome to him, and that he would bestow on him a Bagpipe and a Bear, which he should lead up and down, and teach to dance, to get mony; That he must resolve to marry, and that all the other Prelates and Abbots that were about the City should be invited to the Wedding, setting down the precise sum which it was his pleasure that every one should present to the new-married couple. None but brought what he had made a shift to save, thinking the poor Archbishop would have had it. But the Tyrant took all the money, and, having caus'd a white Mare to be brought, said to the Archbishop; There is thy wife, get up on her, and go to Moscou, where I will have thee entertain'd among the Violins, that thou may'st teach the Bear to dance. The Archbishop was forc'd to obey, and, as soon as he was mounted, they ty'd his legs under the Mare's belly, hung about his neck some Pipes, Fidle, and a Tim­brel, and would needs make him play on the Pipes. He scap'd with this punishment, but all the other Abbots and Monks were either cut to pieces, or, with Pikes and Halbards, forc'd into the River.

Nay, he had a particular longing for the mony of one Theodore Sircon, a rich Merchant. He sent for him to the Camp neer Novogorod, and, having fasten'd a rope about his waste, order'd him to be cast into the River, drawing him from one side of it to the other, till he was ready to give up the ghost. Then he caus'd him to be taken up, and ask'd him what he had seen under water. The Merchant answer'd, That he had seen a great number of Devils thronging about the Tyrant's soul, to carry it along with them to Hell. The Tyrant reply'd, Thou art in the right on't: but it is just I should reward thee for thy prophecy, whereupon calling for seeth­ing oil, he caused his feet to be put into it, and continu'd there, till he had promis'd to pay him ten thousand Crowns. Which done, he caus'd him to be cut to pieces, with his brother Alexis.

The Baron of Herberstein, who travel'd into Muscovy, in the time of the Emperor Max­imilian the first, and about his Affairs, says, that heretofore, before the City of Novogorod was converted to the Christian Faith, Perun. there was an Idol called Perun, that is, the God of Fire, perun, in the Muscovian language signifying fire. This God was represented with a Thunder-bolt in his hand, and hard by him was kept a constant fire of Oak, which was not to go out, but at the peril of their lives who kept it. The same Author addes, that the Inha­bitants of Novogorod having received Baptism, and being made Christians, cast the Idol into water, that it went against the stream of the River, and that being near the Bridge, it call'd to the Inhabitants, and casting a stick among them, bid them keep it for his sake; That in his time, on a certain day in the year, the voice of Perun was heard there, and that thereupon the Inhabitants fell a-fighting with sticks, so earnestly, that the Weywode had much ado to se­parate them. But now there is no talk of any such thing, there being no monument of Perun left, other than that there is a Monastery called Perumski Monastir, which they say is built in the place where the Temple of the Idol stood before.

Without the City, and on the other side of the River, is a Castle, encompass'd with a stone­wall, [Page 38] where live the Weywode and the Metropolitan, or Arch-bishop, who hath the over-sight of Ecclesiastical affairs all over the Province. This Castle joyns to the City by a great Bridge, from which, Duke Iohn Basilouits caus'd a great number of Inhabitants to be cast into the River, as was said before. Over against the Castle, on the same side with the City, is a Convent, dedicated to St. Anthony. St. Antho­ny's Mo­nastery. The Muscovites say, he came from Rome into those parts upon a Mill-stone, upon which he came down the Tiber, cross'd the Sea, and so up the River Wolgda, to Novogorod. They add, that, by the way, he met certain Fisher-men, with whom he bargain'd for the first draught they should make: that they brought up a Chest full of Priests Vestiments to say Mass in, Books, and Money, belonging to this Saint, and that afterwards he built a Chapel there, in which they say he lies interr'd, and that his Body is there to be seen, as entire as when he departed this World. Many Miracles are wrought there, as they say; but they permit not strangers to go in, thinking it enough to shew them the Mill-stone, upon which the Saint perform'd this pretended voyage, and which indeed may be seen lying a­gainst the Wall. The Devotions performed there have been such as have built a very fair Mo­nastery in that place.

We staid at Novogorod, five days, during which the Weywode sent us a Present of 24 sorts of meat, dress'd after their way, and 16 sorts of drink. The Chancellor, Bogdan Foederouits O­boburou, who had been our Pristaf in the former Voyage, sent us also divers delicacies. The Ambassadors presented the Weywode with a new Coach. The Am­bassadors leave No­vogorod.

March 16. VVe had brought us 129 fresh Horses for our Sledges, and we got that day four leagues to Brunits, Brunits. where we took up fresh Horses again, wherewith, the next day, we tra­vel'd in the forenoon 8 leagues to Miedna, Miedna. and in the afternoon, four and a half to Kressa. Kressa. The 18 we got before dinner six leagues to Iaselbitza; Iaselbitza. in the afternoon, four to Simnagora. Simnagora. The 19. nine leagues to Columna; Columna. and the 20. five, to Wisna wolloka, Wisna wolloka. where we saw a young man of 12 years of age that was married. At Tuere, we saw a married woman that was but 11. and this is ordinary in Muscovy, as also in Finland. The same night we came to Windra Pusk, Windra Pusk. having travel'd that afternoon seven leagues. In this last place, there were but three houses, and the stoves so nasty and stinking, that we had a very ill night of it, though indeed in other places the stoves are not kept much better than stables in our Country.

The 21 we got 7 leagues, to Torsock. Torsock. The 22. six, to Troitska Miedna; Troitza Miedna. and the 23. six more, to Tuere, Tuere. mentioned before. Here the snow beginning to melt in several places, we quitted our Sledges, and took the Wolgda, which was still frozen, and travel'd that day six leagues, to Gorodna. The 24. we went by land again, for the Ice began to give way, and got to Sawidoua; Sawidowa and thence to Saulkspas, Saulkspas. seven leagues from our last lodging, having, by the way, pass'd several Brooks with great difficulty, by reason the Ice was loose. The 25. we pass'd by a great Village called Klin, Klin. behind which is the Brook Sestrea, which falls into the River Dubna, and, with it, into Wolgda. We were forc'd to stay the flakes of Ice with stakes, which we made a shift to fasten in the Brook, to hinder them from carrying us away. The next day we pass'd it again, by reason it winds it self up and down in those parts, and lodg'd that night at Beschick, Beschick. seven leagues from Klin. The 27. we pass'd two other little Brooks, and got 6 leagues forwards, to Zerkizouo. Zerkizouo The 28. we got but three leagues, to Nicola-Darebna, Nicola-Darebna. which the Author, in the first Book calls Nicola Nachinski, within two leagues of Moscou, where the Ambassadors are wont to expect the Great Duke's pleasure, and the order he would have observ'd in their entrance. In the mean time we fitted our Liveries, and set our selves in order for our Cavalcade, which we made the next day at Noon, as followeth.

First, Their en­trance in­to Moscou. went the 24 Musketiers who had conducted us from the Frontiers, being all Cosaques. After them our Mareschal alone.

Then the Officers and Gentlemen, three a-breast, and those of best quality first.

Three Trumpetters, with silver Trumpets.

Then the Ambassadors, each in his Sledge, having before them six with Carabins, and on both sides as many, with Partizans.

Next the Sledges, came the Pages, and after them, the rest of the retinue on horse-back, and the baggage, all in very good order. The Pristaf took place of the Ambassadors. Being come within half a league of the City, there met us many Troops of horse, Muscovian, Tartars, and some Germans, who having rid about our Cavalcade, return'd to the City. After these came several other Troops, which divided themselves, and encompassing us on both sides, con­ducted us to the City.

About a quarter of a league from the City we met two Pristafs, with a very noble attendance, and the same equipage they had at our former reception. Being come within 20. paces of us, they sent word to the Ambassadors, that they should alight out of their Sledges, and come to them. The Pristafs neither alighted, nor uncover'd themselves, till the Ambassadors had done both. They are enjoyn'd to proceed with this reservedness, and to stand very much upon the grandeur and reputation of their Prince, upon pain of being cast out of favour, which disgrace is many times attended with whipping or cudgeling.

[Page 39] Our reception was after the same manner as the first time, the more aged Pristaf beginning in these termes; The recepti­on of the Ambassa­dors. The Grand Seigneur, Cza [...]r, and Great Duke, Michael Federouits, &c. (re­peating all the other Titles) hath commanded us to receive thee, Philip Crusius, and thee Otton Brugman, great Ambassador from the Grand Seignor, Frederick Duke of Holstein, and to con­duct you to his Capital City of Moscou. To which the other added; His Majesty hath appointed these Tumoronins, or Gentlemen, here present, Iuan Iuaniosin Salmosin, and my self Andrew Iuanouits Zabaro [...], to be your Pristafs during the abode you shall make there. Then the Master of the Horse presented himself, made his complement, and brought the Ambassadors, two very stately Horses, white as snow, and twelve others for the chief of their retinue. From the Gate to our Lodgings, we pass'd through a double file of Musketiers, to the number of above 3000. and we were lodg'd in that quarter of the City which is called Cataigorod, not far from the Ca­stle, in a stone-house, built by an Archbishop named Susinski, who fell into disgrace some years before, and was banish'd.

As soon as we had alighted, there were brought in, from the Great Duke's Kitchin and Cel­lar, Their al­lowance▪ all sorts of meats and drinks. And from that time during our stay at Moscou, we were al­low'd, every day, sixty two Loaves, a quarter of Beef, four Sheep, a dozen of Pullets, two Geese, one Hare, and one Heath-cock, alternately, fifty Eggs, ten pence towards Candles, and five pence for small things us'd in the Kitchin, one Pot of Sack, eight of Hydromel, three of Beer, and three small pots of Strong-water. Besides all this, for a common stock, a Tun of Beer, a lesser Tun of Hydromel, and a Barrel of Strong-water. With this we had, by way of extraordinary in the week, a poude, that is, forty pound of Butter, and as much Salt, three Pails of Vinigre, two Muttons, and a Goose. This allowance was doubled at our arrival, as also upon Palm-Sunday, Easter-day, and the young Prince's Birth-day; but we had them dress'd by our own Cooks. The house-door was kept by a Desetnick, or Corporal, who had nine Mus­ketiers about him: but the Pristaf's came every day, to entertain and divert us; and immedi­ately after our first publick Audience, or as soon as we have been so happy as to have seen the bright eyes of his Majesty the Czaar, as they express it, they gave us the same liberty as we had at our former Voyage.

Arril 3. APRIL we had our first publick Audience, to which we were conducted with the same Ce­remonies as before, and, in our Cavalcade, we observ'd the same order as we had at our en­trance; unless it were, that the Secretary went next the Ambassadors carrying the Credential Letters upon a great piece of Crimson Taffata. The Musketiers had made a lane from our Lodging to the Castle, but all could not keep off the people from thronging in to see us.

The Courriers went and came, as their custome is, to give directions for our march; to order it so, as that the Great Duke might ascend his Throne, just at the arrival of the Ambassa­dors.

The Ceremonies of the Audience were as is before mentioned. And the Propositions made contained only complements, thanks for his Majesties favour, in granting the Ambassadors a passage into Persia, and desires to have some secret conferences.

As soon as we were return'd to our Lodgings, came one of the Great Duke's Carvers, na­med Knez, Simon Petrouits Luon, with forty dishes of meat from his Majesty, all Fish, fry'd things, and pulse, it being in their Lent: and twelve pots of several sorts of drinks.

The Cloath being layd, and the meat serv'd up, he presented, with his own hand, to the Am­bassadors and those of their retinue, to every one a Gobelet full of a very strong Aquavitae, took himself a great Vermilion gilt-cup, and drunk the Great Duke's health, then the young Prince's, and then that of his Highness, obliging all to pledge him. He was presented with a piece of Plate gilt, and those who brought in the meat had two Crowns a-piece given them.

We sate down; but most of the dishes being dress'd with Onions and Garlick, we eat very little, and sent the rest to our friends in the City. But what we spar'd in meat, we made good in drink, whereto we were partly encourag'd by the Persian Ambassadors, who being lodg'd near us, gave us the divertisement of their Bagpipes, and Hautbois, and partly by the excellent Wines, which the Great Duke had sent us.

Apr. 5. we had our first private Audience, with the ordinary Ceremonies, having the same Commissioners we had in our former negotiation, except the Chancellour Iuan Tarassouits Grammatin, who, by reason of age, had resign'd his charge, which was conferr'd upon Fedor Fedorousin Lichozou. While we were at this Audience, there died at our Lodging one of our Lacqueyes, who, some few dayes before, having been overturn'd in one of the Sledges, had been hurt by the Ambassador Brugman's Cabinet, which fell upon his breast. Being of the re­form'd religion, his body was carried to the Church of that Profession, where he had a Fune­ral Sermon, after which he was buried in the Church-yard belonging to the Germans. The Great Duke sent us for the solemnity of the enterment, a Pristaf, and 15. white Horses out of his own Stables.

The 9. The Palm-Sunday Procession. We had our second private Audience. The 10. being Palm-Sunday, the Muscovites had a noble Procession, to represent our Saviour's entrance into Ierusalem, and, that we might [Page 40] the more conveniently see it, having express'd our desires to that purpose, the Great Duke sent the Ambassadors their ordinary Horses, and fifteen others for their retinue. He order'd also to be kept for us a place, near the Castle-Gate, whence they drove out the people which had throng'd in to the number of 10000. The Persian Ambassadors were plac'd behind us, in the little Theatre we have spoken of before.

The Great Duke having been at service in our Lady's Church, came out of the Castle with the Patriarch in very good order.

First, came a very large Chariot, made of boards nail'd together, but low, drawing after it a Tree, on which hung abundance of Apples, Figs, and Grapes. In it were four little Boys with surplisses, who sung the Hosanna.

Then follow'd many Priests, in their surplisses and copes, carrying Crosses, Banners, and Images, upon long Poles; some of them sung, others cast Incense among the people. Next came the Goses or Duke's Merchants; after them the Diaken, Clerks, Secretaries, Knez and Bo [...]ares, having, most of them Palms in their hands, and went immediately before the Great Duke, who was most richly clad, with a Crown upon his head, supported by the two prin­cipal Counsellors of State, Knez Iuan Borisowits Cyrcaski, and Knez Alexey Michaelouits Won, and led, himself, by the bridle, the Patriarch's Horse, which was cover'd with Cloath, and made to represent an Asse. The Patriarch, who rid on him, had on his head a round white Satin Cap, beset with rich Pearls, and about it a very rich Crown. He had in his right hand a Cross of Diamonds, wherewith he bless'd the people, who receiv'd his benediction with great submission, bowing their heads, and incessantly making the sign of the Cross. About and be­hind him were Metropolitans, Bishops, and other Priests, whereof some carried Books, others Censers. About fifty little Boys, most clad in red, put off their Casacks and scatter'd them along the way: others had pieces of Cloath about an Ell-square, of all colours, which they laid on the ground, for the Great Duke and Patriarch to pass over. The Great Duke being come over against us, made a halt, and sent his principal Interpreter, Iohn Helmes, to ask af­ter our health, and went not on till our answer was brought him. This done, he went into the Church, where he stay'd about half an hour. In his return, he stopp'd again at the same place, to give the Ambassadors notice that he would send them a Dinner from his own Table: which yet was not done, but instead thereof, our ordinary allowance was doubled.

The honour the Great Duke did the Patriarch in leading his horse, is worth to him 400 Crowns, which the Patriarch is oblig'd to give him. Upon Pain-Sunday, the same Ceremo­nies were observ'd all over Muscovy; the Metropolitanes and Bishops representing the person of the Patriarch, the Weiwodes or Governours, that of the Great Duke.

April. 17. was their Easter-day. 'Tis the greatest of all their Festivals, and they celebrate it with abundance of Ceremonies, The Mus­cov an ce­lebration of Easter. and great rejoycings, as well in remembrance of our Saviour's Resurrection, as that it puts a period to their Lent. The streets were all full of a sort of Mer­chants, who sold Eggs of all sorts of colours, which the Muscovites send by way of Present one to another, for a fortnight together after Easter, during which time, when they meet, they kiss each other, and their salutation is in these words, Christos wos Chrest, that is, Christ is risen, whereto the other answers, Wostin wos Chrest, that is, He is risen indeed. No per­son, what condition, sex, or other quality soever he be of, dares refuse these kisses, or the Eggs, that are presented to him. The Great Duke himself hath Presented some to the principal Counsellors, and Lords of his Court. He is wont also, on Easter-day, betimes in the morn­ing, to visit the Prisoners before he goes to Church, and to order every one to have an Egg gi­ven him, and some sheep-skin for bestow'd on them, exhorting them to rejoyce, since Christ dy'd for their sins, and was now truly risen again. That done, he causes the Prison-doors to be shut again, and goes to his Devotions. Their greatest rejoycings consist in Feasts, and good Cheer; but especially in debauches, in common drinking-houses, which are full of all sorts of persons, Men and Women, Ecclesiastick and Laicks, who get so drunk, that the streets are pav'd with Drunkards. The present Patriarch hath prohibited them, and order'd that on Easter-day no drinking places should be open; but he is not much obey'd.

April 29. Brugman hath a pri­vate audi­ence. The Ambassador Brugman desir'd, and had, a private audience of the Bojares; to which he went alone, without his Collegue, and but few persons about him. It was given him in the Exchequer, and lasted above two hours; what he treated about we could never learn, till afterward, by the charge put in against him at our return home.

May 6. MAY. The Ambassadors had together their third conference with the Bojares; the 17. the fourth; and the 27. the fifth and last private audience.

May 30. The Great Duke permitted the young Prince's Governour, to go a-hawking, and to invite, to that Divertisement, the Gentlemen of our retinue. He sent us Horses, and carri­ed us two Leagues from the City into most pleasant Meadow grounds. Having sported two or three hours, we were treated with a Collation, under a Tent pitch'd there for that end. The treatment was ordinary, Strong-water, Hydromel, Ginger-bread, and preserv'd Cherries.

[Page 41] Iune 1. JUNE. The Muscovites celebrated with great solemnities the birth-day of their young Prince, Knez Iuan Michaelouits. Our ordinary allowance of Provisions was doubled.

The 3. The Ambassador Brugman had a second private conference with the Bojares. Iune 14. being Whitsun-eve, the Great Duke gave publick audience to all the Ambassadors then in Mos­co, in order to their departure. That of Persia went first to audience: he was a Cupz [...]n, or Merchant; as he came back he had on his other Cloaths▪ according to the Persian custom a Garment of Crimson-Satin, lined with the best kind of Sables which the Great Duke had Pre­sented him with.

After him went the Greeks, Armenians, and Tartars, who in their return, caus'd their Letters, and the Presents they had receiv'd, to be carried before them.

The 12. Arrived there our Controller, who had stay'd at Dantzick, to look after the finishing of some Presents which we were to carry into Persia. The Great Duke was gone on a Pilgrimage out of the City, and the Chancellor durst not permit the Controller to enter in without his Majesties express order; which occasion'd his staying three dayes in the Suburbs.

The 15. The great Dutchess her Caval­cade. The Great Duke and Dutchess return'd to Moscou. The Duke was attended by a great number of Lords: the Dutchess had about her 36. Ladies, or Maids of honour. They were all on Horse-back, sitting a-stride, cloath'd in red, white Hats on their heads, with great red bands dangling at their backs, white Scarfs about their necks; they were most wickedly be-painted.

The 17. I was sent to the Chancellor, to speak to him concerning our dispatches. He would do me the greatest honour I could expect, and order'd, I should be brought in to audience by a Pristaf. That importunate civility cost me two hours attendance in the Antichamber, till a Pristaf was found. The Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor receiv'd me kindly, and dismiss'd me well satisfy'd. The Table in the Audience Chamber was cover'd with a very rich Persian Car­pet, upon which was a silver Standish, but without any Ink in it: I was told afterwards, that they were set there only for the time I was to stay in the room, which was but poorly fur­nish'd without them.

The 20. The Pristafs came to tell us, that we might take our journey for Persia when we pleas'd, and that at our return thence, we should have the honour to kiss his Majesties hand, it being not fit they did it then, since the Ambassadors were not to return into their own Country, and that at the last publick audience only, the Great Duke was oblig'd to answer the Creden­tials they had brought.

We accordingly prepar'd for our departure, got Boats to be provided to carry us upon the River to Nisa, and took into our service, three Lieutenants, four Serjeants, and twenty three Souldiers, Scots and Germans. The Great Duke gave us leave to take them out of his own Guard, for our security against the incursions of the Tartars, which make travelling neer Wolgda very dangerous. We also hir'd certain Muscovites, for ordinary Employments. The 24. and 25. were spent in putting our things aboard, and sending away certain brass Guns we had brought out of Germany, and some Cabinets we had bought at Moscou, and part of our Bag­gage, ordering the Conductor to stay for us at Nisa.

The 26. The en­trance of Ambassa­dors from Poland. came in Ambassadors, or, as the Mvscovites call them, Courriers of quality, from the King of Poland. We went out of the City, to observe their entrance. As soon as they per­ceiv'd us, they saluted us very civilly, putting off their Hats, but their demeanour towards the Muscovites was much wanting of respect, never offering to be uncovered. They also oblig'd the Pristefs to alight, and uncover themselves first, saying, they were not there to do the Mus­covites any honour, but to receive it from them. There were no Horses out the Great Duke's Stables at the entrance of these Ambassadors, because another Polish Ambassador, had, some few dayes before, refus'd them, and made use of his own.

This other Polish Ambassador had been sent to the Great Duke immediately after the defeat of the Muscovites before Smolensco, The fierce­ness of a Polish Am­bassador. which gave him occasion to be so insolent as he was, du­ring his stay at Mosco. He would needs make his proposition sitting, and perceiving that, when he pronounc'd the name and titles of his King, the Bojares were not uncover'd, he stopp'd, till such time as the Grand Duke had commanded them to be so▪ The King of Poland had sent the Great Duke no Present, but the Ambassador gave him, as from himself, a very fair Coach▪ and yet when the Duke sent him a rich Present of Sables, he refus'd them. Whereupon the Great Duke sent back his Coach, which the Ambassador being angry at, took that occasion to tumble the Pristaf from the top of a high pair of stairs to the bottom. The Great Duke was so incens'd thereat, that he sent one to tell the Ambassador, that he knew not, whether this de­meanour of his was according to his Master's order, or that the rudeness proceeded from his own passion; that if his King had commanded him to do so, patience must be had, till God enabled him to express his resentment of it, that the event of War was in his hands, and that another time he might be the more fortunate: but that if he had done this without [Page 42] order, and upon his own accompt, complaint should be made of it to the King his Master.

The 26 of Iune, the Pristaf brought us the Great Dukes Pass, which for the odness of the stile, The Great Duke's Pass. we think fit to insert here, faithfully translated out of the Muscovian language.

From the Grand Seigneur and Great Duke of all the Russes, Michael Federouits; We enjoyn all our Bojares, Weiwodes and Diaken, and all our Commanders from the City of Moscou to Co­lumna, and thence to Perestaf, Resansky, and Kasimoua, to Murama, and Nise-Novogorod, to Casan, and Astrachan, to let pass Philip Crusius and Otton Brugman, Ambassadors and Counsellours from Frederick, Duke of Holstein, whom we have permitted to go from Moscou in­to Persia, to Schach Sefi of Persia: by vertue of a Treaty made for the Passage and Commerce of the Merchants of Holstein. We have also permitted them to take along with them their Germans of Holstein, to the number of 85 persons, and for their convoy 30 Souldiers, chosen, with our consent, out of the Germans, who serve in Muscovy, which number they may augment, for the safety of their Voyage of Persia, at Nisa, Cassan, or Astrachan, by eleven men, Germans or Muscovites, voluntiers. We also permit them, at Nisa, to hire two Pilots, who are acquainted with the course of the Wolgda. We consent, and in like manner permit the said Ambassadors of Holstein, if, at their return from Persia, they stand in need of a Convoy, or other people for bu­siness, to take at Cassan, or Astrachan, or any where else they shall think fit, forty men, or such other number as they shall think requisite for the prosecution of their Voyage: provided, that those of our people who shall hire themselves to the said Ambassadors, gave in their names to the Boj [...]res, Weiwodes, and Diaken of the place of their abode, as well at their departure thence, as at their return thither, that there may be a Register kept thereof. And if they return from Persia in the Winter, it shall be lawful for them, for their money, to take into their service such a number of men, and Sledges, as they shall think requisite for the continuation of their Voyage.

We have also appointed Rodiuon Gaba [...]o, Gentleman of Astrachan, to conduct the said Am­bassadors from Moscou to Asttachan, Wherefore we command you, our Bojares; Weiwodes, Diaken, and Commanders, to let pass the said Rodiuon, with the Ambassadors of Holstein, Without any l [...]t. And if after their Voyage of Persia, at their return thence, they are desirous to to repass through the Countries in our obedience, you shall permit them to take into their service, for labour, or for convoy upon the Wolga, forty men, or such other number as they shall stand in need of, which they shall take by vertue of this present Pass-port, at Astrachan, Cassan, or any other place they shall think fit. And our said Subjects shall be oblig'd to cause their names to be en­roll'd, as well at their departure as at their return, to the end notice may be taken, that no Rob­bers, Golops, or fugitive Slaves get in among them. In like manner at the return of their Voy­age, if they pass through Muscovy in the Winter time, it shall be lawfull for them, at their own charge, to hire such a number of Sledges, as they shall think fit, so as that they be not hindred in the prosecution of their Voyage, either in Cities or in the Country. Enjoyning further, that all respect be given to the Ambassadors of Holstein, and all civillity done their people, both going and coming, not permitting that they should suffer any violence, or be robbed: obliging them also, for their part, not to take any provisions by force of any whatsoever; but it shall be lawful for them, to buy, for their money, of those that shall be willing to sell to them, both going and coming. Writ at Moscou, in the year 7144. June 20. and signed, The Czaar, and Great Duke of all the Russes, Michael Federouits; and lower, Deak Maxim Matuskin; and sealed with the great Seal.

The Pristaf having given us our Pass-port, The Ambas­sadors leave Mos­cou. we appointed Iun. 30. for our departure. Mr. David Ruts gave us another entertainment that day, and kept us till the last hour of the day, which (the Muscovites beginning it at Sun-rising, and ending it at Sun-set) having struck, the Pristaf caus'd to be brought out the Great Dukes Horses, and hasten'd our departure, being accompany'd by several persons of quality, who brought us as far as the Monastery of Simana, three leagues from Moscou, where our Boat waited for us, avoiding by that means the many windings of the River from Moscou thither.

But it were not handsome to leave Moscou without giving some account of that great City, A descrip­tion of Moscou. the Metropolis of all Muscovy, to which it gives the name, as it takes its own from the River Moska. This River, which passes through, and divides all the rest of the City, from that quar­ter of it which is called Strelitza Slauoda, rises out of the Province of Tuere, and having joyn'd its waters with those of the Occa, near Columna, it falls together with the other, about half a league thence, into the Wolga. The City is elevated 55 degr. 36 min. its longitude 66 degrees, in the midst of all the Country, and almost at an equal distance from all the Frontiers, which is above 120 German leagues. It is about three leagues about, and, no doubt, hath been here­tofore bigger than it is now. Mathius de Michou, a Canon of Cracovid, who [...]ourish'd at the beginning of the last age, says, that, in his time, it was twice as big as the City of Prague. The Tartars of Crim and Precop, burnt it in the year 1571. and the Poles set it a-fire in the year 1611. so as that there was nothing left of it but the Castle; and yet now there are numbred in it above 40000 houses, and it is out of all controversie one of the greatest Cities in Europe.

[Page 43] 'Tis true, that, the Palaces of great Lords, and the Houses of some rich Merchants excepted, which are of Brick or Stone, all the rest are of Wood, and made up of beams, and cross-pie­ces of Firr laid one upon another. Its build­ing most of Wood. They cover them with barks of trees, upon which they sometimes put another covering of Turfes. The carelesness of the Muscovites, and the disor­ders of their house-keeping are such, that there hardly passes a moneth, nay not a week, but some place or other takes fire, which, meeting with what is very combustible, does in a mo­ment reduce many houses, nay, if the wind be any thing high, whole streets into ashes. Some few days before our arrival, the fire had consumed the third part of the City; and about 5 or 6 years since, the like accident had near destroy'd it all. To prevent this, the Strelits of the Guard, and the Watch, are enjoyn'd, in the night time to carry Pole-axes, wherewith they break down the houses adjoyning to those which are a-fire, by which means they hinder the progress of it, with much better success than if they attempted the quenching of it. And that it may not fasten on other more solid structures, the doors and windows are very narrow, having shutters of Latin, to prevent the sparks and flashes from getting in. Those who have their hou­ses burnt, have this comfort withall, that they may buy houses ready built, at a market for that purpose, without the white-Wall, at a very easy rate, and have them taken down, trans­ported, and in a short time set up in the same place where the former stood.

The streets of Moscou are handsome, and very broad, but so dirty, after rain hath ever so little moisten'd the ground, that it were impossible to get out of the dirt, were it not for the great Posts, which set together make a kind of bridge, much like that of the Rhin, near Stras­bourg which bridges, in foul weather, serve for a kind of pavement.

The City is divided into four quarters, Catayro­god. or circuits, whereof the first is called Catayrogod, that is, the mid-City, as being in the midst of the others. This quarter is divided from the rest by a brick-wall, which the Muscovites call crasne stenna, that is, red stone. The Moska passes on the South-side of it▪ and the River Neglina, which joyns with the other behind the Castle, Cremele­na. on the North side. The Great Duke's Palace, called Cremelena, and which is of great­er extent than many other ordinary Cities, takes up almost one half of it, and is fortify'd with three strong walls, and a good ditch, and very well mounted with Canon. In the midst of the Castle are two Steeples, one very high, and cover'd with Copper gilt, as all the other Stee­ples of the Castle are. This Steeple is called Iuan Welike, that is, the Great Iohn. The other is considerable only for the Bell within it, made by the Great Duke Boris Gudenou, weighing 33600. pounds. It is not toll'd, but upon great Festivals, or to honour the entrance and audi­ence of Ambassadors: but to stir it there must be 24 men, who pull it by a Rope that comes down into the Court, while some others are above to help it on by thrusting. The Great Duke's Palace stands towards the further side of the Castle, with that of the Patriarch, and appartements for several Bojares, who have places at Court. There is also lately built a very fair Palace of stone, according to the Italian Architecture, for the young Prince; but the Great Duke continues still in his wooden Palace, as being more healthy than stone-structures. The Exchequer, and the Magazine of Powder and provisions are also within the Castle.

There are also within it two fair Monasteries, one for men, the other for women, and above fifty Churches and Chapels, all built of stone; among others, those of the B. Trinity, St. Mary's, St. Michael's, wherein are the Sepulchres of the Great Dukes, and St. Nicholas's.

At the Castle-Gate, but without the Walls, on the South-side, is a fair Church Dedicated to the B. Trinity, and commonly called Ierusalem. When it was finish'd, the Tyrant Iohn Basilouits, thought it so magnificent a structure, that he caus'd the Architect's eyes to be put out, that he might not afterwards do any thing that should be comparable to that. Near this Church are two great pieces of Canon, with the mouths towards that street by which the Tartars were wont to make their irruptions; but these pieces are now dismounted, and useless.

In the spacious place, before the Castle, is the chief Market of the City kept; all day it is full of people, but especially slaves, and idle persons. All the Market-place is full of Shops, as also all the streets abutting upon it: but every Trade hath a station by it self, so as the Mer­cers intermingle not with the Linnen or Wollen-Drapers, nor Goldsmiths with Sadlers, Shoe­makers, Taylors, Furriers, and the like, but every Profession and Trade hath its proper street: which is so much the greater convenience, in that a man does, of a sudden, cast his eye on all he can desire. Sempstresses have their shops in the midst of the Market, where there is also another sort of Women Traders, who have Rings in their mouths, and, with their Ru­bies and Turquoises, put off another commodity which is not seen in the Market. There is a particular street where are sold the Images of their Saints. 'Tis true, these go not under the name of Merchandise, among the Muscovites, who would make some difficulty to say they had bought a Saint; but they say, they receive them by way of Exchange or Trucking, for money: and so when they buy, they make no bargain, but lay down what the Painter demands.

[Page 44] There is yet another place, in this quarter, called the Hair-market, because the Inhabitants go thither to be trimm'd, by which means the place comes to be so cover'd with hair, that a man treads as softly as if it were on a Feather-bed. Most of the principal Goses, or Merchants, as also many Knez and Muscovian Lords have their houses in this first circuit.

The second quarter is called Czaargorod, Czaargo­rod. that is, Czaar's Citie, or the Citie-Royal, and in­cludes the former as it were in a Semi-circle. The little River Neglina passes through the midst of it, and it hath its particular Wall, called Biela stenna, that is, the white Wall. In this quar­ters is the Arsenal, and the place, where Guns and Bells are cast, which is called Poggana­brut, the management whereof the Great Duke hath bestow'd on a very able man, one Iohn Valk, born at Nuremberg, whom he sent for out of Holland, for this reason, that he was the first who found a way to discharge a Bullet of sixteen pound weight with five pound of pouder. The Muscovites who have wrought under this man, have so well learnt the Mystery of found­ing that now they are as expert at it as the most experienc'd Germans.

In this quarter also there live many Knez, Lords, Sinbojares, or Gentlemen, and a great number of Merchants, who drive a Trade all the Countrey over, and Trades-men especially Bakers. There are also some Butchers shambles, and Tipling-houses, which sell Beer, Hydro­mel, and Strong-water, Store-Houses of Wheat, Meal shops, and the Great Duke's stables.

The third quarter is called Skoradom, Skoradom and includes the quarter called Czaargorod, from the East, along the North-side, to the West. The Muscovites affirm, that this quarter was five German Leagues about, before the City was burnt by the Tartars, in the year 1571. The lit­tle River Iagusas passes through it, and in its way fails into the Mosca. In this quarter is the Market for Wood and Houses before mentioned; where you may have Houses ready made, which may be taken asunder, transported thence, and set up any where else, in a short time, and with little pains and charge, since they consist only of beams, and posts, set one upon the other, and the vacuities are fill'd up with Mosse.

The fourth quarter is called Strelitza Slauoda, Strelitza. Slauoda. because of the Strelits, or Musketiers of the Great Duke's Guard, who live in it. It is situated towards the South of Citarogod, on the other side of the Mosca, upon the Avenues of the Tartars. Its Ramparts and Baltions are of Wood. The Great Duke Basili Iuanouits, father of Basilouits, who built this quarter, design'd it for the quarters of such Soldiers, as were strangers, as Poles, Germans, and others, naming that place Naeilki, or, the quarter of Drunkards, from the word Nali, which signifies, powre out: for, these strangers being more inclin'd to drunkenness than the Muscovites, he would not have his own people, who were apt enought to debauch themselves, to become so much the worse by the others bad example. Besides the Soldiery, the poorer sort of the people have their habitations in this quarter.

There is, The num­ber of Churches and Chapels in Moscou. in the City and Suburbs of Moscou, a very great number of Churches, Monaste­ries and Chapels. In the former Impression of these Travels, we said, there were above fifteen hundred; but whereas Iohn Lewis Godefrey, Author of the Archontologia Cosinica, thinks that number so excessive, that he sticks not to speak of it as a thing not likely to be true, I must indeed needs acknowledge, that I was much mistaken, and, now affirm for certain, that where I said there were 1500. there are above 2000. No Muscovite that hath liv'd at Moscou, nay no stranger, any thing acquainted with that City, but will confirm this truth, as knowing, there is no Lord but hath his private Chapel, nor any Street but hath many of them. 'Tis true, they are most of them very small ones, and but fifteen foot square; nay, before the Patriarch com­manded they should be built of Stone, they were all of Wood: but that hinders not, but that the number of them may amount to what we have said.

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THE City of Moscou, which those of the Country call Moskwa, 1636▪ derives its name to the Province, wherein it is seated, and to all Muscovy, which was heretofore known under that of Russia, or white Russia. Muscovy described. It is doubtless, the greatest of all the Estates of Europe, since it reaches in length near thirty de­grees, or 450. leagues; and, in breadth, sixteen degrees, or 240. German leagues. Its Frontiers reach, Northward, beyond the Arctick Circle to the frozen Sea. On the East, it hath the River Oby; towards the South, the Tartars of Crim and Precop; and towards the West, Poland, Livonia and Sueden.

Muscovy is divided into many great Provinces, The Pro­vince of Woledi­mer. most of which we have named elsewhere with the Titles of the Great Duke. That of Wolodimer, or Vladimer, was heretofore the chiefest. Its capital City, whence it hath its name, was built by Prince Wolodomer, who liv'd about the year 928. It is 36. leagues distant from Moscou, Eastward, between the Rivers of Occa, and Wolga, in a Country so fruitful, that one Bushel of Wheat sown, yeelds 25. or 30. The River Clesma, which passes by it, falls into the River Occa near the City of Murom. The Great Dukes had chosen it for the most convenient place for their residence, till Prince Danilou Mi­chaelouits translated the Emperial Seat to Moscou.

The Province of Smolensko hath, Smolensko on the East, the Province of Muscovy, on the North, Si­beria, on the South, Lithavie, and towards the West, Livonia. The Metropolis of the Pro­vince, Smolensko, is seated upon the River Nieper, which they say is the same the Antients cal­led Boristhenes, though that of Berezine comes nearer to that name. The other eminent Cities of it, are, Prohobus, upon the Nieper, Wesma, upon a River of the same name, and Mosaysko. The City of Smolensko hath, on the side of the River, a Cittadel, fortify'd with great Chains and good Ditches, with a good Counterscarp well palisadoed. The Muscovites took this City from the Poles in the year 15 [...]4. Sigismond King of Poland Recover'd it again in the year 1611. and the late Great Duke Michael Federouits besieg'd it in the year 1633. but was forc'd to raise the siege, as we shall have occasion to relate anon. The Great Duke that now is took it by com­position, in the year 1654. and is still possess'd of it.

The Province of Rhesan lies between the Rivers Don and Occa, Rhesan. having on the West, Muscovy, from which it is divided by the River Aka. This is the most fruitful Province of all Muscovy, and produces abundance of Wheat, Hony, Fish, and all sorts of Venizon and Fowl. Besides the chief City, which is upon the River Occa, it hath also those of Corsira, and Tulla, upon the Ri­ver of that name.

[Page 46] Permie is one of the greatest Provinces of all Muscovy, and distant from Moscou 250. or 300. German leagues, towards the East and North. Its chief City, whence it hath its name, lies upon the River of Vischora, Permie. which falls into Kam, 15. leagues thence. The Inhabitants of this Province have a Language and Characters peculiar to themselves. They eat Herbs instead of bread, and instead of Tribute, send the Great Duke, Horses and Furrs. Its neighbours East­ward are the Tartars of Tumen.

The Baron of Herberstein sayes, Jugarie. that the Province of Iugarie, is that whence the Hongrians came, who now live in the Country that lies upon the Dannow,

The Province of Wiathka, Wiathka. is 150. German leagues distant from the City of Moscou, towards the East, beyond the River Kam. The River of Wiathka gives it the name; which falls into Kam, which falls into Wolga 12. leagues below Casan. The Country is woody and barren, and much subject to the incursions of the Tartars Czeremisses, who were the Masters of it, till Basili, Great Duke of Muscovy, united it to his Crown.

The Principality of Bielsk derives the name from Biela its chief City; Bielks. as does the Pro­vince of Rschouie from that of the City of Rschewa; Rschouie. and that of Tuere, Tuere. from the City of that name.

The City and Dutchy of Plescou was govern'd by its own Princes, Plescou. till the Great Duke Iohn Basilouits re-united both to his Crown, in the year 1509. The Muscovites call it Pskow, from the Lake upon which the chief City is seated, and out of which rises the River of the same name, that passes through the City.

Siberia is of great extent, Siberie. and had a long time its own Princes, who paid Tribute to the Kings of Poland, upon the accompt of Lithuania, on which they had some dependence. They revolted from Casimer, son of Iagellon, King of Poland, and became subject to the Great Duke of Muscovy. The Czaar Basili, ejected the Duke of Siberie, and united the Province to his Crown. The chief City is Novogorod, but to distinguish it from others of the same name, it is called Novogorod Siebersky, that is, Novogorod, or the New City of Siberie. Its other eminent Cities are Starodub, Petivola, Czernigou, and Bransko.

The Dutchies of Iarostaf, Jarostaf. Rosthou, Rosthou. and Susdal Susdal. were a long time enjoy'd by the younger Bro­thers of Muscovy, till Iohn Basilouits re-united them to the Crown, in the year 1565.

The Province of Dwina is the greatest, Dwina. and more Northern of all Muscovy, and was here­tofore subject to the Duke of Novogorod. The River of Dwina falls into the white Sea, near Archangel. It is not long since that this Province, which is a hundred leagues in length, had but one City in it, of the same name seated in the midst of it: but now that the Muscovites have Translated into those parts, the Trade which the English, Dutch, and Hanseatick Towns, were wont to bring to Narva, it is become one of the most considerable Provinces of all Mus­covy. The greatest place of Commerce is called Archangel, Archangel. from the Archangel, St. Michael, and situated at the mouth of the Dwina, where it makes the Island of Podesemski. The City is not very great, but of great Trading, by reason of the many Ships that come every year, which bring thither the Muscovian Merchants, especially those strangers that live at Moscou, with the commodities of the Country, to truck for those that are brought thither. The Great Duke makes great advantages of it; but the Impositions he laies upon all Merchandlses are so great, that it is not unlikely Strangers will, in time, return to Narva, where the King of Sueden takes but two in the hundred, and, to which, navigation is not so dangerous.

