Section I.

CErtainly 'tis high time to think of making the Ministers of France better Christians, when 'tis appa­rent they have taken up the Prin­ciple of the Common Enemy of Christendom: and make his Max­imes the Rules and the Measure of their Proceedings. Absolute Power at Home, and Ʋniversal Empire abroad, is their Aim as well as the Turks; and seeing that by their Actions all the Duties of Christia­nity are laid in the dirt, it were hard to determine un­der which of the Two Christendom would obtain Fairest Quarter, after an absolute Conquest. For though France be Owner of the better Faith, yet the other keep Faith better; because all Travellers tell us the Turk counts it Religion to keep Word and Promise.

But (it seems) France may do any thing Regnande [Page 4] causâ, as we shall shew by and by, when we come to tell how little value is made of Promises, Obligations, Alliances, and the Sacraments. In these things they exceed the Grand Seignior: but in matter and extent of absolute Dominion they are his Rivals, and aspiring to forestal him in his design upon Europ, to become sole Masters of a Western, as he is of the Eastern Em­pire. And why not? Why should not Louis the 14th have it now, as his Predecessor, Charlemain, had it heretofore? His great Ministers and Officers both Civil and Military, say, They have ample Territories, and very populous, and a most numerous Nobility and Gen­try; as much Courage as their Ancestors, together with the advantage of being trained up either to Actions of War, or Warlike Exercises: also the Situation of their Country, and the Opportunity they have by it to invade their Neighbours upon all Occasions; the Fruitfulness and Riches of the Soil, the prodigious quantity of all sorts of Commodities, Manufactures, and other wayes, with which they supply neighbouring Countries; And lastly, the vast Revenues of their Kings, who governing of late without check or controul at home, are thereby the more able to oppress other States or Princes. They boast how Charles the Eighth frighted all other Potentates, by the surprising. Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples: How they contended with the Austrian Family, when it had been rais'd on a sud­dain to a wondrous Grandeur, by the accession of in­numerable Provinces, united in the person of Charles the Fifth; and that their King Francis the First, had like to have carried from him the Imperial Crown, having to that end engaged several of the Electors: but they forget to tell us, that when he had miss'd it, then to [Page 5] be revenged on the Emperor, and the other Christian Princes, he was the first that taught the French Kings the most Christian trick of making Leagues with the Turks; for so did he with the Great Solyman the Mag­nificent, as you may read in my Lord Herbert's Histo­ry of our Henry the Eighth: and God prosper'd him accordingly: for though he had several times the Turks assistance to carry on his Reverigeful Designs, to the hazard of all Christendom, yet at last he was forc't to yield to the victorious Arms of that Emperor Charles, who took him Prisoner, and made him buy his Peace at an extraordinary Rate. But yet his Son Henry the Second had better success, and would have extended his Dominions very far, had he not been prevented by a suddain, unfortunate Death, as did also his Successor, Henry the Third.

Then came on his Successor, Henry the Fourth, and of him they boast, that he subdued Monsters of Facti­ons at home, and afterwards revived that Monstrous Design of grasping all abroad: that having made good his Title to the Crown by the Success of his Arms, he bent all his thoughts upon a Project, vast in the ex­tent of it, as extraordinary in the Nature of it, intending no less than to cast Europ into a new Model, and re­duce all the Kingdoms and Common-wealths that were in his time, to a certain number, and to bring them in­to such bounds as he should think fit to prescribe to them; but to reserve to himself a Portion so considerable, as to have enabled him, or at least his Successors, to grow up into that state of Universal Monarch, which had been first imagined by his Predecessor Francis. To this ef­fect he had made choice of his Generals, and other great Officers, furnished his Arcenals with mighty [Page 6] Stores of Arms, and collected prodigious Sums of Money into his Treasury; and then all came to nothing by a suddain unexpected stroke, which was given him by the Hand of Ravalliac.

After him, his Son Lewis the 13th, Father of the pre­sent King, though, by reason of some Domestick broyls and Civil Wars, he was not at leisure to carry on the Project of his Predecessors, by employing that way the great Armory and Wealth which his Father had provid­ed; yet still he had an Eye towards it; and Cardinal Ri­chelieu, with the rest of his Ministers, finding that the House of Austria was very near bringing all Germany un­der their subjection, and after the Battle of Prague stood fair to carry away Ʋniversal Empire (the Darling of France) they hasten'd, with what speed they could, to put an end to Civil Dissentions, and having got quiet at Home, they being then courted by diverse Princes for Assistance and Protection against the Austrian Family, were glad of the Opportunity: reckoning, that under a shew of assisting weak Princes, they might at length take occasion to share with them in their Principalities, and by that means vastly increase their own Power: And so they did subdue new Provinces, and considerable Towns in Spain, Italy, Germany, and the Low-Countreys; which at last made the Princes as jealous almost of him, as they had been before of the Austrian: So that to prevent far­ther mischief they were content to sit down with their losses, rather than trust their French Alliances any longer. Which occasioned that great Treaty held at Munster, which ended in a general Peace, An. 1648.

Now before I proceed, give me leave, by the way, to make use of what is past in these few Observations, viz.

First, That had not France had a marvellous Wit, Cou­rage [Page 7] and Fortune, it could never have born its Head above water in the midst of so many Waves and Tempests of Discord and Rebellion, as were rais'd during the Reigns of those Kings, and yet continue still in a Condition after all, to maintain it self, and bid fair also against its Austrian Rival for the Mastery of a General Dominion.

Secondly, That in all Ages, as soon as their Intestine troubles have been over, they have still, out of a restless, warlike Humour, endeavour'd to incroach upon their Neighbours, and for enlarging their own Lordship, laid hold upon all opportunities to disturb Mankind; and they could never yet set any bounds to their Ambition.

Thirdly, That this Ambitious humour of theirs, sup­ported by the greatness of their Power, would long be­fore this time have brought all Europ under Subjection, if their own Divisions and private Quarrels had not from time to time put back their Designs for many years; or had not their greatest Princes been cut off before they could have finished their intended work.

Fourthly, and lastly, as a consequence of the three former, That it was, and ever will be, the true Interest of all Princes to oppose the French Designs: or if they have at any time occasion to use them against other Op­pressors, yet still to remember, That no Oppression is like theirs; and that they meditate it alwayes, even in the midst of Friendship: and therefore that they are not to accept of their Assistance longer or further than meer necessity or publick utility requires it; but to cast them off as soon as the danger is over; as it was practised in the Peace of Passaw; in the time of Henry the Second, and that of Munster; in both which the French were pre­vented of further Progress by the Jealousie of their Al­lies. However, in all such occasions, they ever made [Page 8] acquisitions, and came off with great advantages.

In the Stories of such glorious Pranks of their Princes, it is that the French Ministers do pride and delight them­selves; and to their Monarchs, when youthful, they propound them for imitation. To this end, it was the Care of Cardinal Mazarine, in the Minority of the King now regnant, to provide him an agreeable Tutor, that might form and fix in the mind of his Majesty, the greatest Idea's of Glory and Warlike Enterprizes. This was the Bishop of Rodes his first Governor, who, as soon as his young Master came to understand Letters, instead of diverting him with Romances, entertain'd him in reading the Lives and Actions of the greatest of his Predecessors; but above all, recommended to him the Story and Model of a great Prince, in the high Atchievements of his Grand-father, King Henry the Fourth; as may be seen in a Book of his, written to that purpose, which hath since been published.

This Prince, as well by his own Genius, as by the hap­py Success of his first Undertakings, hath relished such Instructions, and hath solely proposed to himself that Example for the Rule of his Actions. The History of that Great King hath been his most ordinary Study. He hath, in imitation of him, taken care to accumulate a vast Treasure, and setled a mighty Revenue, sought for Allian­ces abroad, and successively rais'd many most numerous Armies. It's evident therefore, That he acts upon the very same draughts; and that all we see at present are but the Old Projects of his Predecessors renew'd, and the Effects of those Impressions which he hath suck't in with his Milk, Do but read the Book call'd the Memoirs of Henry the 4th, with those of the President Jeannin, and of the Bishop of Rodes; and then conclude, that [Page 9] whatsoever his most Potent Grand-Father had conceived in his Imagination, this King intends to bring forth by the Power of his Armies; viz. A Wondrous Theatre of Ʋnchristian Glory, planted upon a Mountainous heap of Christian Sculls, to amaze and terrifie Mankind into an Ʋniversal Slavery. For, as the desire of Glory hath no bound, and in regard his Years and present Condition put him into a capacity to run a longer course than did Henry le Grand, so we cannot reasonably expect other­wise than that he, who hath so often cross'd the Rhine with his last Summer's Successes, will also, when he hath over-run the Continent, cross the Narrow Seas to make his Visits.

His Pen-men have taken a great deal of pains to nourish these Thoughts in him, and have no other study but to feed this Natural Humour of his Majesty, and transfuse it also into his Son the Daulphin, having wholy sacrificed their Pens to infuse it, and tickle that Native desire of Glory, which they have discovered in them both. The great rewards that have been given them for it, are authentick markes of an acceptance of their Ser­vice: and surely such acknowledgements from a young High Spirit, that believeth himself to be in a posture to execute all that pleaseth him, and who hath drunk down this Maxim, That to take possession by the Sword, any Title is sufficient must needs be a dangerous fore-running Sentence upon all the rest of Mankind, against whom his Ministers shall perswade him that he hath any thing to pretend. Which yet more clearly to make appear to Us, We only need read the printed Books not long since dedicated to him; among which is one that carries this Title, viz. The Just Pretences of the King of France to the Empire; which Book having laid down this for a [Page 10] Ground, That the Dominions of Soveraign Princes have always been the Dominions and Conquests of their Estates: and that the Dominions and Conquests of Crowns can be neither alienated nor prescribed, at length draws out these two Conclusions:

First, That the greatest part of Germany is the Patri­mony and ancient Inheritance of the French Princes.