In the Gulf, which the Sea makes near the mouth of Dwina, are three Islands, called Solof­ka, Anger, and Coloua. There was heretofore in the former of these the Sepulchre of a Musco­vian Saint, but 3. or 4. years since, the Great Duke caused the Body to be translated thence to Moscou. Some report, that the Great Dukes, Predecessors of him that now reigns, had hidden a great Treasure there, as being a place inaccessible, by reason of its high and steepy Rocks.

The Province of Vstiugha is next to that of Dwina, Ustiugha. but more Southerly, and was also sub­ject to the Duke of Novogorod. The chief City, of the same name, is so called from the word Vst, which signifies the mouth of a River, as the Latine word, Ostium; and Iugh, because it was seated at the place where the River of Iugh falls into Suchana, from which it is now half a league distant. Its Inhabitants eat no Bread, but are content with Fish and Venison dry'd in the Sun. Thence are brought the fairest black-Foxes skins.

Vologda, Vologda. seated in the Province of the same name, is the only City in all Muscovy that hath a stone wall about it, being the place whither the Great Duke, in time of War, was wont to send some part of his Treasures. It sometime belonged to the Duke of Novogorod, but is now, toge­ther with the Province, re-united to Muscovy. The River of Vologda, whence it takes its name, falls, with the Dwina, into the white Sea.

The Dutchy of Bielejezoro is also one of the Northern Provinces of this great State, Bieleje­zoro. but so full of Woods and Rivers, that it is in a manner inaccessible, unless it be when the Fenns and Rivers are frozen.

The Province of Petzora reaches along the frozen Sea, Petzora. towards the East and North. The [Page 47] River of Petzora, whence it hath the name, falls into the Sea near the Streight of Weigats, below the City of Pustioziero, by six several channels. The mountains, which the Muscovites call Zimnopoias, that is, the Girdle of the Earth, (the same, as it is believed, as the Anti­ents called the Riphaean and Hiperborean mountains) lye on both sides of it, and afford the best Sables, and excellent Hawks. The City is but little, and the cold so great in this Province, that the Rivers are frozen from August to May. Upon this Province border the Samoicdes, a people we shall have occasion to speak of hereafter.

The Province of Obdorie derives its name from the River Oby, Obdorie. which rising out of the great Lake of Kataisko, and running from the East towards the North, falls into the frozen Sea, and is so broad at the mouth, that with a very good wind a Ship will have much ado to cross from one side to the other in two days.

As for the Tartarian Provinces that are subject to the Great Duke, The source of Wolga. we shall give an accompt of them in the prosecution of our Travels along the River Wolga; of which River we shall on­ly say by the way, that in the Province of Rschouie, two leagues from its chief City, and in the great forest of Wolkowskiles, is the Lake of Wronow, out of which rises a River, that, two leagues off that place, falls into the Lake of Wolga, from which it derives its name, and is thence forward called Wolga. The Tartars call it Edel, and 'tis the same as Ptolomy calls Rha. 'Tis doubtless, the greatest River in all Europe; since that from the City of Nise-Novogorod, near which we went into it, out of the River Ocea, to the Caspian Sea, we have counted a­bove 500 German leagues, not accounting above a hundred leagues more there is from its source to the place where the Occa falls into it.

The Boristhenes, Boristhia­nes. which those of the Country call Dnieper, rises out of the same Province, ten leagues from the Lake of Fronowo, near a Village called Dniepersko. It divides Lithuania from Muscovy, and after it hath taken its course towards the South, where it passes near Wiesma, and thence towards the East, bathing the Cities of Progobus, Smolensko, Orscha, Dubrowna, and Mohilouw, it turns again towards the South, and passing by Kiouie, by the Circasses, and thence toward Otzakow, a City of the Tartarians of Precop, it falls into the Eu­xine Sea.

There are, Dwina in Muscovy, two Rivers called Dwina; one rises out of a Lake of the same name, ten leagues from the Lake of Fronowo, and the source of Dnieper, and falls into the Baltick Sea, below Riga. The other rising at the conjunction of the Rivers of Iagel and Sachana, gives its name to the Province before mentioned, and falls into the White Sea, near Archangel. The Rivers of Mosca and Occa are pleasant and very considerable; but, they lose their names, with all the other Rivers in the Countrey, when they fall into those we have before spo­ken of.

Muscovy then being of such extent, as we have said, it is not to be imagin'd, that in Pro­vinces so distant, The Air of Muscovy. and situated in so different climates, Air and Earth are alike qualify'd every where. About Moscou and the adjacent Provinces, the Air is good and healrhy, so that there is no talk of the Plague, or any other Epidemical disease. Which was the reason, that in the year 1654. at the beginning of the War of Smolensko, when the Infection made such havock in that great City, people were the more surpriz'd thereat, in regard the like had not been known in the memory of man. It was so great, that those were seen dying in the streets, who thought themselves well enough when they came out of their houses; and all Muscovy was so astonish'd at it, that all the Avenues of Moscou were block'd up.

The cold is so piercing, Extremely cold. that no fur can prevent the Nose, Ears, Feet, and Hands from freez­ing and falling. At our first Voyage thither, in 1634. the cold was so sharp, that, in the great Market-place, before the Castle, we saw the earth open above twenty fathoms in length, and a foot broad. We could not go 50 steps, without hazard of losing some of our members. I saw there by experience, what others have left in writing, that spittle froze before it came to the ground, and water as it dropp'd.

I observ'd withal, that the earth is open there in a manner as soon as in Germany, and that the Spring fruits come much about the same time; for the more the earth is cover'd with Snow, the more it keeps in the heat requisite to promote vegetation. The Ice and Snow together make the ways so even, that it is much easier travelling there than any where else. For Winter-tra­velling, the Muscovites make use of Sledges, made very low, of the bark of Trees, cover'd with some coarse kind of Cloath. We lay all along in them, and covering our selves with sheep-skins, and the Sledges being cover'd with Sack-cloath, or some coarse Cloath, we not only felt not the cold, but even sweated in the depth of Winter.

The Muscovian Horses are very low, yet fit enough for this kind of travelling, for being swift and indefatigable, they will go 8. 10. nay many times 12 leagues without staying by the way. I have my self travell'd twice from Tuere to Torsock without any halt by the way. Hence is it that travelling is so cheap, that a Country fellow shall bring you fifty leagues for three or four Crowns at most.

[Page 48] If the cold be sharp in the Winter, the heat is no less troublesom in Summer, not proceeding so much from the scorching rayes of the Sun (which is there in a manner always above the Ho­rizon, Very hot in Summer. and makes the day 18. hours long) as occasion'd by the Flies, Wasps, Gnats, and other insects, which the Sun produces in the Moors and Fens, which take up a great part of the Country, in such abundance, that night and day they are extremely troublesome,

But, Fertility. the Fens and Forests, which Muscovy is well stor'd with, hinder not but the Land they cultivate is very Fertile. For unless it be about Mosco, where the soyl is barren and gravelly, let them take ever so little pains with their grounds in other places, they will bring forth more Wheat and Pasture than the Countrey can consume. The Hollanders acknowledge, that Mus­covy is to them what Sicily was sometime to Rome. You never hear talk of dearth, though in the Provinces that have not the convenience of Rivers to transport their Corn, the Inhabitants manure only so much ground as will afford them a bare subsistence for the present year, not minding the future, as confident their ordinary increase will never fail them. Thence it comes that so much excellent ground lies fallow, producing only Hay, whereof they mow no more than will serve their Cattel.

There is so great difference between this soyl, Muscovy more fer­tile than Livonia. and that of the Province of Allentaken in Li­vonia, though there lies only the River Narva between them, that as soon as a man is over he perceives it. Muscovy and the Northern Provinces of Livonia have this common with Inguer­mannia and Carelia, that they sow not their Corn till within three weeks of Midsummer; for the cold having, The seed-time. as a man might say, pierc'd to the Centre of the earth, it must have leasure to unfreeze: but the Wheat is no sooner in the ground but it puts forth, and the heat of the Sun, which, as we said, is alwayes above the Horizon, advances and ripens it. So that Sowing and Harvest is all over in two moneths. Their har­vest. Wherein the Muscovites have this advantage over the Livonians, that they put in their Wheat dry, and ready to be thrash'd, whereas the Livonians are forc'd to use fire to dry it, by the help of a great Oven, built in the midst of a Barn, where they put their sheaves upon beams lay'd a-cross, till such time as the heat hath so dry'd them, that beating them with a stick, the Grain falls out, so as that there is no need of thrashing or treading it, as they do in the East. There is yet this further inconvenience, that the Wheat thus dry'd is not good for seed, and many times the Barns take fire, which spreads into the houses about them, and consumes all.

In those Provinces which are not so much towards the North, The fruits of Mus­covy. especially neer the City of Mosco, their are excellent fruits, as Apples, Cherries, Plums, and Goos-berries. I have seen Apples in beauty and colour much like those which are called Appians, and so transparent, that holding them between your sight and the Sun, you may easily tell the Kernels. 'Tis true this fruit having not time to bake in the Sun, (it being rather a moderate slow heat, than an exces­sive scorching, that consumes the superfluous moisture) will not keep, as it would do in Ger­many and other more Southerly Countreys: but the Commentator upon the Maps of Atlas is nevertheless mistaken, when he sayes, after the Baron of Herberstein, and Guagnin, that the cold is so great in Muscovy, that the Countrey cannot produce Apples or other Fruits that are worth sending up to the Table. They have also all manner of Pulse, Pot-herbs, Asparagus, Onions, Garlick, Roots, Cowcumber, Citruls, or Gourds, and Melons, and of these last abundance, excellent good, and so big, that at my being in Muscovy in the year 1643. a friend presented me with a Melon, Extraordi­nary Me­lons. that weigh'd forty pound. The Muscovites are very expert in the ordering of their Melons. They steep the seed, for the space of 48. hours, in Cow's milk, or an infusion of fair water and Sheep's dung: their beds they make of Horse dung, as it is carried out of the Stable, six foot deep, and then cover them with the best mold, in which they make flat Trenches, about a foot and a half broad. They thrust the seed so deep into the bed, as that it may not only be secur'd from the cold, and receive the benefit of the Sun-shine, but also have the advantage of the heat which the dung sends up from below, covering it in the night, and some times all day long, with bells of the Country-glass, or talk. They do not transplant them, but are careful to take away what is superfluous, and do what other things are common­ly practis'd in other places, about that plant.

We were credibly inform'd, that near Samara, between Wolga and the Doa, there is a kind of Melons, or rather Gourds, that are form'd like a Lamb, whereof this fruit represents all the members, being fasten'd to the ground by the stalk, which is as it were its navel. As it grows it changes place, as far as the stalk will give way, and, as it turns, makes the grass to wither. The Muscovites call this browzing, or feeding, adding, that when it is ripe, the stalk withers, and the fruit is cloath'd with a hairy skin, which may be dress'd and used instead of Furr. They call this fruit Boranez, Boranez. that is to say, the Lamb. They shew'd us some of those skins, taken off the covering of a bed, and swore they came from that fruit, but we could hardly believe it. They were covered with a soft frizling Wooll not unlike that of a Lamb newly wean'd, or ta­ken out of the Sheep's belly. Iulius Scaliger makes mention of it, Exerc. 181. and sayes this fruit grows till the grass fails it, and that it dies not but for want of nourishment. He adds, that no Beast will feed on it, but the Wolf, and that it is us'd as a bait to take him, which the Mus­covites also confirmed.

[Page 49] It is not long that they have had Flowers and sweet Herbs, the Great Duke Michael Fede­rouits being the first that bestow'd any expence in Gardening, which he did with very good suc­cess. Flowers, Nor is it long that they have had any other than wild Roses. Peter Marcellis, Commissary from the King of Denmark and Duke of Holstein, brought the first Provence-Roses thither.

The Holand and German Merchants have but lately planted Asparagus there, Asparagus. which take ve­ry well, and are as big as a mans thumb. Nor have the Muscovites been long acquainted with Lettice and other Salad-herbs, and laugh'd at the Strangers who fed on them; but now they begin to like them. There are no Hazel-trees, nor Vines in Muscovy; but the Dutch bring such quantities of several sorts of Wine thither by the way of Archangel, that there is no want of any. There is also within these few years some brought in from Astrachan, upon the Ri­ver of Wolga.

Muscovy, abounds in Hemp and Flax; and there is so much Honey and VVax, even in the VVoods, that, besides what is spent in Hydromel, and in Wax-Candles, in this Commodity consists the greatest part of the commerce which the Muscovites have with Strangers, to whom they put off yearly above twenty thousand Quintals (or hundred weight) of Wax.

All Muscovy being but a continued Forest, Venison and Fowl. those places only excepted where they have fir'd the Woods in order to agriculture, it must needs be very well furnish'd with all sorts of Veni­zon and Fowl. Whence it comes, that Heath-cocks, Feasants of several kinds, and Patrid­ges are very cheap; as also wild Geese, and Ducks; Herons and Swans are not much esteem'd; much less Thrushes, Fildevars, Quails, Larks, and other small Birds, which the Country people will not take the pains to look after. There are no Storks in Muscovy, nor yet in Li­vonia; but abundance of Birds of prey, as Faulcons, Tassels, &c. In the more Northerly Pro­vinces there are white ones, which are much esteem'd because of their ratity.

There is all sorts of Venison, No Deer. Deer excepted; Of Elks and wild Boars abundance. The Hares are grey, but in some Provinces they turn white in Winter, as in Livonia; and yet in Cour­land, which is contiguous to that Province, and divided from it only by the River Dune, the Hares change not their colour. 'Tis no hard matter to find the reason of this change, which must proceed from external cold; since I have known, that, even in Summer, Hares have chang'd their colour, when they have been kept some time in a Cave.

The same Forests breed also abundance of Bears, Furre. Wolves, Linxes, Tigres, Foxes, Mar­tins, and Sables, the skins whereof are the most considerable Traffick of the Country, since that some years, the Muscovites sell to Strangers as many as come to a Million of Gold, besides what is spent in the Country, or presented to the Great Duke. The most esteem'd Furrs are the skins of black Foxes, Sibles, Castors, white Bears, Ermins, and Squirrels.

The Bears and Wolves do abundance of mischief, and are as dangerous upon the high-ways as the Robbers. For what we have said of Livonia is no less true of Muscovy, viz. that, in the Winter time, they break open houses, and take away peoples Cattle, &c. as we have related in the second Book of these our Travels. We could add many other stories of these Creatures, but in regard, they would hardly, for the strangeness of them, be credited, at least by such as never heard any talk of these things, we forbear. When the Muscovites take any of the Bears Whelps, they tame them, and teach them a thousand tricks, and, in time, come to get a livelihood by them.

The Lakes, No Carps in Musco­vy. Ponds and Rivers affords all sorts of Fish, Carps excepted, which are not to be had either in Muscovy or Livonia. At Astrachan, we met with abundance of them, very large, but tough and unsavory; which is the reason the Muscovites make no great ac­compt of them.

Heretofore there were no Mines in Muscovy, Mines. but some years since there was one found out near Tula, upon the Frontiers of Tartary, 120 leagues from Mosco, which affords only I­ron, where the Workmen are such as the Elector of Saxony sent over to the Great Duke. Pe­ter Marcellis, a Merchant, born at Hamborough hath the management of it, who having built a Forge in a very pleasant Valley there, which hath a Brook running through it, hath taken it of the Great Duke, furnishing him every year with a certain number of Iron Bars, pie­ces of Artillery and Bullets. About 15 year since, information was brought to the Great Duke Michael Federouits, that Gold might be found in a certain Province in Muscovy, if any would be at the expence to dig for it; but he who brought the first news of it, instead of en­riching himself, was utterly undone. Heretofore the Muscovites were simple enough to cre­dit these informations, and to advance money upon the propositions that were made thereup­on; but for some years past, they have been content to hearken to them; or if they advance any money, it is upon good security put in by the undertaker. I have seen an example of this in an English Merchant, who was perswaded that Gold would infallibly be found, and upon that imagination engag'd some of his friends to be answerable to the Great Duke for the money he should advance. But, after a great expence, to no purpose, he was put in prison, and his friends were forc'd to pay the mony he had taken up.

[Page 50] Having not seen the more Northerly Provinces of Muscovy, as Dwina, Iugarie, Permie, Siberie, and Samojede, I should content my self with what I have said of them in the beginning of this Book: But in regard this last named Province is absolutely unknown to all the rest of Europe, Samojede. and that I have had the opportunity to discourse with some Samojedes, and to learn from their own mouths the particularities of their Country, I hope it will not be thought much if I make a short digression concerning them. Being at Moscou, in the year 1643. in the Great Duke's Antichamber, or Posolse-Pricas, staying till a Persian Ambassador were come out from Audience, that I might go in to have mine, I had the convenience to discourse with two De­puties of the Samojedes, who had been sent to the Great Duke with a present of many Elks, and white Bear-skins, which the Muscovian Lords use to adorn their Sledges. I laid hold on this occasion to enquire of them some part of what I was desirous to know concerning their man­ner of life; which I did with the more ease, in that both of them understood the Muscovian Language.

'Tis certain, these people were antiently comprehended under the name of those whom they called Schites, and Sarmates, and that they were not called Samojedes, till after they became Subjects to the Great Duke: for that word is Muscovian, signifying Eaters of themselves, as being compounded of that of Sam, himself, and Geda, I eat. They would argue thence, that these people are Anthropophagi; for indeed, they did feed on mans flesh, even that of their de­ceas'd friends, which they mixt with Venison, which was, and is still their ordinary nourish­ment. The diffe­rence be­tween Sa­mojede and Samo­gitia. What we have said discovers the difference there is between this Province and that of Sa­mogitia, which the Muscovites call Samotska sembla, situated between Lithuania and Livonia, and is part of the Kingdom of Poland; whereas Samojede lies towards the Hyperborean Moun­tains, on both sides of the River Oby, upon the Tartarian Sea, and towards the streight of Weigats, as we said before. I can hardly be perswaded, that it is of the Samojedes, Quintus Curtius would speak, when he sayes that the Abii sent their Ambassadors to Alexander the Great, and that instead of Abii we should read Obii, because they liv'd upon the River Oby; but of the Tartars, who are near the River Don, or Tanais, which divides Asia from Europe. 'Tis of them rather than of the Samojedes, that Q. Curtius might affirm, that they had no Ci­ties, nor setled Habitations, but liv'd in Woods and Desarts, shunning the conversation of men, and that if Alexander went thither, he must have Conquer'd impenetrable Forests, Rivers, Ice, and Snow, The habita­tions of the Samojedes after he had triumphed over the Inhabitants. For though the Samojedes have indeed no Cities, yet are they not Nomades, nor change their habitations as the Tartars do. On the contrary, their Cabans or Huts, which are covered vault-wife, are built half under-ground, and have in the middle a hole, which does not only serve for a Chimney, but also for a door when the Snow is so high, that they are forc'd to make use of that hole to let in air; Since that the Countrey being in the Frigid Zone, the Snow, which is there sometimes the depth of a Pike, makes their doors useless. They have walks under their Huts, by the means whereof they may visit and converse one with another. And this kind of life is so much the more supportable to them, for that the Sun going beyond the Line, and leaving them in continual darkness for six moneths together, the liberty they might have to go abroad would be of no advantage to them. During this long night, they have no other light than what their Lamps afford them, which is but a sad and melancholy one, as being maintain'd by the Oyl of a certain fish, of which they make provision in the Summer. Which Season begins with them, as soon as the Sun comes to the Aequinoctial line, and, entring into the Septentrional Signs of the Zodiack, melts the Snow, and brings them a day as long as the night had been tedious. Upon this accompt it is, that Olaus Magnus, Alexander Guagnin, and others, have grounded fables of people that sleep six moneths of the year, or, as Swallows, and Frogs, die in the beginning of Winter, and rise up again in the Spring. They do not cultivate the Earth, nor keep any Cattel, which is, no doubt, because the Earth would not require their pains, and affords no Grass. So that having no Corn, Their nou­rishment. they have no bread to make; and having no Wool, they are forc'd to Cloath themselves with what nature and their Countrey can afford them. Their food is fish, dry'd in the Wind and Sun, Honey and Venison. They are of low stature, their faces large and flat, wearing their hair very long; they have little eyes, and short legs, and are not much unlike the Groenlanders, of whom we shall have somewhat to say anon.

The Cloathing of the Samojedes is of Renes skins, Their cloathing. whereof there are abundance in that Countrey, as indeed there is all over the North. This Creature, which is thought to be the Tarandius of the Antients, is called by the modern Latines Rangifer, from the word Reen, by which name the Laplanders call it, a beast not known in these parts. 'Tis as big as a Stag, but somewhat stronger, the hair grey or white, as they are in Samojede, having the breast high with a long and rough hair, the hoof cloven, and the horn so hard, that making an impression in the Ice, this animal goes as securely as if it were upon the ground, and so swiftly, that it will run above 30. German leagues in a day. The horns are higher than those of the Elk, and lar­ger than a Stag's, having two brow-anklers on the forehead, wherewith he breaks the Ice to get water in Winter. 'Tis a sociable beast, feeding in herds. It is tam'd without any trouble, [Page 51] and is very serviceable, especially in travelling, being set before little Sledges, made like a Boat, which they draw with incredible force and swiftness.

The Samojedes wear very large Caps, made of fur, or pieces of Cloath of several colours, which they buy of the Muscovites, and are so big that they fall down to their necks. Their shirts are made of the skins of young Renes, which are very soft, and have a short hair. They wear drawers under their shirts, and upon their shirts, Garments falling down to the mid-leg, border'd below with a very long fur. These Garments are made like those which are called Co­saques, open only at the neck. Their Mittens are fasten'd to the end of their sleeves, and the fur of all their Cloaths is turn'd on the out-side. When the cold is extraordinary, they put their Cosaques over their heads, and let the sleeves hang down, their faces being not to be seen, but at the cleft which is at the neck. The error of certain Geogra­phers. Whence some have taken occasion to write, that in these Northern Countreys, there are people without heads, having their faces in their breasts. As also that there are some have feet so big, that one of them shades the whole body, and that ha­ving cover'd themselves with their feet, neither Sun nor Rain can come at them. But the er­rour came thus, that the Samojedes, as also the Laplanders and Finlanders, wear a kind of shooes or patins, in the Winter time, to go upon the Snow, which are an Ell and a half long towards the Toe. The Finlanders and Laplanders make them as long towards the Heel as the Toes, and call them Saksit; but the Samojedes do not lengthen them at all towards the heel, and call them Nartes. All make them of barks of Trees, or some very thin Wood, and use them with a strange agility. Colonel Port, Governour of Narva, who had many Finlanders among the Soldiers of his Garrison, would needs give us the pleasure of seeing them, when we pass'd that way, having order'd them to run down a Hill near the City, which they did with such swift­ness, that a horse at full speed would hardly have overtaken them.

The Nerves and Veins of the Rene serve for Thread, among the Samojedes, to sow their Cloaths; their Boots they make of the same stuff, and after the same manner. They scrape the in-side of the bark of Beech, and what comes off is as fine as the shavings of Parchment or Ivory, and very soft, and serves them instead of Handkerchers. They take a handful of it, and wipe their hands, faces, or noses therewith.

The Relations of the second Voyage which the Hollanders made towards the North, in the year 1595. give the same account of the Samojedes as we do, and say, that some of their men going ashore Aug. 31. near Weigats, after they had gone about a league, discover'd 20. or 25. Samojedes, so accoutred as we have describ'd them. They at first took them for Savages, and were confirm'd in that opinion by the posture into which the Samojedes put themselves, making ready their Bows and Arrows, to shoot at the Hollanders: but the Muscovian Interpreter, which the Hollanders had with them, having told them they were friends, and that they need­ed not to be afraid of them, they laid down their Arms, came up to them, and discover'd ma­ny particulars of their Country. They were much taken with the civility of the Hollanders, and one of them took a Bi [...]ket that was presented to him; but he betray'd much distrust in the eat­ing of it; especially, when they heard a Musket shot, towards the Sea-side, though far enough from them, they were so frightned, that it was no easie matter to satisfie them, that they were far enough from any danger.

I had the curiosity to ask one of those Samojedes, what he thought of Muscovy, and whe­ther it were a better Country than theirs, and the Muscovian manner of Life, the more plea­sant. He answer'd, that Muscovy was indeed a pleasant Country, and the provisions of it not to be disliked; but that their Country also had those conveniences and pleasures, that were not to be had elsewhere, such as were so inviting, that he was confident, if the Great Duke had once a tast of them, he would leave Moscou, and come among them, to enjoy the security, quiet, and delightfulness of their manner of life. They were, till within these few years, Pa­gans and Idolaters, insomuch as when the Hollanders made the Voyage I spoke of there, they found the Sea-side [...] of Idols, for which the Samojedes had so much affection, that they would not suffer one of them to be carried away. But they have been since baptized, and have em­brac'd Christian Religion, by the means of a Bishop of Vladimer which the late Great Duke sent among them, with some Priests, to instruct them.

The Author, A descrip­tion of Groenland who hath here made one digression, to speak of the Samojedes, though not fal­ling under the Subject of his Travels, thinks he may make another to say somewhat of Groen­land, as well in regard of the consonancy there is between the people of that Country and those he had now spoken of, and also the Tartars, of whom he will have occsion to speak hereafter, as for that he hath seen, and discoursed with, some Inhabitants of Groenland, who have told such particularities, as would not be undelightful, if M. de la Pcreire had not said before him­all that could be said of a Country, which is as little known, as those parts of the World that have not yet been discover'd. The Treatise he hath publish'd upon this Subject is such, that we shall not need to repeat what he hath clearly and elegantly express'd, but only add, toge­ther with the opinion of our Author, (who thinks Groenland is a Continent, and borders up­on Tartary towards the East on one side, and on America, Westward, on the other.) That [Page 52] Frederick III. King of Denmark, coming to the Crown, in the year 1648. had, besides all o­ther Royal Vertues, a great desire to advance the Trade of Groenland. Henry Muller, Far­mer General of the outland customs of Denmark, a curious person and rich, undertook it, and, to that end, set out a Ship in the year 1652. commanded by Capt. David Dannel, one of the most experienc'd Masters of his time. The first Voyage having had the success was expected from it, the said Muller sent him again to Groenland the next year, 1653. But as men of busi­ness, how curious soever they may be, are carried away with some other predominant passion, there was nothing learnt in these two Voyages, at least those employ'd in them neglected to make any relation thereof that ever could be seen: but in the year 1654. a Ship was set out, which going from Copenhagen in the beginning of the Spring, arriv'd not on the Coasts of Groenland, till the 28 of Iuly, at a place where the mountains were still cover'd with snow, towards the shore the waters frozen, and the bottom so hard, that it being impossible the An­chor should fasten, they were forc'd to let the Ship float upon the water, because there were Rocks all about. As soon as this Ship appear'd upon the Coasts of Groenland, the Inhabitants set out above a hundred Boats, and came to view that strange structure, which was much dif­ferent from what they ordinarily saw. At first they would by no means come near it, but see­ing they were intreated to come into the Ship, they at last came, and in a few days were so familiar, that with their commodities, which they truckt for such toies as we had, they brought also their Wives, out of an intention to make advantage of them by another kind of Commerce, which though it be not less known elsewhere, yet is not so publickly practis'd as among them, where fornication is neither crime nor sin.

The Danes thought this freedom of the Groenlanders a good opportunity to carry away some of them. The Ship being ready to set sail for its return, and the Savages coming still aboard with their Commodities, a VVoman that had a great mind to a pair of knives which one of the Sea-men wore at his G [...]rd [...]e, offer'd him for it a Sea-Dogs skin, which the Sea-man refusing as too little, she proffer'd him a kindness into the bargain. The Sea-man had no sooner ex­press'd his being well satisfy'd with the proffer, but she begins to unty the point (for they as well as the men wear Drawers, and would have laid her self down upon the Deck. But the Sea-man made her apprehend that he would not have all see what they did, and that she must go un­der Deck. The Woman, having got her Father's leave, follow'd the Sea-man with two other aged Women, a young Boy, and a Girl of about 12 years of age, who were to be present at the consummation of the bargain. But as soon as they were down, the hatch was shut, they laid hold also of another Man, and set sail. The Savages perceiving they were trappan'd, made a hideous noise in the Ship. Those who were upon the Deck got into their Boats, and fol­low'd the Ship a great way into the Sea, to see if they could recover the Prisoners. The Boy, who went down with the Women; got out at one of the holes the Cable is put out at, and swam ashore. They also sent back one of the Women, as being too old to be transported; so that they had but four persons, one Man, two Women, and a Girl. The trouble they were in to be among people they knew not, was extraordinary; but at last, the kindness and good cheer wherewith they were entertain'd, won their hearts, together with the hope they were put into, that within a short time, they should be brought back again into their Country: so that when they came to Bergues in Norway, their affliction seem'd to be quite over, nay, the Man thought the Women of the Country so handsome, and was got into so good a humour, that, a Lady of quality being come out of curiosity to see these Savages, he proffer'd to try what she had under her apron. This man dy'd in the Ship before we came to Denmark. His Daughter seeing him in the agony of Death, bound up his head in his Casaque, and so let him dy. His name was Ihiob, aged about 40 years. The older of the two women, aged about 45 years, was called Kuneling; she by whose means they were taken, was about 25. her name Kabelau, and the Girls name was Sigoka. The Plague then very rife all over Denmark, had ob­lig'd the King to retire to Flensbourg, in the Dutchy of Holstein, where these Groenlanders were presented to him. He boarded them at a Chirurgeons, and order'd them to be well entertain'd, as that at their return to Groenland, whither he intended to send them with the first opportunity, they might have occasion to celebrate the liberality of his Majesty, and the civil entertainment of his Subjects. The King honour'd the Duke my master so far, as to send them to him to Got­torp, where they were lodg'd in my house for some days, which I spent in sifting our their hu­mour and manner of life.

They were all three low of stature, Of the In­habitants. but strong, being well proportion'd in all parts, save that their faces were somewhat too broad, and their eyes little, but black and very lively, espe­cially the more aged of the two women and the Girl, their hands and feet short, in all things else like the Samojedes, or Tartars of Nagaia, save that they were beyond comparison much more black, those being of a brown Olive-like colour, their bodies much more swarthy than their faces, and their skins much softer than those other people we have spoken of. The third whose name was Kabelau, was not so black as the two others. Her eyes were also bigger, and she discover'd more wit, subtilty, and compliance, than the other two. We conceived she [Page 53] might be descended of those antient Christians, who some time lived in Groenland, in that she was observ'd to have somewhat of Religion in her, or rather a particular Superstition, by the aversion she had for flesh, which the other two did eat, such as that of those Beasts, which, be­ing held unclean, are not eaten in Europe. Their hair was blacker than Jet, and having roll'd it up together they bound it up on their crowns. As soon as their Maids become marriageable, they make several blew strakes in their faces, as the Americans do. These strakes reach from the lip to the chin, or they are drawn larger at the upper end and above the nose, between the two eyes; nay there is one divides it self and reaches over the eye-brows into the Temples, where it ends with a little branch. These marks they make with a very small thread steep'd in Train-oil, or some other black fatness, which being brought between the flesh and the skin, leaves a mark, which through the skin seems blewish, much like the veins in a smooth and de­licate complexion. They shew'd me that their ears had been holed through, and that they were wont to wear Pendants in them. Their breasts were very unhandsome, the nipple black as a coal, and the Breasts flagging and falling down upon their bellies, wherein the Girl had no advantage of the other two. They suckle their Children, whom they carry on their backs, over their shoulders. I have been told by those who have long observ'd them, that they have no hair any where but on their heads, and are not troubled with womens monthly diseases.

The Groenlanders speak fast, Their lan­guage. and from the throat, somewhat like the Tartars, especially they they pronounce very roughly the words that have a G. in them. They have no R. in their lan­guage, and when they are oblig'd to pronounce it, they turn into L. 'Tis true, among so many words as their language consists of, there are some Danish, but very few; the rest have nothing common with the languages that are either spoken, or learnt, or known in Europe; unless it might be said that the word Keiling comes from coelum, ilioun, from the Greek [...], as signifying the same thing. It may be said also that the word Igne is Latiue, but among all the rest, we shall hardly meet with three or four that any way relate to any other language. And to the end the Reader may himself judge, we will furnish him with some of those which are most common in ordinary conversation.

• Keiling, Heaven.
• Vbleisin, a Star.
• Agakwugoo, yesterday.
• Petting, a Man.
• Kajoictuinas, young.
• Ekiken, deformed.
• Niakau, the head.
• Siuta, an ear.
• Vkang, the tongue.
• Tikagga, a finger.
• Nasekka, the belly.
• Ennowan, a Wast-coat.
• Kaksua, an arrow.
• Kalipsi, a pot.
• Vglessin, a bird.
• Kalulisen, dry'd Haberdine.
• Towak, the Fish that hath the Horn called the Unicorn's horn.
• Touwaksen, the Horn it self.
• Kapissiling, a Salmon.
• Pauting, an Oar.
• Vgaggan, a stone.
• Kaming, a Boot.
• Pisickse, a Bow.
• Iugeling, a Knife.
• Kejuta, a Spoon.
• Emeisa, a Cup.
• Tukto, flesh.
• Kack sluton, a Drake.
• Kalulia, Haberdine.
• Nau, a Boat.
• Iglun, a house.
• Iliout, or Ilioun, the Sun.
• Aningang, the Moon.
• Vblau, day.
• Vnuwoa, night.
• Itaguptan, to morrow.
• Kona, a Woman.
• Pannien, a Child.
• Kannoctuina, old.
• Pinallu, fair.
• Vbia, Father.
• Nulia, Mother.
• Isiken, an eye.
• Keinga, the Nose.
• Kanexua, the mouth.
• Kiguting, a Tooth.
• Vimixuin, the beard.
• Akseita, the hand.
• Kablan, the thumb.
• Kuggie, a nail.
• Kana, a leg.
• Sikadin, a foot.
• Neizin, a doublet.
• Naglein, breeches.
• Karlein, stockins.
• Suwigming, Iron.
• Mingakisin, fish.
• Kajakka, a little Boat.
• Keisuin, Wood.
• Ipsaw, the Earth.
• Ipgin, grass.
• Nidlong, Ice.
• Apon, Snow.
• Siruksua, rain.
• Ime, water.
• Imak, the Sea.
• Igne, fire.
• Igga, smoak.
• Kisakaun, hot.
• Kaigenakaun, cold.
• Vanga, I.
• [Page 54] Akagoo, to day.
• Ab, yes.
• Nagga, no.
• Pissiak, a Dog.
• Amiga, the skin.
• Mekkone, a Needle.
• Mikkakaun, little.
• Angewo, great.
• Sua, what wouldst?
• Magluna, two.
• Sassema, four.
• Akbukmen, six.
• Pingenguen, eight.
• Tellimen, ten.
• Agnessui, high.
• Eipa, low.
• Kachain, hungry.
• Ibling, thou.
• Kasilakaun, full.
• Kepsiun, to eat.
• Iemektaun, to drink.
• Keigerson, to weep.
• Iglakton, to laugh.
• Aliasukton, to be troubled.
• Tabatton, to be glad.
• Ieptone, bring.
• Nikatin, go thy wayes.
• Kia mecle, which signifies.
• Suna, what is't.
• Tansi, one.
• Pingegua, three.
• Tellima, five.
• Arleng, seven.
• Sissemen, nine.

The Groenlanders call those of their Countrey Inguin, Their cloathing. and strangers Kablunassouin, and Cloath themselves with the skins of Sea-dogs, and Sea-calves, and Renes, much like the Samojedes. They wear under their Cloaths Wastcoats, of the skins of birds, as Swans, Geese, wild Ducks, and Teals, turning the feathers either inward or outward according to the seasons. The diffe­rence of Sex is not easily discover'd, unless it be that the Women are known by a piece of skin that hangs down before and behind to the half-leg, and by the capuche of their Wastcoats, which is made like that of the Recollects, and large enough to hide their hair, whereas that of the men is narrower, and cut like that of the Franciscans. The mens breeches come down to their knees, and sometimes lower; but those of the women are shorter, and hardly cover half the Thigh.

They live by hunting and fishing, Their ordi­nary exer­cises. and make use, in these two exercises, only of Bows and Arrows, which are the only Arms they have. They have also a kind of hook, which they call Karlusa, made of the tooth of the fish Towak, which some would have thought the Unicorn's horn. Of this bone they make also the instrument they use in Whale-fishing, at which they are very expert, taking that Creature much after another manner than is done by the Biskayans, and others who drive that trade. To that end, they have a very long thong, cut out of a Whale's skin, and fasten to one end of it the said instrument, which they cast at the Whale, and at the other the skin of a Sea-Calf or Dog blown up, which floating upon the water, discovers the track of the wounded Whale. If she be not mortally wounded, they pursue her, and Dart two or three times more at her, with the same kind of instrument, till such time as bloud and strength failing her, they come up, kill her, bring her ashore, and divide her. The Whales fat is one of their greatest dainties, but especially the Oyl, which is their best sawce, and the drink they best love. Their ordinary drink is only water; the Women I have seen, would never drink any Wine, nor eat of our bread, or sawces: for having no Salt, Spice, Sugar, nor Vi­negar in their Countrey, it is not to be wondred that we could not bring them to like meats dress'd after our way. Yet do they not eat their meat raw, as some would perswade, but dress'd, either by boyling or roasting. 'Tis true, they love dry'd Haberdine, or Stockfish, and sometimes eat it raw; but that is not extraordinary even in Germany, where I have seen, at a desert at the Duke of Wolfembuttel's, Gammons of Bacon, and dry'd Salmon serv'd up un­boyl'd. Their ordinary food, are Sea-Dogs, and Calves, Renes, Foxes, Hous-Dogs, and Fish. When they eat, with one hand, they put a piece of the flesh into their mouths, and with the other cut off what they cannot get in, so that the bits being as much as their mouths can hold, they make very strange faces to get it down.

Their way of living is so different from what is seen elsewhere, They are Savages. that it is no injury to call them Savages. They have no discretion, civility, vertue, or shame. Their countenances are ever frowning, and they very seldom laugh: they are timerous and distrustful, and withall insolent, stubborn, and indisciplinable. They are very nasty, and their Tongues serve them for Hand­kerchers, as well for their Cloaths as their Bodies, so that they may very justly be said to live like beasts. Which yet admits of some distinction, according to the situation of several parts of the Countrey, it being certain, that the English Pilot, who went from Denmark, with Godtske Lindenau, of whom Mr. Pereire makes mention, and who took his course more towards the South-west, met with a people much more docile, and less Savage, than that which Lindenau met withall towards the North. Our three women, who had been taken at the entrance of Davis-streight, were rational enough, and easily learnt what they were taught. One of them imitated pretty well a head or hand, I was drawing with a piece of Charcoal, and the other came in a short time to do those things, which women and maids ordinarily employ themselves [Page 55] about in our parts. They danc'd after a strange manner, but with such exactness as to time and cadence, that the King of Denmark, having a Ball danc'd at Flensbourg, would needs bring in those three Groenlanders, who came off very hansomly, to the satisfaction of all: But they would never be got to learn our language, though they pronounc'd the Danish and German words dictated to them very distinctly.

There is no money in the Country, The Groen­landers have no Gold nor Silver in their Coun­trey. being yet so happy as not to know the value of Gold and Silver. Iron and Steel they most esteem, and prefer a Sword or a Hatchet before a Golden Cup, a Nail before a Crown piece, and a pair of Cisers, or a Knife, before a Jacobus. Their trucking is thus; they put all they have to sell together, and having pick'd out among the Commodities that are brought to them, what they like best, they put them also together, and suffer those they deal with to add or diminish till such time as they are content with the bargain. What they most value, are Knives, Cisers, Needles, Looking-glasses, Iron and Steel; and the Commo­dities they sell are the fat and Oyl of Whales, the skins of Sea-dogs and Calves, the Horns, or rather the Teeth of the Fish Towak, whereof Mr. Pereire makes a large and true description, in his Treatise of Groenland. It is granted, to be an excellent Antidote against poyson, but it is long since men have been undeceiv'd in the opinion they had of it. The Duke of Holstein hath one that is eight foot and two inches long, and weighs eighteen pound: but the King of Den­mark's is six inches longer. There is also in Groenland Talk, and Marble, white, and of all other colours, and it hath been argu'd from the vapours which were seen rising out of the earth, at the place where the English Pilot came ashore, that there are Mines of Sulphur. It is report­ed also, that in the time of Frederick II. King of Denmark, some Oar was brought thence, whereof the hundred weight yielded twenty six Ounces of Silver; which is the more credible, in that it is certain, the more Northerly parts of the Countrey produce both Gold and Silver, since there hath been seen at the King of Denmark's, a Wedge of Silver of sixty Marks, which had been taken out of the Mines of Norway.

Of the Groenland Religion, Are Pa­gans. I must confess I could never have any accompt; but it is most likely they are Pagans and Idolaters, for we have in our custody an Idol, which we bought out of the Study of Doctor Paludanus, a Physician at Enck-huysen, who had fasten'd a Note to it, expressing it's being found at Davis-streight. And indeed, our Groenland women presently knew it and called it Nalim-qui-sang. 'Twas very roughly made, of a piece of Wood a foot and a half long, cover'd with Feathers and a hairy skin, having about the neck Sea-dogs Teeth. The wo­men would make me understand, that the Children were wont to dance about those Idols; and our Groenland women were seen in fair mornings to prostrate themselves and weep, at sun-rising; whence it is to be inferr'd, that those people adore the Sun. Zeiler, in his Itinerary, says, that the Groenlanders are for the most part Sorcerers, and sell Winds, as the Laplanders do: but that's more than the Danes have observ'd in their Voyages. Only it was noted among those that were in Denmark, that when any of them fell sick, one of the Camerades lay down upon his back by him, and the sick person sitting up bound about his head who ail'd nothing, putting a stick between the forehead and the cloath that bound it, the other raising up his head, so as that the sick person might, at first, think it light, afterwards heavy, pronouncing and mutter­ing certain words. After which he begun again, and he who had his head bound up, leaned it down very heavy at first, afterwards more lightly, the sick person still continuing his prayers and imprecations; none being able to guess at the mystery of this Ceremony. They have nei­ther Magistrate nor Superiour among them; their condition is equal in all things, only he that hath most Children, most Bows and Arrows, and kills most Wildfowl, is the richest and most considerable among them.

For the colour of these people, Inhabi­tants of Septentrio­nal Coun­tries swar­thy. it might be admir'd that in the coldest Climate in the World, the Men should be of an Olive-colour, or rather swarthy, if what Lib. 2. c. 78. Pliny saies be true, that it is the heat of the Sun that burns the skin, and makes the hair curl, and that cold whitens the skin, and makes the hair of an Ash-colour. But we find the contrary by experience, not only in the people we have spoken of, but also in those who live at the Magellan Streight, who are white, though as near the Sun as the Negroes of Africk. The Inhabitants about the Cape of good Hope, are black, and yet the Spaniards and Italians, as also the Persians, who are in the same degree, are white. The Ethiopians are but of a duskish colour, and the Malabares and In­habitants of the Isle of Cedon, who are equally distant from the Line, are black. In like manner, all over America, there are no Blacks, but only at Quaerca, though that vast part of the Uni­verse reaches from one Circle to the other, through all the Climates of the World. 'Tis no more than conjecture to say, that this diversity of colours proceeds from certain qualities of the Country and Air, whereof the causes are not known. Nor is there any more certainly to af­firm, that that colour in the skin proceeds from the constitution of the body, since that in any Climate whatsoever, the conjunction of a Black Man and White Woman shall produce a swar­thy Child, or of such a colour as the Spaniards call Mulatas; which is so much the more pro­bable, in that the Sun does not alwayes blacken, but on the contrary, whitens some things, as Wax and Linne: it being also known, that the Sun makes a picture look more lightsome, and [Page 56] that the Portuguez expose their hair thereto, to take off somewhat of their dy. But to give a more Christian accompt thereof, it may be said, with the Learned Mr. Bochart, in his incom­parable Phaleg; That the black colour is a mark of the curse in the posterity of Cham, which spread it self in these places of Asia and Africa where the Negroes live.

But it is time we return to our Muscovites, whom we shall consider, first, in relation to their habit and stature, then to that of their humour and manner of life.

They are for the most part corpulent, fat, and strong, and of the same colour as other Eu­ropaeans. The stature of the Mus­covites. They much esteem great beards (when the mustaches hide the mouth) as also great bellies; so that those who are well furnish'd about the mouth, and have good fat paunches, are very considerable among them. The Goses, or Great Duke's Merchants, whom we found in the Antichamber, when we were brought to our publick Audience, had been chosen particu­larly for those two perfections, for the greater honour of their Prince.

The great Lords shave their heads; persons of lower condition cut their hair, and Priests, and others belonging to the Church, wear their hair so long, that it hangs down over their shoul­ders to half their backs. Those Lords that are out of favour at Court, let their hair grow and hang negligently about their heads, thereby expressing their affliction; no doubt after the example of the antient Greeks, whom the Muscovites are apt to imitate in all their actions.

The Women are well proportion'd, neither too big, nor too little; having passable good fa­ces, The Women paint. but they paint so palpably, that if they laid it on with a brush, and had a handful of meal cast in their faces when they had done, they could not disfigure themselves as much as the paint does. But the custom is so general, that the most handsome must comply, lest they should discred it the artificial beauty of others: whereof we saw an example in the wife of Knez Iuan Borissowits Cirkaski, who was the handsomest Lady of all Muscovy, and was loath to spoil with painting, what the rest of her Sex took so much pains to preserve thereby: but the other Wo­men inform'd against her, and would not be quiet, till their husbands had forc'd that Prince to give way that his wife might dawb her face after the ordinary manner. So that painting is so common in Muscovy, that when any are to be married, the Bridegroom, that is to be, sends among other Presents some paint to his Bride, as we shall see anon when we come to speak of their marriages.

Married Women put up their hair within their Caps or Coifs, Their habit but the Maids let their; hang down their backs in two tresses, and tye it at the ends with a piece of Crimson­silk. Children under 10 years of age, as well Girls as Boys, have their hair cut, all except two mustaches which are left over the temples; so that there being no difference in their habits, that of their Sex is discovered only by the brass or silver Rings, which the Girls wear in their ears.

Their habit is somewhat like that of the antient Greeks. Their shirts are broad, but so short that they hardly cover the thighs. They are not gather'd at the neck, but lin'd with a triangular piece from the shoulders to the reins, which piece is sow'd down with Crimson silk. Some have un­der the Armpits, and in the seams, a fringe of silk of the same colour. The more rich have the neck­piece, which is an inch broad or better, the end of the sleeves, and the breast, embroider'd with silk of several colours, and sometimes Gold and precious stones, and leave open so much of their Wast-coats, that the embroidery and the two great Pearls, or buttons of Silver or Gold, which fasten the shirt before, may be seen. Their Breeches are large, and gather'd towards the waste, so that they may be made larger or streightned, as our Drawers. Upon these they wear a kind of VVastcoat, which they call Kaftan, reaching to the knees, with the sleeves so long, that they cannot thrust their hands through without making many folds upon the arm. The Collar of this Wastcoat is above half a quarter both in height and bredth, so that it covers the head behind. And because that is very much seen, the better sort face it with Plush or Satin. Upon the Kaftan they wear a close Coat, which falls down to the mid-leg, and is called Feres. These are adorn'd with cotton; and indeed, both the Kaftas and Feres are made of Cotton, Taffeta, Damask, or Satin, according to their quality who wear them. VVhen they go abroad they put on a Garment that reaches down to their heels, made of a violet colour, or dark green cloath, with buttons behind, down to the bottom. Those of the Knez and Bojares are made of Damask, Satin, or other rich stuff. Of this last kind are all the cloaths taken out of the Great Duke's VVardrobe, for those persons by whom he is attended at publick cere­monies.

Their Feres, or Hongrelines, or close Coats, have a very broad Collar, falling down upon their shoulders, with loop-buttons of Gold and Silver, nay some with embroidery at the o­pen places before, and the sides. The sleeves are as long as the Coat it self, but narrow; so that when it is on, they hang down, and have this convenience that they serve to hide a cudgel, or stones, wherewith they many times surprize and kill those, whom they intend to rob.

All Muscovites wear Caps instead of Hats. The Knez, Bojares, and Ministers of State, [Page 57] have them of black-Fox skins, or Sables, half an ell high, when they are present at any publick Ceremonies; but in their houses, and about the City, they are of Velvet, lined with the said Furrs, but with narrow brims, layd all over with buttons and loops of Gold and Silver, or embroider'd with Pearls, The common People, in the Summer time, wear Caps of some coarse stuff, and in-Winter, of cloath, lin'd with Sheep skins, or some ordinary Furr. Their boots are short, as those of the Polanders, and picked towards the toe, and are made of Russia Lea­ther, or Goats skin brought from Persia, They have not yet the art of dressing Spanish Leather, nor the invention of tranning Ox-hides, otherwise than the soles. The Womens shooes are half a quarter high at the heel, set on with little nails, in so much that they can hardly go in them.

The Muscovian Women are habited much after the same fashion as the Men, save that their Hongrelines, or Coats, are wider, and of the same stuff as their Wastcoats. The richer sort have them layd over very thick with Gold, Silver, or Silk-Lace, and have buttons and loops of the same stuff, or great buttons of Silver or Tinn; to fasten them. The sleeves are so put on, as that they may thrust their hands into them, or let them hang down. They wear no Kaftans; much less use those high collars, which are thought so ornamental for the Men. Their Smock sleeves are four or five ells long, and are set in little folds upon the arm. They wear very wide Caps or Coifs of Damask, plain or purfled Satin, embroider'd with Gold and Silver, and lined with Castors, the hair whereof does in a manner cover all their forehead. Maids that are mar­riageable wear cloath Caps, lined with Fox-skin.

It is not long since, that strangers, whether Physicians, or Merchants, as the French, Eng­lish, Hollanders and Germans, went in Muscovian habits, to avoid the insolence of the people, who many times took occasion to affront them, out of no other reason than the diversity of their cloaths. But the present Patriarch, having observ'd in a Procession, that the Germans who had thrust in among the Muscovites to see it pass by, betraid a certain irreverence at their Ceremo­nies, especially at the Benediction he gave the people, was incens'd thereat, and said, that those strangers, being not worthy to participate of the Benediction which was given to the faithful, it were fit the Great Duke put out an Ordinance, obliging strangers to cloath themselves according to the fashions of their own Countries. The contempt of any Law is severely punish'd in Mus­covy: but the observation of this was so much the more difficult, in that, for want of Taylors, it was almost impossible for people to get other cloaths within the time limited by the Ordi­nance. Yet were they forc'd to obey, which occasion'd very good sport, in that those who were servants to the Great Duke, being oblig'd to be every day at the Court, and not daring to appear there in Muscovian habits, they were forc'd to put on what they could meet withall, and to make use of those cloaths which their Grand-fathers, and Great-grand-fathers had worn, when the Tyrant Iohn Basilouits forc'd them out of Livonia, to go and live at Moscou. 'Twas a strange sight to see them all in cloaths that were either too big, or too little, as having not been made for them, besides that there was no acquaintance at all between Breeches and Doublet, or any correspondence between the age wherein they had been made, and that they were then worn in. Ever since that time every Nation is clad according to their own modes.

The Muscovites never change their fashion, nor can I remember any more than one Lord, who took a fancy to the French mode. His name is Knez Mikita Iouanouits Romanou, very rich, and of near kin to the Great Duke, who is much taken with his humour and conversation. This Lord hath a particular affection for Strangers, and goes in the French and Polish modes in his cloaths, especially when he goes either into the Country or a-hunting. But the Patriarch, who dislik'd that feedom in him, and was displeased also with another, which that Prince took, to speak somewhat slightly of their Religion, enjoy'd him not to speak any further of Religi­on. Nothing so wretched as the cloathing of the Country people. It is of a very coarse Can­vase, and their shooes of barks of trees, which they have the art to sow and interlace like pa­niers, with a miraculous industry. There is hardly any Muscovite but is good at this Trade, and does exercise it; so that it may be said, Muscovy hath as many Shoomakers as men, or at least, that there is no Family, but hath its particular Shooemaker. It is upon the same accompt said of the Elector of Brandenburg, that he hath a Baylywick in the Dutchy of Prussia, which is that of Insterbourg, where there are above 15000. shooemakers, for all the Peasants of that Baylywick make their own shooes.

If a man consider the natures and manner of life of the Muscovites, Their man­ner of life. he will be forc'd to avow, there cannot any thing be more barbarous than that people. Their boast is that they are desended from the antient Greeks, but, to do them no injustice, there is no more comparison between the brutality of these Barbarians, and the civility of the Greeks, to whom all other parts of the VVorld are oblig'd for all their literature and civilization, than there is between day and night. They never learn any Art or Science, nor apply themselves to any kind of Study: on the contrary, they are so ignorant, as to think, a man cannot make an Almanack unless he be a Sorcerer, nor foretell the Revolutions of the Moon and Eclipses, unless he have some com­munication with Devils. Upon this accompt it was, that the Muscovites generally grumbled [Page 58] when the Great Duke would have entertain'd me into his service, in the quality of his Astrono­mer and Mathematician, as we return'd from our Voyage into Persia, and rais'd a report, that their Prince was going to bring a Magician into his Court. This aversion I discover'd in the Muscovites, took off that little inclination I sometime had to embrace that employment, which was offer'd me, not so much upon the accompt of my abilities in Astronomy, as, to en­gage me to continue in the Countrey, because they knew, that I had exactly observ'd, and drawn into a Map the whole course of the River Wolga, whereof they were unwilling that strangers should have any knowledge. When I came to Muscovy, upon the affairs of the Duke of Holstein my Master, in the year 1643. I shew'd them upon a Wall of an obscure Chamber, through a little hole I had made in the shutter of the window, by the means of a piece of glass polish'd and cut for Opticks, all was done in the street, and men walking upon their heads: This wrought such an effect in them, that they could never after be otherwise perswaded than that I held a correspondence with the Devil.

They esteem Physicians, and Medicine, but will not permit that people should make use of the same means as is done elsewhere to gain the perfection of that Science. They will not suffer the body to be opened, that so the causes of diseases may be found out, and they have a strange aversion for Skeletons There is to this purpose a pleasant story of a Dutch Surgeon who liv'd at Moscou some years since. His name was Quirin, one much favour'd by the Great Duke, because of his facetious humour, and his experience in the Art he profess'd. It happen'd one day, that this good man diverting himself in his Chamber, and playing a Lesson on the Lute, the Strelitz, who are spying up and down every where, drew near to the place where that Musick was: but perceiving through a chink, a Skeleton hanging behind him, which the wind coming in at the window caused to move, they were frightned, and reported, that the strange Surgeon had a dead Carkass that mov'd at the sound of his Musick. The Great Duke and the Patriarch desirous to be truly inform'd of the business, sent others to make a further discovery; and these not only confirm'd what the others had reported, but added, that they had seen the Skeleton dance, while the Surgeon play'd. The business was thought to be of such importance, as that it were fit to be communicated to the Councel, where, nemine contradicente, it was de­clar'd, That it was done by Magick. That, consequently, the Surgeon was a Magician, and as such, ought to be burnt, together with the Skeleton. The Surgeon hearing of this sentence, intreated a Merchant of his acquaintance, who had much credit at Court, to represent to Knez Iuan Borissowits Cirkaski, that most Surgeons and Physicians in Germany make use of those Ske­letons, to find out the composure of the body, and juncture of the bones, that so they might the better know how to cure what may happen in those parts. Upon this Lord's representation, the former sentence was revers'd; but Quirin was forc'd to leave the Countrey, and the Skele­ton was dragg'd along the streets, and burnt on the other side of the River Moska. A German Painter ran the same hazard about six years since. For the Strelits, who were got into his house, with intent to pull it down, to hinder the Progress of a fire, which had already done mischief enough, meeting with a dead man's skull, or death's head, would have cast both it and the Master of the house into the fire, and had done it, if his friends had not deliver'd him out of the hands of those Barbarians, and convinc'd them of the innocent use of that head, in the art he profess'd.

'Tis true, The Muscovites do not want ingenuity, but they employ their wit so ill, that not any of their actions is directed to vertue and the glory which ever attends it. They are ingenuous naturally. The Danish Gentleman, who publish'd the Embassy be was sent upon, into Muscovy, from Frederick II. gives the Muscovites a very true Character, in two Lines, when he says, That they are sub­tile, over-reaching, humourous, self-will'd, obstinate, insolent, and impudent, that they regulate their reason according to their power, and that they have shaken hands with all vertues, to run themselves into all manner of vice.

Their industry and subtilty is chiefly seen in their Traffick, in which there is no craft or cheat but they make use of, rather to circumvent others, than to prevent being deceiv'd themselves. I wonder'd to see them sell Cloath at three Crowns and a half the Ell, which they had bought of the English at four, and yet I was told they made a good profit thereby; for buying the Cloath at a twelve months time for payment, and selling it for ready money, though at a low­er rate, they made use of the money, and employ'd it in other things, which brought in more profit, than they would have made by selling the Cloath upon time, though they sold much dearer than it cost them. They make a conscience to retain what is paid them more than their due, and are so honest as to return what they have receiv'd by mistake: but they think it no sin, in their dealings, to surprize those who Trade with them, giving this reason, that the Merchant is to make his advantage of the Wit and industry God hath bestow'd on him, or ne­ver meddle with Traffick. According to this principle, a certain Dutch Merchant having noto­riously over-reach'd several Muscovites, these Gentlemen were so far from being troubled at it, that they spake of him, as of an excellent ingenuous man, and desir'd they might go part­ners with him, out of a hope they conceiv'd, that he would discover some great secret to them.

[Page 59] And whereas cheating cannot be exercis'd without treachery, lying, and distrust, which are its constant attendants, they are marvellously well vers'd in these qualities, as also in the Le­ctures of Calumny, Are lyars and di­strustful. which they commonly make use of against those on whom they would be revenged for theft, which among them is the most enormous of all Crimes, and the most se­verely punish'd. To this end, they are so cunning, as to pawn at, or get secretly convey'd into their Lodgings, whom they would accuse, those things which they would have believed were stollen from them, or they thrust them into their Enemies Boots; for in them the Musco­vites commonly carry their money and Letters. To make some provision against these abuses, the Great Duke made an Edict in the year 1634. enjoyning that for the future, all Promises or Obligations, whether for borrowing of money or pawning; though it were between Father and Son, should be set down in writing and sign'd by both parties, else the debt to be lost. Here­tofoe, especially in the Reign of the Tyrant Iohn Basilouits, there needed no more to procure a man's death or banishment, than to accuse him of High-Treason, without any Process, E­vidence, or Defence allow'd, all that were charged being punish'd, without any distinction of Sex, Age, or Quality. Calumnies, and false suggestions were so common under that Prince, that many strangers, even publick persons, many times fell into those misfortunes, the Tyrant never regarding their Character as Ambassadors, nor that of the Princes by whom they were sent. He banish'd, into Siberia, the Emperours Ambassadour, and caus'd him to be so ill-treated, that the poor man resolv'd at last to change his Religion, hoping by his Apo­stacy to alleviate his misery. The Great Duke Michael Federouits, shew'd no more respect for the late King of France, when he sent the Marquesse of Exiducil into Siberia, where, by the Artifices of his Collegue, Iames Roussel, he was a Prisoner 3 years, as we have menti­oned elsewhere.

To this purpose, A pleasant story. Martin Baar, Pastor of Narva, who liv'd at Moscou under the reign of the Great Duke Boris Gudenou, told us this story. The Great Duke being troubled with the Gout caus'd to be proclaim'd, that whoever could give him any ease should have very great re­wards. The wife of a certain Bojare, exasperated by the ill usage she had receiv'd from her husband, went and inform'd, that the Bojare had an excellent remedy for the Gout; but had so little affection for his Majesty, that he would not communicate it. They sent for the man, who was not a little astonish'd when he understood the cause of his disgrace; but what excuses soever he made, all was attributed to his malice. He was whipp'd, even to bloud, and cast in Prison, where he could not forbear breaking out into passion, and saying, that he saw well enough it was his wife had put that trick upon him, and that he would be reveng'd on her. The Great Duke imagining these menaces proceeded from the trouble it was to him that his wife had revealed what he would have kept secret, ordered him to be whipp'd more cruelly than the time before, and sent one to tell him, that if he did not apply his remedy, he should prepare himself for present death. The poor fellow perceiving his destruction unavoidable, said at last, that he knew indeed a remedy, but doubting of its certainty, he durst not try it on his Majesty; yet if they would allow him fifteen dayes to prepare it, he would apply it. Having that time grant­ed him, he sent to Czirback, two dayes journey from Moscou, upon the River Occa, whence he had brought him a Wagon full of all sorts of Herbs, good and bad, and therewith prepar'd a Bath for the Great Duke, who thereupon grew somewhat better. For whether it were that the Disease was declining, or that among so many Herbs of all sorts, there were some good for his Disease, he had some ease. Then were they confirm'd in the opinion they had before, that the Bojares denyal to apply his remedy proceeded from his malice, whereupon he had a more cruel whipping than the two former times, and there was given him a present of four hundred Crowns, together with eighteen Peasants to be his slaves; with a strict charge, not to enter­tain any animosity against his wife, who made this advantage thereby, that, ever after, they liv'd very lovingly together.

But now they proceed with more caution, and no man is condemn'd without an exact infor­mation of the Crime laid to his charge. And for the utter taking away of all calumny, the Ac­cuser must be content to endure the Torture first; and if, while he is in the Torment, he per­sist in his accusation, the accused person is also put to it, nay, many times he is condemn'd with­out so much as being heard. We saw an example of this in the wife of one of the Great Duke's Farriers, who desirous to be rid of her husband, charg'd him that he would have poyson'd the Horses, and had he the opportunity, even the Great Duke himself. She endur'd the Torture without varying in her accusation, and her husband was sent to Prison into Siberia. We were shew'd the woman, who was still paid the one half of her husband's Pension. From this kind of demeanour among the Muscovites, and their infidelity one to another, it may be judg'd, what strangers are to expect from them, and how far they are to be trusted. They never proffer their friendship, nor contract any with others, but for their own interest and advantage. The ill education they have when young, never learning any thing beyond reading and writing, and cer­tain vulgar prayers, makes them blindly follow that which in Beasts is called Instinct; so that Nature being in them depraved and corrupted, their whole life must needs be a constant course [Page 60] of viciousness. Thence it comes, they are bruitish, doing all things according to their unbridled passions and appetites.

The fierceness of all other Nations, some Islanders excepted, argues something of Spirit and Generosity; but the opinion the Muscovites have of themselves and their abilities, is sottish, gross, and impertinent; and the pride and vain glory of those who are ever so little advanc'd in Honours or Estates, is insupportable. They dissemble it not, but all their behaviour, words, and actions, discover what they really are. Upon this principle they ground the fond conceit they have of the greatness, power, and wealth of their Prince, whom they preferr before all the other Monarchs of Europe. Thence it is also, that they would not have other Princes assume those qualities which may denote their competition with him. They sottishly and insolently command Ambassadors to be uncover'd first, and by force take all advantage over them, imagining it were a great injury to themselves and their Prince, to treat Strangers with any civility. Private persons write and speak in unhandsome terms, but such as give the less offence, in that they bear with the same treatment from others. 'Tis true, they began to learn a little civility, since they became sensible of the advantages arising to them from the Commerce they have with Strangers, and there are some use them with discretion: but of these there are very few, and, excepting Nikita, whom we have spoken of, and two or three more, it would be hard to find as many others that deserve this commendation.

Nor have they any more complyance one for another, Have no civility. than they have difference for strangers; for instead of being civil one to another, they take place, and all other advantages, one of ano­ther. When we were at Nisenovogorod, the Chancellor's Steward coming to see us, the Am­bassadors invited him to Dinner; but when they were to sit down, the Pristaf would take place of him, which begat a contestation concerning their quality. One, as he was a Sinbojar, or Gentleman, pretended to precedence before the Pristaf, who was not a person eminent by birth; the later, being there upon the accompt of his Prince, would not have the other to make any comparison with him. Whore's son and dog were the mildest of their term; for half an hour and better, and that without any respect for the Ambassadors, who were at last forc'd to tell them, that they had invited them to be merry, and not to be troubled with their contests, and entreated them, at that time, to eat and drink, and to take some other, to decide their differen­ces. They took their advice, and grew such good friends, as if the entertainment had been ap­pointed for their reconciliation, which seem'd to be very sincere in their Wine, which, accor­ding to their custome made them kindly drunk.

They are all much given to quarrelling, Quarrel­some. in so much that in the streets they will rail at, and abuse one another like Fish-Wives, and that with such animosity, that those who are not ac­quainted with their humour think they will not part without fighting; but they seldome come to those extremities, or if they fight, it is with their fists, or switches, and the height of their rage is kicking, as much as they can, in the belly and about the sides. 'Twas never yet known that any Muscovite fought with Sword or Pistol, or that they are sensible of that gallantry wherein many would unjustly place true courage. The great Lords, Knez and Bojares, fight on horse-back, but the weapon is a good Whip, and so they soon decide what differences happen between them.

When they quarrel, Insolent in their ex­pressions. they forbear cursing, swearing and blaspheming, but rail at one another in such bitter and horrid expressions, as no Country being able to parallel them, 'tis but discre­tion to forbear defiling this relation therewith. The language of Fathers and Mothers to their Children▪ and of the Children to them again, is such as cannot be express'd without horrour, much beyond what the most debauch'd persons elsewhere are guilty of. Some years since the Great Duke prohibited these insolences upon pain of whipping, and the Magistrate was order­ed to send Strelits and Serjeants among the people to surprise Offenders, and to see them imme­diately punish'd. But it was sound by experience, that the remedy came too late, and that the mischief was so deeply rooted, and so generally spread, that it was, not only hard, but abso­lutely impossible to put those prohibitions in execution. So that, for the vindication of per­sons of quality an order was made, that he who affronts any such, or any of the Great Duke's Officers, either by word or deed, should be fined, which fine they call Biscestia, and sometimes amounts to 2000. Crowns, according to the quality of the Person injur'd. If an Officer of the Great Duke's makes his complaint of injury done him, his reparation will be according to his relation to the Court. To a Lady, 'tis doubled, to a Son, 'tis augmented by a third part; to a Daughter, there is an abatement of a third part: and the penalty is paid as many times as there are persons injured, though they were dead many years before. If the Offender hath not to pay, he is put into his Adversaries hands, who disposes of him so as to make him his Slave, or cause him to be whipt by the common Executioner. One Iohn Barnley, an English Merchant, of whom we shall speak elsewhere, was sentenc'd to pay the Biscestia to another English man, Dr. Day, Physician to the Great Duke; and Capt. de la Coste, a French Gentleman found means to make an exchange of the penalty laid upon him at the sute of a German Colonel, for that which the same Colonel was to pay another French man, named Anthony le Groin, who was pleas'd thereby to oblige his friend, la Coste.

[Page 61] There is nothing polite in their conversation; on the contrary, they are not asham'd to yawn, belch, and stretch themselves, where ever they are, their belching being the more offensive, by reason of the abundance of Onions and Garlick they use in all theit meat, which make their breaths strong enough, without those exaltations. This they are so accustom'd to, that they stick not to do it in any company, the Great Duke's presence only excepted.

They do not apply themselves to the study of any Art or Science, Not ad­dicted to any study. nor inquire into the affairs of other Countries, and consequently never discourse of any such thing: but it were well on the other side, if they could forbear talking of their uncleannesses and brutalities, which they make their divertisement in their debauches. I speak not of the Entertainments of Great Lords, but of the ordinary company keeping of the Muscovites, where all their discourse is of the ab­hominations which they themselves have done, or seen committed by others, making ostenta­tion of the crimes which here would be expiated by fire, and the memory thereof buried in their ashes. But as they are wholly given up to all licentionsness, even to sins against Nature, not only with Men, but also with Beasts, he who can tell most stories of that kind, and set them out in most gestures, is accompted the bravest Man. Their Fidlers put them into Songs, and their Mountebanks make publick representations of them, and stick not to shew their Breeches, and sometimes all they have to their Spectators. Those who lead Bears about, Juglers; and Puppet-players, who erect a Stage in a moment, by the means of a coverlet, which, being ty'd about their wast, is brought over their heads, and within it show their Puppets, repre­senting their brutalities, and sodomies, make sport to the Children, who are thereby induc'd to quit all sentiments of shame and honesty.

Nay these are quite discarded by the Muscovites. Shameless The postures of their dancing, and the in­solence of their Women, are infallible marks of their bad inclinations. We have seen at Mos­cou both Men and Women come out of the publick Brothell-houses stark naked, and incite some young people of our retinue to naughtiness by filthy and lascivious expressions. Idleness, which is the Mother of all Vices, and seems to have been bestow'd on these barbarous people as their portion, is that which makes them run into these excesses, whereto their drunkenness does al­so contribute; in as much as being naturally inclin'd to luxury, when they are once got into their Wine they mind nothing else. I have to this purpose a story, which the Great Duke's Interpreter told me when we were at Novogorod: how that in the said City, there is an anni­versary devotion, to which come abundance of Pilgrims. He who is allow'd to keep a tipling-house, gets a permission from the Metropolitan, to pitch several Tents, for the accommoda­tion of the Pilgrims of both Sexes, who are sure to be there betimes in the morning before ser­vice, and to take off some Cups of strong-water. Nay some of them instead of minding their devotions spend the day in drinking, whence arise such strange disorders, that he told me, he saw a Woman got so drunk there, that coming out of the Tent she fell down; and fell asleep, naked as she was, in the street, in the day time. Which gave occasion to a Muscovite, who was also drunk, to lye down by her, and, having made use of her, to fall also asleep in sight of many people, who having made a ring about them, only laught at the posture they were in, till at last an old man, conceiving a horrour at the spectacle, cover'd them with his own gar­ment.

There's no place in the World where drunkenness is more common than in Muscovy. Drun­kards. All, of all conditions, Ecclesiasticks and Laicks, Men and Women, Old and Young, will drink strong-water at any time, before, at, and after their meals. They call it Tzarkowino, and fail not to offer of it to those who visit them. The lowest sort of people, Peasants and Slaves, refuse not the Cups which are given them by some person of Quality, but will drink of it till they lye down, and many times dye in the place. Nay their Great ones are not free from this vice, as for example, the Muscovian Ambassador, sent to Charles King of Sueden, in the year 1608. who, forgetting his quality and the affairs his Master had entrusted him with, took so much strong-water the night before he was to have audience, that the next day being found dead in his bed, they were forc'd to carry him to his Grave, instead of conducting him to Au­dience.

The meaner sort of people think it not enough to stay in the Tipling-house till they have not a Copec left in their purses, but many times pawn their cloaths there even to their shirts, which is no more than what is seen dayly during our aboad at Moscou. Being lodg'd at Lubeck-house, as I went to Novogorod, in my Voyage to Muscovy in 1643. I saw coming out of an Ale-house not far thence, several of those Drunkards, some without Caps, others without Shoes or Stockins, some without Wastcoats, and only their Shirts. One I took notice of above the rest, who came our first without his Kaftan, and in his Shirt, but meeting a friend by the way going to the Tipling-house, he went back with him, and came not out again till he had left his shirt behind him. I call'd to him, and ask'd him what he had done with his shirt, and whether he had been robb'd? He answer'd with the ordinary civility of the Muscovites, Iabut fui matir, Mind thy own business; Good Wine hath put me into this posture: but since the shirt hath stayd behind, the Drawers shall go and keep them company, which he had no sooner said, but he returns to the [Page 62] house, whence I saw him come presently afterward naked as an Adamite, covering his privy parts with a handful of flowers, which he had taken up at the door, and so went very [...]cundly to his own house.

Being in the same City of Novogorod at the time of our second Embassy, I saw a Priest com­ing out of the Tipling-house, who coming by our Lodging would needs give the benediction to the Strclits, who stood Sentinel at the door, but as he lifted up his hands, going to make the inclination used in that Ceremony, the head, fraught with the vapours of the Wine, was so heavy, that weighing down the whole body, the Pope fell down in the dirt. Our Strclits took him up with much respect, and receiv'd his daggled benediction; it being, it seems, a thing ve­ry ordinary among them.

The Great Duke Michael Federouits, who was a sober person, and hated drunkenness, con­sidering with himself that it was impossible absolutely to prevent those excesses, made in his time several orders for the moderating of them, causing the Tipling-houses to be shut up, and prohibiting the selling of strong-water or Hydromel without his permission, and that those pla­ces where they were sold, should sell only by the Quart and Pint, and not by Cups. This had some effect, in that there was no more Adamites seen in the streets, but hindred not their being strew'd with Drunkards, the Neighbours and such of their friends, as had a design to be merry, sending to the Tavern for several Pottles of Strong-water, which they would be sure to turn off ere they parted.

The women are no less given to drink than the men. Women gi­ven to drink. I saw a pleasant example of it at Nar­va, in the house where I lodg'd, whither many Muscovian women came one day to their hus­bands, sate down with them, and took off their Cups as smartly as they did. The men being got drunk, would have gone home, but the women thought it not yet time to draw off, though invited thereto by a good number of boxes o'th'ear, and got their husbands to sit down again, and to drink roundly as before, till such time as that the men being fall'n down asleep upon the ground, the women sate upon them, as upon benches, and drunk on till they also were forc'd to lye down by them.

Iames de Cologne, at whose house I lodg'd at Narva, told me he had seen such another Co­medy at his Wedding; at which, the Muscovites having given their Wives good banging, sate down and drunk with them, till that being lay'd on the ground, the Women sate upon them, and grew so drunk, till at last they lay down among them.

Tobacco was heretofore so common there, Tobacco forbidden among them. that it was generally taken, both in smoak and powder. To prevent the mischiefs occasion'd by the use of it, which were not only, that the poorer sort of people ruin'd themselves thereby, in as much as if they had but a penny, they would rather bestow it in Tobacco than bread, but also because many times it set houses on fire and those that took it presented themselves with their stinking and infectious breaths before their Images, the Great Duke and the Patriarch thought fit in the year 1634. absolutely to forbid the sale and use of it. Those who are convicted of having either taken or sold any, are very rigo­rously punish'd. They have their Nostrils slit or are whipp'd, as we have often seen done; of the manner of which punishment we shall speak when we come to treat of the administration of Justice in that Countrey.

The perverse disposition of the Muscovites, They are born to slavery. the baseness of their education, and the slavery they seem born to, cause them to be treated like beasts, rather than people endued with reason. They are naturally so much inclin'd to [...]leness, that it were impossible to bring them to take any pains, but by the Whip and the Cudgel, which yet they are not much troubled at, as being hardened to blows, by the custom which the younger sort have to meet on Holy-dayes, and to divert themselves by cuffing or fighting with staves, never being angry at what happens. Those who are free-born, but poor, do so little value that advantage, that they sell themselves with their family for a small matter; nay, they are so mindless of their liberty, that they will sell themselves a second time, after they had recovered it, by the death of their Master, or some other occasion.

Their submissions to their Superiours discover the lowness of their spirits, and their slavery. They never come before persons of quality, but they bow down to the ground, which they touch and smite with their forehead, nay, there are some will cast themselves at their Lords feet, to give them thanks after they had been sufficiently beaten by them. No Muscovite, what quality soever he be of, but makes it his brag, to be the Great Duke's Golop, or Slave: and to express their humility or adjection, even in the least things, they put their names into diminu­tives, and neither speak nor write to him, but instead of Iwan, or Iohn, they say Iwantske, that is the diminutive; and sign thus, Petrusketwoy Golop, Petrillo your slave. The Great Duke speaking to them uses the same expression, treating them in all things like slaves, as far as Whips and Cudgels can do it, which is but consonant to their own acknowledgement, That their per­sons and estates are God's and the Great Duke's.

Those strangers who settle in Muscovy, Strangers are in no better con­dition there or are entertain'd into the Czaar's service, must resolve to do the same submissions, and be content with the same treatment. For what kindness [Page 63] soever he may have for them, it requires so small a matter to deserve the Whip, that there is hardly any can brag he hath not had it. Heretofore there were none more subject to the Lash, than the Physicians, it being the perswasion of the Muscovites, that that art was infallible, and that the success of it depended on their wills, who profess'd the curing of diseases. Hence was it, that in the year 160 [...]. Iohn Duke of Holstein, brother to Christian the fourth King of Denmark, who had married the Great Duke Boris Gudenous daughter, falling sick, the Czaar sent word to the Physicians, that if they recovered him not, their lives should answer for the Prince's: so that they seeing the remedies apply'd were fruitless, and that it was impossible to save the Prince, kept out of the way, and durst not come into the Great Duke's presence, till he him­self was troubled with the Gowt, and sent for them. Among the rest, there was one a Ger­man, who having practised Physick some time in Muscovy, had some thoughts of returning into Germany to take the degree of Doctor. But the Great Duke desirous to know the occasion upon which he desir'd leave to go, understanding that he went thither to be examin'd, and so take his Degree, which the Faculty gives and confirms by its Letters Patents, he told him, that having been often eas'd of his pain by his remedies, he was satisfy'd of his sufficiency; and, as to Letters, if there were any need of them, he would give him such as should be as authen­tick as any he could get from the Universities of Germany, and so he needed not put himself to the trouble and expence of that journey.

This Physician was one of those who kept out of the way upon the Duke of Holstein's death, and imagining the Great Duke would send for him in order to his execution, he put on a tat­ter'd Garment, and having his hair negligently hanging down over his eyes and face, he came in that posture to the Great Duke's Chamber-door, into which he went, creeping on all four, and coming to his bed-side, told him, that he was not worthy to live, much less be admitted into his Majesties presence, since he was so unfortunate as to be out of his favour. Upon which one of the Knez, who were about the Duke, thinking to make his Prince some sport, treat­ed him as a Sabak, or Dog, kick'd him in the head, and drew blood of him. The Physician, perceiving the great Duke look'd favourably on him, thought fit to make his advantage of it, and with a certain confidence said to him, Great Prince, I know I am your Slave, but be pleas'd to give me leave to tell you, that I am only yours. I know I have deserv'd death, and should think my self happy to receive it from your hands; but it troubles me to be affronted by this Knez, who is but your Slave as well as my self; and I think it is not your desire, that any other should have power over me. These words, and the need the Great Duke stood in of this Physician, procur'd him a present of a thousand Crowns; his Fellow-Physicians were pardoned, and the Bojar had a good cudgelling.

As for slaves, They keep many Slaves. their number is not regulated, some Lords have above a hundred of them in their Country-houses and Farms, Those they entertain for their service in the City; do not di­et in their houses, but have board-wages, their allowance so small, that it is as much as they can do to live upon it. And this is one of the chiefest causes of the many disorders and mischiefs done at Moscou, there passing hardly a night but violences and murthers are committed. Great Lords and rich Merchants have a Guard in their Courts, who watch all night, and are oblig'd to express their vigilance, by the noise they make upon boards with a stick, much after the manner of playing upon the Timbrels, which done, they give as many knocks as the Clock hath struck hours. But these Guards watching many times more for the advantage of house-breakers, than that of their Masters, there is none used now, and no servant is taken into a house, but upon good City-security for his truth.

This great number of slaves makes it unsafe to walk the streets of Moscou, in the night time un-arm'd and without Company. We had the experience of it in some of our servants, upon several occasions. Our Master-Cook, who had been employ'd at a person's of quality, where the Ambassadors had Dined, was kill'd as he came home in the night; which misfortune hap­pen'd also to the Steward belonging to the Suedish Ambassador, Spiring. The Lieutenant, who had commanded our German and Scotch Musketiers, in our Voyage into Persia, was in like manner kill'd in the night, having been with some others at the Wedding of a German Mer­chants daughter. And as there passed no night almost without murther, so these disorders in­creas'd towards great Festivals, especially on flesh days, which they call Maslouitzo. On St. Mastin's Eve, we counted fifteen dead bodies in the Court of Semskoy, a place where they are expos'd, that their kinred and friends may know them, and take order for their burial. If no body owns them, they are dragg'd thence like Carrion, and thrown into a Ditch without any Ceremony.

The insolence of these Villains is so great, that they stuck not to set upon the Great Duke's principal Physician in the day time. They stopp'd him in the street as he was going home, struck him off his horse, and would have cut off his finger, on which he had a Gold Seal-ring, had he not been reliev'd by some sent to his rescue, by a Knez of his acquaintance, who living near thereabouts had seen him set upon. The misery is, that no Citizen will so much as look out at his window, much less come out of his house, to relieve those that are affronted, so much are [Page 64] they afraid to come into the same misfortue they see others engag'd in. Since our being there, some course hath been taken herein, Watches being set, who stop those who go in the night without Torch or Lanthorn, and carry them to the Strelitse priscas, where they are punish'd the next day.

At Hay-making time, the road between Moscou and Tuere is very dangerous to travel, by reason of the great number of slaves employ'd in that work, making their advantage of a Moun­tain whence they discover those that pass, whom they rob and kill, without any reparation to be expected from their Masters, who, not allowing their slaves what to subsist upon, are forc'd to connive at their Crimes.

Masters dispose of their slaves, as they do of any other moveable; nay, a father may sell his son, and alienate him, for his own advantage. But the Muscovites have this piece of vain­glory, that not only they seldom come to those extremities, but also had rather see their Chil­dren starve at home, than suffer them to go out any where to service. 'Tis only debt that some­times engages them to make over their Children to their Creditors, the Boyes at ten, the Girls, at eight Crowns, a year, the Children being no less oblig'd to satisfie the debt, than their fa­thers, as also to endure that cruel treatment, which desperate debtors are to expect, or to sell themselves to their Creditors.