Secondly, That Charlemain did possess Germany, as King of France, and not as Emperour.

What may not be drawn from such kind of Assertions?

If these things be believ'd in France, what may not the Scribes of France persuade their Master? May they not as well prove and persuade him, That he wears the Titles of all other Princes within the Pomel of his Sword? If one may judge of what is to come by what is past, all Europ will have cause enough to stand upon their guard, and take the All'arm, to prevent the Machinations of the French Ministry, whose sole business 'tis, To blow up the Glory of their Master to a mighty Bubble; and 'tis indeed no more but a Bubble which he gets; he is at the Expence, whilst they collect for themselves mighty For­tunes out of the Ruines of Mankind, and feed the Mar­shals and the other Great Military Commanders, with Ex­pectations of sharing other Princes Principalities, and, as fast as they can Conquer, to be all made Princes.

SECTION II.

HIstories tell us, That the Heathens made it a main point of Conscience, never to begin a War upon their Neighbours or others, till they had for it good Justifying Causes. Among them, for this Principle the Romans were most eminent; and therefore such Causes they in their Language termed Principia; that is to say, Beginnings or Principles, intimating thereby that no War could be well begun without them, nor luckily end. Thus, in Livy, said the Rhodian Ambassadors in their Oration made to the Senate of Rome; Certè quidem vos estis Romani, &c. Certainly, ye are Romans indeed, in re­gard ye place your Glory in this, that ye expect your Wars should prove successful, because ye take care that they be just in the Causes of them, and that ye look to the Principia, the Beginnings of them, that they be not without cause un­dertaken, rather than to a victorious event of them. Much might be said to this point out of Cicero, and others that write of these Laws universally received among Nations; but, to be short, Writers on that subject, do generally de­termine, that the just Causes of War are reducible to the three following Heads.

• 1. That it be undertaken for Defence. Or,
• 2. For Recovery of what hath been taken away. Or,
• 3. To punish for Injuries done.

Some one of these ought to be Ingredient in the be­ginning of War, else it cannot have a just cause.

[Page 12]Now therefore let us examin the French War by these Rules. We may remember when it first began, the World was very much at Peace, and France so much beforehand in Power and Greatness above other Nations, that it needed not to fear any of its Neighbours, and consequently it had no necessity upon it, nor occasion for Self-defence.

Again, the Crown of France was then so far from a having been robbed by any other Nation, that it had ag­grandised its self above all proportion by the spoils that it had made of many Nations; nor was any of the Neighbour Nations in other State and Condition in re­spect of the French Power, then as the Lark under the Hobby, not daring so much at to stir. but was glad to couch and lie close under all the Oppressions and Rapines that had been practised upon them by the French. It were too tedious here to recite their Actions in their Neighbour Countries for Evidence, being notorious to the World, and to be collected anon out of our ensuing Discourse.

Moreover, the French were so far from having any cause to make War to punish any for Injuries done, that having been in that respect also before-hand with their Neighbours, most other Princes had then abundant Rea­son, and much more now to complain against Injuries of the highest nature acted upon them, and to punish them with such Revenges as are due to the Common Enemies and Disturbers of Mankind.

And truly, we may well take it for a kind of tacite con­session that they had no just cause nor occasion for be­ginning the present War, seeing that in a Declaration con­sisting of a very few Lines, which the French Ministers did put forth in the Name of their King before the In­vading [Page 13] of the Ʋnited Provinces, there is not the leaft mention made of any cause, save that it was for their King's Glory; because forsooth the Hollander had (but we were not told how) detracted from his Glory, and the Glory of his Ancestors. Not a word of any other caufe, nor of the Glory of God, whose Work it is usually to pour shame and contempt in the end upon all such Glory.

There is also another Point which of old hath been in Use, and that is a Denunciation of War before the Be­ginning of it. Collegium Fecialium, a College of He­ralds was instituted in old Rome, without whose Advice as the Roman Senate never made War; so having first re­ferred it to them to consider of the Justness of their Un­dertaking, if they determined the Justice of it, then one of the same Colledge was sent to the Enemy before any act of Hostility on their part to denounce it. So Cicero, in his first Book of Ossices, Belli quidem oequitas sanctissimè Feciali Populi Romani jure proestripta est; That is to say, The equity of any War was most religiously determined ac­cording to the Law of the Colledge ef Heralds: And they had certain Laws in that Colledge which were called Jura Fecialia, by which they judged of the Justness of every War before they entred upon it; and when Wars were denounced, they were called Promulgata Proelia: For Justice being removed, what are Wars but Grand Robberies and Murtherous Executions? Thus conscien­tiously and solemnly proceeded meer Heathens hereto­fore; and shall they not then rise up in Judgment here­after against such French Christians? for, their Ministers not minding Right or Wrong, thought it better to begin this War by way of surprize upon the Dutch Republick, reckoning it a surer way first to get possession, and after­wards to leave it to the Scrupulous Criticks of Law and [Page 14] Conscience to write and dispute about the Justice of the Work: no matter whether it were righteous, as long as it was in their sence, and by custom become a Glorious Atchievement, to invade on a suddain and oppress their Neigbours, having before given the World a proof of this good quality, by surprizing the Dominions of Flan­ders, Lorrain, Sicily, and many other Countreys.

These things being said, and known too notorious to be denied, I suppose none can deny, That the Rise of this War was against all the just Rules of Warlike undertak­ing. And all that they, or any body else, can have to say in excuse of them is, That they are born under a neces­sity of giving trouble to all the rest of the World, in or­der to the preservation of themselves at Home; for if Wars were not found out for them abroad to entertain and exercise their Young Nobility at the expence of their Neighbours, France alone would be too little to supply them. In truth the Genius of the Nation is such, that it cannot endure to live long in the idleness of Peace. They are of a Nature so hot, that there must be Aliment for this Fire; and if some were not given it from abroad, it would form to it self matter at Home.

To this Natural propension must be added the Custom of most part of their Provinces, and the particular Dis­positions of Noble Families, which give so great Ad­vantages to the Elder Brothers, that they leave nothing almost to the Younger but their Industry and Sword: And whereas they rarely betake themselves to Letters to obtain a Livelyhood, and their Quality suffers them not to apply themselves to Mechanick Trades, there is no­thing left to them but their legitimate Robbery of War, or common Robbery, to preserve themselves from want and Poverty. From hence it comes to pass, that their [Page 15] Kingdom always finds it self filled with an idle and boyl­ing Youth, ready to undertake any thing, and who seek Employments for their Valour at whose cost soever it be. The Liberty which they had heretofore to void this per­nicious humour in Duelling, is at present taken from them by wholsom Decrees of their King; so that did not his Ministers find out a Foreign vent for their Spleens, by which they might evaporate, the flame would ever be breaking forth within their own Bowels.

Moreover, as the greatest Revenues of the Crown of France rise out of the Purse of the People, so because the Common Contribution cannot be exacted in times of Peace, without making a great many Male-contents; 'tis always necessary to feed and fume the Airy multitude with the smoak of some Conquests, wherein they also are apt to Glory, though they (Poor Creatures!) get no more by the chaining of Neighbour Nations, but to have more Fellow-Slaves, and to have their own Fetter set the harder on, and fastened the firmer at their heels. To which end the Grandees are always coyning pretences of Quarrel to continue in Arms, and maintain by Forcethat Royal Authority, which hath so strangely overflown the Limits of their Fundamental Laws. It is otherwise impossible to satisfie all the Princes and Great Men of the Realm, though the Princes are nothing so numerous now as they were in the times of Henry the Third and Fourth: since which they have taken it up as a principal Policy to diminish the Princes as fast as they can. That is one course; and another is, always to hold them imploy'd in Foreign Wars; and to incite them unto Glory, that they may be consumed e're long in ruinous Undertakings, to the con­sumption of their own, as well as other Nations. The Platform of which Device was first laid, and in part effect­ed [Page 16] by Cardinal Richelieu, and in a great measure com­pleted by Mazarin, his Successor in the Grand Ministry of State. So that you see how they observe the Rules of of Justicewhether they deal with their own Princes and People, or with Foreigners, be it by the way of War or Peace; makiug havock of all Mankind without Re­morse, to greaten a few of themselves: and that their King may be spurr'd to drive furiously on, they have given his fancy a fair Prospect of an imaginary Throne of Glory at his Jorney's end, on which they promise to place and elevate him above Petty Monarchs, as sole Monarch and Emperour of the Christian Universe.

SECTION III.

I Would not make thus bold with France, were it not that there is a necessity for it. It is no time now to be mealy-mouth'd (as we phrase it) but to speak out, seeing All that is ours is involved in the Common-fate of Europ: and our cause cannot but be just, because we have had patience, and tried all manner of fair means to induce the French Ministers to grant a Peace, and we have born their Injuries to the utmost; among which this hath been no small one, That under pretence of allowing our King the Christian office of a fair Mediatorship, they have at length by going at the same time to ravish the rest of Flanders, thereby shewn plainly to all the World, that their intent was meerly to delude and abuse us.

[Page 25]In handling this subject, it is our concern to evidence how they have violated the Law of Nations, which is common to all, and to prevent the introducing of such Maxims into the World, as would destroy the whole Commerce of Mankind, and render Humane Societies as dangerous as the company of Lions and Tygers. We are also no less concerned, to defend the Publick Faith of Treaties against their Finesses, and subtle Evasions, to preserve the Law of Arms within the Rules and Forma­lities which the Consent of all Nations hath established; and to remove out of the sight of Christendom such scanda­lous Examples, which by lamentable consequences would expose the weaker to the Will and Pleasure of the stronger, and would establish Force the sole Arbiter of all proceedings. We are to meditate such Courses and Means, as may stop a rapid Torrent, against the impetu­ousness whereof neither Peace, Marriage, Oaths, Blood, Kindred, Friendship, nor Condescension, can be Banks strong enough to keep it within its Channel. It is to our purpose to defend the Common Interest of all States and Princes, against a vast Design, which hath for its Cause nothing but a Predominant Desire of Conquests; for its End, Dominion; for its Means, Arms and Intri­cacies; nor for its Limits any thing but what Chance will prescribe.