The subjection in which they are born, They are good Soldi­ers. and the gross feeding they have even from their in­fancy, at which time they are taught to be content with any thing, makes them very good Soul­diers, and such as would do very great services under strang Commanders. For though the Mi­litary Discipline of the Romans allow'd not the listing of slaves in their Legions, yet does it not follow, but that the Muscovites, who are all such, may be advantageously employ'd in War, this being certain of them, that they are excellent good in a besieg'd place, and will maintain it to the utmost extremity. Of this we have an example at Notebourg, where two men made their capitulation in the year 1579. The Poles, who had besieg'd the Castle of Suikols, set it a fire as they were giving the assault; yet the Muscovites made good the breach and maintain'd it, even when the fire reach'd their Cloaths. At the siege of the Abbey of Padis, in Livonia, they held out till they became so weakned for want of Provisions, that they were not able to keep Guard, nor to meet the Suedes at the Gate.

They are not indeed so fortunate in the field, and very seldom gain'd any battel against the Poles or Suedes, their Neighbours, who have alwayes almost had the better of them, so that it prov'd a harder matter to pursue them, than to avoid their blows. But certain it is withall, that these misfortunes happen to them through the want of experience and conduct in their Generals, rather than of courage in their Soldiers.

For as to the disgrace the Muscovites receiv'd at the Siege of Smolensko, The Siege of Smo­lensko. in the year 1633. it is to be ascribed to the Generals perfidiousness, who paid his Master for his imprudence in put­ting the command of his Army into the hands of a Stranger. He was a Polander, named Her­man Schein, who to curry favour with the Duke, had been so low-spirited as to receive re-bap­tization. The Army he commanded, consisted of above a hundred thousand men, among whom were above 6000. Germans, and several Muscovian Regiments exercised according to the Ger­man discipline, and commanded by strange Officers, French, Germans, and Scots, three hun­dred pieces of Cannon, and all other things requisite to carry on the Siege against that place, which the Poles had taken some time before from the Muscovites. The reduction of it had been so much the easier, [...]n that the City is compass'd but with one simple wall, without ditch, or any kind of fortification. Whence it came, that the Germans, who had made a reasonable breach in it, propos'd to have it carried at the first assault. But the General oppos'd it, saying, That he would never suffer, it should be reproach'd to the Prince his Master, that he had rais'd so vast an Army to besiege a place, which a handful of Germans would have taken in so few dayes, and then presently to disband it. The Colonels that were Strangers, on the other side, consi­dering that the Great Duke's reputation would suffer by that Siege, and the Army it self be de­stroy'd if it were not employ'd, resolv'd to give the assault, and were in a manner Masters of the breach, when the General commanding the great Guns to be discharg'd at them, they were forc'd to retreat. They complain'd of that procedure, so far as to make some discoveries of their distrust of his fidelity; but he sent them word, that if they kept not within the respect due to their General, he should find a way to chastise them, and that he would treat them as Musco­vites. So that not daring to make any further attempt, the Army continu'd there some time without doing any thing, and gave the King of Poland time enough to get together a small body of 5000. men, who possess'd themselves of all the avenues, by which the Muscovites receiv'd their provisions, so as that within a few dayes their Army was more straightly besieg'd than the City it self. It had been easy for the Muscovian General to prevent the Poles from taking up those posts, but he gave them the leasure so to fortify themselves in them, that it had been im­possible for him to force them in their quarters, even if he had attempted it. The Muscovian Army being reduc'd to this extremity, the General, to hinder it from starving, was forc'd to capitulate with the Poles; to come in with the whole Army at mercy, and, with all that Noble [Page 65] Artillery, to leave hostages for the ransome of all the Officers and Soldiers, which the Great Duke was oblig'd to pay. The General was so impudent as to return to Moscou, and shew himself at Court, where he had friends enough to protect him, notwithstanding the charges put in against him by the Officers and Soldiers: but the people express'd themselves so mov'd at his treachery, that to prevent an insurrection, which threatned both City and State, they were forc'd to execute him publickly in the market-place.

Most of the great Ones had a finger in his Treason, but lest he might accuse any, they per­swaded him that he should not be startled at those proceedings, that it was only by way of pa­geant, to give the people some satisfaction, and that, before execution, his pardon would be brought him. Which he the more easily credited, for that his changing Religion had gain'd him the affection and favour of the Patriarch. But he had no sooner layd his head upon the block, ere a sign was made to the Executioner to strike it off. The same day was executed also his Son, who had some command under his Father at the Siege of Smolensko. He was brought into the open place before the Castle, where he was stripp'd stark naked, and whipp'd to death. All the rest of his kindred were banish'd into Siberia. This execution happened in Iune, 1634.

The Muscovites spend not much in house-keeping, Their hous-keeping. nor the Bojares, as well as those of a low­er condition. It is not above thirty years, that their Lords and chiefest Merchants have built their houses of stone: for before they were no better lodg'd than the meaner sort, in very poor wooden buildings. Their houshold-stuff are suitable to their Lodgings, and commonly consist only in three or four pots, and as many wooden or earthen dishes. Some have pewter, but ve­ry few, and unless it be some few drinking cups, and gobelets, there is not any of silver. They know not what scowring means, in so much that the Great Duke's plate looks little better than the Tavern-pots, which are made clean but once a year. The better sort hang their rooms but with mat; and to set them out yet a little better, they have only two or three Images wretchedly painted. They have few feather-beds, but are content with mattresses, nay with chaff or straw, and if not that to be had, they lye upon their cloaths, which in Summer they lay upon a bench, or table; in the Winter, upon their stoves, which are flat, as in Livonia. In this Country it is that Master and Mistress, Men and Maids, are shuffled all together into the same room; nay in some places in the Country, I have seen the Poultry, and the Pigs, had or­dinarily the same Lodging with the Masters of the house.

They are not acquainted with our delicate meats and sawces. Their feed­ing. Their ordinary food is coarse Meal, Turneps, Coleworth, and Cowcumbers, both fresh and pickled. Their great delicacy is Salt-fish, which being not well salted, infects the places near it, so that you may smell their Fish-market at a great distance. They cannot want Beef and Mutton, there being good pastures all over Muscovy, and the Forests breed such abundance of Swine, that they must needs be ve­ry cheap: but to avoid expence, as also for that their year hath more fasting dayes than flesh dayes, they are so accustom'd to Fish and Pulse, that they care not for flesh. Add to this, that their continual fasts have taught them so many wayes to dress their Fish, Herbs, and Pulse, that a man may well forbear those dishes of meat which are much esteemed elsewhere. We said, how that the Great Duke willing to entertain us from his own Table, sent us above forty dishes, most of Pulse and Herbs. Among other things they make a sort of Pies, which they call Piro­guen, about the bigness and fashion of a twopenny Loaf. They fill the crust with Fish or minc'd meat, with Chibols and a little Pepper, and fry them in a Pan with Butter, and in Lent with Oil. 'Tis no ill dish, and may be called the Bisque of those parts.

The spawn of Fish, especially that of Sturgeon, they order thus. They take off the skin, ve­ry neatly, and then salt them. Having been in salt some eight or ten dayes, and by that means reduc'd as it were to a paste, they cut it into small slices, putting Onions and Pepper to them, and they are eaten with Oil and Vinegar like a Salad. It eats much better, if, instead of Vine­gar, you put the juice of Citron. Yet to love this kind of Sallade, a man must be accustomed to it, though they think it excites appetite and fortifies Nature. The Muscovites call it Ika­ry, and the Italians Cavaiar. There is much of it eaten in Italy in the Lent time, instead of Butter. The best is made upon the Wolgda, and near Astrachan, whence it is transported in Tunns of 7. or 800. weight, by the way of England and Holland, into Italy. The Great Duke reserves the Trade of this Commodity to himself, farms it out, and makes a very great yearly advantage of it. To dispel the vapours rising up to the head, after excessive drinking, they take cold roasted Veal, mince it, not too small, with some pickled Cowcumbers, adding thereto a sawce of Pepper, Vinegar, and the juice of pickled Cowcumbers, and eat it with spoons. It re­covers appetite, and tasts well enough.

Their ordinary drink is a sort of small Beer which they call Quas, or Hydromel; but they never eat, without a dram of the Strong-water botle before and after their meal. Persons of quality are furnish'd with strong Beer, Sack, and all other sorts of Wine. Their strong Beer is brew'd in March, and kept all Summer in their Snow-houses, where they make a bed of Ice and Snow mixt together, and then a layer of Barrels: upon them again a bed of Ice, and [Page 66] then another row of Barrels, covering them with straw and planks, which are instead of a vault to them; for their Cellars are not covered.

The Muscovites care not much for Rhenish nor French Wines, Hydromel how made. thinking them not strong enough; but they love Hydromel, which they order with Cherries, Straw-berries, Mulberries, or Rasp-berries. That they make with Rasp-berries is the most pleasant of any. To make it well, they put the Rasp-berries a-soaking in fair water for two or three nights, till the water hath got their taste and colour. Into this water they put some of the purest Honey, allowing to every pound of Hony three or four of water, as they would have the Hydromel strong or small. They put into it a Toast dipp'd in the dreggs of Beer, which is taken out as soon as the Hydromel begins to work, lest, continu'd longer, it should give it an ill taste. If they desire it should be long a-working, they put it into some warm place; but if it be for present drinking, they put it in a cool place, where it soon gives over working, and then is taken off the Lees to be spent. To better the taste of it, they put in a little bag of Cinnamon, and grains of Para­dise, with some few Cloves. Some instead of fair water, steep the Rasp-berries 24 hours in common Aquavitae, which gives the Hydromel an excellent tast.

Common Hydromel is made of the Honey-combs, which they beat in warm-water, stirring it much, and after it hath rested seven or eight hours, they cleanse it through a Sieve, boyl it, scum it, and without any more ado expose it to sale.

Persons of Quality discover themselves by their retinue and expence, The expen­ces of Per­sons of quality. which yet is not so great as might be imagin'd. For though they have sometimes 50. 60. or more Slaves about them, their stables well furnish'd, and make great feasts well supply'd with Meat, and all sorts of Beer, Wine, Hydromel, and Strong-water, yet all comes from their Country-houses and Dairies, so as that they buy but very little. Their entertainments are so many baits to draw in Presents, which they expect of those that are not of their own quality, in so much that they deerly buy the honour which the Knez and Bojares do them upon such occasions. Strange Merchants know well enough what that honour is to cost them, and desire it not, but to gain the favour of the Great ones, whose countenance they stand in need of. The Weywodes are sure to make two or three of these entertainments yearly in their Governments.

The greatest honour a Muscovite thinks he can do his friend, is to let him see his Wife, The highest act of Mus­covian ci­vility. to be presented with a Cup of Strong-water by her, and to permit he should kiss her. Count Leo Alexander de Slakou gave me to understand so much at my being in Muscovy in the year 1643. Having dined with him, he made me withdraw into another Chamber, where he told me, that he could not make a greater expression of the respects he had for me, nor a greater acknow­ledgment of the obligation he had to his Highness, than to shew me his Wife. She presently came in, very richly clad in her wedding-cloaths, and follow'd by a Gentlewoman with a bot­tle of Strong water and a Silver Cup. The Lady bid her fill out, and having put it to her mouth, presented it to me, and oblig'd me to drink it off; which I d [...]d thrice together. That done, the Count would have me kiss her, which I the more wondred at, in regard that kind of civility is not yet known in Holstein. Wherefore I would have contented my self to have kiss'd only her hand; but he so kindly engag'd me to kiss her lips, that there was no avoiding of it. She presented me a Handkercher, embroider'd at the extremities with Gold, Silver and Silk, with a deep fringe, such as are presented to the Bride on her Wedding day. Afterwards I found a note fasten'd to it, wherein was the name of Stresnof, Uncle by the Fathers side to the Great Dutchess.

The Knez and Bojares have not only pensions and considerable allowances, but also great real estates. Merchants and Tradesmen live by Commerce and their Trades. Those who may go out of the Country, and are permitted to Traffick into Persia, Poland, Sueden, and Germany, carry thither Sables; and other furs, flax, hemp, and Russia-leather.

Tradesmen find it not hard to gain a subsistence for their families, by reason of the plenty of all manner of Provisions. They are very handy, and easily imitate any thing they see done, though they are not so rich in inventions as the Germans and other Europaeans; for I have seen some of their carv'd works as well done as the best in Germany; so that strangers who are not willing to have the secret of their professions discovered, must take heed of Muscovites, Iohn Valk, whom we mention'd before, would never cast any thing in their presence. Now they cast pieces of Artillery themselves, and Valk's Disciple made a Bell, while we were there, which weigh'd 7700 poudes, which amount to 3080 hundred weight. But it had not been long us'd ere it crack'd, and now 'tis broken to pieces, and another to be made of a far greater weight than the former.

No Muscovite, They sleep after Din­ner. what condition or quality soever he be of, but sleeps after Dinner; whence it is that about noon most shops are shut up, and the Merchants or their Apprentices sleeping at the door: so that about that time, there is no more speaking with Persons of Quality or Mer­chants, than there is at midnight.

This was one sign whereby they discovered the imposture of the counterfeit Demetrius. We shall find in the ensuing story of him, that the Impostor slept not after Dinner, and that the [Page 67] Muscovites inferr'd thence that he was a stranger; as also by his aversion to Baths, which are so common in Muscovy, that there is neither Town nor Village, but hath very many of them, both publick and private. This is all they have gentile among them, as a thing they conceive necessary upon several occasions, especially at Marriages. after the first Coition.

At Astrachan, Their stoves and bath­ing places. I had the curiosity to go unknown into one of them, which by a division of boards was contriv'd into two rooms. But, besides that it was easie to look out of one into the other, by reason of the distance there was between the boards, both men and women went in and out at the same door, those of either Sex who would express a greater modesty hiding what they would not have seen with a handful of leaves, which being dry'd in Summer, they, for this purpose put a-soking into warm water: but some were stark naked, and the women were not shy to come in that posture and speak with their husbands, even while other men stood by.

'Tis almost a Miracle to see how their bodies, accustomed to, and hardned by cold, can en­dure so intense a heat, and how that, when they are not able to endure it any longer, they come out of the stoves, naked as the back of a man's hand, both men and women, and go into the cold water, or cause it to be poured upon them, and, in Winter, how they wallow in the Snow. Some of our young men would often walk before these publick stoves, to see the several postures of the women that came out, and diverted themselves in the water, and were so far from being asham'd, that they would talk wantonly with them, and were not troubled when any of our people came into the water to them. And this we saw not only in Muscovy, but also in Livonia, where the Inhabitants, especially the Finlanders, who are setled there, going out of these stoves, in the coldest of Winter, run into the Snow, and rub their bodies with it, as if it were Soap, then return into the stoves to take the advantage of a more moderate heat: and all this so as that this change of contrary qualities does not any way prejudice their health. The reason then of it must be Custom, in as much as being thus used from their Child­hood, and that habit being as it were converted into a second nature, they are indifferently en­ured to both heat and cold.

At Narva we had Muscovian boys of about 8, 9, or 10. years of age, whom we employ'd about the Kitchin. These would stand half an hour together barefoot upon the Ice, like so ma­ny Geese, in the depth of Winter, and never complain of cold, The stoves belonging to the Germans, who live in Muscovy and Livonia, a [...]e very sumptuous, and it is no less pleasant ba­thing in them. The floor is strew'd with Pine leaves beaten to powder, all sorts of Herbs and Flowers, which raise a very sweet smell, as also the Ly which they make very odoriferous. Along the Walls are seats, or benches, upon which a man lies to sweat and be rubb'd, some higher than others, that one may take such a degree of heat as he pleases, and they are all co­ver'd with clean sheets, and pillows fill'd with Hay. Every one hath a Servant-maid, who ha­ving only her smock on, rubs, washes, and wipes him, and what else is requisite. As she comes in, she presents you on a Trencher, with some Radish sli [...]'d, with a little Salt, and if you are known in the house, the Mistress her self or her Daughter will present you with a certain com­position, consisting of Wine and Beer, in which will be some bread crum'd, Citron sliced, Sugar and Nutmeg. When this civility is omitted, it argues the Master of the house hath no great respect for his Guest. After bathing a man is put into a bed, then rises to eat something, and ha­ving eaten goes to bed again to sleep.

The Muscovites are of a healthy and strong constitution, long liv'd, and seldom sick; which when they are, their ordinary remedies, even in burning Feavers, is only Garlick and Strong­waters. Persons of quality make [...] of Physicians, though but within these few years, and are perswaded that remedies may do them good.

Fornication is very common among them, and yet they permit not publick stews, which di­vers other Christian Princes not only permit, but anthorise, and have an advantage arising out of them for their protection. Marriage is thought honourable among them, and Polygamy forbidden. A Widdower or Widdow may Marry twice or thrice, but must not offer at a fourth Marriage, which if they should, the Priest that should bless them would be cast off.

They observe in their Marriages the degrees of Consanguinity, and do not willingly marry such as are near to them either by Kinred or Allyance. Nor do they permit two Brothers to marry two Sisters; and they observe also a spiritual Allyance, not suffering that Godfathers and Godmothers to the same person should intermarry. The celebration of Marriage among them is thus.

Young Men and Maids are not suffer'd to see one another, The Cere­monies of their mar­riages. much less to have any discourse of marriage, or to make any promise one to another, by word or writing. But when those who have Children marriageable, especially daughters, have found out a match they like, they speak to the young mans Parents, and declare the desire they have to make an Allyance with them. If they approve of what is proposed, and the young man desire to see the maid, yet is it absolutly deny'd. If she be hansom, they will be content the mother or some other woman of the [Page 68] kinred, should see her, and if she be no way defective; that is, neither blind nor lame, the friends on both sides treat about the marriage, and conclude all things, the intended young couple not so much as being allow'd to see one another. For they bring up their daughters in ve­ry private Chambers (especially persons of quality) where they keep them lock'd up, so as that the Bridegroom does not see his Bride till she is brought into his Chamber. And thus it comes to pass, that he who thinks he hath married a handsom Maid, hath some crooked piece put upon him; nay, instead of the Mans Daughter he was to have, some kinswoman or servant­maid is thrust upon him; of which I have several examples. So that it is not to be wondred at, that matrimonial discontents are so frequent among them.

When their Great Lords, Knez, and Bojares dispose of their Children in marriage, there is appointed on the Bride-groom's side a Woman, whom they call Suacha, and another on the Brides, who joyntly take order for the Nuptials. That on the Brides part, goes upon the Wedding-day to the Bridegroom's Lodgings, and there makes ready the Nuptial bed. She is attended by above a hundred men servants, who are all clad in Ho [...]grelines, or long Coats, and carry on their heads, the things necessary for the Bed and Chamber, where the new Mar­ryed couple are to lye. The Bed is made upon forty sheaves of Rye, which the young man causes to be rank'd in order, The nupti­al bed. and compass'd about with several Barrels full of Wheat, Bar­ley, and Oats▪

All things being ready, the young man goes from his own house late in the evening, accom­pany'd by all his Kinred, having before him, on hors-back, the Priest, by whom he is to be married. At his Bride's door, he meets with all her friends, who receive him and his retinue, and press them to sit down at a Table. Three dishes of meat are serv'd up, but no body eats of them, and there is left at the upper end of the Table a place for the Bridegroom: but while he is talking with the Bride's friends, a young Lad sits down in it, and will not be gotten thence till the Bridegroom hath made him so many Presents, that he is content to give him the place. The Bridegroom having taken his place, the Bride is brought in most richly Clad, having a Veil over her face. She is seated by the Bridegroom, but to prevent their seeing one another, they are separated by a piece of Crimson Taffata, which is held up by two young Lads while they are set. Thus done, the Bride's Suacha comes to her, Paints her, tyes up her hair in two knots, puts the Crown on her head, and dresses her in all things like a married woman. The Crown is of leaves of Gold, or Silver Gilt, beaten very thin, lined with some silk stuff, and towards the Ears, it hath five or six rows of great Pearls, which fall down on her breast. The Robe, or upper Garment, the sleeves whereof are an Ell and a half wide, is embroider'd with Gold and Pearls at the extremities, especially at the neck, which is three fingers broad, and so heightned with Embroidery, that it looks more like a Dogs Collar than any thing else, and this kind of Robe amounts to above a thousand Crowns. The heels of their shooes, as well of those that are betroath'd, as of most of the other women and maids, are above half a foot high, so that being as it were a-tip-toe, they have much ado to stand. The other Suacha Paints the Bride­groom, and in the mean time, the women get up on benches and sings several foolish songs. After this come in two young men richly Clad, carrying between them upon a Beer a very large Cheese, and some Loaves, there hanging from the Beer several Martins skins. The like is brought in on the Bride's part, and the Priest, having blessed them, sends them to Church. At last there is set on the Table a great Silver-basin, fill'd with little pieces of Satin and Taffata, about such a bigness as were fit to make little purses of, little square pieces of Silver, Hops, Barley, and Oats; all mixt together. The Suacha having cover'd the Brides face again, takes certain handfuls out of the Basin, and casts them among the company, who in the mean time sing a song, and take up what they find upon the ground.

In the Church, The Cere­monies in the Church. where the Benediction is to be given, they cover some part of the floor with Crimson Taffata, upon which the young Couple stand, having over them another piece of the same stuff. Before they are married, the Priest makes them go to the offering, which consists in Fish, Fry'd Meats, and Pastry. That done, the married receive the Benediction, which is gi­ven by holding Images over their heads, and the Priest taking the man by the right hand, and the woman by the left at the same time, asks them three times, whether it is with their consent that they are married, and whether they will love one another as they ought to do. Having both answer'd, yes, all the Company joyn hands, and the Priest sings the 128. Psalm, he one verse, and the Company the next, dancing at the mean time, much after the same manner as they do in these parts, who sing and dance at the same time. The Psalm ended, he puts a Gar­land of Rue upon their heads, or about their shoulders, if it be a Widdow or Widdower, say­ing, Increase and Multiply, and then consummates the marriage, pronouncing these words, Whom God hath joyned together let no man separate. While the Priest pronounces those words, those who are invited to the Wedding do all light wax candles, and one of them gives the Priest, a wooden Cup, or rather a Glass, full of Claret Wine which he takes off, and when the Mar­ried Couple have pledg'd him by drinking it off, each of them three times, the Bridegroom throws down the Cup or Glass, and he and the Bride treading it under their feet, break it to [Page 69] pieces, with these words, May they thus fall at our feet, and be trod to pieces, who shall endea­vour to sow division or discontent between us. Then the Women cast at the young Couple some Flax-seed and Hemp-seed, and wish them all prosperity. They also pull the Bride by the Robe, as if they would force her away from her husband, but she keeps so close to him, that all their endeavours prove fruitless. The Marriage-Ceremonies being thus over, the Bride is put into her Sledge, which is encompass'd with six Torches, or Wax-candles, and the Bridegroom gets on horse-back to return to his own house, where the Wedding is kept.

As soon as they are come thither, the Bridegroom, his kindred and friends sit down at a Ta­ble well furnish'd with Meat, but the Women carry the Bride to her Ch [...]mber, take off her cloaths, and lay her a-bed. That done, they make the Bridegroom rise from the Table, and six or eight young men, carrying each a Torch in his hand, conduct him to the Chamber. As they come in, they put the Torches into the barrels full of Wheat and Barley, and quit the room. They are each of them presented with two Martins skins. The Bride perceiving the Bridegroom coming, gets out of bed, gets on a morning Gown lin'd with Martins skins, meets him, and receives him very submissively, doing him reverence with a low inclination of the head; and this is the first time that he sees the Bride's face. They sit down together at a Ta­ble, and, among other Meat, there is brought them a roasted fowl, which the Bridegroom pulls asunder, casting away over his shoulders that part which comes off first, whether it be wing or leg, and eating the other. Having eaten, the young Couple go to bed, and all with­draw, save only one of the old servants of the house, who walks before the Chamber-door, while the kindred and friends are busied about all manner of charms, which they think may be advantageous to the New-married Couple.

This servant coming ever and anon to the door, asks whether the business be done. As soon as the Bridegroom answers that it is, the Trumpets and Timbrels which only expect the word, are plaid upon, and make an excellent noise, till such time as the stoves are made ready, where the New-married-couple bath themselves, but apart. They are wash'd with water, Hydromel and Wine, and the Bride sends to the Bridegroom a shirt, embroider'd with Gold and Pearls at the collar and extremities, and a rich habit. The two next dayes are spent in entertainments, dancing, and other divertisements, the Women making their advantage of the opportunity, while their husbands are drunk, to the loss of their honours.

Citizens, and persons of meaner condition are married with less Ceremonie. The night be­fore the Wedding the young Man sends to his intended Bride some cloaths, a furr'd Coif, a pair of Buskins, a Cabinet with certain Jewels, a Bag for night cloaths, a Comb and a Look­ing-glass. The next day, the Priest is sent for, who comes with a little Silver Cross, and is brought in by two young Lads carrying Wax-candles lighted. As he enters the house, he gives the benediction with his Cross, first, to the two Lads, then to those that are invited. Then the young Couple are set at Table, the two Lads holding a piece of Taffata between them; but when the Suacha dresses the Brides head, a Looking-glass is brought, and the young Couple joyning their cheeks, look and smile one upon the other. The two Suacha's in the mean time cast hops upon them; which done, they are led to Church, where the Ceremonies are the same as for persons of quality.

As soon as the Wedding is over, How the Women live. the Women must resolve to live a retir'd life, and not go out of the house but very seldom, receiving the visits of their kindred and friends oftener than they give any. The Daughters of great Persons, and rich Merchants, as they are not much brought up to house-keeping, so they trouble themselves but little with it, when they are mar­ried. Their chief employment is sowing, or embroidering handkerchers of white Taffata, or cloath, or making little purses, or some such toies. The cloaths they wear within doors are made of some common stuff of little value; but when they go to Church, or that their Hus­bands would honour a friend with their presence, they are magnificently clad, and forget not to paint their faces, necks, and arms.

The Wives of the Knez, Bojares, and great Lords, in the Summer time, make use of Cha­riots cover'd with red cloath, which kind of covering they use in Winter for their Sledges, ha­ving at their feet a she S [...]ave, and about them a great number of Servants and Lacquies, some­times to the number of [...]0. or 40. The horse, which draws them, hath many Fox tails about the main and tail, which disguise him after a strange manner; and yet the Muscovits think it so ornamental, that not only Great Lords and Ladies make use of it, but many times the Great Duke himself, with this difference, that instead of Fox tails, they some times use Martins skins.

The Women living thus idly, Their di­vertise­ment. making few or no visits, and not medling with any thing of housewivery, are forc'd to divert themselves with their Maids. They lay a long plank over a block, and getting up on the ends of it, they are toss'd up and down, and sometimes by a violent motion they are forc'd up very high in the Air. They have also ropes to swing in; nay in some little Towns and Villages I have seen publick Swinging-places, so contriv'd as that three or four might have their divertisement at the same time. They are not asham'd to do [Page 70] this in the open streets, giving two or three pence to little Boys who keep Swingers ready for that purpose. Their husbands are very glad to give them this kind of sport, and sometimes help them in their swinging.

It is not to be much wondred that they are so hardly treated by their husbands, Why the Musco­vites beat their wives for they have lewd tongues, are given to Wine, and will not let slip the opportunity to pleasure a friend. So that having all these three excellent qualities, they cannot take much unkindly the cudgelings, which they from time to time receive from their husbands: but they take comfort from the ex­ample of their friends and neighbours, who, behaving themselves after the same manner, are accordingly no better treated. Yet can I not believe, what Barclay says in his Icon Ammorum, That the Muscovian Women are not perswaded their husbands love them, if they are not beaten by them; at least I can say this, I never met with any who were glad when they were beaten. They have the same passions and inclinations as other Women have. They are sensible of good and bad usage, and it is not likely they should take the effects of anger and displeasure for ex­pressions of kindness and friendship.

It is possible some foolish Woman might tell her husband so in jest, or that one distracted might desire to be beaten, such as she of whom Petrejus, in his Chronicle of Muscovy, speaks of, who having lived many years in good correspondence with her husband (who was an Ita­lian, as he says, though the Baron of Haberstein affirms he was a German, and by profession, a Black-smith, named Iordan) told him one day, that she could not believe he loved her, since he had not yet beaten her. The husband willing to assure her of his real affection gave her a good cudgelling, and perceiving she took a certain pleasure in it, made use of that exercise so often, till at last she died. But were it granted that this is but a story, as it seems to be no other, yet ought we not to judge of all the Muscovian women by this particular example.

They think, Adultery. that Adultry is not committed but when one man marries another mans wife: what ever else may be done amounts but to fornication, and when a married man is taken in it, his punishment is whipping, and some days imprisonment, or haply he is sentenc'd to live some time on bread and water. Then he is set at liberty, and may resent the complaints made by his wife against him upon that occasion. A husband who can convince his wife of a miscarriage of this nature, may have her shav'd, and put into a Monastery. Those who are weary of their wives, often make use of this pretence, accuse their wives of Adultery, and suborn false wit­nesses, upon whose depositions they are condemn'd, without being heard. Religious Wo­men are sent to her lodgings, who put her into their habit, shave her, and carry her away by force into the Monastery, whence she never comes out, having once suffer'd the Razour to come upon her head.

The most ordinary cause of divorce; at least the most plausible pretence, is devotion. They say, they love God better than their wives, when an humour takes them to go into a Monaste­ry: which they do without their consent, or making any provision for the children they have had between them. And yet this kind of retiring out of the World is so much approv'd among them, (though St. Paul says that such are worse than Heathens and Infidels) that if the woman marry again, they make no difficulty to conferr Priesthood on this new Proselite, though be­fore he had been but a Tayler, or Shoemaker. Barrenness is also another cause of divorce in Muscovy: for he who hath no children by his wife may put her into a Monastery, and marry again within six weeks.

The Great Dukes themselves make use of this freedom, when they have only Daughters. 'Tis true, the Great Duke Basili did not put his Wife Salome into a Monastery, and marry Helene, daughter to Michael Linski, a Polander, but upon his having no Children one and twenty years after marriage; but it is also true; that, some few days after, she was brought to bed of a Son, and yet she was forc'd to continue there, because she had been shaved.

We saw an example of it in a Polander, who, having embrac'd the Greek Religion, purpose­ly to marry a Muscovian beauty, was forc'd to take a journey into Poland, where he stay'd a­bove a year. The young Lady, in her husband's absence, made a shift to be otherwise supply'd; so effectually that she augmented her family by a child; but, fearing her husband's displeasure, she retir'd into a Monastery and was shaved. The husband did all he could to get her out again, promising to pardon her offence, and never to reproach her with it. The woman was willing to come out, but would not be permitted, it being, according to their Theology, a sinne a­gainst the Holy Ghost, not to be forgiven either in this World or the next. This artifice Boris Federouits Gudenou made use of, who, having acquired much repute in the management of the publick affairs, during the minority of Foedor Iuanouits, and perceiving the Muscovites were not fully resolv'd to make him Great Duke, to make them the more earnest to do it, pretend­ed he would turn Monk, and went into a Monastery, where his Sister was a Nun. As soon as the Muscovites heard of it, they came in multitudes to the Monastery, cast themselves up­on the ground, tore their hair, as being in a desperate condition, intreated him not to be sha­ven, and that he would be pleas'd to take the place of their deceased Prince. He, at first, would not hearken to them, but at last pretended himself overcome by their intreaties, and his Sister's [Page 71] intercession, by which means he came to be courted, to what he had not haply got otherwise, with all the subtlety he could have used.

The Muscovites are extremely venereous, Their su­perstition. yet will not have to do with a Woman, but they must first take off the little Cross which is hang'd about her neck when she is Christened: nor would they do it in a place where there are any Images of their Saints, till they had covered them. They go not to Church the day they have dealt with a Woman, till they have wash'd them­selves, and chang'd their shirts. Those that are more devout go not into it at all, but say their prayers at the door. Priests are permitted to come into the Church the same day, provided they have wash'd themselves above and below the navil, but dare not approach the Altar. The wo­men are accompted more impure than the men, and therefore they ordinarily stay at the Church­door all service time. He who lies with his wife in Lent may not Communicate that year; and if a Priest commit that offence, he is suspended for a year: but if one that pretends to Priest­hood be so unhappy as to fall into it, he can never recover himself, but must quit his preten­sion.

Their remedy against this kind of uncleanness is rather bathing than repentance, which is the reason they use the former upon all occasions. Demetrius, who personated the son of the Great Duke Iohn Basilouits, who had been kill'd long before at Vglits, never bath'd himself, upon which the Muscovites suspected him to be a stranger. For perceiving he would not make use of a bath made ready for him eight dayes after his marriage, they conceiv'd a horror against him, as a Heathen and profane person, sought divers other pretences, set upon him in the Castle, and kill'd him the 19. day after his Wedding, as we shall shew hereafter.

The politick Government of Muscovy is Monarchical and despotical. The Go­vernment of Musco­vy. The Great Duke is the hereditary Soveraign of it, and so absolute, that no Knez or Lord in all his Dominions, but thinks it an honour to assume the quality of his Majesties Golop, or slave. No Master hath more power over his slaves, than the Great Duke hath over his Subjects, what condition or quality soever they be of. So that Muscovy may be numbred among those States, whereof Aristotle speaks, when he sayes there is a kind of Monarchy among the Barbarians which comes near Tyranny. For since there is no other difference between a legitimate Government and Tyranny, than that, in the one, the welfare of the Subjects is of greatest consideration, in the other, the particular profit and advantage of the Prince, we must allow, that Muscovy inclines much to Tyranny. We said before, that the greatest Lords think it not below them to put their names in the diminutive; nor is it long since that for a small matter, they were whipt, like slaves, but now their lesser miscarriages are punish'd with two or three dayes imprisonment.

They give their Soveraign the quality of Welikoi Knez, The [...] significati­on of the word Czaar. that is Great Lord, as also that of Czaar, and his Czaarick Majesty. Since the Muscovites came to understand, that we call him Kayser, who is the most eminent among the Christian Princes of Europe, and that that word comes from his proper name; who turn'd the Popular state of Rome into a Monarchy, they would have it believ'd, that their word Czaar, hath the same signification and etymologie. Whence it is that they would also imitate the Emperours of Germany in their great seal, The Czaar's Arms. which had a Spread-Eagle, but the wings not so large as the Imperial Eagle's, having on the breast, in an Escutcheon, one on hors-back fighting with a Dragon, representing the Archangel St. Mi­chael, or rather St. George. The three Crowns, which are above and between the Eagle's heads, signifie Muscovy, and the two Kingdoms of Tartary, Cassan, and Astrachan. The Tyrant Iohn Basilouits first used these Arms, as willing to be thought descended from the antient Roman Em­perours. The Great Dukes Interpreters, and the Germans, who live at Moscou, call him in their language Kaysar, that is to say, Caesar or Emperour. But it is certain, the word Czaar signifies King, which may be seen in their Bible, where the Muscovites, speaking of David and his Successors, Kings of Iudah, and Israel, they call them Czaars. The Great Duke is indeed King in effect, since other Princes stick not to treat him with the word Majesty; the title of Great Duke being much below what that great Prince deserves. Nor accordingly does he take the quality of Great Duke, when he assumes that of of Welikoi Knez, but that of Grand Seig­neur, as well as the Emperour of the Turks, with whom he may be parallel'd, not only in re­spect of the extent of his Empire, but also by reason of the absolute power he hath over his Subjects.

No people in the World have a greater veneration for their Prince than the Muscovites, who from their infancy are taught to speak of the Czaar, as of God himself, not only in their acts and publick assemblies, but also in their entertainments and ordinary discourse. Thence pro­ceed their submissive forms of speaking, The honour to see the brightness of the eyes of his Czaarick Majesty; Only God and the Czaar knows it; All they have belong to God and the Czaar. The Great Duke Iohn Basilouits reduc'd them to these submissions.

Now to continue them in this lowness of spirit, The Musco­vites know not what liberty is. and to keep them from seeing that liberty /which other Nations about them enjoy, the Muscovites are, upon pain of death, prohibited to go out of the Countrey, without the Great Duke's express permission. Iohn Helmes, the Great Duke's Interpreter, who died some three years since, aged 97. years, had got leave to [Page 72] send his son into Germany, to study Physick, where he afterwards grew famous: but the young Gentleman having spent 10. or 12. years up and down Germany and England, pleas'd with the sweetness of the climate and liberty, would never return into Muscovy. Whence it came, that, when Peter Miklaf, a Merchant of Novogorod, whom the Great Duke sent into Germany, 3 years since, in the quality of Poslanick, desired his Majesty would permit him to leave his son in Germany, neither the Czaar, nor Patriarch, would by any means consent thereto. But in­deed, this despotical Government seems to be most suitable to their humour and disposition, which is insensible of the advantages of Liberty, as being unacquainted with it, and so not fit to enjoy a happiness, which they never heard of.

Yet are we not to attribute to the present time what may be read in the Baron of H [...]b [...]rstein, Paulus Iovius and Guagnin, concerning the violent and tyrannical Government of the Great Duke: for they writ during the reign of Iohn Basilouits, whose Scepter was of Iron, and his Government more cruel and violent than that of any Prince mentioned in History. But the Great Duke that now is, is a very mild Prince, one that, according to his Father's example, in­stead of impoverishing his Subjects, relieves them, and allows sums of money out of his Exche­quer, to set up those whom a bad year, or some other misfortune hath ruin'd. Nay, he hath the goodness to provide for such as are banish'd into Siberia for their Crimes, allowing to per­sons of quality, money; finding employment for those that are capable of it; and disposing Soldiers into some place where they have Pensions or ordinary pay during life. So that what is most insupportable to them, when they are out of favour, is, that they have not the honour to see the bright eyes of his Czaarick Majesty. For, were it no for that, this is become so mild a punishment, that many have, in their exile, got that wealth, which they could not have ho­ped before.

When we said the state of Muscovy was Monarchical; The Great Dukes ab­solute power. we presuppose that the Prince is a Monarch, and hath, alone, all the prerogatives of Soveraignty. He is not subject to the Laws; he only makes them, and all the Muscovites obey him, with so great submission, that they are so far from opposing his will, that they say, the Justice and word of their Prince is sacred and inviolable.

He only creates Magistrates, and deposes them, ejects them, and orders them to be punish'd, with such absolute power, that we may say of the Great Duke, what the Prophet Daniel says, of the King of Babylon, That, he put to death whom he would, and saved whom he would. He appoints Governours and Lieutenants for the Provinces, for the disposal of the antient Demesn, and Administration of Justice, who have, joyned with them, a Deak, or Secretary: and these take Cognizance of all matters, give final and absolute judgement in all causes, and cause their sentences to be put in execution, without any appeal.

And in this the Great Duke follows the advice of the best Politicians, Changes the Gover­nours of Provinces every three years. who are so far from allowing a survivancy in Governments, that they would have a Soveraign, (that it might be in his power to punish the miscarriages committed by great ones in their Governments, and prevent their making intrigues to settle themselves in the Provinces) to change the Governours from three years to three years.

He alone hath the power to make War and Peace with other Princes. For though he takes the advice of his Knez and Bojares, yet does he not always follow it, but makes them know, that notwithstanding the freedom he gives them to advise him, he reserves to himself the power of doing what he thinks fit.

He only confers Honours, and rewards the services that are done him with the qualities of Knez, Bojares, Dukes or Princes; and whereas the Muscovites have heard, that it is a mark of Soveraignty in Germany, to make Doctors, the Great Duke meddles with that also, and grants Letters Patents to Physicians and Surgeons, that are Strangers.

All the Great Duke's Mony, Tee Money of Musco­vy who only hath the power to make any, is of Silver, of an oval form, and little. The greatest piece is worth but a peny, and is called a Copec, or Denaing. For though, in trading, the Muscovites use the words, Altin, Grif, and Rouble, whereof the first is worth three; the second, ten; the third, a hundred Copecs, yet is there no Coins of that kind, the words being used only for the convenience of Commerce, to avoid the multi­plication of Copecs. The Poluske is worth half, the Mustofske, the fourth part of a Copec. This small mony, which is also of Silver, is so troublesome in the telling and handling, that the Muscovites put handfuls of it into their mouths, for fear of losing it, but so as it no way hinders their speech. All their Money is marked at the same corner, having on one side the Arms of Mascovy, of which we have spoken upon occasion of their Great Seal, which Armes were heretofore peculiar only to the City of Novogorod, and on the other the Great Duke's name then reigning, and that of the City where it was coined. There are but four Cities in all Muscovy where mony is coined, Moscou, Novogorod, Tuere, and Plesco [...]: The Great Duke farming out the Mint to the Merchants of those places. Rixdollers are current in Muscovy; but in regard two Dollers outweigh a hundred Copecs, by two drams, the Muscovites know how to make their advantage of it, and so carry them to the Mint, as they do also Spanish Reals.

[Page 73] The Rixdollers they call Ia [...]mske, from the modern Latin word Ioachimicus, which name hath been given that money, as well by reason of the effigies of St. Ioachim, heretofore stamp­ed upon it, as of the City of Iaachimstad, in Bohemia, where it was first coined; in the year 1519. The Great Duke coins no Gold, unless it be, that to perpetuate the memory of some gread advantage gain'd against his enemies, he hath some Medals cast, to be afterwards presented to Officers that are Strangers, or to be scattered among the Souldiers of the victori­ous Army.