In a word, it's our Business now to decide the Fortune of Europ, and to pronounce the Sentence either of its Freedom or Slavery; for betwixt these two, no Middle State can be attain'd, no Peace be assured. Other Princes must (as long as they can) oppose France to preserve themselves free; because France will never be at rest, till She hath hung about their Necks the Toke of Conquest: And if she should hearken in the mean time to a Pacifica­tion, [Page 26] know that you are not to enjoy it longer than She by gaining of time to form fresh Counsels into new De­signs, thinks fit to make a new Rupture, and fall in up­on you on a suddain like a mighty Tempest. The French Faith hath of late Years been pure Punick; no sooner given, but as soon broken; and She by tampering with other Princes Ministers and Subjects, instructs them how to menage their Faith in point of Truth to best advan­tage, and by a Metal of her own, tries what Metal they are made of e're she deals with their Masters; and with this sort of white Powder, which does execution with­out noise, shoots down more Castles, Citadels and Forts, and takes in more Towns than all the roaring of her Cannon. It hath been observed, That when her Ambassadours go abroad, they carry along with them the principal Engines, or else they are sent after them. The truth of this hath been too notorious to the Empe­rour at Vienna, and in Sweden, Poland, Hungary, Han­over, Bavaria, Munster, and other Places of the Em­pire; so that an Ambassadour, or an Agent, usually goes before the Army, and a Conquest follows; which is a new way to Glory, unknown to Coesar, or any of the dull Roman Conquerers. But against an Enemy any thing now is glorious;

And if this Course of corrupting other Mens Faith be a Vertue, 'tis no wonder She can so readily, without straining, quit her own, by a quick discharge of all A­greements and Obligations. Old Nicholas the Floren­tine, saith, Rattles were invented to please Children, and Oaths Men: That is to say, to make Men meer Children.

[Page 27]But the best way to satisfie the World about this mat­ter, will be to give a brief Account of the Conduct and Carriage of the French Court, since the Ministers which are now in Employ there appear'd upon the Stage; who are not likely to relinquish those Methods which they were bred up in, nor to act upon any other principles than those that were taught them in the School of their two Cardinal-Masters; Of the latter of them, Mazarin, it is reported by many, that upon several occasions he had been heard to say, That it was a meanness in a Man of State-Employment to be Esclave de sa Parole, A Slave to his Word.

We are not to seek for Instances, how he and his Di­sciples have practised accordingly to this very day. Let us look back as far as that grand Treaty betwixt France and Spain, called the Pyrenean Treaty, the occasion whereof was this,—By the Mediation of the Queen-Mother of France, a Peace was set on foot betwixt that Crown and Spain, with a proposition of a Marriage be­tween this King her Son, and the Lady Infanta of Spain: The ends of it were alledged to be,

The Treaty being begun, it was grounded upon two principal Particulars; and unless the French would grant those, the Spaniard was resolved not to proceed in it. [Page 28] The one was, That the French should forsake their ad­herence to Portugal. The other was, That the In­fanta should, upon the Marriage, make a Renunciation (confirmed and ratified by the French King) of all her Pretences, Titles, or Claims whatsoever to the Spanish Monarchy, and all the Dominions thereof, or to any part of the same. And the Reason of it in the Draught of the Treaty is set down in these words; Lest the glory of their respective Kingdoms should happen to decay and be diminished, if through the said Marriage, they should come to be united and conjoyned in any of their Children or Posterity; which might occasion to the Subjects such troubles and afflictions as may easily be imagined.

Next, as to the Exclusion and abandoning of Portu­gal, the French King obliged himself to it in these words: His said Majesty of France will intermeddle no further in the said Business, and doth promise and oblige himself upon his Honour, and upon the Faith and Word of a King, both for himself and his Successors, not to give to any Person or Persons thereof, of what Dignity, Estate or Condition whatsoever, either at present, or in the future, any help or assistance, neither publick nor secret, directly nor indirectly, of Men, Arms, Munitions, Victualling, Vessels, nor Money, under any pretence; nor any other thing whatsoever, by Land or by Sea, nor in any other manner: as likewise not to suffer any Levies to be made in any part of his Kingdoms and Dominions; nor to grant a passage to any that might come from other Countries, to the relief of the said Kingdom of Portugal.

Now, can any imagin more cautious and efficacious words in a Treaty, to prevent a further assistance from France to Portugal, which was the main thing that the Spaniard sought for by this Marriage? Yet as soon as [Page 29] the Treaty was penned, and before the Instrument was signed, the most Eminent Mazarin, sent privately the Marquis of Chenes into Portugal, to assure the Portugais, That notwithstanding he could not avoid the putting such words in the Treaty, in order to the Conclusion of it, as did engage France not to assist them, howsoever they might rest assured, his Master would never forsake them, but would continue to them an assistance as much as before.

For the more full clearing of this matter, viz. That an abandoning of Portugal was one of the essential Foun­dations of that Peace, and that otherwise it could never have been treated of, nor concluded; take notice that in the 60th. Article of the said Treaty you may find these words: [ Forasmuch as we have foreseen and appre­hended, that such an Engagement might have been an ob­stacle not to be surmounted in the concluding of this Peace, and by consequence would have reduced the two Kings to a necessity of perpetuating the War, &c.]

And a little after, in the same Article, it is further expressed thus, [ Finally, in contemplation of the Peace, and seeing the absolute necessity wherein his most Christian Majesty finds himself, either to perpetuate the War by a Rupture of the present Treaty, which he perceives to be inevitable, in case he should have persisted to obtain from his Catholick Majesty in this Affair, other conditions than those which he had offered, &c.]

Moreover, by the same Article it is evident, That where­as the French King offered then to the King of Spain, to make restitution of all the Places which France had got­ten from him by Arms during the War, rather than he would have been by Treaty obliged to forbear a further assisting the Portugais, the Spaniard utterly refused this [Page 30] Offer, as is apparent by other words of the same Ar­ticle, as they follow:

[ Offering, besides the Places which are to be restored unto his Catholick Majesty by the present Treaty, to render unto him also all the other Conquests in general which his said Arms have made in this War, and intirely to restore the Prince of Conde; provided, and upon condition, that the Affairs of the Kingdom of Portugal should remain in the State in which at present they are.]

'Tis likewise out of controversie, that this abandon­ing of Portugal was covenanted and promised by France, so authentically, and in such clear and special Terms, that it is not to be questioned, nor be made subject to any Interpretations contrary to the true sence and intention of the Parties contracting; the terms whereof are these: [ His said Majesty shall meddle no more with the said Af­fair, and doth promise and oblige himself upon his Ho­nour, and in the Faith and Word of a King, for himself and his Successors, not to give unto the afore-mentioned Kingdom of Portugal, neither in general, nor to any Person or Persons of it in particular, of what Dignity, Estate or Condition soever they may be, neither for the present, nor hereafter, any aid or assistance, publick or secret, di­rectly or indirectly, of Men, Arms, Ammunition, Victu­als, Ships, or Moneys, under any pretext; nor of any o­ther thing that is or can be, by Land or by Sea, nor in any other fashion: As likewise, not to permit that any Levies shall be made in any of his most Christian Maje­sty's Kingdoms and Estates, nor grant free passage to those which may come out of other Countries, to the help of the afore-said Realm of Portugal.]

Nevertheless 'tis evident, that they immediately fail­ed in every point and circumstance of this Promise, in­somuch [Page 31] that as in the very time of the publick making of the said Treaty, they were privately tampering with the Portugais, and gave them under-hand Assurances; so at the concluding of it, the Bon-fires which were every where kindled for joy of the Peace, were not quite extinguish't, when an evident Breach of the Treaty was obser­ved, in the French sending Auxiliary Forces into Portugal-at the beginning under the Name of Mareshal Tureine di­vers Troops were raised and convey'd into Portugal with Arms and Ammunition; as if Tureine durst have pre­sumed to do such a thing, without the privity and con­sent of the Prime Ministers: And when the Spaniard by his Ambassadour complained of this, they deluded him, by issuing forth publick Orders to the Governours of their Ports, that no Souldiers, or Arms, &c. should be suffered to imbarque for Portugal: But those Governours better understood their private Lesson, and so let them pass by connivance. But at length they began to act openly, and notwithstanding the Treaty they had made with Spain, they entred into an Offensive League with Portugal against all its Enemies; in which the French had so well provided for themselves, that by Agreement they were to have all the Sea-Towns delivered to them which should be taken from the Spaniard.