He only levies Taxes and impositions, and regulates them according to his pleasure, so as that he takes five in the hundred upon all Merchandizes, upon the Frontiers of his Dominions, both coming and going out.

It is his prerogative to send Ambassadors, Muscovian Ambassa­dours. to the Emperour, the Kings of Poland, Denmark, Sueden, and other Princes his Neighbours. These Ministers are either Welikoi Posol, Grand Courriers, or Poslanicks, Envoys. Heretofore, especially in the time of Iohn Basilouits, they treated Strangers, even the publick Ministers of Princes, with much disrespect; but now it is otherwise. Ambassadors are entertain'd with great civility; and their charges defray'd from the day of their entrance into the Great Duke's Dominions, to that of their departure thence; they are treated at great feasts, and have very rich Presents bestow'd on them. Whence it comes, that other Europaean Princes make no difficulty to send their Ambassadors thither, nay some have their ordinary Residents there, as the Kings of England and Sueden. All the Presents made by the Great Duke consist in Furrs, and he never sends any solemn Embassy, but it car­ries such as are very considerable for the Prince to whom it is sent. Those which the Great Duke Foedor Iuanouits sent, in the year 1595. to the Emperour Rodolph II. were very remarkable, A remark­able Pre­sent. which amounted to above a Million of Livers, or 100000. sterl. viz. onethousand and three Zimmers (which we have said elsewhere, makes twenty pair, and in worth about 100. Crowns in Muscovy) of Sables, five hundred and nineteen Zimmers of ordinary Martins, six­score black-Fox-skins, three hundred thirty seven thousand ordinary Fox-skins, three thou­sand Beavers, a thousand Wolf-skins, and sixty four Elk's-skins. The Poslanicks make no Present from the Great Duke, but upon their own account they do, as baits to draw in others, and if they are not given them, they will have the boldness to ask for them. They defray fo­reign Ambassadors, not only as to provisions, but also provide for the carriage of them, and what ever they bring; and there are upon the Road appointed stages for the accommodation of their travelling, where the Peasants are oblig'd to be ready with a certain number of Horses, and to come upon the first order sent them. Nor is this done with any grievance to those Pea­sants; for besides a salary of 60 Crowns per an. duly paid them, they have land enough al­low'd them for their subsistence. They are freed from Taxes, and all other Charges, and have the allowance of some Altins every journey they make. By this means we travell'd from No­vogorod to Moscou, above 120. German leagues, in six or seven days, and in the Winter in four or five. 'Tis true, the Houses where the Ambassadors are lodg'd, are so poorly furnish'd, that unless a man will be content to ly on the ground or upon a bench, he must bring a Bed with him: but the Muscovites themselves are no better accomodated. Heretofore they shut up the Ambassadors and their retinue in their lodgings, kept them in as Prisoners, and set Sentinels at the door to hinder them from coming out; or if they permitted some of their people to go a­broad into the City, they were accompany'd by Strelits, who observed all their actions: but now they are kept in only till the first Audience, and in the mean they are visited and entertain'd by two Pristafs, whose office it is, to see them supply'd with all things necessary. These take occasion to ask the Ambassadors, what the design of their Embassy is, as also to inform them­selves whether they have any Presents for the Great Duke, and in what they consist, not for­getting to ask whether they have also any for them. As soon as the Ambassadors have delivered in their Presents, the Great Duke causes them to be valu'd by persons that know their worth. Heretofore, the Ambassadors were entertain'd, after their first publick Audience, in the Great Duke's Chamber, at his own Table; but some years since this custom was abolish'd, and they send, to their Lodgings, the Meat design'd for their treatment. All Ambassadors who bring Presents thither, receive others for themselves and their retinue; nay they give Presents to Gentlemen who come thither as Envoys, and to all those that bring but so much as a Letter from a forein Prince. To make a fuller discovery of the Political Government of Muscovy, it will not be much from our purpose, by a short digression, to give an account of what hath pass'd there within this three hundred years.

The Great Duke Iohn Basilouits, Son of Basili, came to the Crown very young, in the year 1540. An Epit [...] ­my of the History of Muscovy. Juan Basi­louits. No History of his time, but speak of his Wars, and the un-heard of cruelties exercis'd by him on all sorts of persons, through his whole reign. They are so horrid, that never any other Tyrant did the like; so that Paulus Iovius, a Bishop, might have forborn giving him that noble quality, of a Good and Devout Christian; since that it may, without any injury to him, be said, he deserves not to be numbred even among Men. 'Tis true, he would go often to Church, say the Service himself, sing, and be present at Ecclesiastical Ceremonies, and [Page 74] execute the Functions of Monks and Priests: but he abus'd both God and Men, and had not sentiments of humanity, so far was he from having any of piety. He had seven lawful wives, and by the first, two sons, Iuan and Foedor, that is, Iohn and Theodore. Being once very an­gry with the elder, he struck him over the head with a staff hoop'd with iron at the end, so as that within five days after he died of it. He had by the last, Demetrius, and dy'd the 28 of March 1584. feeling at his death some part of those afflictions, which an infinite number of innocent persons had suffered through his means.

Foedor Iuanouits, now eldest by his Brother's death, was crown'd the last of Iuly, the same year. He was 22 years of age when he succeeded his Father, but had so little understanding, that, being not fit for affairs, the administration thereof, with the Regency of the who [...]e Kingdom was conferr'd on Boris Gudenou, High-Steward of Muscovy, and Brother in law to the Great Duke, Salomon Henning, in his Chronicle of Livonia, says, that this Foedor was so simple, that he could find himself no greater divertisement than tolling of the Bells before Service.

On the contrary, Boris Gudenou knew so well how to answer the good opinion conceived of him, and to insinuate himself into the affection of the people, that some stuck not to say, that if God should be pleased to dispose otherwise of the two hereditary Princes, it was not to be doubred, but they would call in him, who gave so many demonstrations of an excellent con­duct. During the regency, Boris, perceiving that Demetrius was the more likely to stand in his way, resolv'd to remove him out of it. This young Prince was but nine years old, brought up in the City of Vglits, whither a Gentleman belonging to Boris went, and kill'd him with his own hands. But instead of receiving the great reward he expected for his pains, Boris caus'd him and all the Complices to be kill'd as soon as they were return'd to Moscou. By this exe­cution of the Murtherers, he, for some time, kept undiscovered the true Author of the mur­ther: but, to prevent the people from conceiving him any way engag'd in it, by giving them a greater cause of affliction, he caus'd several houses to be set a-fire, and so consum'd a great part of the City; while, on the other side, he ordered the Castle of Vglits to be demolish'd, and banish'd the Inhabitants, as if they had countenanc'd the murther, and sheltred the murtherers. The weakness of Foedor Iuanouits, sensible, though of nothing else, yet of his own weakness, left the management of all affairs, to Boris, who was in effect what the other had only the name and appearance of, yet did he not think it fit to be over-forward, but let some years pass on, after which, Foedor fell suddenly sick, in the year 1597. and died without children, having reigned twelve years.

Boris was presently look'd upon. Boris Gu­denou. He, to divert the popular jealousie, was so crafty, as, in appearance, to refuse the Royal Dignity, and, as we have said before, to fly into a Monastery, while his Election to the Dukedom was, according to his secret instructions, press'd by some friends, by whose opportunity he seem'd to be overcome, and to accept the Crown.

In the reign of Boris happened a very remarkable thing, through the imposture of a Musco­vian Monk, named Griska Vtropoja, born at Gereslau, of a Noble house, but not very rich, one that had been thrust into a Monastery for his debauches, and lew'd life. He was a very hand­some person, and had an excellent Wit, which qualities an old Monk of the same Monastery made his advantage of, to put this Impostor into the World, and advance him to the Throne. The better to carry on his design, he made him leave the Monastery, and go into Lithuania, where he was entertain'd by a Great Lord, named Adam Wesnewetski, into whose favour he in a short insinuated himself, by his ingenuity, and the constancy of his services. One day his Ma­ster being angry with him, call'd him Bledinsin, or Son of a Whore, and struck him. Griska making his advantage of that disgrace, fell a weeping, and told his Master, that if he knew who he was, he would not call him Son of a Whore, nor treat him in that manner. The curiosity of the Polish Lord was so great, as to press Greska to tell him who he was. The Impostor made an­swer, that he was lawful Son to the Great Duke Iohn Basilouits, that Boris Gudenou would have murther'd him, but the misfortune fell upon a Priest's Son very like him, whom his friends had substituted in his place, while he was convey'd away. He thereupon shews a golden Cross beset with precious stones, which he said was hung about his neck at his Baptism. Adding that the fear of falling into the hands of Boris Gudenou had kept him from discovering himself till then. Upon which he casts himself at his Lords feet, and intreats him to take him into his protection, enlivening his relation with so many circumstances, and his actions with so much shew of since­rity, that his Master, perswaded he spoke nothing but truth, immediately furnish'd him with Cloaths, Horses, and attendance befitting the greatness of a Prince of that quality. The noise of it spreads over all the Country, finds credit every where, and the presumption grows so much the stronger, by reason the Great Duke Boris Gudenou proffers a great sum of mony, to any that should bring in that counterfeit Demetrius alive or dead. His Master, not thinking him safe at his house, sends him into Poland, where he is receiv'd by the Weywode of Sandomira, who pro­mises him a sufficient assistance to restore him to his Throne, upon condition he would tolerate the Roman Catholick Religion in Muscovy, as soon as he had setled himself in the Government [Page 75] thereof. Demetrius not only accepted of that condition, but, being secretly instructed, chang'd his Religion, and promised to marry the Weywode's Daughter, as soon as he should be esta­blish'd. The hope of so advantageous an allyance, and the zeal the Weywode had for his Religi­on, engag'd him to employ his credit and friends, by whose means he got together a considera­ble Army, enter'd Muscovy, and declared a War against the Great Duke. He took in several Cities, debauch'd and corrupted most of the Officers employ'd by Boris against him, and grew so prosperous, that the grief Boris conceived thereat struck him so to the heart, that he died of it, Apr. 13. 1605. The Knez and Bojar [...]s, who were at Moscou, immediately caused his Son Foedor Borissouits to be crowned, Foedor Bo­rissouits. though very young: but reflecting on the continual success of Demetriu's Arms, their minds chang'd, and deriving, from his victories, an ill presage against the new Great Duke, they concluded, that he must be the true Demetrius, the lawful Son of Iohn Basilouits, and that they did ill to take up arms against their natural Sovereign. It was no hard matter to insinuate this into the people, who presently cry'd, Live Demetrius, true Heir of the Kingdom, and may his Enemies perish. Whereupon they ran to the Castle, seis'd upon the young Great Duke, imprison'd him, ransacked, misused, and forc'd away all the kindred and friends of Boris Gudenou, and at the same time sent to intreat Demetrius to come as soon as he pleas'd, and take possession of the Kingdom of his Ancestors. They also begg'd his pardon for what they had done through ignorance, upon the instigation of Boris, assured him of their affection and obedience, and as a pledge of their fidelity, they profer'd to put into his hands the deceased Duke's Son, his Mother, and all his Family, to be disposed of as he should think it. Upon these overtures Demetrius sent a Deak, or Secretary named Iuan Bogdanou, with order to strangle the Mother and Son, and to give out that they were poison'd. Which was accor­dingly executed the 10. of Iune 1605. in the second moneth of the reign of Foedor Bo­rissouits.

The 16. of the same moneth, A counter­feit Deme­trius. Demetrius came to Moscou, with his Army, which strangely encreased as he came along. The whole City went out to meet him, and made him Presents. He was Crown'd the 21. of Iuly, with extrtordinary Ceremonies. And that there might be no question made of the lawfulness of his birth, he sent for the Mother of the true Demetrius, whom Boris Gudenou had shut up in a Monastery, at a great distance from Moscou. He went to meet her with a Noble retinue of Courtiers, lodg'd her in the Castle, where he caused her to be treated with all magnificence, visiting her every day, and doing her all the honour a Mother could expect from a Son. The good Lady knew well enough, that Demetrius, her Son, had been kill'd, but she cunningly dissembled it, as well out of the resentment she had against the memory of Boris Gudenou, and the fear she was in to be ill-treated by this counterfeit Demetri­us, as for that she was not a little pleas'd to see her self so much honour'd, and enjoy the sweet­ness of a happy life, after the miseries and afflictions she had endured in the Monastery, since her Son's death.

But when the Muscovites found his manner of life different from that of the Great Dukes his predecessors, A conspi­racy a­gainst the counterfeit Deme­trius, that he was resolv'd to marry a Roman Catholick, the Weywode of Sandomiria's daughter, and ransack'd the Treasuries of the Kingdom to furnish her according to the advance­ment she expected, they began to mistrust him, and to perceive they had been mistaken. One of the principal Knez, named Vasili Zuski, was the first that offer'd to speak of it to some other Lords, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, and to remonstrate to them the danger whereto both the State and Religion were expos'd, by the Alliance which that Counterfeit intended to make with a strange woman, and of a contrary Religion; adding, that, of necessity, he was an Im­postor, and a lewd person. Upon this it was resolv'd he should be dispatch'd out of the way: but the Conspiracy being discover'd, and Zuski taken, Demetrius got him sentenc'd to death, but sent him a pardon upon the point of execution, hoping by that mildness, to gain the affecti­on of the Muscovites. Accordingly all was quiet till the day of his marriage, which was the 8. of May, 1606. The Bride being arriv'd, with a great number of Poles, Armed, and in a capacity to become Masters of the City, the Muscovites began to open their eyes. Zuski got to his own house, several Knez and Bojares, propos'd to their consideration the present State of Affairs, the unavoidable ruine of both State and Religion, and, profer'd, for the preservation thereof, once more to expose his person and life. They gave him thanks, and promis'd to assist him with their Persons and Estates, when there should be an opportunity to put their design in execution. They had a fair one the last day of the Nuptial solemnity, which was the ninth af­ter the Wedding, and the 17. of May. The Great Duke and his Company being got drunk and asleep, the Muscovites caused all the Bells in the City to be rung, as they are wont in case of fire, to give an Alarm, whereupon they immediately put themselves into Arms, and set up­on the Castle, where, having defeated the Polish Guards, and forc'd the Gates, they entred the Great Dukes Chamber, who thought to avoid present death by leaping out at a window in­to the Court, in hope to save himself among the Guards, which were still there in Arms: but he was taken, and cruelly us'd. The Castle was ransack'd. Zuski, addressing himself to the pretended Mother of Demetrius, oblig'd her to swear by the Cross, whether Demetrius was her [Page 76] Son, or no, to which having answer'd, that he was not, and that she never had but one Son, who had been unfortunately murther'd, they shot the Counterfeit Demetrius in the head with a Pistol. Demetri­us kill'd. They imprison'd the pretended Great Dutchess, with her Father and Brother, as al­so the Polish Ambassador. The Ladies and Gentlewomen were abus'd and deflour'd, and above 1700. men kill'd, among whom were many Jewellers, Merchants, who had abundance of Jewels about them. Demetrius's body was stripp'd, and dragg'd to the place before the Castle, where it lay expos'd for three whole days. After which they buried it, but it was immediate­ly taken up again, to be burnt, and reduc'd to ashes.

This conspiracy thus succeeding, the Muscovites chose into the place of Demetrius, Knez Basilouits Zuski, Zuski made Great Duke. A second counterfeit Demetri­us. the Ring-leader of the Enterprise, who was Crown'd Iune 1. 1606. But he was no sooner got into the Throne, ere another Impostor disputed the possession of it. His name was Knez Gregori Schacopski, who at the pillaging of the Castle, having found the Seals of the Kingdom, fell into a League with two Polauders, and made a shift to go into Poland. He made use of the same invention as his Predecessor, and took the name of Demetrius, giving out, where he came, that he had escap'd the Massacre, in the night time, that they had kill'd another in his stead, and that he was going into Poland to raise another Army, to punish the Muscovites for their infidelity and ingratitude.

About the same time started up another Demetrius, A third Impostor. in the City of Moscou. He was Clerk to one of the Secretaries of State, got into the field, made use of the same imposture as the two others, and found abetters, by whose assistance he became Master of many great Cities. This occasion'd many other disorders, which the Polanders countenanc'd out of their resentment of the affront they had receiv'd from the Muscovites. The events of the War, occasioned there­by, prov'd so fatal and unhappy, that the Muscovites quarrell'd at Zuski, and look'd upon him as the sole cause of all their misfortunes. They said, his Government was unjust, because unfortunate, and that there must needs be something fatal in his person, when victory seem'd to shun him, to side with his Enemies. Three Muscovian Lords, Zacchary Lippanow, Mi­chael Molsaneck, and Iuan Kesefski, were the first that amus'd the people with these reports, and, perceiving they were well receiv'd among them, proceeded in their design, depriv'd Zus­ki of his Dignity, shut him up in a Monastery, and had him shaved.

Upon this, the Knez and Bojares, to avoid the jealousie, which the Election might raise a­mong themselves, resolv'd to take in a forein Prince. The Polanders still countenanc'd the se­cond Demetrius, so far as that they forc'd the former's Widow to acknowledge him for her husband, and expected satisfaction for the affront they had received at Moscou, at the marri­age of Demetrius, so that the Muscovites willing to satisfie the Polanders, and not finding any Prince near them so well qualified as Vladislaus, Uladislaus Prince of Poland chosen Czaar of Muscovy. eldest son to Sigismond King of Poland, sent to the King, his father, to desire, that he might accept of the Crown of Muscovy. The King consented; but the Treaty agreed upon, among other Clauses, had this, that Iohn Basilouits Zuski should be taken out of the Monastery, and, with some other Lords of his Kinred, should be put into the hands of the King of Poland, who kept them, a long time, Prisoners at Smo­lensko, where Zuski, at last, died, and his body was buried near the High-way, between Thorn and Warsaw. Stanilaus Solkouski was, in the mean time, advanc'd with his Army to the very Gates of Moscou, with order to revenge the death of Demetrius, and the Polanders, who were Massacred with him. But news coming of the conclusion of the Treaty, they laid down their Arms, and Stanislaus had order, in the Prince's name, to receive homage from the Musco­vites, and to stay at Moscou, till the Prince were come thither in person. The Muscovites were content, and, having taken the Oath of Allegiance, they reciprocally administred it to him, and permitted him, with a thousand Poles, to enter the Castle, and to keep a Garri­son there. The rest of the Army stay'd without the City, not doing any thing at which the Muscovites might conceive any jealousie. On the contrary, there was much kindness shewn on both sides, till that the Poles, having crept by degeees into the City, to the number of above six thousand, took up the Avenues of the Castle for their quarters, and began to incommodate the Citizens, and to become insupportable, by reason of their insolences, and the violences they dayly committed upon Women and Maids, The Mus­covites discontent­ed against the Polan­ders. nay, upon the Muscovian Saints, at which they shot off their Pistols. So that the Muscovites not able to endure them any longer, and impatient for their Great Duke, met together on the 24. of Ianuary 1611. in the place before the Castle, where they made a noise, and complained of the outrages which they daily recei­ved from the Polanders, saying, it was impossible for them to maintain so great a number of Soldiers, that their Trade was destroy'd, that they were exhausted to the least drop of their blood, that the new Great Duke came not, which made them apprehend, there was some­thing ominous in it; that they could live no longer at that rate, and that they should be forc'd to those remedies, which nature had furnish'd them with, for their safety, if some other course were not taken.

The Polish General did all he could to appease them, An insur­rection at Moscou. causing to be severely punish'd some of his Soldiers who most deserv'd it; but the Muscovites thought not that enough. The Polanders, [Page] [Page]

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[Page 77] on their side▪ fearing a general insurrection, doubled their Guards, possess'd themselves of the Principal streets, and prohibited the Muscovites to assemble, and bear Arms. This incens'd them so, as that they all rose, and met together in several places of the City, purposely to ob­lige the Polanders to divide their forces. The Polanders thought it not enough to stand only up­on the defensive, but set the City on fire in three or four several places, thereby obliging the Muscovites to run to the relief of their Wives and Children, and making their advantage of that calamity, they set upon the Muscovites where ever they met them, and made so horrid a slaughter of them, that it is said, the sword and the fire destroy'd, in those two dayes, above 200000. persons, and all the houses in the City, excepting the Castle, the Churches, and some few stone-buildings. The Great Duke's Treasury was ransack'd, as also the Churches and Monasteries, out of which the Polanders got, and sent into Poland, an incredible quantity of Gold, Silver, and precious Stones, among which, the Muscovites do, to this day, regret the loss of a certain Vnicorn's horn, enrich'd with Diamonds. They say, the Soldiery got such a booty, that some of them charg'd their Pistols with great round Pearls. Fifteen dayes after this disorder came Zachary Listpenow with a good Army, and besig'd the Polanders in the Ca­stle, kill'd many of them in several assaults, and, at last, forc'd them to a composition, and to depart the Kingdom.

The Muscovites, Michael Federouits chosen Great Duke. having weather'd out all these calamities, proceeded to the Election of a new Great Duke, and chose Michael Foederouits, the son of Foedor Nikitis, a Kinsman, but far remov'd, of Iuan Basilouits. This man had forsaken his wife, for God's sake, as they call it, and be­came a Religious man, whereupon he was made Patriarch, and, in that dignity, chang'd the name of Foedor, into that of Philaretes. The Son, who was of a very good nature, and much inclin'd to Devotion, hath alwayes express'd a great respect for his Father, taking his advice in affairs of greatest importance, and giving him the honour of admittance to all publick Audiences and Ceremonies, at which he alwayes gave him precedence. He died in the year 1633. some few dayes before our first Embassy.

The first thing this new Great Duke did, after his establishment, was, to make a Peace with his Neighbour Princes, and to abolish the memory of his Predecessors Cruelties, by so mild a Government, that it is granted, Muscovy hath not had, these many ages, a Prince deserving so great commendations from his Subjects. He died Iuly 12. 1645. in the 49 ^th ▪ year of his age, and the 33. of his reign. The Great Dutchess, his Wife, died eight dayes after him, and his son, Knez Alexei Michalouits succeeded him.

The reign of Michael Foederouits was very quiet. But as, in the times of Boris Gudenou, and Iohn Basilouits Zuski, there were Counterfeit Demetrius's, so, in Michael's time, there star­ted up an Impostor, who had the boldness, to assume the name and and quality of Basili Iouanou­its Zuski, A counter­feit Zuski▪ Son of a Linnen-Draper. Son to the Great Duke Iuan Basilouits Zuski. His name was Timoska Ankudina, born in the City of Vologda, in the Province of the same name, and son to a Linnen. Draper, na­med Demko, or Dementi Ankudina. The Father having observ'd somewhat of more than or­dinary wit in him, had brought him up to writing and reading, which having attain'd, he was look'd upon as a very excellent person among those who have no further acquaintance with Learning. His first preferment The excellency of his voice, and his skill in singing Hymns at Church, recommended him to the Arch-Bishop of the place, who took him into his service, wherein Ankudina behaved himself so well, that the Arch-Bishop having a kindness for him, married him to a Grand-Child of his. This Allyance, which might have been very advantageous to him, prov'd the first occasion of his ruine: for he presently began, in his Letters, to assume the quality of Son-in-law to the Weywode of Vologda, and Vellicopermia. Having, after the Arch-bishops death, squander'd away his Wife's fortune, he came, with his Family, to Moscou, where, upon the recommendation of a friend of the Arch-bishop's, he found an employment in the Novazetvert, that is, the Office where such as keep common Tip-ling-houses are oblig'd to take the Wine, Strong-water, and Hydromel, which they sell by retail, a [...]d where they give an accompt of what they have spent. He was made Receiver there, but became so unfaithful, that, the first Accompt he made he could not bring in what was due to the Prince, by 200. Crowns: and in regard they expect a great exactness upon such an accompt in Muscovy, he put his invention upon the rack to make up the said sum. Cheats his fellow Offi­cer. To that end, he went to one of his fellow Officers, na­med Basili Gregorowits Spilki, who had Christen'd a Child of his, and done him several kind­nesses, when occasion required, and told him, that one of the chiefest Merchant [...] of Vologda, one to whom he was very much oblig'd, being come to the City, he had invited him to Dinner, and would be glad to let him see his Wife; intreating him to lend him his Wife's Pearls and Rings, that he might present her in a condition suitable to his employment. The other did it without any difficulty, nay, without any thing to shew from the other, of his having receiv'd them, though they were worth above 1000. Crowns. But Timoska, instead of pawning the Jewels to make up his accompts, sold them, made use of the money, and confidently averr'd that his friend had not lent him any. Spilki clapt him up in prison, but, having no evidence to convict him, he could not hinder his being set at liberty, Timoska had some difference with his [Page 78] Wife, who often reproach'd him with his perfidiousness, and other vices, especially his Sodo­my: so that fearing, on the one side, to be called to accompt for what he was in arrear to the Prince, and, on the other, that his Wife might happly be the first that should accuse him, be­thought him one day to send his son to a friend of his, Burns his wife, and retreats in­to Poland. to shut up his Wi [...]e in a stove, and to set the house a-fire, in which his Wife was burnt. Having done thus, he went into Poland, but so se­cretly, that it was thought at Moscou, the same fire had consumed him, with the rest of his family.

Timoska went away, about the latter end of the year 1643. but hearing, in 1645. that the Greak Duke was to send an Ambassador to the King of Poland, and that his being at the Court of Warsaw was known in Muscovy, Goes to Chmiel­niski. he went in the year 1646 to Chmielniski, General of the Cosaques, and begg'd his protection, against the persecutions which he suffer'd, upon no other accompt than this, that the Great Duke knew him to be a near kinsman to the Prince Iuan Basi­louits Zuski. He had wit enough to carry on the Imposture, and had got such an influence over Chmielniski, that he began to grow considerable, when a Muscovian Poslanik, named Iacob Koslou, who had been sent to this Cosaque General, knew him, and advis'd him to return to Moscou, and endeavour, to make up the sum which was due from him to the Great Duke, which was not so great, but, that having paid it, the intercession of his friends might easily get his pardon: for it was not yet known, that he pretended to be son to the Great Duke Iohn Ba­silouits Zuski. But this course he thought not safe, and, fearing he might be secur'd, he went, in the year 1648. Turns Turk to Constantinople, where he abjur'd the Christian Religion, and was circumci­sed. He stay'd not long there, but, fearing to be punish'd for some Crimes he had committed there also, he went into Italy, and so to Rome, Becomes a Roman Catholick. Goes into Sueden. where he became a Roman Catholick. Thence he went in the year 1650. to Vienna, and thence into Transilvania, to Prince Ragotskie, who gave him Letters of recommendation to Queen Christina, of Sueden. This Princes receiv'd him kindly, and giving credit to what he related, allowed him an honourable subsistence. The Muscovian Merchants, who were then at Stockholm, soon acquainted the Great Duke with this man's Imposture, who stuck not to give out every where, that he was son to Iohn Basilouits Zuski. The Great Duke immediately sent thither the aforesaid Koslou, who had seen him with Chmielniski, to desire the Queen to deliver up that man to him: but Timoska, who knew that enquiry would be made for him, was already got away. His man, whose name was Kostka, or Constantine, whom some business had detain'd after his Master at Stockholm, was taken, and sent, well chain'd, to Muscovy, where they found Timoska's Mother and Kinred, whereof some were put to the Rack and executed. Timoska was taken at Reuel, in Livonia, by order from the Queen of Sueden; but he made a shift to get out of prison, and went, by the way of Holland, To Brussels. to Brussels, where he saw the Arch-Duke Leopold. Thence he went to Wittenberg, and to Leipsig, where he made profession of the Lutheran Religion, and Writ, himself, his Confession of Faith in Latin. Embraces the Luthe­ran religion Thence he went to Noustadt, in the Dutchy of Holstein, where Peter Miklaf, who had brought Letters from the Great Duke to the Duke of Holstein, got him secur'd. He was carried thence to Gottorp, where he was well guarded, till the Great Duke had sent express order for the bringing of his person to Muscovy. The Letters which the Czaar Writ upon that occasion are such as may be well inserted in this place, that we may thereby discover somewhat of the elegance of the Muscovian manner of writing.

In the name of Almighty God, The Great Duke's Letters to the Duke of Holstein who does all in all, and protects all Nations in good consolati­ons, from Him, who, by the Grace, Providence, Power, Vertue, Operation, and good pleasure of God, to be magnifi'd in the blessed Trinity, and glorious in all Eternity, hath been chosen, and holds the Scepter of the true Christian Faith, to govern and preserve, with Gods assistance, in peace and quiet, without troubles, the Great Empire of the Russians, with all the Provinces thereunto annex­ed, by Conquest or otherwise. We the Grand Seigneur, Czaar, and Great Duke, Alexei Michae­louits, Conservator of all the Russes, &c. To the most mighty Frederick, Hereditary Prince of Norway, Duke of Sleswick, Holstein, Stormarie and Ditmarse, Count of Oldenbourg, and Del­menhost, Health. In the year 1644. or, according to the Calculation of Muscovy, in the year 7152. the mentioned Timoska Ankudina, and Kostka Konichou, ha­ving robbed our Treasure, to avoid the death they had deserved, departed the Countries under our Iurisdiction, to go to Constantinople, where they professed the Turkish Religion. There they did so great mischief in a short time, that they were forc'd to fly, and to retreat into Poland and Lithuania, where they endeavoured to sow divisions between the neighbouring Princes. To that end they went to Theodat Chmielniski, General of the Cosaques, whom the King John Casimir of Poland, our Brother, commanded to put those Robbers into the hands of M. Germolitzowi, Gentleman of his Chamber, who had order to send them to Muscovy, under the conduct of M. Peter Protesiowi, a Gentleman of our retinue, as the said Chmielniski had made known to our Czaarick Majesty. But these Robbers and Traitors got to Rome, where they embraced the Latin Religion. Afterwards they passed through several other Provinces of Europe, where they changed their names, so as Ti­moska, sometimes, assumed that of Zuski, and sometimes that of Sinensis, while Kostka went un­der the name of his Servant, till such time as both having been known at Stockholm, by some of our Merchants of Novogorod, and other places, and thereupon secured, one at Ruel, the other at [Page 79] Narva, the Governours of those two places made some difficulty to deliver them up to us, without express order from the Great Queen of Sueden. But when we had desired the said Great Queen of Sueden, to put those Traitors into the hands of the Gentleman whom we had sent expressly for that purpose, it happened that at his coming to Reuel, with the Orders of the said Great Queen, the Governour had already suffered one of them to make his escape, so that he could bring along with him but only the said Kostka. We have understood since, that the other hath been taken and impri­soned in the Country of Holstein, wherefore we have thought fit to send to your Highness our Pos [...]a­nick, Basili Spilki, accompany'd by some of our Subjects, with Letters from our Czaarick Maje­sty, to intreat you, that you will be pleas'd to deliver up unto them, and to send to us those Traitors.

The Letters were dated the last of October, 1652. after which the Great Duke sent another of the 5 of Ianuary, 1653. to the same effect, save that, at the end of the Letter, were added the lines following. Since that time, there came to us, in the moneth of December last, Peter Micklaf, of Novogorod, who hath informed us, how that, in pursuance of your Orders, the said Traitor had been secured in your Ducal City of Neustat, and that upon the Remonstrance made to you by the said Micklaf, you had translated him to Gottorp, to be there kept under a good and sure guard. Wherefore we send back again unto you the said Micklaf, with Letters from our Cza­arick Majesty, to entreat you, to deliver up the said Traitor to him and Basili Spilki, that he may have no further opportunity to escape, and raise new troubles in the World. In acknowledge­ment whereof our Czaarick Majesty shall serve your Highness, in such occasions as shall present themselves. This Robber and Traitor to our Czaarick Majesty, named Timoska, is of very mean Birth, the son of a Linnen-Draper that dealt only in coarse cloaths, named Demki Ankudina, of the Suburbs of Vologda, His Mother is called Salmaniska, and his Son, who is yet living, Tereska. Timoska was an under Officer in the Nova Zetvert, and he hath robb'd our Treasury, hath kill'd his Wife, and, with his own house, hath burnt several other houses that were near his, whereby many of our Subjects have been ruined. Wherefore knowing that he could not avoid death o­therwise than by flight, he got away in the manner we have mentioned. Given at our Czaarick residence of Moscou, the third of January, in the year of the Worlds Creation, 7161. and of the birth of our Saviour, 1653. After this, he also writ a third Letter, of the 17 of October the same year, upon which the Prisoner was delivered up to those, whom the Great Duke had appointed to receive him.

One of these Deputies was the same Spilki whom Timoska had cheated of his Wife's coller and Pearls. To be Gossips is a great allyance in Muscovy, besides they had been fellow-Offi­cers in the same Employment, wherefore Spilki desired, his Highness would give him leave to see the Prisoner, and to speak to him in the presence of some Officers of the Court. But Timos­ka behaved himself as if he knew him not, and would not speak the Muscovian, but the Polish language, purposely to gravel the other, who could not speak it well. Spilki asked him, whe­ther his name were not Timoska Ankudina, and whether he had not robb'd the Great Duke's Treasury, and committed several other enormous crimes? Timoska made him answer, that it might be Timoska Aukudina had robb'd the Great Duke's Treasury, or converted his money to his own use, but that he was not concern'd in it. That his name was Iohannes Sinensis, and in the Polish language Zuiski, cunningly avoiding to hint at what he had said before, to wit, that he was Son to the Great Duke, Iohn Basilouits Zuski. But when Spilki ask'd him, whether he remembred not his life past; the other derided him, gave him injurious language, and ad­ded, that he could not acknowledge him in the quality of a Poslanick, since he was but a poor Shop-keeper, and seller of Pins, alluding to his name, Spilki, which signifies, a Pin-maker. Timoska would needs, one day, intreat his Highness of Holstein to appoint his Chancellor, and some others of his Councel, to receive from his own mouth the state of his affairs. They askt him what house and family he was of, and whether he were of kin to the Great Duke, why the Great Duke persecuted him, and wherein he could any way prejudice him? He answer'd, that it was known; his name was Iohannes Sinensis, and in the Polish language, Zuski; that, at his Baptism, he had been named Timotheus; that he was the Son of Basili Domitian Suiski; and that he had been so surnamed, from a City in Muscovy called Suia: That he was original­ly a Muscovite, but born and brought up in Poland, in the Province of Novogarka Severskhio, and that he was hereditary Lord of Hukragina Severska, upon the Frontiers of Muscovy: That the Great Duke was not his Kinsman, in as much as the Great Duke's Father had been but a Gentleman, whereas his was a Prince born, and that was the reason why the Great Duke per­secuted him. That the Cham of Tartary, who was then ingaged in a War against the King of Poland, would have employ'd him in a War against the Great Duke, but he had a greater affection for the Country of his Predecessors, than to trouble its quiet: That it was in his po­wer to send above a 100000 men into Muscovy, but that God, of his goodness, had divert­ed his thoughts from doing any such thing. He had written somewhat to that purpose to the Patriarch. For the Poslanick, who came from Sueden, having enter'd into a Familiarity with him, and advised him to write to the Patriarch, as the most likely person to procure his par­don, [Page 80] he resolv'd to do it, and deliver'd his Letter to the Poslanick, in which he writ to the Pa­triarch, that he was indeed a Muscovite, and, at his Baptism, had been named Timothy, whereof the word Timoska is the diminutive. That he had had a desire to enter Muscovy with an Army of 300000 men, but that he had been diverted from that pernicious design by the Guardian Angel of Muscovy. That thereupon he came to himself, and was resolved to return into his Country, whereas, had he been minded to continue his wicked life, it had been easie for him to get out of the prison at Neustat, but that it was his intention to return into Musco­vy voluntarily, with those whom the Great Duke had appointed to conduct him. The Posla­nick, who doubted not, but that, upon this Letter, he would have made such a confession, as night have convinc'd him, open'd, and read it in his presence. But he had to do with a man, whom so small a matter would not make to betray himself. He would perswade them that the Poslanick was a cheat, and that the Letter was counterfeited, that he had never writ it, and to make good what he said, he writ another Letter of a Stile and Character so far different from that of the former, that the Poslanick, mad to see himself so abused, flung it in his face. Ti­moska took it up, and tore it to pieces.

But the distraction of his conscience was but too apparent in the inconsistency of his depositi­ons, Timoska varies in his deposi­tions. and the declarations he had made, both by word of mouth and writing. For, one while, he said, he was Son to the Great Duke, Basili Iuanouits Zuski; and another, he said his Fa­thers name was Basile Domitian, though it was known, that, in that time, there were but three Lords of the House of Zuski, and not any of them was of that name. Sometimes he would be thought a Polander, and would confidently maintain that he could make it as clear as the Sun at Noon, that he was no Muscovite, and that there was not any thing in his person, language, or manner of life which might perswade the World that he was. Indeed his beard was quite after another fashion than the Muscovitet ordinarily wear theirs. He had the Latin, Italian, German and Turkish Languages, so well, as to be understood in any of them, and he had such an art in counterfeiting all sorts of hands, that it was hard to convince him by that which he writ in his first employment. Nay he would have had us suspect as counterfeited, the Letters sent by the Great Duke to our Prince, because he had not signed them, and might have surpriz'd us with that allegation, had we not learnt in Muscovy, that the Great Duke never signs expeditions, but leaves that to be done by the Secretaries of State.

Timoska perceiving these evasions would not serve his turn, Would pro­cure his own death. [...]ell into despair, and would have kill'd himself. For, being upon his way to Travemunde, to be ship'd away, not far from Neu­stat [...], he cast himself down headlong from the Wagon, and shuffled himself under the Wheels, hoping they would pass over his Body; but the ground being soft and sandy, his fall did him no hurt, and the Wagon was immediately staid; so that they had the time to return him to his place, where they fasten'd him beyond all fear of shewing such another trick. He seem'd to be in a very good humour all the way, yet sought all the means he could imagine, to compass his own death; but he was so narrowly watch'd, that at last being out of all hope to effect it, the joy he had express'd before was much abated. Coming to Novogorod, he fell into so deep a melancholy, that he was become absolutely disconsolate. Which yet hindred not but that a­midst the greatest tortures he express'd an admirable constancy, at least if I may so call the re­solute obstinacy, in which he persisted, as to his first depositions; whether it were his design thereby to confirm, in strangers, the opinion he would have imprinted in them, or that he considered with himself, that his confession would not prevent his death, nor alleviate his misfortune. Is tortured As soon as he came to Moscou, he was put to the torture, in the presence of di­vers persons of quality; but he impudently told them, that, of all the Bojares, he would not vouchsafe to speak to any, but Knez Nikita Iuanouits Romanow; and him only, as knowing him by fame, by reason of his goodness and courage he should be glad to have some discourse withall. While two Bojares were gone to find out Nikita, Timoska desired somewhat to drink. They presented to him some Quas, in a wooden dish, but he would have Hydromel, and that it should be brought him in a silver Cup; but after they had so far comply'd with his humour, he only put it to his lips, and would not drink. Seeing Nikita, and the other two Bojares come in, he gave them a civil salute: but still affirmed, that he was Son to Basili Iuanouits Zuski, though it were prov'd against him, that he was the Son of Dementi Aukudina, a Lin­nen Draper of Vologda, and that the Great Duke Basili had had no children, but only two Bro­thers, Knez Demetri Iuanouits, and Iuan Iuanouits Zuski, who both died without issue male. For of these three Brothers, who were sent Prisoners into Poland, at the election of Vladislaus, in the year 1610. with the rest of the Great Dukes kinred, the two elder died there, and the third was releas'd, and sent back into Muscovy, where he died some few years before the exe­cution of Timoska. 'Tis true, there was another Lord of the same Family, but he had left on­ly one Son, named Michael Basilouits Zuski Scapin, who died without issue, when the Suedes took the City of Novogorod, in the year 1616.

While he endured the torture, they brought his Mother to him, who exhorted him to ac­knowledge his crime. He seem'd to be moved at her presence, but persisted in affirming he knew [Page 81] her not, no more than he did Iuan Pescou, with whom he had left his Son, when he left Mus­covy. This man represented to him how much he was to blame, for behaving himself so in the condition he was in, and told him, that he must at last pull off the vizard, he had made use of for so many years, to cheat the World, and disturb his Country, conjuring him to own his Son, and rely no longer on elusions and impostures, which would only aggravate his misery, and bring a greater weight of God's vengeance upon him. He was so mov'd hereat, that he would not speak one word afterwards, though there were divers persons brought before him, who had known him while he was employ'd at the Tavern-Office. He was search'd and found to be Circumcis'd. The next day they put him again to the torture, but he would not speak at all: so that he was immediately carried to the great Market-place, where his sentence was pro­nounced, And Exe­cuted▪ and presently put in execution. They cut off, with an Ax, first, his right arm, below the elbow, then the left leg, below the knee, and afterwards the left arm and right leg, and last of all the head, The members were set up on stakes, and the trunk left upon the ground: but the Dogs devour'd it in the night, and the next morning the Executioner's Servants dragg'd the members to the place where all the City dirt is thrown.