The truth of these things was not only manifest in Fact, but it was also testified by Letters, which the Mi­nisters of Spain had intercepted, that after the Peace made betwixt the two Crowns, the Court of France had fomented the War of the Portugais, hindred them from accepting those advantageous Conditions which Spain had offered them; animating them by a hope of mighty Succours, not only for their defence, but also for carrying an Offensive War into the very [Page 32] heart of Spain. Among these were many of those that had been written by the French Minister Monsieur de Lyonne, and the Archbishop of Ambrun, to Monsieur de Schom­berg, which proved the continual correspondence that was betwixt them for the direction of that War. And to promote it, 'tis known that in 1672. the Duke of Beaufort came with his whole Fleet upon the Coasts of Portugal, where he spent a part of the Summer, to se­cure a passage of Victuals and Ammunition, whereof the Portugais were in extreme want; and this at the same time when they were offering Spain their Mediation to make an Accommodation with Portugal. Not to omit how one of the Prime French Ministers, Monsieur Col­bert, privately made several Voyages thither to encou­rage them, and contract a more strict Alliance with them, and to open a way for the bringing about a League Offensive: Which in some time after was concluded with the Portugais, with these following Conditions; [ That they shall be the Friends of their Friends, and the Ene­mies of their Enemies, excepting England. That France shall furnish them with as many Men as they need, to carry on an Offensive War in Spain both by Sea and Land; Shall advance to them by way of Loan the half of their pay, for the entertainment of Auxiliary Troops; and that they shall furnish them every Year under the same title of Loan, with the Sum of three hundred thousand Crowns. That all the Ports which they shall take in Spain, either upon the one or the other Sea, shall be put into the power of France. That they shall not treat either of Peace or Truce, without common Consent. And that this League shall last for the space of ten Years.

By these particulars it is apparent, how little credit is to be given to France, in the most solemn Engagements [Page 25] that She can make to any Prince, about any Matter whatsoever. For, that a Treaty managed in order to a Marriage between Princes, (which is one of the most Solemn Subjects that can be handled among Men) and confirmed by Oath, with the most Sacred Mysteries of their Religion at the High Altar, for a Punctual ob­servation, should be thus palpably broken, is not to be parallel'd by any Instance or Example in all the World beside. But 'tis not in this Business of Portugal alone that a Breach was made; that which is more consider­able is, That as soon as the French saw Opportunity, af­ter the Death of the late King of Spain, they started up a Claim for their King, in the Right and Behalf of his Wife the Infanta, notwithstanding her Solemn Re­nunciation formerly mentioned, which was entred into the Body of the Treaty, and as sacredly sworn to; pre­tending that a great part of the Spanish Low-Countreys was devolved to him in her Right, by the Municipal Laws of those Countreys; whereas 'tis known, that when Prin­ces enter into a Treaty, it is regulated and confirmed ac­cording to the Law of Nations common to all; and be­ing so to be understood, it is ridiculous among Civili­ans, to imagin that a Consideration of Laws Municipal, or Customs, belonging to any particular Country un­der the Dominion of either of the Treating Princes, can intervene or be admitted afterwards to the over-throwing of the Treaty, or the depriving either of the Parties of the Benefit and Security which he hath thereby: It is a thing not to be named among States-men. For with­out the Renunciation, the Treaty had never been agreed on; and it was so carefully penned, as if a Grand Council of Civil Lawyers had been called to out-do all former Expressions used in such Contracts, and to find out new [Page 26] binding Clauses, to take off all possibility of Evasion: And yet against the very Sence and End of that Re­nunciation, the French (as all Men know) under that so slight pretence of a Claim, fell foul on a sudden upon Flanders and other parts with their Army; which was their First Invasion upon those Countries after that Treaty.

But 'tis further observable, That this Invasion, so con­trary to the French Engagements, and so destructive of the very Essence of the afore-said Pyrenean Treaty, was attended with some Circumstances no less surprising than the Breach it self. The one was that which passed at Paris between the Marquis de la Fuente Ambassadour Extraordinary of Spain, and the French King. And the other was what the Archbishop of Ambrun, Ambassa­dour of France in the Court of Spain, declared there in his Master's Name.

As to the first, Fuente having received a Call Home to Spain, and being jealous that the great Preparations then made in France were intended against the Spanish Dominions, he thought fit to press the French King, to give his Mistress the Queen-Regent of Spain some new Assurances, that might quiet and settle her Mind against the many strange Reports of his intended Preparations. Thereupon, that King did with all possible Asseveration engage His Royal Word and Faith, that he would Re­ligiously keep the Peace, and continue an entire Amity to her and the Young King her Son.

As to the second, note that whereas not long after, the French Army took the Field, and had possessed it self of Charleroy, about four or five days before the News could arrive at Madrid: yet the said Archibishop of Am­brun, being expostulated with about it, did in verbo Sa­cerdotis, [Page 27] and upon all that is most sacred among Roman Catholicks, protest and vow to the Queen-Regent, that his Master intended nothing less than what was reported of him. And that he knew he would never break with the King of Spain, nor invade any of his Dominions, as long as he was Ʋnder Age.

Oh, how well do the French Ministers and their Am­bassadours agree with one another, to effect their Master's Business and their own! For, it was not many days af­ter this, that News was brought to the Spanish Court how fairly the French had kept their word, having entred and practised all manner of Hostilities upon Flanders, firing many considerable Towns, and wasting the Countrey, proceeding so outrageously, and so far, that England and the Neighbour Princes taking the Alarm, and expostulating the matter with France, it brought on another Treaty, which was held at Aken, i. e. Aix la Chapelle, to make a New Agreement betwixt France and Spain; about the Observation whereof we have afforded us another In­stance of the French Fidelity.

Unto this Treaty all the Princes of Christendom were invited, to take care of the common Security; and his Majesty of England among the rest, who sent also a Minister to the Protestant Princes of Germany, to invite them into the Guaranty of the said Treaty of Aix. Pro­posals also were made to the Duke of Lorain, and se­veral other Princes, to come into the League then to be made, to which the Lorainer immediately accorded, hoping that by this Treaty he might have better luck with the French, than he formerly had with them by the Pyrenean Treaty.

[Page 28]But before we proceed, it will not be amiss to remember you, How the French kept Faith with this poor Prince, whose Interests had been provided for by the said Treaty, as well as those of Spain, and his Dutchy to be restored to him, with all the Places and Towns which he had been possessed of within the Bishopricks of Metz, Toul, and Verdun. But see how France dealt with him: They deferr'd as long as they could the performance of that part which related to the said Duke, and refused still to return him his Country, till they had brought him to make another Treaty with them in prejudice of the for­mer; whereby he was forced to part with several consi­derable Places, over and above what had been granted to them by the General Peace. And yet this would not serve their turn: For, after the oppressed Duke had en­joy'd a Year and a half but a very unsettled possession, during which, under several artificial unjust pretences, new Quarrels were pick't every day, they with a consi­derable Army constrained him to give them his Town of Marsal.

Moreover, it was but a little time after this, that they fell to teazing him again, compelling him to sign a New Treaty more disadvantageous to him than the two former, and yet (so insatiable is their Appetite after Dominion) the unhappy Duke could, as little as before, obtain a quiet enjoyment of that little they had left him. They every day encroached upon his Jurisdiction, the limits of his Territories, and his Soveraignty it self. They imposed grievous Taxes upon his Subjects. They caused him to disband his Forces, and to raise new Men again, as they thought fit. They kept him from re­venging his own Quarrels, to take part in others. They let loose all his Enemies against him, and stopped the [Page 29] progress of his Armies, as soon as he had got the least Advantage: And in few words, he was at that time more a Vassal to France than a Soveraign in his own Country. But yet all this would not satisfie the French Court; they must have all again: wherefore the Duke by many Circumstances shewing how ill he brook't this kind of unreasonable usage, They ordered one of their Generals to surprise and seize his Person, and to bring him either dead or alive: Of which intended violence having had timely notice, he escaped when it was very near being effected. Which (as one very well observed) is a new way of dealing with a Soveraign Prince, not known before in these parts of the World; and it may teach all o­ther Princes what to trust to in treating, and what to expect from such monstrous Neighbours: And it gives us some hope, that we may e're long live to see the West govern'd by Ba­shaws as well as the East.

No other thing could give us a better In-sight into the Ambition and Pride, nor more fully discover the Intent and Design of France. None but an Universal Monarch can pretend to an Arbitrary displacing of Princes, and a disposing of their Liberty, Lives, and Territories........... Thus you see how persidiously they dealt with the Duke of Lorain.

But to return to the Treaty of Aix. It proved to be of little avail to that Duke. For, they have since seiz'd his Country again, and driven him out to seek his Fortune; and this (as Men say) for no other Reason, but because he hoped by this Treaty to have confirmed himself among his Allies in a better State of Security than he had hitherto been. And as for the Court of Spain, the French also resolved to defeat their Expecta­tion of benefit by this Treaty: for contrary to it, they [Page 30] presently fell to work; First they dismantled all the strong Places and Holds of the Country of Burgundie, carried away all the Munitions out of it, and would have spoiled the rich Salt-pits of that Province, Had not the Powerful interposition both of England and Holland Pre­vented.

In despite also of that Treaty, they exacted great Con­tributions from the Dutchies of Limbourg and Luxem­bourg. They laid a new Claim to some Towns, as im­portant as any of those that were granted to them by the Peace. They confiscated the Estates of the Subjects of the King of Spain that would not forswear their Allegi­ance, and spared not the very Royal House of Mary Mont. Nay, as if these Infractions were not enough, and still to encroach as far as they were able, they forced their way with great quantities of Merchandise through the Spanish Territories, without paying the Customs, and not long after endeavoured to surprise the Town of Hainault. In a word, They did whatever they pleas'd, plunder'd even the most Sacred Places, and acted whatever can be ima­gined to be done, without remorse, by insolent and un­conscionable men.

But to proceed; it must not be forgotten, How under a pretence of advancing the Affairs of Poland, and setling an Amity there, they contrived a Marriage for that King with a Lady of France; by which means they were en­abled to send thither along with her in her Train, so many expert Instruments of mischief, that immediately they settled a Cabal with such Intrigues, as in a short time in­flamed the Nobility of that Kingdom into heats and Fa­ctions against one another, which are never likely to be extinguish't; and at that time they operated so far, that that King soon became willing to quit the Kingdom; and [Page 31] thereupon the Turk seeing the great Divisions that were wrought among them, was easily invited in by the French Cabal, meerly because they could not bring in a King that was of French Blood, or of French Interest, at the following Election. And also to this, That one of the greatest Motives of their fetching in the Turk, was, that their New King contracted Marriage with the Emperour's Sister; which Princess being now a Widdow, is shortly to be married to the Duke of Lorain.

It is worth the while also to remember how finely they used the Duke of Newbourg while they trained him on to engage the greatest part of his Estate, almost beyond redemption, in hopes of getting the Polish Crown, which they had promised to procure for him by the help of a strong Party which they had made in that Kingdom. Yet under-hand, and contrary to their Treaties, as well with the Elector of Brandenburgh, as with himself, and to their iterated Promises and Vows, both by word of Mouth, and in Writing, they did by their Creatures and Agents oppose the said Duke's pretensions, and en­deavoured with all Industry to have gotten the Prince of Condé preferred before all his Competitors: a particu­lar Account whereof would, if published, without any other Instance, be a sufficient warning to all other Prin­ces, and afford them a perfect Character of the French Court.

But 'tis remarkable, That it is not with Princes alone that they thus finely deal; but they observe also just the same measure of Faith toward such Rebels and Traytors of their making, as they have gained for Money, to be­tray the Concerns of their own Country, by serving the Intrigues and Interests of France. For, when after the beginning of this War, they saw the Emperour setting [Page 32] himself in good earnest to assist the Dutch, then to dis­swade and divert him from his purpose, and to engage him (if it had been possible) not to concern himself or take part in the Quarrel, they very fairly offer'd him to deliver into his hands all the Original Letters and Pa­pers they had received from time to time from their bri­bed Friends and Creatures in Poland, to the end that both his Imperial Majesty, and his Brother-in-Law the King of Poland, might take what course they thought sit with those Traitors. Which handsom Story may serve as a fair Warning and Fright to all those that prefer French Money before their Loyalty, and the true Interests of their Country. And truly, this piece of Insidelity in the French is the only Piece of Justice that I find them guilty of, in the management of Affairs with their Friends and Correspondents.

But withal I find, that this piece of their kindness to his Imperial Majesty, was to make him amends for ano­ther prank of Treachery that had been plaid him a while before. For the most Christian Ministers pretending a courtesie to assist him against the Turk, and accordingly having sent Forces to joyn with the Imperial Army, they at the very same time began to settle a Correspondence with Count Serini, Frachipani, Nadasti, and Tottenbach; as did afterwards appear upon the breaking out of the Conspiracy, when the Depositions and Confessions of some of the Accomplices were produced, who had been instrumental in carrying both Monies and Letters from the French Minister resident at Vienna, to the said Con­spirators.

Next, let us have recourse to the Swedes, and examin whether they, having been many years their very good Friends and humble Servants, have had better luck in treat­ing [Page 33] with them than others, in point of dealing. But sure­ly Siveden cannot forget, that almost twenty Years ago they had occasion to make a Treaty with them whereby they were to receive by way of Gratuity or Pension Sixteen Hundred Thousand Crowns. Never­theless, upon second thoughts, the French finding their Treaty with Sweden to be but of little use to them at that time, refused to ratifie it, and sent Monsieur de Tre­lon his Ambassadour to them, to tell them in short, That the King his Master declared it to be void. Which is a fine Court-stile for one Prince to use to another in Treating; and a tart, short, Majestick way of rescinding Treaties.

It were both needless and tedious to tell, how well they have observed their Treaties with Holland, seeing they cannot so much as assign the least Cause of the War they now make against them, forasmuch as in their Declaration they told us only of a Mauvaise satisfaction, and that they were ill pleased; and that it would tend to a diminution of the Glory of the most Christian King, un­less to please himself he put all Europ in a Flame, and en­deavour to bring all under his subjection.

It is pleasant likewise to observe, how they practised their Art also upon that notable Fox the Bishop of Mun­ster, how they not only lurch't him during his Con­test with the United Provinces, but their French Troops fell also upon him, and indangered the loss of his Coun­try. How they another time brought him about to lurch us in England, by reducing him to a necessity of separating from our Interest, after he had received assi­stance from us in a good Sum of Money. How they hindred the Swedes from arming in our favour, and sway'd Denmark from our Party during our War with the Dutch [Page 34] even at the same time when France seem'd to forward and favour us against Holland; and it hath been often published, that they then spurr'd on the Dutch, and were in with them in the contrivance of that Affront which they did us in the River of Thames; thereby reckoning, that so severe an exasperation would necessa­rily follow in our Minds against Holland, as might ren­der us irreconcileable to them, and engage us in War so long, till we should waste and wear out one another's Men and Shipping, that we might at last be the less able to oppose France, who was at that time meditating and forming such a mighty Advance of her own Naval Power, as might inable her to contend against us both, when We should see it our Interest to unite against her hereaf­ter. And the truth is, the French Ministers did herein act according to a right understanding of their own Bu­siness: For, they did and do very well know, that in order to the main End of grasping All, they ought to dread no­thing more than a durable and firm Friendship between us and the United Provinces, as that alone that can set bounds to their Ambition, and redeem Europ from that Toke which they are framing, and devising how to put a­bout our Necks. Therefore it was dextrously done of them to find out a fine Artifice of Treachery to delude us both, and to spin out that War: For, in the very heat of the War, they kept Negotiations still on foot, both in England and at the Hague; put on a disguise of Mediation, pretend­ing to make us Friends; and to that purpose made Offer­tures and Proposals of Peace. It might be told who were said to be the Instruments on both sides, to push on this project of delusion upon us so far, that we in England were assured by the French, that the Dutch were so well inclin'd to Peace, that for that time they meant to lay up their Men [Page 35] of War; but then afterwards the French under hand pressed the said Dutch with all vigour and earnestness imaginable against us, and to fit out their Men of War again, promising that rather than fail they would joyn theirs to them against us. It was upon a supposal the French were true to us at that time in carrying on their pretended Proposals of Peace, that we were made secure, slackned our Preparations that Year; and so a surprise fol­lowed upon it; for, the Dutch having been Tarantulated with a French Brieze in their Tails, danced after the Lesson they had set them, and so entred our River as high as Chatham: thus it was brought about, as Re­port went in those days. However, admit it should not be true that the French were the Authors of that Coun­sel, yet 'tis unquestionable they knew of the Design e're the Attempt was made; it was their pretence of bringing about a Peace that rendred us secure, when in­deed we had no Security but in War, or in a Peace of our own making. Which may sufficiently instruct us at our own cost, what Security is to be expected from French Amity and Treaty. It was not long after, that we began to see a Convenience of Peace; insomuch that a Treaty was concluded at Breda: and where as one Article was, That the French should restore unto us St. Christophers, in the manner and form therein ex­pressed, nevertheless they began again to abuse us, and instead of performing it according to the very letter and true meaning of the Article, they still from time to time upon several unjust and frivolous Pretences, put off his Majesties Commissioners that went to receive it, till seeing a necessity to comply with us in so small a mat­ter, they after four years baffling, were pleas'd to de­liver it. But 'tis to be noted, That before the delivery [Page 36] of it they destroy'd all the plantations, plunder'd and carried away all that was portable, laid the whole Country waste, and left it in a worse condition than if it had been never planted. And as if the detaining of his Majesties Territories had not been sufficient, they interrupted the Trade of his Majesties Subjects in those parts: and assuming to themselves a Sovereignty in those Seas, they would not suffer any Ships but of their own Nation, to sail by, or about their Islands: and upon no other Ground proceeded so far, as to bring in many Vessels as Prizes, and confiscate them.

But 'tis not in the West-India Trade only that we have been thus used: but they have been many years, and still are, diminishing our Trade here at home. They design upon our Cloth-Trade, and many of our usefull Manufactures, by Money tempting away the Makers of them to go and settle in France, and by them get their own People to be instructed in the making of them. And in the mean while, to advance and encourage their own Manufacture; and cause ours to lie upon our own hands when made, they lay heavy Impositions upon all English Cloth, Stuffs, &c. that are or shall be Im­ported into France; which is the ready way to blow up many of our Merchants, and most of our Manufactures, and undoe Thousands of poor People who depend upon them for a Subsistance by Work. No wonder then it hath been observed, That we do not of late send into France the Fourth or Fifth part of what Goods and Com­modities we formerly sent over. Nay, I hear, That Monsieur Colbert, one of their principal Ministers, is at this very time consulting and advising with Mer­chants and others, to give our Trade a further diminuti­on; while we (such is the fondness of our Nation!) are [Page 37] bewitched with an affectation of French Commodities, though but meer Baubles and Gugaws, and though our own Workmen afterwards work better, and out-do them in the making of their own Inventions, yet (such is our base folly!) unless the Retailers of them do swear, and lie too, that they are French-made, there's no putting them off to advantage at a quick rate. More­over, we must have all French about us; their Behavi­our, their Fashions, their Garb in wearing them, their mean way of House-keeping (to the utter extinguish­ment of the Noble way of Old English Hospitality) their needy men for Servants, their meer Dietary Leeches or Scholastick Methodists (no better than most of our own) for Physicians; their cast Tooth-drawers and Barbers that had not worth enough to earn Bread at home, to become our admired Chirurgions; French Musick, French Dancing - Masters, French Air in our very Countenances, French Legs, French Hats, French Compliments, French Grimaces; only we have not so frequent the French shrug of the shoulder, because we are not generally so low—and itchy. Pardon me, if thus far, in zeal to mine own Nation, and indigna­tion, I a little digress. Any thing that speaks French is our delight; and such is the Witchcraft also upon the other Nations of Europ, that having made the French Language and Humors Universal, I cannot but look on it as a sad Omen of Universal Slavery; for as much as both Divines and Politicians have, by the course of God's Providence, and Revolutions past in the World, observed, that a Nations taking of Language from another Nation, and preferring it before their own, hath usually bin a fore-runner of, and prepared the way for its Conquest. No marvel then that France is carried on [Page 38] and elevated with the Ambition and belief of Conquering All, when they see all so fancifully dote upon their more effeminate Language, Fashions, and People. Therefore 'tis high time that we return to our Old English Spirit and Humor, which naturally is more grave, manly, and Martial, and by its native couragious Temper suffi­ciently enabled (as of old) to cure their hot fits, and cudgel them out of their disciplinary, artificial Conduct, and evaporating Valour.