His man, Kostka was pardoned, because he had confess'd the truth; but, in regard he had been unfaithful towards his Prince, he was sentenc'd to lose three fingers of his right hand. The Patriarch got that punishment to be moderated, upon this accompt, that the Religion of the Muscovites obliging them to make the sign of the Cross with the right hand, which ought not to be maimed, he receiv'd his punishment in the left, and was sent into Siberia, where provision was made for his subsistence during life. About this time there came a Polish Envoy to Moscou They gave him audience the same day that Timoska was put to death, and brought him through the Market-place just at the execution, that he might be an eye witness of it, and give an ac­compt, in Poland, of the Tragedy of that Impostor, who had been there look'd upon as son to the Great Duke, Basili Iuanouits Zuski.

We said before, that the Great Duke Michael Federouits died Iul. 12. 1645. The very next day, the Knez and Bojares would needs crown his Son, Alexei Michaelouits, who was not full sixteen years of age. He it is that now reigns, and makes himself known by the War he made upon Poland, as also by that which he daily threatens against Sueden. He was born, March 17. 1630. Knez Boris Iuanouits Morosou, fearing his enemies might take any advantage of the Prince's tender years, so hastened his Coronation, that they could not send for all those who are oblig'd to be present thereat, nor perform it with the requisite Ceremonies: which are as followeth.

They summon to Moscou, The Cere­monies of the Cza­ar's Coro­nation, not only all the Metropolitans, Archbishops, Bishops, Knez, and Bojares, but also the Principal Merchants, of all the Cities in the Kingdom. The day appointed for the Coronation, the Patriarch, attended by the Metropolitans, conduct the new Great Duke to the Church within the Castle, where a Scaffold is erected three steps high, cover'd with rich Persian Tapistry, on which are set three Brocado Chairs, at an equal distance one from the other. One is for the Great Duke, another for the Patriarch, and upon the third are set the Ducal Cap and Robe. The Cap is embroider'd with Pearls and Diamonds, having upon the Crown a Tassel, on which hangs a little Crown, set as thick as may be with Diamonds: and the Robe is of a rich Brocado, lined with the best kind of Sables. They say the Great Duke Demetri Monomach found it, at the taking of Kaffa, in Tartarie, and that he immediately de­sign'd it for the Coronation of the Princes his Successors.

As soon as the Czaar is come within the Church, the Clergy begin to sing their Hymn [...], which ended, the Patriarch prays to God, to St. Nicholas, and the other Saints, desiring their presence at that day's Solemnity. The prayer ended, the Chief Counsellour of State, taking the Great Duke by the hand, presents him to the Patriarch, and sayes to him; Since the Knez and Bojares acknowledge the Prince here present to be the next of Kin to the late Great Duke, and lawfull Heir to the Crown, they desire, that, as such, you immediately Crown him. Whereupon the Patriarch leads the Prince up to the Scaffold, and having seated him in one of the three Chairs, he puts to his forehead, a little Cross of Diamonds, and blesses him. Then one of the Metropolitans reads the following Prayer. ‘O Lord our God, King of Kings, who didst choose thy servant David, by the Prophet Samuel, and who didst cause him to be anointed King over thy people Israel, hearken to our prayers, which, though unworthy, we offer up unto thee. Look down, from the highest Heavens, upon this thy faithful servant, who is here seated upon this Chair, and whom thou hast exalted to be King over thy people, whom thou hast redeemed by the blood of thy Son. Anoint him with the Oyl of gladness; protect him by thy power; set upon his head a precious Diadem; grant him a long and hap­py life; put into his hand a Royal Scepter, and make him sit upon the Throne of Justice. Make subject to him all barbarous Languages; Let his heart and his understanding alwayes continue in thy fear. In all the course of his life, let him be constantly obedient to thy Com­mandement. Suffer not any Heresie, or Schism to come near his Person or Government. Teach him to maintain and observe whatsoever the holy Greek Church commandeth and ordaineth. [Page 82] Iudge thy people in Iustice, and be merciful to the poor; that, when they leave this Valley of tears, they may be received into eternal joys. Which Prayer the Patriarch concludes with these words, For thine is the Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory; God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Ghost be with us, and remain with us.’

The Prayer ended, the Patriarch commands two Metropolitans to take the Cap and Robe, and having caused some of the Bojares to come upon the Scaffold, he commands them to put them on the Great Duke, whom he blesseth a second time, by touching his forehead with the little Cross of Diamonds. Then he causes to be given to them the Ducal Cap, to be set upon his head, while he says, In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and then blesses him the third time. That done, the Patriarch causes all the Prelates to approach, who give the Benediction to the Great Duke, but it is only with their hands. That Ceremony end­ed, the Great Duke and the Patriarch sit down, but they immediately rise again, to give or­der for the singing of the Letany, whereof every verse ends with Gospodi pomiluy, Lord, have mercy upon us, putting in ever and anon the great Duke's name. After the Letany they sit down again, and one of the Metropolitans comes up to the Altar, and says singing, God pre­serve our Czaar and Great Duke of all the Russes, whom God hath out of his love bestow'd on us, in good health, and grant him a long and a happy life. All that are present, as well Ecclesiasticks as Laicks repeat the same words, which make the Church echo again with the greatness of their joy. Then the Bojares come up to the Great Duke, smite their foreheads in his presence, and kisse his hand. That done, the Patriarch comes up alone before the Great Duke, and tells him; That, since, through the Providence of God, all the Estates of the Kingdom, as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal, have establish'd and Crowned him Great Duke over all the Russes, and have entrust­ed him with a Government and Conduct of so great importance, he ought to apply all his thoughts to love God, keep his Commandments, administer Iustice, and protect, and maintain the true Greek Religion. That done, the Patriarch gives him the Benediction, and the whole Assembly goes out of that Church, into that of St. Michael the Arch-Angel, which is opposite to the other, where they sing over the same Letanies; which is done afterwards in that also of St. Nicholas, where they conclude the Ceremonies, and Dine in the Great Hall of the Duke's Palace.

After the Coronation, The Great Dukes fa­vourite. Alexei Michaelouits Morosou chang'd the quality of Governour into that of Favourite and Chief Minister, and had the same power in Affairs, as he had over the Prince's person during his fathers life. He began his establishment with the great Employ­ments which he bestow'd on the Kinred of the Great Dutchess-Mother, for whom the Prince had a great Veneration: but under that pretence he kept them at a distance from Court, which, as also the chiefest places of publick trust, he in the mean time fill'd with his own Kinred and Creatures, who wholly depended on his fortune. He permitted not any other to come near the Prince's person, whom he would often get out of the Capital City, under pretence of Hunt­ing, or some other divertisement; so to beget in him an aversion to business, that he might have the management of all things. He thought the only way to make sure of him, would be to get him a Wife, and to that end, he brought him acquainted with a Gentlemans Daugh­ter, who was an extraordinary Beauty, but of mean extraction. 'Twas his design to marry her Sister, by that means to interesse the Great Duke more nearly in his preservation. These Gentle­womens Father, was one Ilia Danilouits Miloslauski, very much look'd upon by the Favourite, not only upon the accompt of his two fair Daughters, but also in regard of his constant attendance on him. So that upon the confidence he had of his affection and fidelity, he one day took oc­casion to speak to the Great Duke of him, and thence, to celebrate so highly the beauty of those Gentlewomen, that, it rais'd in him a desire to see them. The Great Duke sent for them, un­der pretence of a Visit to the Princesses his Sisters, and having seen them, he was so taken with the Beauty of the Elder, that he immediately sent one to tell Miloslauskie, that he would ho­nour him with Alliance, and marry one of his Daughters. The Gentleman receiv'd the message with much respect, and return'd his humble thanks to the Great Duke for the favour he was pleas'd to do him. Soon after, they carried rich Presents to the intended Bride, and a good sum of money to the Father, who, with others of the Kinred, could not, without that sup­ply, have appear'd at the Marriage of his Daughter. They were married on Shrove-Sunday, in the year 1647. but without any noise, lest the consequences of that Solemnity might be fru­strated by Charms. Eight days after, Morosou was married to Miloslauskie's second Daughter, and so became Brother-in-Law to the Great Duke.

Ilia Danilouits Miloslauskie was no sooner advanc'd to this new-greatness, but he would have all the World to take notice of it. He pull'd down a Wooden house that had been given him in the Castle near the Great Duke's Palace, and built a Sumptuous one of Stone in it's place. He cast off, by degrees, the old Officers of the house, and brought in his own Kindred and Crea­tures; who being no less necessitous than the chief of their family, let slip no opportunity of advantaging themselves. Among others, he made one Leponti Steppanouits Plesseou Chief Judge of the Citie of Moscou, in that Jurisdiction which they call Semskoi Duor. No Concussion, no Extortion, but this man would undertake. He thought it not enough to receive Presents, but [Page 83] would reduce both parties to the utmost extremities. He suborn'd false Witnesses, whose em­ployment was to bring in charges against those, who were rich enough to redeem themselves out of his persecutions, imprisoning, and oppressing them till they purchas'd their Liberties with the ruine of their Estates; and of these instruments of his Tyranny, one was called Peter Ticho­nuits Trochaniotou, his Brother-in-law. This Peter was one of those, whom, in Muscovy, they call Ocolnits, out of which number are chosen the Bojares, and he had the management of the Puskarse Pricas, that is to say, was Overseer of the Armourers, Canoniers, and all the Mechanicks belonging to the Arsenal, who were very much oppress'd by him. For, instead of paying them monethly, as they are wont to do in Muscovy, where all that are in the Great Duke's service, are so punctually pay'd, that if they come not the first day of the moneth for their money, it is sent home to them; he, on the contrary, kept them several moneths with­out it, forc'd them to compound, and to give acquittances for the whole sum, though they re­ceived but some part. Besides, Trading was obstructed, Monopolies granted, and no Employ­ment could be had, but by dearly purchasing the Favorite Morosou's good pleasure. One got a Patent, prohibiting the further use of the ordinary Ells, purposely to oblige the people to buy Iron ones with the Great Duke's mark upon them: but instead of selling them at 8. or 10 d. a piece, as they were worth, they could not be had under a Crown; by which means was rais'd a vast sum of money, by reason of the necessity there was of having them all over the Kingdom. Another found out the invention of raising the Poude (that is 40. pound) of Salt, to thirty pence, which before cost but twenty. But instead of making advantage of it, they found at the year's end, that the dearness of the Salt had so hindred the sale of it, that the Great Dukes reve­nue was not only very much diminish'd, but abundance of fish was lost for want of sufficient salting; so that had it not been their design rather to oppress the people than to promote the Great Duke's service, they would soon have put down that new imposition. The Inhabitants of Moscou, who had liv'd very quietly under the late Great Duke's reign could not but discover their resentment of these pressures. They had their assemblies about the Churches, at the hours when their Devotions brought them thither, and resolv'd at last to Petition the Great Duke. And in regard no one person either would or durst undertake the delivery of a Petition to him, they appointed a day to give it him themselves, as he should come out of the Castle, to go to his devotions or divertisements. Their main spleen was against Leponti Steppanouits Plesscou, to de­sire that his place might be supply'd by some person of honour, of whom they might expect more Justice. They had their Petition ready, and sought two or three times an opportunity to present it to the Prince; but the Bojares, who attend him in those Ceremonies, took it from them, and making only a report of it, as they had been instructed by Morosou, the Petition was not answered, nor the people reliev'd. This happen'd so often, that the people at last resolv'd to take some other course, and to make their complaints by word of mouth, upon the first op­portunity that should offer it self. The 6. of Iuly 1648. they took their advantage of a Pro­cession, which the Great Duke made to a Monastery in the Citie called Stertenskie. The people were got together in the Market-place before the Castle, to see him pass by, as they were wont; but at his return, they broke through those that attended the Great Duke, came up to him, laid hold of his bridle, stay'd him, and entreated him to hear the complaints they had to make to him, concerning the injustices and violences committed by Plesseou, desiring there might be put into his place some person of integrity, who should better supply so important a charge. The Great Duke though a little startled at their procedure, still kept his countenance, and seem'd not a little troubled at the grievances of his good Subjects, promised, that he would examine how the matter stood, and that they should receive satisfaction. The people desir'd no more, and were going away well satisfy'd with that answer, when some Bojares, friends of Plesscou, would needs give the people abusive language, thrust some of their horses, and struck others with their whips, whereat being incens'd, they so pelted their Lordships with stones, that they were forc'd to make all speed they could to the Castle, whither the people pursued them so vigorously, that all the Guard could do was only to stop them till the others were gotten into the Great Duke's Chamber. This resistance of the Strelits, rather inflamed, than abated, the people's fury, who threatned to force the Prince's Lodgings, and take away all they found there, if Plesseou were not immediately put into their hands. Morosou came out into a Balcony, and endeavoured to appease the people, exhorting them, in the name of his Czaarick Majesty, to go all to their homes, and make no further tumult. But they told him, that they had as much to say to him as to the other. Accordingly, some went immediately to his Palace, which was forc'd, ran­sack'd, and demolish'd in a moment, having cast out at a window one of his Servants, who would have made some opposition. Their animosity was such, as that they spar'd not even the Images of their Saints, for which they are wont to have a great veneration. Yet did they shew some respect to Morosou's Wife, and thought it enough to take away her Pearls and Jewels▪ which they cast into the street, and to frighten her a little, by telling her, that had they not look'd upon her as Sister-in-law to the Great Duke, they would have cut her to pieces. Among other things, they broke his rich Coach, which, besides the expence in other things about it, [Page 84] had all silver even about the Wheels. Some got into the Cellar, and knock'd out the heads of the Strong-water Barrels, which taking fire consumed all those who had made themselves drunk. This was the Prologue to the ransacking of several other houses afterwards, An Insur­rection in Moscou. as those of Plesseou; and Tichonouits, the Chancellors, and all that had any relation to, or dependance on the Fa­vourite, which afforded them such a booty, as that they sold Pearls by handfuls, and so cheap, that for thirty Crowns a man might have bought a hat-ful; a black-foxe-skin, or a pair of Sa­bles for 2 s. 6 d. and stuffs of Gold, Silver, and Silk, in a manner for nothing.

Nazari Iuanouits Tzistou, Chancellor of Muscovy, had farm'd the imposition upon the Salt, and lay sick in his bed, by reason of an accident that had happened to him three days be­fore, which was, that, meeting with a mad Ox, his Horsed started and threw him, so vio­lently, that he was in some danger of his life. But hearing that Morosou's house had been ran­sack'd, and not doubting but they would come to his, he hid himself under a heap of Birch, which they at a certain time make provision of, to serve the Stoves; and to take off all suspicion, he caus'd himself to be cover'd with some Flitches of Becon: so that he had certainly saved his life, had he not been betray'd by one of his Servants, who making his advantage of his Ma­sters misfortune, took a good sum of Money, and went to Nisenovogorod. The enrag'd mul­titude took him out by the heels, and dragg'd him down stairs into the Court, where they cud­gell'd him to death. The body was thrown upon the Dung-hill, and the house so pillag'd, that there was not any thing left. While these disorders were committed in the City, they had the time to barricado themselves in the Castle, against the insolences of the people, who continued all night between the 6 and 7 of Iuly, in arms, in such a posture, as shew'd they only expect­ed day-light to begin again. Whereupon, Orders were sent to the German Officers and Soul­diers, to meet at several rendevouzes, in the City, and to come in to the Great Dukes relief at the Castle. They march'd with Drums beating, and Colours flying, and the Muscovites instead of opposing them, gave them way, and told them, that they had no quarrel against them, and knew them to be persons of honour who approved not the miscarriages of the Go­vernment. Being got into the Castle, they took up the posts of their Guards, and the Great Duke sent out Knez Nikita Iuanouits Romanow, whom he knew the people much respected, to endeavour the breaking up of the Assembly. He came to the people, cap in hand, and told them, that he conceiv'd they ought to be satisfy'd with the assurance, which the Great Duke had made them the day before, that he would remedy the disorders of which they complained. That his Majesty had commanded him to tell them as much, and to advise them to go every man to his home, that he might the better perform what he had promised them. This message was well receiv'd, and the people made answer, that they were not dissatisfied with the Great Duke, but those who, under his name, abused his authority, and that they would not stir, till they had deliver'd up to them, Boris Iuanouits Morosou, Leponti Steppanouits Plesseou, and Peter Tichonouits Trachanistou, that they might revenge, on their heads, the mischief they had done the whole Kingdom. Romanow gave them thanks for the kind answer they had made to his proposition, and told them he would acquaint the Great Duke with the zeal and affection which they express'd towards him; that he doubted not, but Order would be taken for the executi­on of those three Lords, but that he could safely take his oath, that Morosou, and Trachani­stow had made their escape, and, for the third he should be immediately put to death. Accor­dingly, Romanow was no sooner return'd to the Great Duke, but word was sent to the people, that Plesseou was coming to be sacrific'd, and that the other two should come to the same end, as soon as they were found, and that they should send for the Executioner to do his Office. He was soon found, being at the Castle-gate with his servants, whence he came about a quarter of an hour after, leading Plesseon to the Market-place, to cut off his head. But the people spar'd him the trouble, Plesseou put to death. falling upon him with Cudgels, so outrageously, that they dispatch'd him in a moment. They dragg'd the Body through the dirt, accompanying it with all the curses ima­ginable; till at last a Monk, whom the deceas'd had order'd to be cudgell'd, cut off his head. Morosou had indeed made his escape; but meeting with Waggoners and some of the people searching after him, he was so fortunate as to avoid them, and by secret ways to get into the Castle. And that it might not be thought, the Great Duke had consented to the escape of the o­thers, there were some sent after Trachanistou, who was taken near the Monastery [...] Troitza, twelve leagues from Moscou. He was brought, the 8. to Semskoy Duor, that is, the place where his Master had sate as Judge, which the Great Duke hearing of, he commanded his head to be cut off. This execution wrought so much upon the people, that being informed how Morosou had been met in the Country, and none knew what was become of him, they for­bore further pressing the Great Duke to give them what he had not, and, about 11. in the mor­ning, went every man to his home. In the afternoon several houses in the quarters of Metross­ky and Twersky, were set afire; whither the people, which had not yet clear'd the street, ran, not so much to quench the fire, as to steal. It made such havock in a short time, that it con­sum'd the whole quarter of Zuargorod, reducing to ashes all the houses within the White-Wall, to the River Neglina, and getting over the River, into the Great Duke's Taverns, it got into [Page 85] those of his Strong-waters, and grew so violent, that it was fear'd it would have buried the Castle in its ashes. No body would endeavour to prevent it, those, who were oblig'd thereto, being got so drunk, that, lying along in the streets, the vapours of the fire, they had in their bodies, together with the smoak of that which was then in its way to burn down the whole Ci­ty, choak'd them as they lay. About 11. at night, some strangers looking, with no small a­stonishment, on the fire in that house where they kept the Strong-water, for the Great Duke's Provision, perceiv'd at some distance a Monk coming towards them with a great burthen, which by his blowing they conceiv'd must needs be very heavy. Being come near, he call'd for some, desiring them they would help him to cast into the fire, the body of the abominable Plesseou, which he dragg'd after him, it being, as he said, the only way to quench it: But the Ger­mans refusing to meddle with it, he fell a-swearing and cursing, till some Muscovites did him the good office, and holp him to cast the Carcass into the fire, which immediately began to abate, and some time after went out ere they left the place.

Some dayes after this accident, the Great Duke treated the Strelits with Strong-water, and Hydromel, and his Father-in-law, Ilia Danilouits Miloslausky, invited divers Citizens of seve­ral Professions to dine with him, and spent several dayes together in entertainments. The Pa­triarch also enjoyn'd the Priests and Monks to endeavour the settlement of unquiet spirits, and to press unto them the respect and obedience to which their consciences oblige them. All thus quieted, and the Great Duke, having supply'd the places of the executed, with able and ap­proved persons, he took the opportunity of a Procession, to speak to the people, in the presence of Nikita Ieuanouits Romanou, and told them, that he was extremely troubled, to hear of the injuries and violences done by Plesseou and Trachanistou, under his name, but contrary to his in­tention; That he had put, into their places, persons of integrity, and such as being acceptable to the people, would administer Justice equally, and without corruption; and that they might not fail therein, he would have an eye over them; That he repeal'd the Edict about the impo­sition laid on Salt, and that he would, with the soonest, suppress all Monopolies; That they should enjoy all their Privileges, which if occasion were, he would augment. Whereupon, the people having smitten their forehead, and given his Majesty thanks, the Great Duke re-assumed his discourse and said, That it was true indeed, he had promis'd to deliver up to them the per­son of Boris Iuanouits Morosou, and acknowledg'd, that he could not absolutely justifie him, but that he could not also resolve to condemn him; That he hoped, the people would not deny the first Request he should make to them, which was, that they would pardon Morosou, only for that time, as to what he might have displeas'd them in; That he would be answerable for him, and durst assure them, that Morosou should so behave himself for the future, as that they should have occasion to speak well of him; That if they would not have him to be any longer of of his Councel, he would dismiss him; but that he desir'd them to look on that Lord, as one who had been a Father to their Prince, and one that having married the Great Dutchess's Sister, must needs be extremely dear to him, and consequently, that it would be very hard for him to consent to his death. The tears which concluded this discourse of the Great Duke's, discover'd the affection he had for that Favorite, and so mov'd the people, that they all cry'd out, God grant His Highness a long and happy life. God's and the Great Duke's will be done. The Czaar con­ceived an extraordinary joy hereat, thanked the people, and highly celebrated the zeal and affection they express'd for his estate and person. Some few dayes after, Morosou appeared in publick, among those who attended the Great Duke, upon occasion of a Pilgrimage, which he made to the Monastery of Troitza. He went uncover'd, from the Castle to the City gate, sa­luting the people on both sides with great submissions; and from that time, he laid hold on all occasions to gratifie, and assist those, who addressed themselves to him, in any business they had at Court.

The story we have related confirms the truth of what we have said elsewhere, that the Mus­covites, how submissive and slavish soever they may be, will endeavour the recovery of their freedom, when the Government becomes insupportable to them, and casts them into despair. I shall here add another later example, which will be the less tedious, in that it hath some depen­dence on the precedent, and relates very much to what we have seen, much about the same time, in all the other Countries of Europe.

The Great Duke of Muscovy sent in the year 1649. a solemn Embassy to the Queen of Sueden, the chief person whereof was, the Ocolnitza, Boris Iuanouits Puskin. He had order, among other things, to accommodate the difference, which seemed to threaten those two States with an inevitable War, proceeding hence, that the Subjects of both Crowns, left their own habitations, and got into the other Kingdom to avoid the payment of their debts. And in re­gard that for 32 years, that accompt had not been clear'd, and that there were more Suedes in Muscovy, than there were Muscovites in Sueden, it was mentioned in the Treaty made by Puskin at Stockholm, that for the first thirty years, there should be a liquidation of all accompts, and for the two other, the Great Duke should pay to the Queen and Crown of Sueden 190000 Roubles, that is 390000 Crowns, part in mony, part in Rye, and that the payment should [Page 86] be made in the Spring of the year 1650. Accordingly, Iohn de Rodes, being come at that time to Moscou, in the quality of Commissary for the Queen of Sueden, receiv'd, in Copecs, and Ducats 300000. Crowns, and order was sent to Foedor Amilianou, a Merchant of Plescou, to provide as much Rye as should amount to 90000. Crowns. This interess'd man caus'd all the Rye, wherever it were, to be seized, and permitted not private persons, to buy so much as a bushel without his permission, which good leave of his they were forc'd to buy at a dear rate. The Inhabitants of Plescou were so impatient under this oppression, that they not only quarrel'd at the avarice of the Suedes, but charg'd Puskin with prevarication in his Employment, and per­fidiousness towards his Prince. They said that Morosou held correspondence with Strangers, and presuming that this negotiation was concluded, contrary to the Great Duke's intention, they endeavour'd to engage the City of Novogorod in their quarrel, and went so far on in their work, that some of the chiefest Merchants having declared for them, the Weywode had much ado to prevent an insurrection of the whole City. Both these and the others resolv'd that they would stop the money, when it was to be transported into Sueden, and that they would no longer endure the Treaty of the Rye, because it would in likelyhood starve the Country. With this intention they sent three Deputies to Moscou, to wit, a Merchant, a Cosaque, and a Strelits, with Order to know whether this Treaty was made, and put in execution with the Great Duke's consent. In the mean time, without expecting the return of their Deputies, they ransack'd Amilianou's house, and tortur'd his Wife, to make her confess, where her husband, who had made his escape, had laid up his money. The Weywode came, in hope to prevent the disorder, but he was forc'd out of the City, and the neighbouring Nobility invited to come in, and joyn with them against Monopolies and Patentees. These three venerable Deputies were no sooner come to Novogorod, but the Weywode caus'd them to be put into Irons, and in that po­sture, sent them to Moscou, whether came at the same time the Weywode of Plescou, and the Merchant Amilianou. Intelligence was brought, that those of Plescou had robb'd and abus'd a Suedish Merchant, whereupon the Great Duke sent back the Weywode, and with him a Bojar, to endeavour the further prevention of these disorders. Those of Plescou, who at first would not receive them, at length opened their Gates, but it was, to put the Weywode in prison, and to affront the Bojare, who had the imprudence, at so unseasonable a time, to treat them with so much severity, that the people fell upon him with Cudgels, and pursu'd him to a Monastery, where he was so beaten, that he was given over for a dead man.

However, the Great Duke pursu'd the execution of the Treaty made with Sueden, and paid money instead of the Rye, sending along with the Suedish Commissary a good Convoy of Stre­lits, who were to bring him to the Frontiers of Sueden. He gave order at the same time to Iu­an Nikitouits Gavensky, to assemble the Nobility of the neighbouring Provinces, and the foot-Regiments of Colonel Kormichel, and Col. Hamilton, which made up above 4000 men, and to besiege the City of Plescou. The Inhabitants, as first, pretended to stand out, but their cou­rage and strength soon fail'd them, so that they were forc'd to make an accommodation, at the cost of the Authors of the Sedition, who were put to death, or sent into Siberia.

These disorders have occasion'd a great change in the Affairs and Government of Muscovy. For, though Miloslauski and Morosou have much credit, and the Patriarch himself a very great Authority about the Prince, yet have the other Knez and Bojares a great hand in publick Af­fairs, and execute their charges every one according to his Birth and Employment. There are commonly some 30 Bojares about the Court, though in Zuski's time there were numbred 70. In the year 1654. when the War of Smolensko was resolv'd on, there were present at the deli­berations of that important affair, twenty nine Bojares, who names were these.

• Boris Iuanouits Morosou, the Czaar' s Fanourite.
• Boris Nikit a Iuanouits Romanou, the Czaar' s Great Uncle.
• Iuan Basilouits Morosou.
• Knez Iuan Andreouits Galizin
• Knez Nikita Iuanouits Odouski.
• Knez Iacob Kudenieteuits Tzerkaski.
• Knez Alexei Nikitouits Trubetskoi.
• Gleeb Iuanouits Morosou.
• Wasili Petrowits Tzemeretou.
• Knez Boris Alexandrouits Reppenin.
• Michael Michelouits Soltikou.
• Basili Iuanouits Stresnou.
• Knez Vasili Simonouits Posorouski.
• Knez F [...]dor Simonouits Kurakin.
• Knez Iurgi Petrouits Buynessou Rostouski.
• Iuan Iuanouits Solikou.
• Knez Iurgi Alexeouits Dolgoruski.
• [Page 87] Gregory Basilouits Puskin.
• Knez Foedor Federouits Volchanski.
• Laurenti Demetriouits Soltikou.
• Ilia Danilouits Miloslauski, the Great Duke's Father-in-Law.
• Basili Basilouits Butterlin.
• Knez Michael Petrouits Pronski.
• Knez Iuan Nikitouits Gavenski.
• Knez Foedor Iurgiouits Chworosting.
• Basili Borissouits Tzemeretou.
• Nikita Alexouits Susin.

The Ocolnits, or Lords, out of whose number, the Bojares are chosen, are [...]

• The Ocolnitza, Knez Andre Federouits Litwinou Masalskoi.
• Knez Iuan Federouits Chilkou.
• Mikifor Sergeouits Zabackin.
• Knez Demetri Petrouits Lewou.
• Knez Basili Petrouits Lewou.
• Knez Simon Petrouits Lewou.
• Knez Iuan Iuanouits Romadanouski.
• Knez Steppan Gabrielouits Puskin.
• Knez Simon Romanouits Bosarskie.
• Bogdan Mattheouits Chytrou.
• Peter Petrouits Gowowin.
• Iuan Andreouits Miloslauski.
• Knez Iuan Iuanouits Labano Rostouski.
• Knez Demetri Alexeouits Dalgaruski.
• Simon Lukianouits Stresnou.
• Michael Alexeouits Artischo.
• Precossi Federouits Sochouin.
• Knez Boris Iuanouits Troikurou.
• Alexei Demetriouits Collitziou.
• Wasili Alexandriouits Zioglockou.
• Iuan Basilouits Alferiou.

The persons of greatest quality next the Bojares, and the Ocolnits, are those whom they call Dumeny Duorainy, and Simbojarski, that is to say sons of Bojars; and they are six in number; to wit,

• Iuan Offonassouits Gabrienou.
• Fedor Cusmits Iellissariou.
• Bogdan Fedrowits Narbickou.
• Sdan Basilouits Conderou.
• Basili Federouits Ianou.
• Ossonassei Ossipouits Prontzissou,

The Chancellour and Secretaries of State, are,

• Almas Iuanouits, Chancellour.
• Simon Iuanouits Saborouski.
• Lariouton Demetriouits Prontzissou.

These are the names of the Lords, who, at this day, have the principal charges, and govern the whole Kingdom of Muscovy, as well in the Councel of State, as for private affairs; as we shall see anon.

The chiefest Dignity of the Kingdom was, The princi­pal Officers of Musco­vy, and their [...]. heretofore, that of Sunderstreuoi Coinische, that is, Lord high Steward of Muscovy; but this charge was suppress'd when Zuski, who had it, was called to the Crown. The next, which is now the chiefest, is that of Duoretskoy, or, Great Master, who hath the over-sight and direction of all the great Duke's houshold. After him comes the Orusnitschei, who hath the over-sight of the Arms and Horses, which are for the Great Duke's peculiar service, as also of the Harnesses and other Ornaments, which are used at Entrances, and publick Ceremonies. These three Officers precede all the other Bojares, Ocol­nits, Dumeni-Diaki, and the Secretaries of State, who, in their turns precede the Postilnizei, or him who makes the Great Duke's bed, the Comnutnoy Klutziom, that is, the Chamberlain, [Page 88] the Craftzey, or Carver, the Stolniki, or Gentlemen Sewers, the Strapsi, or Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, and the Duoraini, or ordinary Gentlemen. The Silzi, or Pages, the Diaki, or Secretaries, and the Boddiotzei, or the Commissaries or Clerks, who are the last in Dignity and Function.

All the Knez and Bojares, The Bo­jares obli­ged to fol­low the Court. who have Estates, are oblig'd to set out their Lands, and to give their personal attendance at Moscou, where they are oblig'd to be every day at Court, and to smite their foreheads in the Great Duke's presence, who looks on this attendance of theirs as an argument of their fidelity, and an assurance of his Estate being in quiet, which might soon be di­sturb'd by the authority, these Great men might assume in the Provinces, were they permitted to make their aboad there.

Their Houses, Their ex­pence. or Palaces, are great and magnificent, and they make great ostentation, as well in their expences at their houses, as in cloaths and retinue when they go abroad. When they ride, they have at the bow of their Saddle, a little Timbrel, a foot Diameter, which they ever and anon touch with the handle of their Whip, to make their way through the throngs, which are frequent in the Markets and Streets. The Knez, who have no employment at Court, and have not the means to make any great appearance there, retire into the Countrey, where their manner of life is not much different from that of Peasants.

They make very great accompt of the antient Nobility; They esteem Nobility. not only of that of their own Coun­trey, but also of others; which they very particularly inquire into, but above all, are very cu­rious in informing themselves of the extraction of those that are sent Ambassadors in Muscovy, They never match but with those of an equal rank with themselves.

The Bojares are not only seen at publick Ceremonies and Audiences, but effectively partici­pate of the management of publick affairs, and the decision of Law-sutes, wherein they assume the quality of Presidents. The Councels for State-affairs are ordinarily held in the night time, and the Counsellors meet at one in the morning, and are together till nine or ten.

We shall speak of the particular employment of the Bojares, when we have first given a short accompt of the Great Dukes revenue, who, having an Estate of a very vast extent, consisting of a great number of Provinces, must needs be very rich and very powerfull, as well in respect of his Demesn, as the advantages accrewing from the Traffick made by his Factors, and the Taxes, Duties, and Impositions paid by his Subjects. In times of peace, the Impositions are not great, but in the time of War, the Contributions are so excessive, that when the Great Duke Michael Federouits, was to besiege the Citie of Smolensko, in the year 1632. he oblig'd the subject to pay him the Pettina, or fifth part of their Estates; but the present Great Duke, at the begin­ning of the present War, contented himself with the tenth. The Knez, Bojares, and Gentle­men pay no Taxes, but are oblig'd, as are also the Monasteries, to raise and maintain a certain number of men, horse and foot, proportionably to their Revenue.

The Customs bring in so considerable a sum, that, some years, the Custom-house of the Ci­tie of Archangel it self payes in above 600000. Crowns. The Crucisnouduor, that is to say, the Taverns, where the Great Duke allows the selling of Wine, Beer, Hydromel, and Aqua­vi [...]ae, pay a vast sum, since he receives from three Taverns of the Citie of Novogorod above 12009. Crowns, and that, since this duty came to belong to the Sovereign, they are above a thousand houses, where the Great Duke alone hath all the advantage made by the sale of Wine and Aquavirae.

Sables also, and other Furs bring in much, because he reserves the Traffick thereof wholly to himself, as also that of Cavayar, and several other Commodities. The Revenue of the money which he lets out to his Factors is not so certain, as well in regard the Merchants profit is not alwayes the same, as for that the Factors sometimes break. At our being there he had put 4000 Crowns in the hands of a Merchant named Savelli, who instead of improving it to his advantage, squander'd it away in less than three years, that he lived in Persia. The Great Duke, ordered the Poslanick, Alexei Sawinouits Romanitsikou, who went into Persia along with us, to take him, and bring him back into Muscovy. Coming to Scamachy, we had notice of his being in the City; but the Poslanick's Interpreter dying, he dissembled his having any order to take him, and desir'd him to be his Interpreter, in that Negotiation, with a design, under that pretence, to bring him to the Frontiers, and so to carry him away. The other, who stood upon his Guard, serv'd him indeed during the Poslanick's aboad at Ispahan, but, when he saw him ready for his departure into Muscovy, he got into the Allacapi or Sanctuary, was Circumcised, put himself under the protection of Mahomet, and continued in Persia.

The Great Duke farms out all his Demesn, His Ex­penc [...]. but the revenue arising thence, goes, for the most part, towards the subsistence of the Strelits, whereof he is obliged constantly to maintain a very great number, as well in the City of Moscou, where there are above 16000. of them, as upon the Frontiers; insomuch that the ordinary Militia makes above 100000. men. In a word, if his receipts are great, his expences are proportionable thereto. There hardly passes a year, but he is forc'd to purchase a Peace with the Tartars, with great sums of Money and Presents. He does not carry on his Wars at so easie a rate as they do elsewhere. For, taking into his [Page 89] service, a great number of Germans and other Foreiners, as well Officers as Souldiers, he is forc'd to pay them extraordinarily, and some times before hand. The Embassies he receives stand him in no less than those he sends, for he defrays all publick persons, and makes them very considerable Presents. The expence of his Table, and the rest of his Court must needs be very great, there being above a thousand Persons who have meat provided for them.

At Dinner and Supper, there is no sounding of Trumpets, as there is elsewhere, but one of the Officers goes to the Kitchin and Sellar-doors, and cries Godusar Kuschinung, that is, The Grand Seigneur would be served, and immediately the meat is carried up. The Great Duke sits at the midst of the Table, alone; if he invites the Patriarch or any other great Lord to Dine with him, there is another Table set at the end of his, and they are serv'd with some of the meat which had been presented to the Great Duke, I say, presented, for as much as all making up but one Course of about fifty Dishes of meat, the Gentlemen set them not down up­on the Table, but hold them in their hands, till the Carver hath shewed them to the Prince, and he made choice of what he is desirous to eat. If none Dine with him, he sends the Dishes he hath not medled with, to some Lords in the City, or to his Physicians. The present Great Duke hath but one, who is the same that went along with us into Persia. He is no superstitious Galenist, but, with very good success makes use of Chymical remedies: he is grown so fa­mous, that not only the Prince, but the Bojares and other great Lords about the Court employ him. His salary is 124 Crowns, a Month, besides a Pension of six hundred Crowns, per an. and he hath more Wheat, Barly, Honey, and several other Provisions than he can spend in his Family. The Great Duke is never purg'd, nor bled, but the Physician hath a present of a hun­dred Crowns, and a piece of Satin or Velvet, or a Zimmer of Sables, which is worth no less. The Bojares do not give their Physicians money, but a certain number of Flitches or Gammons of Bacon, Sables, Strong-water, and other Provisions. They are obliged to go every day to Court, and to smite their foreheads in the Great Dukes presence, or at least, before those who are entrusted with the care of his Cabinet of Druggs, and other Apothecary's stuff.

There are many Interpreters for other Languages, especially for the German, the Polish, the Suedish, the Turkish, and the Persian. He whom the Great Duke does chiefly make use of in his most important affairs is a Dane, and is so generally vers'd in all the Europaean Languages, that coming three years since to the Court of Vienna, with Iuan Iuanouits Boklakouskoi, and Iuan Polycarpousin Michailou, the Emperor lik'd him so well, that, out of his own inclination, he made him a Nobleman. The Great Duke's Court hath this common with those of other Princes, that Vice takes place of Vertue, and gets nearer the Throne. Those who have the ho­nour to be nearest his person, are withall more subtile, more deceitful, and more insolent than the others that have not. They know very well how to make their advantages of the Princes favour, and look for the greaest respects and humblest submissions imaginable, from those who make their addresses to them; which the others render them, as much to avoid the mis­chief they might do them, as for the good they expect from them.

The Great Duke's Council is divided into six Classes, or, as they call them, Courts of Chancery. The first is for strangers Affairs; the second for War; the third, for Crown-Lands and the Prince's Revenue; The fourth receives the Accompts of Factors, and those who manage the Taverns. The fifth takes Cognizance of Appeals in Civil Causes; and the sixth, of those, of Criminal Causes.

We said before, that the Bojares are not only employ'd in State-affairs, but also in the de­cision of private differences, at which they preside, alone, or with other Judges, according to the nature of those affairs that present themselves.

They call Pololskie Pricas, the place, where they regulate the affairs of Ambassadors, as al­so the Posts of the Kingdom, and what concerns such Merchants as are strangers. Almas Iua­nouits is Secretary of the Court.

In the second Court, or Chamber, which they call Roseradni Pricas, there is a Register kept of the quality and families of the Bojares and all the Gentlemen of Muscovy, as also of all exploits of War, and the advantages or losses which the Great Duke receives thereby. Iuan Ossonassinouits hath the Presidency of it.

In the Pomiestnoi Pricas, which is the third Chamber, there is a Register kept of all the Man­nors held by homage, and the sutes concerning the same are judged. There are also received the duties belonging to the Great Duke, from the said Mannors; under the direction of Foedor Cusmits Iellisariou.

In the Casanskoy, and Siberskoy Pricas, that is to say, the fourth and fifth Chamber, the differences of the Provinces of Casan and Si [...]eria, are judged, and an accompt is kept of the Skins and Furrs, which come from those Provinces to the Great Duke. Bojar Knez Alexei Nikiteuits is President of those two Chambers.

[Page 90] In the Durovoi Pricas, are judged the differences between the Great Duke's Servants, and what concerns his House; under Bojar Basilouits Butterlin.

The Inasemski Pricas, is for such Military Officers as are strangers, whose Causes are there try'd; and who in times of Peace do there receive their Orders, from Ilia Danielouits Miloslaus­ki, the Great Duke's Father-in-law, who is the President thereof.

The Reitarskoi Pricas, judges the Causes of the Muscovian Cavalry, and there, in time of Peace, they receive their Orders and pay; to wit, sixty Crowns, per an. for every Horse­man, under the presidency of the same Ilia Miloslauski. This Cavalry consists for the most of Gentlemen, who have very little of Estate, yet hold Mannors by homage and fealty.

In the Boschoi Pricod, all the Receivers of the Great Duke's duties give in their accompts once a year. The Bojar, Knez Michael Petrouits Pronski, who is President of this Pricas, sets a tax on forein Bread and Wine. He hath also the over-sight of Weights and Measures all over the Kingdome. It is also his place, to pay those Strangers that are in the Great Duke's service.

The Sudnoy Wolodimirskoy, and the Sudnoy Moskauskoy Pricas; have for President the Bojar, Knez Gregory Simonouits Kurakin, who, in the former, judges the Knez and Bojares; in the o­ther, the Gentlemen and Officers of the Court.

The Bojar, Knez Boris Alexandrouits Reppenin presides in the Rosboinoy Pricas, and judges Robberies upon the High-way, Murthers, and other criminal causes.