But to return where I left, let me say, there's much more fear of their pretended Friendship, and certain Falshood, than of any thing else they can do, notwith­standing all their Numbers; as may be collected out of the memorable Stories of Cressy and Agincourt; of which last they have in their Chronicle left this dismal Note, LaMau­vaise Journée d'Agincourt. Let us then in the mean time have an eye to their Treachery, Treaties, Peace more dangerous than War, and their abusive Dealings.

And if those Particulars which we have hitherto re­peated, be not enough to paint them out in their Co­lours, let us next call to mind how falsly they dealt with us in the last Dutch War, under pretence and appearance of a hearty Conjunction with us. As to the undertaking it self, they made us to believe they would be Principal in the War, and that they would be content that our Forces should second them but as Auxiliaries: but as soon as they thought they had engag'd us so far in the business, that we could not well go back, nor take new Counsels, they in all Princes Courts declared it was not their Quarrel, and that they were engaged in it only to assist us. Which was a friendly course to render us as liable as they could to the Displeasure of other Princes that liked not the War; and to excuse themselves, [Page 39] though they had bin the chief Causers and Contrivers of it.

We cannot omit to remind you next, how strangely they behaved themselves towards us by Sea; When they should have assisted us in the Battle that was fought un­der the Conduct of the most Illustrious his Highness Prince Rupert; when by reason of their standing at a distance in the very heat and stress of the Fight, and never coming in to assist him, they did sufficiently ma­nifest, that their Squadron of Ships was sent only to be Spectators, and to learn to Fight, and for other ends, ra­ther than to act in it: and truly his Highness that day gave them an Heroick Example of Skill and Courage, when he was set upon by two of the Dutch Squadrons toge­ther, one of which the Admiral of the French Squa­dron ought to have engag'd, according to the Orders that his Highness had sent to him the day before: but he not coming in, though the wind all the day stood fair for him, his Highness was left alone to bear the brunt of the Engagement with two of the Enemies Squadrons at once: and though his own Ship was surrounded on all sides, yet he so nobly acquitted himself that day, that he not only made his own way out of that great distress, but giving a Couragious Example to the rest of his Squa­dron, went with them, and assisted that other Squa­dron of ours which had been engaged against Vice-Admiral Tromp at a great distance in a separate Fight, contrary to his Highnesses Orders. Moreover, it is to be remembred, that as he made way to their Assistance, his Squadron by the way still fought the Dutch Squa­drons, who made way also side by side with ours at some distance, both sides shooting at each other; the Dutch, in hope to have hindred the Prince from giving the [Page 40] assistance intended; which being nevertheless effected by his Highness, and the Hollanders Admirals finding they could not prevent it, and that they had enough of it, made sail away for their own Coasts. But had the French Squadron under the Command of the Count D'Estrees, done his Duty, and come in to second the Prince any hour of the day, as he easily might have done (the wind standing fair) it was evident that day, we might then have had one of the most glorious Vi­ctories that ever was obtain'd by Sea, and but few of the Dutch Ships could have escaped home. This was afterwards acknowledged and attested by Monsieur Martel, the Count D'Estrees own Vice-Admiral, who, like an honest man, attempted to have come in with a few of his Ships, but could not; and afterwards for his forwardness to have fought, and because he blamed his Admiral, when he returned to Paris, he was call'd to an Account, and Committed to Prison; whereas the Count having followed the private Instructions of the French Ministers, was still continued in Honour and Com­mand. And therefore it must needs be an undeniable Evidence, that he had privy Orders and Instructions only to stand still and look on, while we and the Dutch should be tearing and destroying one another; because otherwise, in order to a vindication of the Honour of France and its Ministers, They would doubtless have made him answer that egregious Piece of Treachery with the price of his Head.

I intend as much brevity as may be, therefore have forborn to touch upon all the Circumstances of that af­fair: but thus much is absolutely necessary, to give you proof of the French good will and faithfulness to England, as well as to all other Nations that have [Page 41] had, or shall have any Dealings with them. Now let us next see how they dealt with us, in order to the putting an end to this; which having been by us entred into joyntly with the French, doubtless nothing ought to have been attempted by any one in order to the ending of it, but what should carry a fair Respect to the Interest of both Parties in conjunction: But see how they play'd their parts with us in this also!—The StatesGeneral of the Ʋnited Provinces having nominated several Deputies to be sent, some to his Majesty of England, and some to the French King, to know of them both upon what Terms they would be willing to agree, and come to a Peace: His Majesty (as it is a Vertue innate in his own Royal Temper) intended to deal most justly with the French King upon this occasion; and therefore so carried the matter, to avoid giving him any offence or jealousie; and being loth to do any thing in the Affair without par­ticipation of Counsels, immediately sent him word, such Deputies were arrived at London, and would not so much as hear what their Errand was without the privity of France, supposing that he should have a suitable Return from thence.

But what happened in the mean time? Even a quite contrary behaviour of the French: For, no sooner were the other Deputies arrived at the French Court, but they were presently visited and caressed by two Secretaries of State, and without further delay it was demanded of them, first if they had full power from their Masters to treat; and next, what Proposals they would make in order to a speedy Peace. The Deputies desired rather to know first what Proposals the French Ministers would make. Whereupon, to hasten them to a Conclusion of the Work, the French shortly told them, they were to [Page 42] understand, That what their Master the King had Con­quered by his Arms in Holland he would not part with, unless they gave him an Equivalent, as well for those Places, as for the rest that he should conquer before the Treaty be concluded.

This Answer made, the Deputies forthwith send back one of their number to the Hague, by name Mr. De Groot, who was speeded back again with Instructions to Amerongen, authorizing him and his Fellow-Deputies to conclude a Peace with the French. He was no sooner arrived, but Monsieur de Louvoy one of the Prime Mi­nisters of State made short Work, delivered the Dutch Deputies a Project of Treaty, or rather the Pretensions of the King his Master; upon grant whereof (as he said) he would be both willing and ready to return to his for­mer Amity with the States General, and conclude a firm Peace with them.

Was not this a sweet Return of dealing towards his Majesty of England? For, you to are note, That though the War was made joyntly, and so no doubt it was not to be ended without respects to be had to the Interests of each Party concerned therein, which you have seen was fairly meant and observed by his Majesty on our part to­wards the French; yet they had so little regard of us, that they not only put on and entred upon a Treaty without our Privity or Consent, but would have concluded it upon that separate Treaty without us, only to their own Ad­vantage, whereby their Master might as perfectly be­come sole Master of the Ʋnited Provinces, as if he he had conquered all by the Sword.

You are to note also, for a clearer understanding of their Intents, That when the Heer De Groot being to go the second time from Amerongen to the Hague with the [Page 43] Articles of this Separate Treaty; when he arrived there, the States finding that there was nothing in them which concerned England, he told them the French Ministers had told him, The Sates his Masters might deal as they pleased with England, and make an end as cheap as they would; because (as they pretended) they were not bound by Treaty to procure the English any Advanta­ges. And thus no more Notice was taken of his Ma­jesty, nor greater care of his Interests, than if he had ne­ver been concerned in the War, or in no League with the French at all: So that if by wonderful Providence this Separate Treaty had not been broken off, Europ might have been in greater hazard of its Liberty, and we of our Safety, by a settled Domination of the French in the Ʋnited Provinces.

Much more might be added, to shew the foul play of the French with us at that time, and afterwards also when the Duke of Buckingham and My Lord Arlington were sent hence into Holland: but I must be brief, this being enough to discover their friendly behaviour during the Joynt-War An. 1673.

In the next place, let us see how they have carried themselves since the Year 73. For, we have an Ac­count, that notwithstanding the Amity betwixt us hath been continued to this Day, yet that Nation hath ne­ver ceased to do us one Injury or other, and no suffici­ent Redress at all hath been obtained, though Com­plaints have been made, and Reparation earnestly sought for. Witness especially the many Affronts and Violen­ces done to us upon our Merchants Ships at Sea by the French Privateers: For, but very few of them have been restored; and those that have been, have found the Remedy worse than the Disease, because the tedious delay [Page 44] of it brought such charge to the Merchants, that the benefit coming by the Restitution would not counter­vail their Expences in attendance at the Court of France.

For the Clearing whereof, it cannot be amiss to give here at large an Account touching the Event of such Ap­plications as have been made to his Majesty for Redress at the Council-board, and with the Commitee of Trade be­longing to his most Honourable Privy-Council, excellent­ly penned, and now come to my Hand newly print­ed and dispersed; therefore I reprint it. And it here followeth.

To these Evidences, I might add the List of several Ships belonging to our English Merchants, taken by French Privateers since December, 1673. which was also presented to the Right Honourable the Committee of his Majesties Privy-Council for Trade; and by them to his Majesty, together with the Names of their Own­ers, and their other Circumstances; but it would be too copious for this place. Therefore 'tis sufficient for me to shew you only an excellent Account of the Business it self, and of the great Care and Pains of the Noble Lords of the Council's Committee for Trade; and of his Majesties Royal resentment of the Sufferings of his Sub­jects, and the Abuses put upon our Nation; which may testifie, that no Nation under Heaven can have better Reasons on their side to justifie a War, than England hath against France, for the many Dishonours, Affronts, and Injuries done us, in recompence of his Majesties high Integrity, and fair Carriage towards them.

But this Unfaithfulness of theirs towards us is ingraft­ed in their very Nature, as may appear not only by what hath of late been observed, but also by the Sto­ries of old, all the time that Scotland was under a Crown separate from England, it having then been per­petually made use of by France, when any Difficulties were upon us, as a Back-door to enter, disturb, weaken, and attempt us here in England. Therefore having, since the happy Union of the two Crowns under King James, been at a loss all his Reign how to disturb us by their wonted way, they at length got an Opportunity to plague us, by bolstering up a boisterous Presbyterian Party in Scotland, that might open the Back-door again, to let into England, not only Armies, but the delicate Pandora with her Box of Beauty, varnish'd over with [Page 54] the name of the Holy Discipline, and fill'd with all the Plagues of Aegypt, to make our Nation miserable; I mean Presbytery, the pious Mother, Nurse and Seminary of Civil Wars, and perpetual Factions among us: and thus for the planting of War here, we are beholden to France, among the other good Deeds they have done to our Nation.—But that I may no longer talk in the Clouds, the plain Story in brief is this:

The French having long had a Design of Conquering the Spanish Low - Countrys, and conceiving it was no time to discover or attempt it, as long as England should be in a condition to hinder it, therefore to remove this Impediment out of the way, the best way for attaining their End was thought to be in the first place an Imbroil­ment of the King of England, that instead of looking to Concerns abroad, he might be held in Contest at home with a factious Party of his Scotish Subjects, who be­fore, and in the year 1639. had shewn themselves very vexatious and troublesome to his Majesties Government, about matter of Kirk - Discipline, and its Government by Bishops: This was matter combustible enough for France to work upon, and blow into a flame: so that Cardinal Richlieu, grand Minister of State to the French King, by his Agents giving them large Promises and Encouragements, got into a participation of Counsels with them; whereby the Faction was agitated into a downright Rebellion there, under the Name of seek­ing a Reformation; and then followed Counsels also for an Invasion of England; which was effected, and they made their way with an Army to Newcastle, possessing themselves of it. But by the King's Prudence they were sent home again, a Pacification being made, and hoped it was that all would have remain'd quiet. But this sud­den [Page 55] matter not suiting with the mind of the French Mi­nistry, and Richlieu finding that there was a working up of the like Discontents, and a likelihood of the same Designs in England for the cause, or rather pretence of Religion, the Bellows were blown here also by the same hand; some of the heads of the Faction here were brought to a brotherly correspondence of Counsels and Resolutions with their Friends of Scotland, a conjunct Design was laid for a Second Invasion upon England, un­der the Name of Brotherly Assistance; and the Platform of the great Covenant was then proposed, approved by the Agents of their friend Richlieu, to be set on foot first in Scotland; and by Agreement it was afterward to be handed thence in due time back into England. In the mean while, the FORTY ONE Parliament being cal­led, matters then ripened apace for their purpose by means of a prevalent Faction in Parliament, which very much alarm'd the King and his Court, insomuch that he conceived it was high time to rip open this Evil, by discovering, seizing, and accusing some of the afore­mentioned Heads of the Faction, viz. a Lord, and Five Members of the House of Commons. The Articles of the Charge against them were in number Seven, One of which was; That They had traiterously invited and encou­raged a Foreign Power to Invade his Majesties Kingdom of England. Which was so true, that he desired a Tryal of them; but their Party in the House not daring to per­mit it to be put to Proof, they shock'd the King in the Bu­siness; and so the Affair of the COVENANT, and the other Effects of that Invitation, ran the more roundly on to a ripeness and final Dispatch in Scotland, by the time that the Sun in its course brought on the year 1643. And then came on a Second Invasion of England, flourish­ing [Page 56] their Colours with this Rebellious Motto, FOR THE CROWN AND COVENANT OF BOTH KINGDOMS. And thus you see how far we were be­holden to France for all the Miseries of the ensuing Wars, and the numerous Brood of Factions which issu­ed thence in England, Scotland, and Ireland: Of the certain Truth whereof we might have had undeniable Evidence, upon the Tryal of those whom the King had then charged with Treason, if the Temper of that time would have permitted a fair prosecution; however, it was (I remember) sufficiently talk't of in those days; and I have now by me a Book in the French Tongue, which was printed 24 Years ago by Adrian Ʋlac, at the Hague in Holland; in the third part whereof are eight Chapters, and over the second Chapter is this Title, [ Le Cardinal de Richelieu la cause des Desordres arrivez en An­gleterre.] That is to say, [ Cardinal Richelieu the cause of the Disorders befallen England.] Which he brought in (as I told you) by the way of Scotland, to the ruin of our Peace, the Royal Family, the Church, and the whole State and Government of our Kingdom.

But this tampering with and corrupting other Prince's Subjects, is an old Game that the French Ministers have ever been playing all over Europ. Let it be remember'd how the same Richelieu wrought the Revolt of Portugal from the Spaniard, and the Rebellion in Catalonia, and carry'd on the Wars in both those Countries to bring down the Power of Spain; how he tamper'd also with the Swede, under Gustavus Adolphus, to invade the Em­pire: and then with the Emperour's General, Wallestein, to betray the Imperial Army; by whose suddain death the French King lost the great opportunity to work him­self into a possession of the Imperial Throne. How [Page 57] Cardinal Mazarin, after him, carried on the Popular Commotions raised by Masaniello in the Kingdom of Naples, by sending thither the Duke of Guise to be their Head, to the almost wresting of that Kingdom out of the Hand of the Spaniard; and then also how he lurch't that Duke, and deserted him: Moreover, how the last Year the French Intrigues so far prevailed in Spain, as to turn the Queen-Mother out of her Regency, drive out her Fa­vourites, such as she thought most fit and firm for the young King's Safety, to put him into other Hands, and turn all things in that Court topsie-turvy, that being a­gitated and held in play by their own divisions at Home, they might be less able to have regard to the preservation of the Flemings, or to the carrying on a Joynt-war with the Hollanders. How they have been the common Enemies of every State, destroying the Peace of Government every where; sowing of Factions in all Princely Courts, their Councils, or among such of the Subjects as are fa­ctious; or else they jumble one Prince against another by turns, as they did the Prince Elector Palatine against the Elector of Mentz, starting up an occasion of Quarrel betwixt them; one while to take part with the Elector Palatine against Mentz, another while with Mentz a­gainst the Prince; whose Country they miserably ha­rassed and wasted.

It cannot be forgotten what they lately did to cor­rupt the Emperor's Council, by means of his own Fa­vourite Prince Lobcowitz, whom they bought for Mony to betray his Master's Counsels and Affairs; besides their Intrigue in the same manner with the Prince of Fursten­berg and his Brother. Also, what they did in the Ʋni­ted Provinces to incommode his Highness the Prince of Orange, by bolstering up the De Wits, and their Lou­venstein [Page 58] Republican party against the Princely.

What they have done to clog the Emperor, by foster­ing a Rebellion against him in Hungary; and how great charge they are at to sever the power of the Duke of Bavaria, and of the Duke of Hanover, from the com­mon Interest of the Empire in this War. How they have diverse times indangered all Christendom by confe­derating with the Grand Seignior, to disturb both Hun­gary and Poland; for which cause (as My Lord Herbert writes in his History) the Pope had like to have given away the Title Most Christian from their French King Francis the First, to bestow it upon our Henry the Eighth before he had been dubb'd by his Holiness with that of Defensor Fidei.—What Artifices have been used by them to settle and nourish perpetual Faction among the Polish Nobility, whereby other great Opportunities have diverse times been given the Turk to fall upon them.

In a word, their common practice hath been, to give the World all manner of disturbance, and so to render themselves in its Opinion the common Enemies of its Peace, a publick Pest among States and Princes: in every Country they either find combustible stuff, or else make it, and then set fire to it; they are at a mighty charge to find Fodder for the various Animals of Faction in all Places. By this means Divide & Impera makes way for them, and thus they conquer more than by their Arms: they inflame Countries thus, as well as burn them, as they did Alsatia, that having enough to do to quench fires at Home, they may have neither leisure nor power to hinder French Projects abroad. Questionless then, since we in England have seen and do see our Neighbours Houses fired one after another, 'tis high time to look to [Page 59] our own, and secure our selves and all Europ, from such Boutefeus, and the sad Effects of their Impious Courses.

SECTION IV.

HIs Majesty of England having hitherto on his part preserved a fair Respect and Amity towards France, passing by the many Indignities and Injuries done to himself and his Nation, in hope his Patience might, by fair means, have prevail'd with the French King at length to do reason to us, and the rest of his Neighbours; and that to that end his Majesty might have perswaded him to have forborn a further prosecu­tion of the War in Flanders, that thereby we might have seen some good Fruit of his Majesties friendly interpo­posing in order to the procurement of a speedy Pacifi­cation; and the French pretending so to do, and to ad­mit his Majesty to a performing the good Office of Mediation betwixt France and the Confederates; but now the Issue of all being contrary, for that the French have made an unexpected sudden Breach further upon Flanders in the depth of this Winter, and appear'd resolute to carry the whole Country, if they could, before Spring; so that this surprise gave a new Alarm to us and all the Neighbours: the World must justifie his Majesty, it after all amicable means used in vain, he shall now find [Page 60] himself in prudence concern'd to take a Course by War, to vindicate his own Honour against the many Viola­tions and Affronts acted by France; and by God's bles­sing to become the happy Instrument to recover the Rights of the oppressed States and Princes; as also to pre­serve his own Nation against the Dangers threatned at our very doors, and to restore unto the Generality that glorious Christian Peace, which cannot otherwise be obtained.