Peter Tychonouits Trachanistou, was President in the Puskarskoy Pricas, and had the over­sight of Founders, Furbishers, Canoniers, Armourers, Smiths and Carpenters, who wrought to the Arsenal; but his place is bestow'd on the Bojar, Knez Iurgi Alexouits Dolgaruskoi, not only to judge of differences between them, but also to receive their work, and pay them their wages.

The Iamskoy Pricas is for the regulation of Stages and Post-masters, and the payment of their Salaries; as also to give passes to those that desire them, and are to have their carriadge upon the Great Duke's accompt, under the Presidency of the Ocolnitza, Iuan Andreowits Milo­slauski.

The Diaks, Secretaries, Clerks, Captains of the Gates, and Messengers of the several Prica's have their particular Judge, who is the Ocolnitza, Peter Petrouits Gollowin, in the Tziolobit­noi Pricas.

The Semskoy Duor, or Selmskoy Pricas, is for the judgement of all other Civil Causes be­tween the Citizens of Moscou. There, are paid the duties arising from places and houses that are sold, as also the rates levied for the reparations of Bridges, Gates, Fortresses, and other publick buildings, under the direction of Ocolnitza, Bogdan Matheowitz Chitrou.

The Golops, that is to say, Slaves, have a particular Court, where they make their declara­tion when they are sold, and where they take out a Certificate, when they redeem themselves, or recover their liberty any other way. This is called the Choloppi Pricas; the President, Steppan Iuanouits Isleniou.

The place, where an accompt is kept of all the Stuffs, as Brocado, Velvet, Satin, Damask, &c. which are for the use of the Court, and whereof Garments are made for the Great Duke to present to forein Ambassadors, and other persons of quality, is called the Bolchikasni Pricas.

Under the Magazine is the Treasury, or Exchequer, where all the money that remains at the years end, is put into the Kings Coffers, under the oversight of Ilia Danilouits Miloslauski, who is also President of the Chamber, where are judged the Causes of the Great Duke's prin­cipal Merchants and Factors, which is called Casamoi Pricas.

The Ocolnitza, Knez Iuan Federouits Chilkou, is the Judge of all Ecclesiastical persons, as well Secular Priests as Monks, who are oblig'd to submit to the temporal Jurisdiction, unless it be in privileg'd Cases; in the Monasterski Pricas.

The Great Duke hath a very vast structure design'd for the Stones, Lime, Wood, and other Materials which are for his own use, which place is called the Carmenoi Pricas; and there it is that the Duorainin, Iacob Iuanouits Sagraiskoi decides the differences between Carpenters, Masons, and other Workmen, and pays them for their work.

The Revenue of Novogorod and Nisenovogorod is paid in at the Pricas, called Novorodkoi Zetwert, where the particular receivers of those two Cities give in their accompts. Sometimes the Causes of the Inhabitants of those two places are judged in this Pricas. For though ordina­rily there be no appealing from the Weywodes, yet those who mistrust the success of their busi­ness, by the partiality they observe in the Weywode, may remove their Causes to Moscou. The Chancellor Almas Iuanouits is the President of it.

The Provinces of Gallitz and Volodimer have also their particular Pricas, for the same purpose; it is called Galliasko-Volodimirski Pricas; the President, the Ocolnitza, Peter Petrouits Gollowin.

[Page 91] The monies arising from all the Taverns and Kaba [...]s of Muscovy is paid in at the place called Nova Zetwert, where all those who keep publick drinking houses are oblig'd to take the Wine, Hydromel, and Strong-water they sell by retail, and to give an account of the sale of it. There they also punish those who sell any without Licence, as also those who sell or take Tobacco, if they be Muscovites, the Germans and others, Strangers, being permitted the Traffick and use of it. The Ocolnitza Bogdan Matheowits Chitrou presides in this Pricas.

The Bojar, and Master of the Ordinance, Gregori Basilouits Puskin, under whose jurisdicti­on are Castrom, Iareslou, and other Cities of those quarters, receives their accompts, and de­cides their differences, in the Castromskoi Pricas; as the Ocolnitza, Knez Demetri Basilouits Lewou does those of Vstoga, and Colmogorod, in the Vstogskoi Pricas.

The same Gregori Basilouits Puskin keeps the Jewels of the Crown, and hath the over-sight of the German Gold-smiths, who make Gold and Silver Plate, and sell precious Stones, and hath his Office for those things in the Solotoya Almasnoy Pricas. He hath also a key to the Great Duke's Magazine of Arms, and administers Justice to those who are employ'd about Arms for his particular use, and pays them, in the Rusiannoy Pricas.

The Physicians, Apothecaries, Chirurgeons and Operators, and all of that function are ob­lig'd to smite their fore-heads in the presence of Ilia Danilouits Miloslauski, who is their Over­seer, and whom they are to acquaint, if the Great Duke wants any thing that relates to their Professions.

Tamosini Pricas is for the receit of all duties of entrance into the City of Moscou, which is made by one of the Goses, accompany'd by two or three Assessors, who give in their accompt thereof to a Chamber called Bolschoi Prichod; these Goses are changed every year.

The payment of the tenth penny, towards the War, is made to the Bojar, Knez Michael Petrouits Pronski, and the Ocolnitza, Iuan Basilouits Alferiou, in the Sbora dezatti dengi Pricas.

The Affairs that have no peculiar Pricas have a general one, called Siskoi Pricas, under the superintendency of Knez Iurgi Alexowits Dolgaruskoi.

The Patriarch hath his particular Pricas's; to wit; that of Roscrad, where a Register is kept of all the Church-goods, and where are the Charters and Archives; that of Sudny, where the Patriarch hath his Spiritual Jurisdiction; and that of Casaunoy, where the Patriarch's Revenue and Treasure is kept. He hath also his Ecclesiastical Judges and Officers, who give him an ac­count of all their actions.

There is no Pricas, but hath its Diak, or Secretary, and many Clerks and Coppiers, who all write very well, and are skill'd in Arithmetick, according to their way, in which they make use of Plum-stones instead of Counters. Whence it comes, that there is no Officer but hath about him a certain quantity of them in a little purse. They are forbidden, upon pain of whip­ping, to take Poschnl, or Presents; yet they venture to do it; nay their avarice is such, that many times, they will, of themselves, proffer Copies of dispatches, and private resolutions, out of a hope to get somewhat for them. But these proffers are to be mistrusted, for I know by experience, that those people seldom have what they put others in hope of; or if they have, it is so dangerous to communicate it, that for the most part they put off forgeries and suppositi­ous pieces. In the year 1643. the Minister of a Forein Prince being desirous to have a Copy of my Dispatches, one of the Clerks of the Counsel sold it him at a very dear rate. I was shewn it afterwards; but when at my return to Holstein, the Letters were translated, there was nothing of what I had seen in the Copy.

They do not keep a Register of their Acts in Books, but they write them in Rolls of paper pasted together, till they are 25. or 30. ells in length; of which their Offices are full.

At our coming to Moscou, we were made believe, that Presents could procure any thing at Court. Indeed I have known some Lords, who though they would not take ought themselves, were not sorry to see any thing sent to their Wives: but I have also known some, who made it appear, they were absolutely incorruptible, and that their fidelity to their Prince was Present­proof, to their great regret, who consider, that where nothing is given, nothing is thence ob­tain'd.

Justice is administred in the Pricas's we have spoken of. Their ad­ministrati­on of Iu­stice. The Bojar, who presides there, hath his Secretary, and Assessors, and finally determines whatever comes before him. Heretofore the Musc [...]ites had but few [...] and few Customs, according to which all Cases were decided. They concern'd only attempt [...] [...]ainst the Great Duke's person; Treasons against the State, A­dulteries, Thefts, and Debts b [...]ween private persons. The decision of all other Affairs depen­ded on the breast of the Judge. [...] the year 1647. the Great Duke assembled together the most Famous Men of the Kingdom, and caused to be set down in writing, and to be publish'd, several Laws and Ordinances, whereby the Judges are to regulate themselves. They were printed, in folio, under the Title of SOBORNA ULOSIENIA, that is to say, Vni­versal and General Right, for the direction of the Bojares.

Heretofore their proceedings were thus. In those Causes, where the parties were not agreed as to the matter of fact, and had no evidence of either side, the Judge asked the Defendant, whe­ther [Page 92] he would take his Oath, that the matter was as he alleged, or refer it to the Plaintiff's Oath. He who proffer'd to take his Oath, was, once a week, for three weeks one after another, brought before the Judge, who every time, press'd unto him the importance of an Oath, and the sin he would burthen his Conscience withall, if he swore falsly. If, notwithstanding these remonstrances, he still persisted in his readiness to take his Oath, though he swore nothing but the truth, yet people look'd on him as an infamous person, would spit in his face, and turn him out of the Church, into which he was never receiv'd afterwards, much less was he admitted to the Communion, unless it were at the point of death. Now, they do not proceed with so much rigour, but only bring him who is to take his Oath before an Image of one of their Saints, where he is asked, whether he will take his Oath upon the salvation of his Soul? If he persist, they give him a little Crucifix to kiss, and afterwards the Saint's Image, which for that pur­pose, is taken down from the Wall. If the Oath be good, the party who took it is not to be ad­mitted to the Communion for three years, and though he be not treated as an infamous person, yet those of any quality will not easily suffer him in their Company: but a perjur'd person, is severely punished; first cruelly whipt, then banish'd. Whence it comes, that the Muscovites endeavour all they can to avoid it, though upon any trivial occasion, especially in their dealings, they stick not to swear at every word, and have incessantly in their mouths their Po Chrestum, by Christ, making the sign of the Cross at the same time: but there is little credit to be given those kinds of Oaths, as proceeding from deceit and passion. They permit strangers to take their Oaths, according to the rules of their several Religions.

No invention but they make use of to force people to confess the truth by Torture. One of the most cruel, in my opinion, is the Strapado, which is often given in this manner. The Ma­lefactor, having his hands ty'd behind him, is wound up into the air, and so hangs, having fasten'd to his feet, a great beam, upon which the Executioner ever and anon gets up, to aug­ment the pain, and further the dislocation of the Members, while the smoak and fire which are made under his feet, burns and stifles him. Sometimes they cause the Malefactor's head to be shaven, and, as he is so hanging, they pour cold water, drop by drop, upon the crown; which is such a torment as no other comes near, not even that of whipping, (which they many times give those in that condition) though they at the same time clap a red-hot Iron upon the stripes.

In ordinary quarrels, he who gives the first blow gets the worst. Murther, committed with­out any necessity of defence, is punish'd with death. The guilty person is kept six weeks in a very close Prison, and fed only with bread and water; after which he receives the Communion, and hath his head cut off.

Thieves are Tortur'd, that they may discover their Complices, and confess their other Crimes. If it be the first offence, they are whipt from the Castle-Gate to the great Market place, where the offender hath an Ear cut off, and is put into prison for two years. If he offends the se­cond time, he is punish'd in the same manner, and is kept in prison, till he hath company, to be banish'd into Siberia. Theft is never punish'd with death in Muscovy; but the concealers and receivers fare no better, which is the best course could be taken to bridle the lewd inclinations of that people.

The ordinary punishments, Their ordi­nary pu­nishments. are slitting the nostrils, Whipping, and the Baltoki. The last is not alwayes infamous and publick; yet is there not any Master of a Family, but gives it his Children and Servants. He who is to receive this Chastisement, puts off his Kaftan, and, ha­ving only his shirt on, layes himself down upon the ground, on his belly, and then two men set themselves cross upon him, one upon his Neck, the other upon his Feet, having each of them a little Wand or Switch in his hand, wherewith they beat him upon the Back, much after the manner that Fell-mongers beat their Furs, to get out the Worms. They ordinarily have their Nostrils slit who have taken Tobacco, in snuff, contrary to the Great Duke's prohibition.

Whipping as it is given in Muscovy, is one of the most barbarous punishments that ever were heard of. Sept. 24. 1634. I saw eight men and one woman Whipt, for selling of Aqua­vitae and Tobacco. The Executioner's man took them up one after another upon his back, be­ing stript down to the waste, and having their feet ty'd together with a Cord, which passing between his Legs that held them up, was held by another servant of the Executioner's, so fast, that they were not able to stir. The Executioner stood three paces off, with a Bull's Pizzel, having fasten'd to the end of it, three straps or thongs of an Elk's skin, not tann'd, and conse­quently as sharp as a Rasour, with which he lay'd on their backs with all his strength, so as that the blood gush'd out at every lash. The men had each of them 25. or 26. till the Clerk, who had in a Note what number of lashes they were to receive, cry'd Polno, that is to say, enough. The Woman had but 16. yet did she fall into a swound. Being thus disciplin'd, so as that their backs were in a manner slic'd and slash'd all over, yet were they all tyed by the Arms, two and two together, those who had sold Tobacco having a little horn full of it, and those who had sold Aquavitae, a little bottle about their Necks, and whipt through the Citie, and after they had walk'd them above half a league about, they were brought back to the place of their first execution, and dismiss'd. This is so cruel a punishment, that some die of it, as we [Page 93] said before of the son of General Herman Schein. Some after they are thus punish'd wrap them­selves up in the skin of a sheep newly kill'd.

Heretofore these punishments were not infamous, and those who had pass'd through the Exe­cutioner's hands, were admitted into the best Companies, as was also the Executioner himself, whose Profession was accounted so honorable, that sometimes even Merchants quitted theirs, to serve the Magistrate at Executions, and would buy the employment, and after certain years sell it again to others. The advantages of it ly in this, that the Executioner is not only paid by the Judge, but gets money also out of the Criminal, to be more gently treated, though indeed, the greatest profit he makes comes from the Aquavitae, which he sells underhand to the Prisoners. But now this employment is not much courted, since the Muscovites have begun to learn some­what of civility from their Neighbours. Nor is the Executioner permitted to sell his Office, but it must continue in his family, which failing, the Butchers are oblig'd to recommend to the place one of their body.

All we said of the cruelty of their punishments is yet below what they inflict on such as can­not pay their debts. He who pays not at his time, mentioned in the Bond, is put into a Ser­geants house, having a certain further time to make satisfaction. If he fail, he is carried to prison, whence he is every day brought out, to the place before the Chancery, where the com­mon Executioner beats him upon the shin-bone with a Wand about the bigness of a man's little finger, for a whole hour together. That done, he is return'd to prison, unless he can put in se­curity to be forth-coming the next day at the same hour, to be treated in the same manner, till he hath made satisfaction. And this is executed with much rigour upon all sors of persons, what condition or quality soever they be of, Subjects, or Foreiners, Men, or Women, Priests, or lay persons. 'Tis true, some present being made to the Executioner, he suffers the Debtor to put a thin Iron-plate within his boot, to receive the blows; or it may be he smites more gent­ly. If the Debtor have not to satisfie, he must be sold, with his Wife and Children, to the Creditor.

As to the Religion of the Muscovites, The Reli­gion of the Musco­vites. before we enter into the discourse of it, we shall say, that there have been Lutherane Doctours in Sueden and Livonia, who have made it a problema­tical question, whether the Muscovites were Christians or not? They might as well have made it disputable in their Acts, whether the Muscovites are men; since there is not so great a diffe­rence between their Religion and that of other Christians, as there is between their Morality and manner of life, and that of many other men: but as laughter and speech makes them men, so Baptism and their external profession of the Christian Religion, denominates them Christians. If a man would take their word for it, they are the only true Christians in the World, since they only have been baptized, whereas others have been only sprinkled; which is the reason, they receive no Proselyte, till he be re-baptized. They ground their Religion on the Books of the Old and New Testament, and they use Sacraments. Their Translation of the Bible is that, which they call of the seventy Interpreters, which some few years since they have got Translated and Printed in their own Language. They permit not that a man should bring the whole Bible to Church, for fear of profaning it by several, not over-modest, passages they find in the Old Testament: whence it comes they bring only the New, and some Verses taken out of the Psalms and Prophets; but in their houses they are permitted to read the whole Bible. In the explication of the Bible, they give much authority to St. Cyril Bp. of Ierusalem, whom they call Quirila Ierusalimski, and who writ a Catechism, under the Emperour Theodosius. He flourish'd about the end of the fourth age, and is not to be confounded with Cyril of Alexan­dria, whose memory the Greeks celebrate on the 9. of Iune, whereas they celebrate the Festi­val of the other upon the 18 of March, as may be seen in their Menologies. The other Fathers, whose authority they follow, are Iuan Domaskin, (Iohn Damascene) Grigori Bogoslo [...]a, (St. Gregori Nazianzen) Iuan Solotauska, (St. Iohn Chrysostome) and Ephrem Syrin, Ephram, Deacon of the Church of Edessa, in Syria. They relate of him, as also does Gerard Vossius, who hath Translated him into Latin, that an Angel having presented to him a Book writ in Golden Characters, which no body could open, he immediately deriv'd those illuminations from it, which are at this day apparent in the books he hath publish'd. Besides him, they have also ano­ther particular Doctor, named Nicholas Sudatworits, who hath writ certain spiritual Treatises. The Muscovites have so great a Veneration for this man's memory, that it is not long since, that Wax-Candles were lighted before his Picture, for which they had built a particular Chapel, in the great street which leads to Twere Gate: but both were destroy'd by the late fire.

S. Athanasius Creed is their rule of Faith. They believe in God the Father, as Creator of all the World, in God the Son, as Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankind; and in the Holy Ghost, as Sanctifier of all the Faithful.

'Tis true, their Religion is full of abundance of cha [...]fy Superstitions; in that they consider the Virgin Mary, the Evangelists, the Apostles, and an infinite number of other Saints, not only as simple Intercessors, as the most intelligent affirm, but also as causes, and co-opera­tors [Page 94] of their Salvation. There is no Muscovite but gives his Saints and their Images, the ho­nour due only to God, who is so jealous thereof, that he treats that false Worship as spiritual Whoredom. The ignorance of the meaner sort of people is so gross, that they place all Reli­gion in the honours and veneration they give their Images. It is also all the instructions they give their Children, who in order to devotion, learn only to stand with great respect before those Images to say their Prayers. Their good works, (which they believe meritorious) are, building of Monasteries and Churches, and giving Alms; besides which they do nothing where­by a man might judge of their Faith by their works.

They stand very much upon their being Members of the Greek Church, and their Histories and Annals say, that Christian Religion was planted in Russia in the Apostles times. That St. Andrew leaving Greece, embark'd upon the River Boristhenes, and came, by the Sea of La­doga, to Novogorod, where he preach'd the Gospel. That, since that time, Christian Religion had been absolutely destroy'd, by the Tartars and other Pagans, who became Masters of all Muscovy; and that about the year 989. Wolodimer, Great Duke of Russia, having gain'd very great victories over his Neighbours, and re-united several Provinces to his Crown, be­came so considerable, that Basilius, and Constantinus Porphyrogennetes, Emperours of Con­stantinople, sent a solemn Embassy to congratulate and complement him. That brought him first acquainted with the Christian Religion, which he afterwards embraced, and was baptized. The Bishops and Priests sent thither by the Patriarch of Constantinople further instructed and baptized the people, who have ever since made profession of the Greek Religion.

Iohannes Curopalates, who writ part of the Byzantine History, and liv'd about that time, says, that this Conversion was not effected without miracle, and that the Bishops faith pre­vail'd more upon the spirits of these Barbarians, than the preaching of the Gospel. For being not able to comprehend the wonderful things which are said of our Saviours life, they desired a proof of that promise he makes to the faithful, of giving them by the Father what ever they should desire in his name. The Bishop undertook it, and told them, that he had so great an as­surance of the Word of God, that they could not desire any thing, which his prayer should not obtain from God. Whereupon they said, that since God had preserv'd Daniel's compani­ons in the fiery Furnace, he might as well prevent the Bible, which is full of all those marvel­lous things, from being consumed by fire. The Bishop was content to stand to this tryal, and so cast the Bible into a great fire, where having lyen till the fire was all spent, the Book was taken out as untouch'd as when it was cast in. Cedrenus and Zonaras confirm the truth of this story, and say that Wolodimir was so moved at this miracle, that he immediately abolish'd all Idolatry, and banish'd it his Territories.

Hence it comes that the Muscovites love the Greeks, and have a kindness for them, and do them all the good they can, when any occasion offers it self. In the year 1649. The Patri­arch of Ierusalem came to Moscou, and brought the Great Duke some of the earth of our Sa­viour's Sepulchre, though it is known 'twas cut out of a Rock, and some holy-water from Iordan. He was most magnificently receiv'd, and conducted by the whole Clergy to his audi­ence, which the Great Duke gave him, together with a Present of above 100000 Ducats: but he was so unfortunate in his return, as to fall into the hands of some Turks, who took away all had been given him. There come almost every year to the Czaar's Court, some of the Greek Priests or Monks, to sell their Reliques, which they put off at very good rates.

The Muscovites do all profess the same Religion, which being as it were particular to them, may be said to extend as far as the Great Duke's Dominions do; unless it be, that it is also ex­ercised at Narva, under the Jurisdiction of the King of Sueden, and that the Tartars have also their Mahumetan and Pagan Religion, along the Wolga, and beyond Astrachan, upon the Caspian Sea. There are not any, not even among their Monks and Priests, that can give any reason of their belief; because they have not the Word of God preached unto them; upon which accompt it is, that the Patriarch suffers them not to dispute of Religion, or inquire in­to that of foreiners. Some few years since, a Monk of Nisenovogorod had some conference with a Protestant Minister; but the Patriarch coming to hear of it, sent for him, and cast him into prison, where he must have endur'd a great deal of misery, had he not had the wit to say, that the Minister had discover'd some inclinations to the Muscovian Religion, and would, in all likelyhood, be converted.

Their Characters they have from the Greeks, as well as their Religion; but as they have altered the later, so also have they changed and augmented the former, as may be seen by the Table we shall here give of them.

[Page 95]

[...]

These Characters they make use of as well in their printed Books, as Writings, their Lan­guage being peculiar to themselves, but coming so near the Sclavonian, and the Polish, that he who hath one will find it no great difficulty to learn the other. It hath nothing common with the Greek, though indeed in their Liturgy there are some words, borrow'd from the Greeks, but they are not used any where else. We said before, that the Muscovites in their Schools learn only to read and write in their own Language, and care not for the Learning of any other: but within these few years, they have, with the Patriarch's consent, opened a School, where Greek and Latine is taught, under the direction of a natural Grecian, named Arsenius. It is not yet known, what may be expected from it, but certain it is that there are among the Muscovites those that want neither ingenuity nor an inclination to Study, and would learn a­ny thing, did they but meet with any body to teach them. Almas Iuanouits, the present Chan­cellor, or Chief Secretary of State, was so happy in his youth, as to have travell'd into Tur­key and Persia, and learn'd the Languages of those two Countries so well, that he needs no In­terpreter, when he hath ought to do with the Grand Seigneur, or King of Persia's Miinisters. The Danish Interpreter we spoke of before, hath translated into their Language, certain Latin and French Books, which have taken so well, that it is hoped, the Courtiers will, in time, apply themselves to the study of those Languages, which can acquaint them with such excellent things.

All their exercise of Religion consists principally, in Baptism, Reading of the Word of God in the Church, going to Mass, praying to Saints, making reverences and inclinations before their Images, Processions, Pilgrimages, Fasting certain dayes in the year, Confession and Communion.

They think Baptism so much the more necessary, Their Bap­tism. in that they think it the only door through which a man must enter into Christ, and so into Paradise. They acknowledge themselves con­ceived and born in sin, and that God hath instituted Baptism for their Regeneration, and to cleanse them, by water, from their original impurity. Whence it is that they baptize their Children as soon as they are born. If the child be weak, he is immediately baptized, yet not in the same room where the Woman lyes in: but if well, he is carried to Church by the God­father and Godmother. The Priest receives him at the Church door, signs him with the sign of the Cross in the forehead, and gives him the Benediction, saying, The Lord preserve thy com­ing in and thy going out. The Godfathers deliver the Priest nine Wax-candles, which he lights and fastens cross the Font, which stands in the midst of the Church. He incenses the Godfa­thers, [Page 96] and consecrates the water with many ceremonies. Then he makes a Procession together with the Godfathers, who have wax-candles in their hands, about the Font. The Clark goes before carrying the Image of St. Iohn, and they go about it three times, the Priest in the interim reading out of a Book, That done, the Priest askes the Godfathers, the name of the Child, who give it him in writing. He puts the paper upon an Image, which he holds upon the Child's breast, and having muttered over certain prayers, he askes the God-father, whether the Child believes in God the Father, Son, and holy Ghost? Then they all turn their backs to the Font, to shew their aversion and horrour for the three questions which the Priest is to make them af­terwards; to wit, whether the Child forsakes the Devil, whether he forsakes his Angels, and whether he forsakes his Works? The Godfathers answer to every question, yes, and spet so many times upon the ground. That done, they face about to the Font, and then the Priest, ha­ving asked them whether they promise to bring up the Child in the true Greek Religion, ex­orcises him, by putting his hands upon the Child, saying, Get out of this Child thou unclean Spi­rit, and make way for the holy Ghost, and by blowing three times cross, upon the Child, to drive away the Devil, by whom they believe Children are really possessed before Baptism. I I have been told, that now, the exorcism is performed at the Church-door, lest the Deuil, when he comes out of the Child, should profane the Church. Then, he cuts off a little of the Child's hair, and puts it into a Book, and having asked the Godfathers, whether they bring that Child to be baptised, he takes him, being stark naked, into his arms, and dips him three times into the water, pronouncing the ordinary words of the Sacrament, I baptise thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. After the Baptism, he puts a corn of Salt in the Child's mouth, makes the sign of the Cross, in the fore-head, upon the hands, the breast, and the back, with an Oil purposely consecrated for that use, and, putting a clean Shirt about him, sayes, Thou art as clean and as clear from thy Original Sin as this Shirt. The Ceremonies are concluded with a little Cross of Gold, Silver, or Lead, according to the ability of the Parents, such as our Bishops wear, which the Priest hangs about the Child's neck, with so strict an Ob­ligation to wear it all his life time, that if it be not found about him at his death, they would not bury the Carkass, but drag it to the common Dung-hill. The Priest does also assign the Child a particular Saint, whose Image he delivers to the Godfathers, and charges them to ob­lige the Child, when he is come to years of discretion, to have a particular devotion for his Pa­trone. Then he embraces, and kisses the Child, and the Godfathers, and exhorts them to love one another, but above all things that they take heed of inter-marrying. If it happens there are many Children to be Christned at the same time, the Font is emptied so often as there are Chil­dren to be baptised, and other water is consecrated; it being their perswasion, that the former being soil'd with the impurity of that Child's Original Sin who had been baptised before, is not fit to cleanse a second, much less a third. They will not by any means heat this water by fire but, when it is very cold, put it into a hot place to make it a little warmer. Persons of age that are to be baptised, such as Apostate Christians, Turks and Tartars, receive their Baptism in a Brook or River, where they are plunged over head and ears, be it as cold as it will, nay some­times they break the Ice to get them into the water. Thus, above all others, are treated those whom they call Chaldeens, or Chaldaeans. These are a sort of rascally fellows, who get leave of the Patriarch to disguise themselves, by putting on Vizards, and to run up and down the streets from the 18. of December, till Twelve-tide, with Fireworks, wherewith they set fire in their hair and beards whom they meet. Their main spleen is against the Peasants, whom they force, every time they are met, to pay a Copec ere they get out of their hands: and this they exact with such insolence, that I have seen them set a load of Hay on fire, and burn the Peasant's beard and face, because he made some difficulty to give it them. They are all disguis'd, and have on their heads great wooden hats, fantastically painted, daubing their beards with honey, that the sparkles might not fasten in them. These artificial fires they make of a powder which they call Plaua, made of a certain herb not known elsewhere. It makes a noble and very de­lightful flame, especially in the night. But of these hereafter, when we come to treat of the Persian Fire-works. These men, as they say, represent those who heated the Oven, into which Shadrach, Mesak, and Abednego were cast, by the command of Nebuchadnezzar.

These people are treated as profane persons, and are numbred among Pagans and Infidels; so that being in a state of inevitable damnation, they must necessarily be reconciled to God, and enter into the Church by Baptisme. To that end they pitch on Twelf-day, as that on which sometimes happened the vocation of the Gentiles, and afterwards, they are as clean, and be­come as holy as the best Christians, who are ordinarily baptized but once, whereas one of these Chaldaeans may have been baptised ten or twelve times. The insolences committed by them oc­casioned the prohibitions made by the late Pattriarch, that any should put on Vizards or disguise themselves.

Those who are to profess the Muscovian Religion are oblig'd to go, for six weeks, into a Mo­nastery, where the Monks instruct them, and teach them their Prayers, the manner of honour­ing the Saints, of doing reverence to the Images, and making the signs of the Cross. Then [Page 97] they are brought to the place where they are to be baptised, where they are obliged to abjure their former Religion, to detest it as Heretical, and to spit as often as it is named. After their Baptism, they are clad in Muscovian habits, being presented with a noble Vestiment from the Great Duke, who also allows them a Pension suitable to their quality.

There is a great number of Apostates at Moscou, where many forein Souldiers, especially French, were rebaptised, after the War of Smolensko, about 25 years since, though they were not acquainted with the Language of the Countrey, nor had any knowledge of the Muscovian Religion. Which may in some measure be excusable in common Souldiers, who mind not much what they are to expect in the other World; but my wonder is, how persons of Quali­ty, such as want neither Ingenuity nor Judgement, should be induc'd to Apostatize, and em­brace a contrary Religion, meerly for subsistence sake, as the Baron de Raymond, and Monsieur Groin, French Gentlemen, Colonel Alexander Lesley, and Count Slakof. This last came in the year 1640. to Holstein, and thence went into Denmark, where he pretended himself descended from the house of Slick in Bohemia, and that he had lost his Estate upon the accompt of Religi­on; which the King of Denmark, and the Duke of Holstein believing, gave him Letters of re­commendation to the Great Duke of Muscovy. He was no sooner come to Moscou, but he gave out, that it was purposely to change his Religion, and to be a servant to his Czaarick Ma­jesty. The Patriarch, and Muscovian Lords were the more glad to receive him because he was accompted among them, a person of noble extraction, and great worth, which yet was further heightned in him by his being vers'd in several Languages, especially the Latin and Po­lish. They receiv'd him with great joy, caus'd him to be baptis'd, and the Great Duke gave him, with the name of Leo Alexander Slick, and the quality of Knez, a Pension of 200. Crowns a moneth. He made his Addresses to the Princess Irene Michaelouna, and was so fond as to think, the Great Duke would have bestowed his own Sister on him; so that hearing, there were two persons of quality dispatch'd away to Negotiate the Princesse's marriage with a forein Prince, he fell into such a melancholy, that he came not to himself again, till they had given him a Daughter of one of the greatest Bojares in the Kingdom. The King of Denmark coming after­wards to hear of this man's carriage, and understanding withall, that, far from being of the Illustrious house of Slick, he was a subject of Count Gaspar's, of Denhof, in Poland, and that he had surpriz'd him in his recommendatory Letters, he sent notice thereof to the Great Duke, who reproach'd him with his dissimulation and imposture, but suffer'd him to enjoy what he had bestow'd on him, which he does still, under the name of Knez Leo Alexandrouits Slakou­seskie.

Colonel Lesley fell into that misfortune out of weakness. He had in that quality serv'd the Great Duke, during the first War of Smolensko, by which he had gotten a very great sum of money. But those of his profession being not alwayes the best husbands, he soon spent what grew every day less and less. To repair the breaches of his fortune, he thought it his best course to return to Moscou, which he did upon occasion of an Embassy which the Queen of Sueden sent, some time since, to the Great Duke, whereof Eric Gillenstiern, a Senator of the Kingdom was the chief. But for as much as there was at that time, no likelyhood of any War in Muscovy, and that the Great Duke was unwilling to burthen himself with Pensions, Lesley sent him word, that he would be content with some Lands, which he would make what advan­tage he could of, and thereupon got a noble Mannor upon the Wolga. He was now in such a condition, as that he might have lived like a Lord all the rest of his dayes, if his Wife's niggard­ly humour had not exasperated the Countrey-women against them. She treated them so hard­ly, that being not any longer able to endure it, they complain'd of her, alleging that she forc'd them to eat flesh on fasting dayes, that she allow'd them not the time to make their inclinations before the Images, much less to go to Church, and, what was worst of all, that she had taken the Images from the Walls, and cast them into the fire. There needed no more to make her odi­ous to the whole Nation. They immediately sent for Lesley and his whole Family, and the Countrey-women, and the Colonel's Wife were brought face to face; she confess'd indeed, that she had forc'd them to work hard, but deny'd all the rest. All the Servants that were stran­gers took their Oaths on her behalf, and yet the others proffering to make good their accusati­on by enduring the torture, she could not so far clear herself, but that the Patriarch, taking cog­nizance of the business, oblig'd the Great Duke to take those Lands out of the Strangers hands, and to put out an act, whereby it should not be lawful for any to be possess'd of such Mannors if they were not Muscovites, either by Birth or Religion. Lesley finding himself reduc'd to his extremity, and having not wherewith to maintain his Children and Family, declar'd, that if the Great Duke would continue him in the said Mannor, he and his Family would change their Religion. They take him at his word, and he, his Wife and Children are put into a Monastery, where they are instructed and re-baptized. Ilia Danilouits Miloslauski and his Wife were pleas'd to answer for them at their Baptism, and to be at the charge of their Wedding, it being necessary they should be married a-new. The Great Duke made them great Presents, and, among other things, bestow'd on them, the sum of six thousand Crowns in ready money. But the Peasants [Page 98] hearing, that, by this change of Religion, they were to be reduc'd to their former slavery, pe­tition'd His Majesty that they might have another Lord, and pitch'd upon Monsieur Groin, who had revolted at the same time, and had some pretence to those Lands, as having had a promise made him of some of that nature. So that Lesley was forc'd to content himself with a Pension of 90. Crowns per mensem, which is the ordinary pay of a Colonel in times of Peace, and ano­ther somewhat less for his Son.

I shall here make a short digression for a Lady's sake, The admi­rable con­stancy of an English Gentle­woman. who hath, by an admirable constancy, made it appear, that, if Men are many times subject to the weakness of Women, it sometimes happens that Women have those Virtues which may be exemplary to Men. There is this to be said in commendation of the Muscovites, that they never force any to profess their Religion, unless that in a Family, the Husband or Wife be of it, in which case they suffer not the other to continue his former profession. We said, the Baron de Raymond was one of those that chang'd their Religion after the first War of Smolensko. He was married to an English Gentle­man's Daughter (who had liv'd many years at Moscou, and whose name was William Bar­nesley, being the handsomest Woman of any Stranger that was in the Country) and had chang'd his Religion rather out of fickleness, and to comply with the Great Duke, than out of any con­scientious motive, was re-baptised, and took the name of Iuan instead of that of Peter, which had been given him at his first Baptism. According to the Law of the Country, his Wife was to follow his Example, which to effect, her Husband used all means imaginable, but found so great a constancy on the other side, that he was forc'd to recurr to the Authority of the Great Duke and Patriarch. These at first went mildly to work, offering her very great advantages in their Religion: but the young Gentlewoman, though but 15. years of age, was inflexible, cast her self at the Great Duke's feet, and entreated him rather to take away her life, than force her to embrace a Belief, which she was not satisfy'd of in her Conscience. The Father us'd the same submissions, but the Patriarch put him off with kicks, and told him that she was to be treated as a Child, that she knew not what was for the good of her Soul, and that she must be baptized whether she would or no. Accordingly she was put into the hands of certain Religious Wo­men, who violently dragg'd her to a Brook, where she was re-baptized, notwithstanding the protestations she made, that that pretended Baptism, which they then gave her against her own consent, could not blot out the Character, which her first true Baptism had imprinted in her Soul. When they plunged her in the water, she drew one of the Religious Women in along with her, and when they would oblige her to detest her former Religion, she spit in their fa­ces, and would never abjure. After her Baptism, they sent her to Stuatka, where her Husband was Weywode, and there she stay'd till her Husband's three years Government was expired, who dying soon after his return to Moscou, she thought she might re-assume her former Habit, as she was a Stranger, and profess her former Religion, which was the Protestant. But that would not be permitted, her two Sons were taken from her, and she, with a little Daughter, was sent to the Monastery of Belossora, some 10. or 12. leagues from Moscou, where she liv'd five years among the Nuns, and was never suffer'd to speak with any one that could give her the least account of her Friends, or Children. During all that time, she heard from them but once, by the means of a Tiler, a German, who, under pretence of calling his Boy, and shewing him the Tiles he wanted, directed the disconsolate Lady to a place where she should find Letters. The Patriarch dying, she got out of the Monastery, and his Successor allow'd her the liberty of her Conscience at her own House, as also to give and receive visits: but they would never per­mit her to go to Sermons. I often visited her while she was in that condition, and have heard, that this Virtuous Lady died some two years since, firm and constant in the profession of her Religion to the last gasp. To which I may add, by the way, that it is not long since, that her Father William Barnesley died in England, having attained the age of 126. years, after he had married a second Wife, at 100.

Those Muscovites, who change their Religion in other Countries, and would return to their Communion, must be first re-baptized; which is the more observable, in that the Greek Religion, though she approves not the Baptism of the Latin Church, yet seems to be satisfy'd with the former which they might have receiv'd in their Church, so as not to oblige Converts to re-baptization upon their change of Religion.

Their Festivals and Feasts are regulated and certain, and they observe them very strictly. Till within these few years, the Muscovites thought they kept Holy-day well enough, when they had been at Mass in the morning, though they spent the rest of the day in their ordinary Employments; insomuch that at the time of our first Embassy, upon Sundayes, and Holy-dayes, shops were open, and Merchants and Tradesmen were at work; it being, as they said, only for great Lords to mind their enjoyments upon Holy-dayes. But the present Patriarch, hath ordered shops to be shut, not only upon Sundayes, but also on Wednesdayes and Fridayes, which are their Fasting dayes, not permitting the Taverns to sell Wine or Aquavitae in Service time.

Their great Festivals, besides Sunday, are thirteen, and, according to their year, which be­gins the first day of September, stand in this order;

[Page 99] The 8. of September, Prasnick rosostua priziste bogorodice, that is to say, the Feast of the Nati­vity of the Blessed Mother of God.

The 14. of September, Vzemirna wosdui senja Chresta; The Exaltation of the Cross.

The 21. of November, Vedenja priziste bogorodice, the Oblation of the blessed Mother of God.

The 25. of December, Rosostua Christoua, the Nativity of our Lord.

The 6. of Ianuary. Boje jaulenia, or Creschenia, the Epiphany.

The 2. of February, Stratenia Gospoda Boga, Candlemas-day.

The 25. of March, Blagauescenia priziste bogorodice, the Annunciation of our Lady.

Werbna Woscreschenia, Palm-Sunday.

Welikoiden, or Woscreschenia Christoua, Easter-day, or the Resurrection of Christ.

Wosnescenia Christoua, the Ascension of Christ.

Schiestuie swetaga Ducha, Pentechost, or the sending of the Holy Ghost.

The 6. of August, Preobrosiena gospodo Christoua, the manifestation of the Glory of Iesus Christ, upon the Mountain.

The 15. of August, Vspenia priziste bogorodice, the Ascension or Assumption of the Mother of God.

They celebrate the Feast of the Trinity, the morrow after Pentecost, and that of All-Saints, upon the Sunday following.

No day in the year but is the particular Feast of some Saint, sometimes of two or three, but the people observe them not. Only Ecclesiasticks are oblig'd to say the Offices of those dayes. They have their perpetual Almanack, according to the Old-stile, wherein, without any trou­ble, they find all the Feasts both moveable and immoveable.

Upon the great Festivals and Sundayes, they go thrice to Church; first in the morning, be­fore day, to Mattens, which they call Sasterim; at noon, to the Obedny; and in the evening, to Wadschemi, or Vespers. The whole Service consists in the reading of certain Chapters out of the Bible, Psalms, and St. Athanasius's Creed: whereto they sometimes add a Homily out of St. Chrysostome, and certain Prayers, which they sing, much after the same manner as An­tiphona's are sung, saying ever and anon their Gospodi Pomilui, Lord have mercy upon me, which the people repeats three times, making the sign of the Cross. This done, the Priest goes up to the Altar, attended by a Clerk, and sayes the Office, according to the Liturgy of great St. Ba­sil. He pours Claret-Wine and Water into the Chalice, with some little bits of Bread, conse­crates them, and sayes certain Prayers, which ended, he takes out the Bread with a spoon, but gives not of it to any other, unless some sick Child be brought, to whom he gives the Commu­nion. If the Priest hath known his Wife that day, he is not to come near the Altar, but must get Mass said by another. The people stand all the service time, and incessantly bow themselves before the Images, pronouncing the Gospodi Pomilui. They read only the bare Text of the Bi­ble, and certain Homilies, as we said before, giving this reason for it, that the Holy Spirit ha­ving grounded the Church upon the pure Word of God, without any explication, neither are they to trouble themselves with any, since that the different interpretations of it, do partly oc­casion the Errours and Heresies, whereby the Church is divided. About five years since, the Protopope of Morum, taking upon him to Preach, and making use of God's Word, to exhort the people to Piety, the Patriarch deposed him, together with all the other Priests that would have follow'd his example, excommunicated them, and banish'd them into Siberia.

They have made a certain Book, wherein they treat the Histories of the Gospel after a strange manner, and adulterate them with so many fabulous, impious, and impertinent circumstances, that it is not to be much admired that vice and sin reign among them, when they are furnish'd with examples thereof in their Books of Devotion. This minds me of a story, which the Danish Gentleman, I have elsewhere spoken of, relates in his Travels into Muscovy. Discoursing one day with his Pristaf, concerning matters of Religion, the Muscovite, whose name was Foedor, a man well stricken in years, told him, that there was no great harm in contracting a habit of sinning daily, provided a man had an intention to repent him of it at the point of death, and brought for his reason the example of Mary Magdalene. This Mary, said he, was a profess'd Curtezan, so that it is not to be doubted but she offended God very often. Yet it happened one day, she met a man upon the high-way, who desired of her that kindness which she had not de­ny'd any other: but, those even of her profession being not alwayes in the same humour, she would do nothing, till such time as the man desir'd her to do it for God's sake: That then she satisfy'd his desire, and that doing, for God's sake, what she was unwilling to do out of com­plaisance, the action became so meritorious, that she had not only expiated all her other Sins, by that Act of Charity, but also deserv'd to be put in red letters in the Books of the Saints. There is no Evangelical story which they have not thus adulterated, and dress up in circumstan­ces no less abominable.

They are all bare in the Church, even the Great Duke himself. Only their Priests have on their Skufia, or Caps, which are given them at their Consecration. VVhen they make their In­clinations [Page 100] to the Images, they often make the sign of the Cross, with three fingers of the right hand, touching, first, the fore-head, then the breast, then the right shoulder, and lastly the left. And that it might not be thought this is done without Mystery, they say, the three fin­gers signify the Trinity, putting them to the fore-head, they would signify, that Christ is As­cended into Heaven; to the breast, that a man should love God with all his heart; and the pas­sing of them from the right shoulder to the left, puts them in mind of the day of Judgement, when God shall place the Righteous on his right hand, and the Wicked on the left; those, to be called to eternal Salvation; these, to be tumbled down into the abysses of Hell. The Mus­covites undertake not any thing, but they first make the sign of the Cross, as eating, drinking, or any other civil actions.

As for Images, Their Ima­ges. they confess there were not any in Churches, during the first Centuries, and till the time of Constantine the Great, or if there were, they were not honoured with any wor­ship; but that they are used, only to represent the stories of the Bible. They say, that they follow herein the opinion of Iohn Damascene: but it is most likely they have it from the Greek Church, with which, they suffer not any that are carved or graven, as being forbidden in the Decalogue, but they have Images painted with oil upon wood, wretchedly coloured, and ill­proportioned, about a foot in breadth, somewhat more in length. They will not meddle with them if they are not made by one of their Religion, though they came from the best Painter's hand in Europe. At Moscou, there is a particular Market-place for Images, where nothing else is sold, though they call that kind of Commerce, bartering or trucking with money, out of a belief they have, that the names of buying and selling carry not respect enough in them, for sa­cred things. Heretofore they oblig'd strangers to have of them in their houses, that their Mus­covian Servants might be thereby excited to the exercise of their Devotion: But the present Pa­triarch permits not, they should be profaned by the Germans; insomuch, that Charles du Moulin, having bought a stone house, the Seller scrap'd the wall, where an Image had been painted, and carried away what he had scrap'd off. The Peasants would not permit us to touch them, not to turn our feet towards them when we lay down. Nay, some were at the charge of Incense to purify them, after we had left their Houses.

The walls of their Churches are full of them, and they represent, for the most part, our Sa­viour, the Virgin Mary, St. Nicholas, Patron of Muscovy, or the particular Saints they make choice of for the principal object of their Devotions. Those who commit sins deserving excom­munication, are oblig'd to cause their Saint to be taken away, who is not to be suffer'd in their Churches, no more than their persons. Great Persons, and Rich Merchants adorn their Images with Pearls and other precious Stones. All Muscovites look upon them as things so necessary, as that without Images they could not say their prayers; which whenever they do, they al­wayes set Wax-candles before their Saint, and look very stedfastly upon him, as long as the De­votion lasts.

When a Muscovite comes into a House, or Chamber, he saies not a word, till he hath fixt his eyes on the Saint he looks for, which they ordinarily hang in a corner behind the Table, or if he finds him not, he askes, Iest le Boch, where is the God? Assoon as he perceives him, he makes him one very low reverence, or more, and pronounces at every time, Gospodi Pomilui: then he turns to the Company and salutes them.

The Muscovites respect their Images, as if there were somewhat of Divinity in them, and they attribute unto them the virtue of Miracles, whereof we had this example in the year 1643. that an old Image beginning to change colour, and to turn a little reddish, they immediately cry'd out, a Miracle. The Great Duke and the Patriarch were frighted thereat, as if that red colour presag'd some misfortune to either the Prince or the people; nay, they had sent out Or­ders for extraordinary fasts and publick prayers to be made all over the Kingdom, if the Painters who were sent for to have their advise in this affair, had not all assured them, that there was no­thing they should be troubled at, since there was nothing extraordinary, but that Time, ha­ving consum'd and eaten out the paint, had only discover'd the first colour of the wood, which was red.

Their Monks and Priests have nevertheless the art to make them do Miracles, or to observe such things in them as oblige the people to extraordinary Devotions, which must not want their offerings, that the Priest may not want his advantage. The City of Archangel furnishes us with a good example to this purpose, of two Priests there, who, having got together a vast sum of money by their Impostures, must needs fall out at the parting of it, and upbraid one another of their cheats, so loudly, that the Magistrate coming to hear of it, they had thirty lashes a-piece, with the Executioner's good will, after the manner we have before described their whipping. These Juglers put the people into continual frights, and besot them with so strange a venerati­on for their Images, that in their greatest dangers, their recourse is only to them. Iacob de la Gardie, General of the Suedish Army, having in the year 1610. taken the City of Novogorod, some part of it was set a-fire, and one of the Inhabitants seeing his House all of a flame, presen­ted thereto an Image of St. Nicholas, entreating it to stay the progress of the furious Element, [Page 101] which was ready to ruine him. But perceiving the fire went on still, he flung his Image into it, saying to it, that since it would not help him, let it help it self, and quench the fire if it would. It was then also observ'd, that the Suedish Souldiers, not finding any thing in their Houses, carried away the Images of the Muscovites, and by that means oblig'd them to follow them, and to redeem their Saints at a very dear rate.

The first thing they teach their Children, is to make their reverences and inclinations to the Images. At Ladoga I lodg'd at a Womans House, who would not give his breakfast to a Child she had, who could hardly either stand or speak, till he had first made nine inclinations before the Saint, and as often, as well as he could pronounce it, said his Gospodi.

Nor is it to be thought, but that among so great a number of innocent persons, there are some so well instructed, as to see a glimpse of truth through these thick Clouds of ignorance. There was at Russian Narva a rich Merchant, who is still living, one that came often to visit the Ambassadors, and dined with them. He discours'd very rationally, and would say, that he did not approve the opinion, which the rest of the Muscovites have of their Saints, nor the worship of their Images, and he did not expect his Salvation from Colours, which he might wipe out with his handkercher, and from wood, which it was in his power to cast into the fire: That he found in the Holy Scripture, which he had attentively read over, much more solid comforts, and such foundations for his happiness, as could not be shaken: That their Fasting signify'd nothing, when, instead of eating Flesh, they glutted themselves with the best sorts of Fish, and the most delicious Hydromel, and Aquavitae: That bread and water might suffice those who were desirous to fast, and that prayer was the best part of that mortification. The Ambassadors ask'd him, why, having all these good sentiments about him, he had not withall the Charity to inspire them into his Country-men? He answered, that it was not his calling, and that, if he endeavour'd it, he should not prevail, because he was already look'd on as a Heretick among them: That he suffer'd Images in his House, but, only for the honour of God, and to honour the memory of the Saints: That he had a Picture of the King of Sue­den's, and kept it, for the Heroick actions done by that Prince, and that he conceiv'd he might do the like with those of Iesus Christ and the Saints, who had not only done great actions, but also Miracles. We found by the sequel of his discourse that he knew all the reasons alleged by the Greeks at the Council of Constantinople against those whom they called Iconomachi, in the year 787. against which Council Charlemaign called, in the year 797. that of Frankford, in which the Doctrine of the Greeks concerning Images was condemned and anathema­tized.

Not long since, a Protopope of Casanskey, whose name was Iuan Neronou, began to in­veigh against the honour done to Images, charging those with Idolatry who worshipped Co­lours and Wood. He said, that if there were any veneration due to Images, that they were ra­ther to admire, in man, that of God, and to honour the Painter, rather than the Images made by him. But the Patriarch soon took an order with this Priest, degraded him, and shut him up in the Monastery called Cameno Monastir, upon the River Wolga.

When the wood of their Images comes to rot, they do not cast it away, but throw it into the River, that the water may carry it away; or they bury it in some Garden, or Church-yard.

The Saints of Muscovy, as well as those of other places, have their Miracles. Possevin says, they are all Fables, and that the stories related of them are ridiculous. They have one of a very late date, named Sudatworets Philip Metropolite, of the House of Colitziou. He li­ved in the reign of the Tyrant Iohn Basilouits, and grew famous for the remonstrances he made to that Prince of his wicked life. The Tyrant, troubled thereat, sent him into a Monastery far from Moscou, so as that he might be no longer importun'd with his reproaches: but the other made the Pen do what his tongue could not, and, from time to time, represented the Judge­ment of God to the Eyes of the Great Duke, so pressingly, that the other not able any longer to endure his reprehensions, sent one of his Servants to strangle him. The Executioner found him ready enough to dy, with this desire only, that, instead of strangling him with a Cord, he would run him with a Knife into the Heart; which he accordingly did. The Monks of the Monastery put him into the Catalogue of their Holy Martyrs, and sent his Body to be buried in the Island of Solofka, in the White Sea, near Archangel, where they say he hath done many Miracles. The present Patriarch perswaded the Great Duke, that, while he was Metropoli­tane of Rostou, and Iarislau, he had heard that many sick persons had been healed there, and that the Body of the Saint was as whole as the day he was kill'd, and prevail'd with him to have it translated from Solofka to Moscou. The Miracles which are known to have been really done at the translation thereof, are these: viz. that Knez Michael Levontgewits, who was em­ploy'd to see it done, going thither with a Diak, and his two Sons, and having embark'd him­self with some of his retinue in a great open Boat, he got safely into the Island, but it could never be known what became of the three others, and all those that were with them. The o­ther Miracle was, that the Great Duke, the Patriarch, and all the Court going a league out [Page 102] of Moscou, to meet the Saint, the Metropolitane of Rostou and Iaroslau, named Warlam, being a corpulent fat Man, and about 70. years of age, wearied with so small a Journey, fell down stock-dead, As soon as he came to the shrine. Which at least, is as certain as what the Mus­covites say of the great number of the blind, dumb, deaf, lame, persons troubled with agues, and paraliticks, whom that body hath healed, since it was placed in the great Church of the Castle. At first, no week pass'd, but it did five or six Miracles: but now it doth not any at all, and they say it is by reason of the incredulity of the people, that that Virtue hath left the Saints Body; which they say is still intire: but it is forbidden, upon pain of death, for any man to lift up the cloath which covers it.

In the Monastery of Troitza, 12. leagues from Moscou, they have another Saint named Ser­gius. He was a very tall man, a thing the Muscovites have a great veneration for, and had some­time been a Soldier; but the crimes and disorders he had committed in his youth, touch'd his Conscience so to the quick, that he forsook the World, and turn'd Hermite. He quitted that solitary kind of life, and got into the Monastery of Troitza, where he was soon chosen Igumine, or Abbot, and did there, with his Disciple Nikon, so many Miracles, that, dying in the year 1563. they were both Canonized. They say, their heads are there yet to be seen intire, and that when the Polanders besig'd that Monastery, the head of Sergius only, forc'd them back in the midst of their assault, and made them turn their arms against themselves. Of which yet there is nothing to be found in the History of that time, which speaks but of one siege of Troitza, un­der Iohn Sapiha, a Polish General, who was indeed forc'd to raise it, not upon the vigorous re­sistance of the Monks, or by the assistance of Sergius, but by the Suedish Army, which came in to the relief of the Muscovites.

Since this Saint was buried there, that Monastery hath been called Zergeofski Troitza, though it be properly dedicated to the Trinity. It is so rich, that it maintains above 300. Monks, and its revenue increases dayly, through the Great Duke's liberality, and the alms of those who go thither to perform their Vows, they had made in their travels or sickness; and settle Annuities for Service to be said after their death. The Great Duke, who goes thither twice a year, lights off his Horse when he is come within half a league of the Monastery, and so walks it. Having ended his Devotions, he spends some dayes there in Hunting, during which, the Abbot main­tains him and his retinue, both with Man's meat and Horse meat.

Some years since, the Muscovites found an Image of the Virgin Mary, at Casan, and sent a copy of it to Moscou, where there is a Church built for the reception of it in the Market­place, near that street where the Cutlers have their shops. The Church is called Precista Ca­sanska, the holy mother of Casan, and many Pilgrimages are made to it. They go also in Pil­grimage to the Monastery of Chutina, a league and a half from Novogorod, to the Sepulchre of their Saint Warlam, who was born at Novogorod, and buried at Chutina, whence they call his Festival, Prasnick Warlama Chutinskoga.

As to their Churches, Their Churches. we said, there were above two thousand Churches and Chapels in the City and Suburbs of Moscou. Those which are of stone are round and vaulted, because God's Houses ought to represent Heaven which is his Throne. They have neither Seats nor Benches, by reason none sit down, but all say their prayers either standing or kneeling. The late Great Duke, who was much given to Devotion, lay all along upon the ground, when he said his pray­ers. They have no Organs or other musical instruments in their Churches, not using any, out of this perswasion, that things inanimate cannot glorify God; That they were allow'd in the Paedagogy of the Law, but that, under the new Testament, they were no more to be used than any other of the Jewish Ceremonies. The Patriarch that now is hath shewn his enmity to Mu­sick, yet greater, in prohibiting the use of all those musical instruments, which the Muscovites were wont to make use of at their merry meetings. Some four or five years since, he caused all private houses to be search'd, for Instruments, and having loaden five Wagons with them, he sent them over the River of Moscou, where they were all burnt. Only the Germans kept theirs, nor could the Patriarch, with all his Authority, oblige the Bojar, Boris Nikita Iuanou­its Romanou. to put away his Musicians. There is no Stone-Church, but hath, in the midst of four Turrets, a Tower form'd at the top much like the Knobs we set on Bedsteads, having upon it a triple Cross, by which they say they represent our Saviour, as Head of the Church, saying, that the Cross being the Badge of Christianity, it is necessary the Church of Christ should be known by it. They hold, they are prophaned by Strangers, that is to say, such as are not of their Communion; upon which account it was, that when, at the beginning of our Travels, we entred into them, they came and thrust us out, and many times they swept after us. If it chance a Dog gets in, they think it not enough to sweep the Church, but they also Incense it, and purify it with holy Water. They have also very much respect for their Church-yards, and suffer not that any should make their water in them.

Their Bells are not in steeples, but in a certain Engine, or Machine, near the Church, in the Church-yard, and are for the most part so small, that few of them are 150. or 200. pound weight. They toll them at the beginning of service, and at the Elevation of the Chalice, for [Page 103] the Bread being put in immediately after Consecration, they make but one Elevation. The Rope is not fasten'd to the Bell, but to the Clapper, so that one man may toll three or four Bells at the same time, if the Ropes be fasten'd to both his Elbows and both his hands, which, making a certain chiming, the Muscovites are much taken with. But this kind of chiming of the almost infinite number of Bells, which they many times toll at the same time in all their Churches, makes a very strange noise, to their ears, who are not accustomed thereto.

They think this chiming so necessary, that, without it, the divine Service would be defective. Upon which perswasion it was, that a certain Pristaf, who conducted the Suedish Ambassa­dors, hearing that they were desirous to do their Devotions, it being Michaelmas- day, told them, that he could not imagine what shift they would make to do it, since he had not, by reason of the greatness of the Journey, brought any Bells along with him.

There is no Church but hath an Image over the door; and at every corner of a Street, and upon all the Gates of the City, there are Images, before which the Muscovites make a halt to say their Gospodi. They also address the Gospodi to the Crosses which are upon the Churches, so that they goe through no Street, but they make a short stay to do their Devotions.

The Ecclesiastical Government consists of a Patriarch, Their Hie­rarchy. several Metropolitans, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Arch-Deacons, Protopopes, and Priests. The Patriarch, among them, hath the same authority as the Pope has in the Latine Church. The Patriarch of Constantinople had heretofore the nomination of him. In time, he came to have only the confirmation of him; but now of late; he hath lost both. Filaretes Nikitits, the late Great Duke's Father, was the last that desired confirmation from the Patriarch of Constantinople. At present, the Patriarch of Musco­vy is chosen by the other Prelates, who meet in the great Church within the Castle, called Sabor, and name two or three Prelats, of the most eminent for Learning and good Life, and present them to the great Duke, who, after some conference with the Prelats, proceeds joyntly with them, to the election; unless those that are named be all of such eminency, that they are at a loss which to make choice of, and so forc'd to it by lott which course they took at the Election of this last Patriarch. He was a Prelate of the Second Order, and hath been named, with two other Metropolitans, upon the reputation of his good life. The lot falling upon him, all those of the First Order were discontented thereat, so that they put it to the Lot a second time, in which also it fell again to him: but the ambition of the other Competitors appearing still in their countenances, the Great Duke was pleas'd to comply with them, and to put it to the Lot a third time, which fell in like manner to the same Person, upon which all acquiesc'd. His name is Nicon, and he had been before Metropolitan of Rostou and Iaroslou, and is now a­bout 45 years of age. He lives within the Palace, where he hath built him a house of stone. He keeps a good Table, and is a person of so pleasant a disposition, that he discovers it in those actions that require the greatest gravity. For, a handsome Gentlewoman being presented to him, for his Benediction, after she had been re-baptized, with several others of her Friends, he told her, that he was in some doubt, whether he should begin with the kiss, which is given to Proselites after their Baptism, or with the Benediction.

The Patriarch's authority is so great, that he in manner divides the Soveraignty with the Great Duke. He is the Supreme Judge of all Ecclesiastical Causes, and absolutely disposes of what ever concerns Religion, with such power, that, in things relating to the Political Go­vernment, he reforms what he conceives prejudicial to Christian simplicity and good manners, without giving the Great Duke any accompt of it, who, without any contestation, commands the orders made by the Patriarch to be executed. He hath under him, four Metropolitans, se­ven Archbishops, and one Bishop. The Metropolitans are those of.

• Novogorodskoi, and Welikoluskoy, who lives at Novogorod.
• Rostoufskoy, and Iaroslauskoy, at Rostof.
• Casanskoi, and Swiatskoi, at Cassan. And that of
• Sarskoi, and Pondoskoy, who lives within the Castle at Moscou▪ The Archbishops are, those of
• Wologdskoi, and Weliko Premskoy, who lives at Wologda.
• Resanskoi, and Moromskoi, at Resan.
• Sudalskoi, and Torruskoi, at Susdal.
• Twerskoi, and Cassinskoi, at Twere.
• Sibirskoi, and Tobolskoi, at Toboleska.
• Astrachanskoi, and Terskoi, at Astrachan.
• Pleskouskoi, and Sborskoi, at Plescou.

There is but one Bishop in all Muscovy, to wit, that of Comenskoi, and Cassieskoi, who lives at Columna. The Patriarch hath about him an Arch-Deacon, who is as it were his Vicar-General, and in the Castle of Sabor, he hath a Proto-Deacon. The other Ecclesiastical Orders are distinguish'd into Proto-popes, Popes (or Priests) and Deacons. Those who make clean [Page 104] the Churches, and toll the Bells, are called Pannamari. In their Monasteries they have Archi­mandrites, Kilari's, and Igumeni's, who are their Abbots, Priors, and Guardians.

The Patriarch, Their Pre­lates mar­ry not. Metropolitans, Archbishops and Bishops are not to marry, but make a Vow of Chastity, for the time they shall continue in that Dignity, which, it seems, give them not an indelible Character, as it does elsewhere, to those that are advanced to it. They are forbid­den to wear Rings on their fingers. They wear no Drawers, nor Shirts of Linnen-cloath, but of Flannen, and do not ly upon Beds.

Those that enter into any Religious Order eat no flesh, How the Monks live. nor fresh-Fish, and drink neither Wine, Aquavitae, nor Hydromel; but are oblig'd to content themselves with their Quas, though when they are out of their Monasteries, they dispence with the rigour of that Law, and eat of any thing that is given them, making use of their time so well that many times they are glad to be carried home.

The ordinary Habit of the Patriarch, The Habits of the Ec­clesiasticks. as also of the Metropolitans, Arch-bishops &c. and even of their Monks, is a kind of black Cassock, over which they have an upper-Garment of the same colour, not much different from those of the other Muscovites. Their Hoods, or co­vering of the Head, is at least an ell and a half diameter, having in the midst a round piece, as big as a Trencher, which hangs on the hinder part of the head. When they walk into the City, they have in their hands a staff forked at the end after the form of a Right angle, which serves them for a Crosier, and they call it Posok.

What a vast number of Priests and [...]cclesiasticks there must be about Moscou, may be judg'd by that of the Churches, of which not any, that ever so little exceed their ordinary Chapels, but have three or four, or more Priests belonging to them. Those who are desirous to embrace that kind of life, address themselves to the Patriarch, or first Metropolitane they can come to, who examins them, and if he finds they can make a shift to read and write, and sing in the Church, he gives them Orders, and an Attestation of their being received into the Priesthood. At their Consecration, they are habited after the manner before mentioned, and have the hair cut off on the Crown of their heads, on which is put a little Cap like a Callotte, which is the only Character of their Priesthood. For they never take it off, but when they cut their hair, and he, who fighting with a Priest, should make his Callot fall to the ground, would be severely punish'd, and oblig'd to pay him the Bicestie, or a certain mu [...]ct imposed upon him: whereas otherwise a man may bang or cudgel one of that profession with the same impunity as he may another, but to do it without any danger, he is only to take off his Callot, before he falls to work with him, and when he hath sufficiently paid him, to be so respectful to him as to put it on again.

The Protopopes and simple Priests are obliged to marry once, The Priests are oblig'd to marry. but cannot the second or third time, unless they quit the Priesthood, They allege to this purpose the Text of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 3. where the Apostle sayes, that a Bishop should be the husband of one wife. Which place they understand not of Bishops, though the Text expresly mentions them, nor yet in the least ima­gine that the Apostle speaks of one wife in opposition to Polygamy; but infer thence, that there is a necessity that the Priest should marry, that so he may be the husband of one wife. This point of the marriage of Priests makes one of the principal differences between the Muscovites, with all the Greek Church, and the Romane, which allows not the marriage of Priests. For confirmation of their opinion, they allege, as what makes most for them, the fourth Canon of the Councel, which was held at Gangres, in Paphlagonia, not long after that of Nice, which Anathemizes those who make any difficulty to receive the Communion from the hands of a married Priest. But the Muscovian Priests hold this besides, that they are oblig'd to be in the state of marriage, before they take Orders, and that they are to marry a Maid, and not a Wid­dow, or a Woman of a scandalous life: in which punctilio they are so circumspect, that if a Priest, upon search made the the first night of his marriage, find that his VVife hath been defi­led before hand, he must either be divorc'd from her or from the Priesthood. The Priest who hath given his VVife her benevolence in the night, is not to approach the Altar the next day: and as so [...] as a Priest is a VViddower, he is not to Administer the Sacraments any longer. He may be present at the Offices of Fasterini and Vetzerni, but is not admitted to that of Obedni, at which the Communion is receiv'd, and cannot give his Benediction to marriages. Those who are not willing to live in that condition, and are weary of a single life, take up some other pro­fession, turn Merchants or Tradesmen, and marry again: and to do that, they are only to put off their Sacerdotal habit, and their Callot. If they are too old to marry, they retire to a Mo­nastery, and there end their lives.

They have a great number of Monasteries, Their Mo­ [...]steries. both for Men and VVomen, as well in Cities, as up and down the Countrey, and they all in a manner follow the Rule of Great St. Basil. Indi­gence, Age, Infirmities, Domestick discontents, and violence fill their Convents, rather than Devotion. VVhen any embrace that kind of life of their own accord, if they are of ability, they are permitted to carry some part of their Estates along with them into the Monastery, but are obliged to leave the remainder to their Heirs. Heretofore the more superstitious sort made [Page 105] over all they had, and the extravagance had so far prevail'd on many, that in time, the Monks would have been Masters of the best part of Muscovy; if a course had not been taken to pre­vent it. They have set hours for their service, and they say most of their prayers by Beads. Their Austerity of life is very great, in as much as they live only on Salt-fish, Honey, Milk, Cheese, Herbs, and Pulse, especially Cowcumbers, fresh and pickled, which they mince very small, and eat with a spoon in some of their Quas. They have this common with all the other Muscovites, that they can hardly write and read. Not one in ten can say the Lord's Prayer, much fewer that are acquainted with the Creed and the ten Commandments. These Monks live not so retired a life, but that they are seen in great numbers, both in Cities, and all over the Countrey, where their employment is the same with that of the Peasants, from whom they are distinguish'd only by their habit. It is also true, there are abundance of Anchorets, who build Chapels upon the High-ways, and live in Woods like Hermits, subsisting only by the Alms given them by Travellers.

They fast Wednesdays and Fridays, T [...]eir [...]asts▪ and abstain so strictly from all kind of flesh, nay, even from Eggs and Milk, that within these few years, some of the more devout would not use any Sugar, because they know that there are whites of Eggs used in the clarifying of it.

Their year consists of more fasting days than flesh days. For, besides the two days of every week, and the Eves of great Festivals, they fast in Lent seven weeks together, though in the first they eat Butter, Milk, and Eggs, and this week is their Carnaval, during which they com­mit incredible excesses in drinking, and withall such insolences, as the Patriarch hath not yet found any way to remedy. The next week, they eat only Honey, Herbs, and Pulse, and drink only Quas and Water; they bath, and cleanse themselves from the impurities they had con­tracted in their excessive debauches. All the rest of the Lent they live very temperately, and the most devout eat no fish but on Sundays. Their second Lent begins eight days after Whit­suntide, and lasts till St. Peter's tide. The third is from the first of August, to the 16th. and the fourth, from the 12th. of November to Christmas. 'Tis true, there are some abate of this great Austerity; but I never knew any Muscovite, who did not strictly observe abstinence during the Lent. But as they will not by any means be dispens'd with as to that time, no not in their greatest sickness; so can they not, on the other side, be perswaded to eat fish on Sun­days and Holydays out of Lent, as believing that it is of Apostolical institution that they should eat flesh on Sundays, and that they are bound to observe the Rule which goes under the name of St. Clement, in the Tomes of the Councels printed at Venice, which says, that an Ecclesia­stick, who fasts on Saturday or Sunday, is to be degraded, and if a lay person commit the same fault, he is to be excommunicated. The same Rule which enjoyns them to abstain from flesh in Lent, forbids them also medling with their Wives during that time, upon special penalties.

Those who are come to years of discretion are oblig'd to go to Confession, before they Com­municate. Their Con­fession. There are very few but receive the Communion at Easter, and they prepare them­selves for it by extraordinary mortifications, for eight days together, during which they eat nothing but a hard kind of bread, and drink only Water and Quas, which is so sowr, that it causes gripings in the belly, and brings them in a manner to deaths door. They make their Confession standing, in the midst of the Church, and before an Image, on which they have their eyes fastned, as long as the Confession lasts, making a very particular recital of all their sins, and at every sin expressing their remorse, and promising amendment. The Priest, with the absolution, gives them a certain penance to do, which consists for the most part in pronoun­cing several times the Gospody Pomilui, or in making a certain number of Reverences before the Saints, abstaining from Women for a certain time, standing at the Church door: or, if the sins be very hainous, he enjoyns them to make use of a Holy-water, which they Consecrate upon Twelfth-day, and is kept by the Priests all the year long for that purpose, and not to be had of them for nothing. They make accompt that that water hath the vertue to cleanse them of their sins, and to restore them into the state of Grace.

They receive the Communion, ordinarily, upon Easter-Eve; at least they think it must be done upon a fasting-day, Their Com­munion. and this they so strictly observe, that if one should Communicate on the Sunday, yet is he not to eat any flesh that day. They Communicate in both kinds, and mix water with the Wine. The bread they put into the Wine, taking out a morsel, together with some of the Wine, with a spoon. The bread is leavened, and must have been made up and baked by a Priest's Widow: which they think to be so Essential to the Sacrament, that one of the principal causes of the Schism between the Greek and Latine Church, is, that the latter makes use of unleavened bread contrary to the express institution of our Saviour, who, to abo­lish the Ceremony of the Iews, who made use of unleavened bread, was pleased to take ordi­nary bread. This Communion bread is about twice as big, and somewhat thicker than a Crown piece, and hath in the middle the figure of the Crucifix. After the Priest hath Consecrated it, he takes off that figure with an instrument made much after the fashion of a Launce [...], and puts it [Page 106] up into a wooden box, which hangs above the Altar, that the Rats and Mice may not come at it. When the Communion is to be Administred to a sick person, they take a little out of the said box, upon which they pour three drops of Claret-wine, and put it into the Chalice, ming­ling sometimes a little water, and so they give it the sick person with a spoon. But if, through weakness or otherwise, he be not able to get down the bread, they give him only a little Wine consecrated. In the ordinary Administration of the Communion, they make use of a sort of Consecrated bread, of the same form as the other, but not bigger than a half Crown, from which they also take away the Crucifix, and break it into as many pieces as there are Commu­nicants, cast them into Claret-wine, and put thereto a little warm water, because no doubt but the blood and water, which came out of our Saviour's side, was so. They hold Transubstan­tiation, and, at the Administring of the Sacrament, the Priest sayes these words: This is the true body and the true bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, which hath been given for thee, and for many more, for the Remission of thy sins, which thou shalt take in remembrance of him. God bless thee. The more devout sort sleep after they have receiv'd the Communion, that so they may not Sin that day. What remains of the bread after Consecration serves for holy-bread. They call it Kutja, and the Sunday following, the Priest gives a morsel of it to each of those who had Communicated the week before. There is no Child so young but they give him the Communi­on; but it is only when he is Sick, and then but in one kind, till he be seven years of age, and then he is Communicated as the rest; for which they give this reason, that about that age one begins to Sin mortally. No doubt, they have derived this custom from what was done in the third age, wherein St. Cyprian sayes, that they Communicated Children immediately after bap­tism, which custom was continued till St. Augustine's time. But in Process of time the custom was changed, since that, as Nicephorus, the son of Calistus, who lived in the 14th. age, affirms, that in his time, they gave those Children, who were learning the first Rudiments of the Sci­ences, but only the Consecrated bread which was remaining after the Communion. In Mus­covy, they also give the Communion to distracted persons; but they only touch their lips with the bread after it hath lain a while in the VVine.

The Priest who hath kiss'd a dead body, or been at the interment of any, can neither conse­crate nor administer the Sacrament that day, for they hold him to be defiled. Nor is it lawful for him to Comm [...]nicate a VVoman in Child-bed, in the same room where she was delivered: but she is obliged to get her self carried into some other place, and to be washed. Heretofore, they were wont to send the Consecrated bread into the Countrey, to those places which were destitute of a Priest; nay, they gave of it to such as intended to travel, or were going to the VVars, who made their Confessions before their departure, and were to Communicate when they had any convenience to do it, or were in any danger of death, so to make it, as it were, their last Viaticum. Their custom of receiving the Consecrated VVine in the Church, and car­rying away the bread, to be taken at home; as also that practised by Anchoretes, who carried away both to the places of their retirement, is so antient, that St. Cyprian, nay, even Tertulli­an speaks of it, as a thing very ordinarily done in their times: but this kind of Communicating is now absolutely abolish'd in Muscovy, as well as other places. Those who have taken their Oaths in any Law business, or have committed murther, or any other hainous sin, are not to receive the Communion, but at the point of death. All that are sick to that extremity are Com­municated, and at the same time receive extreme Unction, but that once done, they suffer them not to take any thing else, not ought of nourishment, unless they apparently perceive that the sick party begins to recover strength, and gives them a great assurance of the retrival of his for­mer health. Before the receiving of the Communion, they give those that are sick, some fair water, or Aquavitae, wherein some Relicks had been put. There are those, who, in that con­dition, cause themselves to be shaven, put on Monks habit, and become really such; for, that once done, they are not suffer'd to take any thing for the space of eight dayes; it being their perswasion, that those who take that habit, which they call Seraphick, are not to be numbred among men, but are become Angels. And if, after those eight dayes abstinency, they recover their former health, they are oblig'd to perform their vow, and to go into a Monastery, because the Rasour hath pass'd upon their heads.

Their interrements are accompany'd by abundance of Ceremonies, Their man­ner of bu­rial. as indeed are all their publick actions. As soon as the sick person is departed, they send for all his Kindred and Friends, who being come into the house stand about the body, excite one another to bemoan him, as it were to heighten the Lamentations of the VVomen, and ask the deceased, why he would dye? VVhether his affairs were in a good condition? VVhether he wanted meat and drink? VVhe­ther his VVife were not handsom and young enough? VVhether she had been unconstant to him? &c. Then they send a present of Beer, Aquavitae and Hydromel to the Priest, that he may pray for the Soul of the deceased party. The body is well washed, and after they have put a clean shirt, or a shrowd about him, they put on his feet a pair of new shooes, of a very thin Russia leather, and so lay him into the Coffin with his Arms cross the breast. Their Coffins are made of the Trunk of a Tree, and are to be sold every where. It is cover'd with a [Page 107] Cloath, or haply with some Coat of the deceased, and carried to Church. If it be a rich man, and that the season of the year permit it, he is not buried so soon, but kept above ground eight or ten dayes, during which, the Priest comes to incense the Corps, and cast holy water on it every day.

The Funeral solemnity is after this manner. First there goes a Priest, carrying the Image of the Saint which had been assign'd the deceas'd at his baptism for his Patron. Next go four Vir­gins, of the next of Kin to the deceased, who are to go as Mourners, and who fill the air with their horrid cries and lamentations, keeping such exact time, that they both give over, and then begin all together. Then follows the body, carried by six men upon their shoulders; and if it be a Monk or Nun, some of their own Profession do them that Office. The Priests go all about the body, and incense it all the way, to keep off evil spirits, and withall sing certain Psalms. The Kindred and Friends follow the body, but without any order, having every one a VVax-Candle in his hand.

Being come to the Grave, the Coffin is uncover'd, and the Image of the deceased party's Saint is held over him, while the Priest sayes certain prayers, in which there come often these words, Lord look upon this Soul in Righteousness, as also some passages of their Liturgy, during which the VViddow continues her lamentations, and makes the same questions she had done be­fore. Then the Kindred and Friends take leave of the deceased, kissing either him or the Coffin; and at last the Priest comes up to him, and puts between his fingers a piece of paper, which is a kind of Testimonial of his behaviour in this world, signed by the Patriarch, or the Metropolitane of the place, and the Confessor, who sell those papers dear or cheap, according to their abilities who buy them. This Testimonial, which is a kind of Pass for his admittance into the other VVorld, runs thus. We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, the Patriarch, or Metropolitane, and Priest of the Citie of N. do make known and Certifie, by these presents, that the Bearer of these our Letters hath alwayes lived among us like a good Christian, professing the Greek Religion; and though he hath committed some sins, yet that he hath confessed the same, and that thereupon he hath received absolution, and taken the Communion, for the Remission of his sins: That he hath honoured God and his Saints; That he hath said his prayers, and that he hath fasted on the hours and dayes appointed by the Church, and that he hath carried himself so well towards me who am his Confessor, that I have no reason to complain of him, nor to deny him the Absolution of his sins. In witness whereof, we have given him the present Testimonial, to the end, that upon sight thereof, St. Peter may open unto him the Gate of eternal bliss. As soon as he hath this Pass­port given him, the Co [...]in is shut up, and put into the Grave, with the face of the deceased turn'd towards the East. Those who accompany'd him thither, do their Devotions to the Ima­ges, and return to the house of the deceased, where they find Dinner ready, and where, many times, they drown their affliction, with all other sentiments of mortality, in Hydromel and Aquavitae. Their mourning lasts 40. dayes, during which they make three Feasts for the Kin­dred and Friends of the deceased, to wit, the 3d. the 9 ^th. and the 20 ^th. day, after the burial. VVherein they imitate the modern Greeks, though these, instead of the 20 ^th. take the 40 ^th. day; upon this ground, that about that time, the heart corrupts, as the body begins to putri­fie, towards the ninth, and the face is disfigured, the third.

Some build Huts over their Graves, which they cover with Mat, for the convenience of the Priest, who, morning and evening, for the space of six weeks together, is to make prayers there for the deceased. For though the Muscovites do not believe there is any Purgatory, yet they say there are two several places, to which the Souls retire, after their departure out of the body, where they expect the day of Judgement: some in a pleasant and delightful place, having the conversation of Angels; others, in a sad and dark Valley, having the society of De­vils; That the Souls being yet in their way, may be diverted out of the evil way, by the Pray­ers of Priests and Monks, nay, that these have so great an Interest with God, as to obtain a cer­tain ease and alleviation of their misery, for those Souls which are with the Devils, and to ap­pease him against the day of Judgement. Such as are of ability, gives Alms dayly during the six weeks; which may indeed be ordinary among the Muscovites, who make no difficulty to inrich themselves any way, and believe that sin is to be expiated by Alms. VVhence it comes, that no Muscovite almost, but, as he goes to Church, or about his occasions, buyes bread, which he afterwards distributes among the poor, who, though very numerous, yet get so much, that being not able to consume all themselves, they dry up the rest in an Oven, and make it a kind of Bisket, which they call Suchari; and sell it in the Market to Travellers.

The Muscovites tollerate all sorts of Religions, and suffer all Nations to live among them, as Calvinists, Lutherans, Armenians, Tartars, Turks, and Persians, excepting none, but Iews and Roman Catholicks. There is a great number of Protestants all over Muscovy, and in the City of Moscou it self, there are above a thousand, who have the free exercise of their Reli­gion. Those of the Reform'd Religion and the Lutherans, had their Churches heretofore in the quarter of Czaargorod; but it is about twenty years since that the Lutherans lost theirs, by the imprudence of their Wives: because those of Merchants would not give place to the Officers [Page 108] wives, who indeed for the most part were but servant-maids dress'd up a little finer than they had gone before: The contestation grew so high, that they came from words to blows, in the very Church, with so much scandal, that the Patriarch, then accidentally passing by, having understood the occasion of their falling out, commanded the Church to be demolish'd, which was immediately done. But they were permitted to build another in the quarter of Bolsoigorod. They took away their Church from those of the Reformed Religion, because, not content with the wooden Chapel which had been given them within the White-wall, they would needs build there an Edifice of stone, which was in a manner finish'd, when the Patriarch, who had not given his consent for the doing of it, caused both to be pull'd down. Now, Foreiners have neither Church nor Houses within the City. For the Germans finding themselves exposed to the derision of the Muscovites, after the Patriarch had ordered them to go in a habit distinct from that of the Inhabitants of the Country, to free themselves out of that persecution, Petition'd the Czaar to protect them against the outrages and affronts they dayly received. On the other side, the Priests complained, that strangers built on their foundations, and lessened the revenue of the livings; so that the Great Duke, to please both sides, assigned them, without the City, near the Gate called Pokrofki, a place big enough to contain all the Houses of Foreiners, who im­mediately demolish'd those they had in the City, and in a short time made up that part of the Suburbs, which is called Nova Inasemska Slaboda, where the Lutherans have two Churches, and those of the Reformation two more, one for the Dutch, and the other for the English; and where they have this further satisfaction, that they converse but little with the Muscovites, and are out of all danger of those frequent fires, which commonly begin in the houses of those barbarous Christians.

The Lutherans, and those of the Reformed Religion live very quietly together, and the Mus­covites Trade indifferently with either: but they have so great an aversion for the Roman Ca­tholicks, that they would never grant them a Toleration of their Religion in Muscovy. In the year 1627. the late King of France proposed, by Louis des Hayes, a Treaty for the regu­lation of Commerce with the French, and at the same time for a Church, where they might have Mass said, but it was deny'd. And in the first War of Smolensko, they would not entertain Catholick Souldiers. Nay, in the Treaty they made with us, for our passage into Persia, it is an express Article, that we should not take any Roman Catholicks into our retinue. So that it is much to be admired, that they should call to the Crown Vladislaus, Prince of Poland and Sueden; though that Election came to nothing, for reasons, into which it is beside the subject of our Relation to enquire, as it is also into those which may be given of the Animosity of the Muscovites against the Roman Catholicks, whereof the grounds are to be searched for in Ec­clesiastical History, which hath nothing common with the Relation of our Travels, the prosecu­tion whereof is the business of the following book.