Peace was the Subject of Christ's last Sermon; the great Legacy that he bequeathed to his Followers. What Christians then are they, that make it their Interest and Business to destroy it on Earth! This is the Work of wild Beasts and Monsters to infest whole Countries; and when men act as such, the very Law of Nature as well as of Nations, excites and justifies all Mankind to War against them: Look back on the former Sections of this Discourse, and there you have a sight who are the men, whom no Treaties nor Intreaties can reduce to a more Christian State. Their Motto is, Jus est in Ar­mis, No Law but the Law of Arms: therefore by Arms alone the Quarrel is to be decided; and that for these following Reasons: Provided that Foreign States and their Ministers do not trifle with, but come up round­ly to us: And that people here at home do their Duty for Encouragement answerable to the Importance of so great and necessary an undertaking. Which (no que­stion) every man wise and honest will be ready to do, and no reasonable man can doubt it, seeing our own and the Universal Interest now calls for it, and the Par­liament did this last Summer so earnestly address for it; and (I suppose) his Majesty had suitably answer'd it, had he conceived the Time to be seasonable, and [Page 61] some other Circumstances agreeable; which the Law most prudently hath left in his own Judgment to deter­mine; the more full and better sence whereof may be collected out of his Answer to the Address it self; at the end whereof I read this Intimation; That he could not do things for the security of his People, with those Advan­tages to them, which by the Parliament' s Assistance at that time he might have done. Which (I remember very well) most Men did interpret to be meant of the House of Commons not granting, and the King's wanting the Six hundred thousand pounds demanded by his Majesty for a further supply, which might have enabled him to, &c. But of this, more anon.

SECTION V.

THat there are Discontents among us, is a thing in no wise to be denied; and the Authors of them are sufficiently known. They are a sort of ominous Birds always hovering about City and Suburbs, pre­suming to misrepresent, argue, and arbitrate the great Affairs of State; and such is the licentious Liberty they take to themselves, that they censure, arraign, and con­demn what and whom they please. Ever against the Sitting of Parliament, they gather and appear in whole Flights and Flocks, breeding of false News, and boding Mischief wheresoever they come. They sometimes haunt the Houses of Ambassadors, and other Foreign Ministers, if they can get any intimacy with their Ser­vants, with whom they give, and take Supplies toward a Stock of Intelligence; the one to furnish the Foreign Post, the other the Coffee-Houses, whence they issue a­gain, and make sallies upon the Canary Cabals at the Globe, the Horn, the Kings-head, or the Devil, to furnish them, and settle Correspondencies both East and West, and to that end receive Commission to become Emissa­ries and Trotters betwixt some particular Wiseacres in both the Climates. If the Parliament chance at any time to be Prorogued or Adjourn'd, that Season proves to this sort of News-mongers, like a nipping Frost to Flies, and they are even ready to die away like fainting Grass-hoppers. There's nothing revives them in the [Page 74] Interval, like some unlucky Mischief befal'n the Court. 'Tis Mischief they gape for; and yet are but Fools at doing it, and therefore ought to be better instructed.

For if I loved Mischief, and meant to do it, I would first raise Objections to prevent a War now, though a while ago I wished well to all those that had a desire to promote it. I would object, that it is too late to enter upon it now, because it should a been done last Summer, before the French King could a made his late Impression so far into the Spanish Low-Countrys, and before the Confede­rates were brought so low. Besides, I would not give way with patience, to hear another man answer me, that it is not too late; but prove that had his Majesty consented to it last Summer, there are most sufficient Reasons to be given why it might have turned very much to the prejudice of his Affairs; as for Instance,

1. Had he then declared an immediate Consent to it, it had been all one as to have declared a War; for, the French are not so slow-witted as not to apprehend it so, nor so remiss as to neglect a dealing with us accordingly. What could we have expected, but that our Merchants Ships, which at that time were in great numbers trad­ing within the Dominions of France, would have been immediately seized, and all their Effects, which amount­ed to a vast sum of mony? whereby our King, besides the losses of the Merchants, must have lost a great sum of mony accruing here to his Customs by the Import of those Goods and Commodities.

2. His Majesty very well understands what an im­portant Point 'tis to consent to a War, which is all one in effect as to proclaim a War, before competent prepara­tions made for it by Mony, Ammunition and Men, Ships, and all other necessaries for War could be ready to put it in execution.

[Page 75]3. The French King might then (for ought that can be said to the contrary) have been thereby so exasperated, as to lay aside a while his Affairs in Flanders, and being ready furnisht with all the necessaries that we wanted, immediately have resolved to fall upon us by an Invasion; and what (I pray you) could have hindered at that time such a Surprise of us?

4. It had been a strange Adventure to have been so forward to have engaged our selves by promise to enter into the War, before it was known what the Confederates would do towards it, to encourage us to their Assi­stance. The present Distress lies upon them more than upon us; therefore there ought to be no bogling with us, or delaying, but a quick doing what is reasonable for them on their part, to engage us in their Confederacie.

5. The French King, having pretended fair for an im­bracing of His Majesties Mediation in order to a reaso­nable Peace, it was questionless very convenient we should stop a while to see what would be the issue of his pretence, that in case he should play foul, and deceive us, we might have the juster and fairer cause to War with him.

6. If there had not been any of these Reasons for de­lay; yet the happy Alliance with the Prince of Orange, having been since accomplished; and being a very good expedient to open the way for a more convenient en­trance into Confederation, is that which may abundant­ly serve to balance any pretended inconvenience of the delay of entrance.—But to proceed

Moreover, If notwithstanding these Reasons, any one of those men of Intelligence should yet mischie­vously Object, That last Summers delay hath been the ruine of Flanders, and made the recovery of it in a [Page 76] manner impossible, and should endeavour to perswade others 'tis so, because of the loss of some few Towns there since, let such consider, that the Spaniard, by his not closing yet with us in our friendly Inclination, seems not to be of their Opinion, or that Flanders is yet so near ruine, seeing that he himself hath made a further de­lay, by not coming up to our reasonable Demands at this time, whenas he hath of late so much pretended it, and all men expected he would accordingly have done it out of hand.

Besides, Let those News-and-Mischief-Mongers remem­ber, it is not long ago since they themselves, in one of the Canary-Clubs, were of a mind, that the Confederates, if we were joyned with them, would be able to work Miracles in Flanders against the French: but it now seems that the loss of St. Ghislain, or of a Town or two more, hath in a moment deprived us and the Flemmings of all Power to do what is fit to preserve the Country. It hath been told me, that very lately, the like Discourse being boldly bandied at a certain Cable of Coffee-mongers, one that sate smoking hard by in a Corner of the Room, stept in, and said honestly, That he wonder'd there should happen among some men such a sudden Change of Opinion; and that it must needs give a suspicion there is some invi­sible Spring that moves them; some Secret Intrigue and Reserve in the Heart, when the Tongues go at so rolling a rate: and that they are a sort of people tutor'd to this Tune, to argue Pro and Con by Turns, as their own Occa­sions alter; That they are resolved to dislike whatsoever the King may judge is reason for him next to do in his pub­lick Affairs; and that they put on the approbations and disapprovements of a War, according as they are influenced, and as the WORD is given out by their envious Mal-con­tented [Page 77] Leaders; and as it may serve to please, or irritats, and to render themselves gracious in their eyes unto whom they are Retainers. I do remember (said he) what Joy the People had, and Bonfires, as soon as the Marriage of the Prince of Orange was declared; and not many days after, this sort of frequent Changelings raised I know not how many Scandals about it. How far the French have had an influence on such petulant Talkers, I cannot say; but other men more honest speak broad enough about it.

Which having been thus roundly utter'd, the Gentle­man laid down his Pipe, paid for his Dish of Coffee, and went his way, leaving them all in an amaze to guess who this Man should be.

Now, no sooner was this Gentleman gone, but an­other, who over-heard the Discourse, drew near to them; (for all are free over a Coffee-dish) and sitting down, said, Gentlemen, pardon me if I tell you I was here t'other day, and heard some others of you discoursing about Money to carry on the War; and methought it was much any among you should think it reasonable, and most necessary to have War; and others yet be of opinion, That the Point of Money should be cumber'd with Delays or Dis­putes about it. What would the Event of this be? Would it not render us ridiculous to the French, and make them scorn us? Would it not dishearten the Confederates, and make them jealous, that whatsoever Resolutions we take to give them hope of assistance, yet as soon as they are taken, they will by one Accident or other be made impracticable? In time of Necessity, and when Hannibal was at the Gates, or any other Enemy▪nigh coming, the Romans ever instituted a Temporary Officer, whom they called Dictator, and to him the Senate and People gave, during the publick danger, but not longer, as full Power as the King of France now enjoys, to [Page 78] do and take whatsoever he should judge necessary to secure the Publick State of the Nation: by which Policy they avoided all Disputes and Debates about the Concerns of the War; and so they generally came off with Success. Be it far from me to urge at this time, that we should in this occasion of ours imitate them, but yet methinks we should so far learn of them, as to do all we can to avoid and lay a­side disputings; especially about the very Life and Sinews of a War, constant supply of Moneys, and other Necessaries; and to come as near the Roman Policy as the publick Con­stitution, convenience, and State of our Government can possibly permit, if we mean to obtain the like happy Success. A trust must be lodged some where; therefore 'tis best and safest to place it where, and in what manner the Law hath placed it. The Law obliges the People, as well as the King: It obliges the King to make War, where, and when he shall judge it needful. And on the other hand, it ob­liges the People, readily and cheerfully to give him necessary supplies; otherwise this absurdity would be implied in our Law, that it should oblige the King, and leave the People loose in this matter; which can by no means be supposed, be­cause then it would oblige him to an Impossibility; it being impossible for him to do his part, unless they on their part shall sufficiently supply him. Which 'tis not to be imagined the People can be so mad as to decline, because 'tis for com­mon Safety, The Supreme Law, which is a further Tie upon them; and if they observe not that, it is not only to be want­ing to the ends of Gubernation, but in effect a Frustrating both of Law and Government it self: and at this time, an unnatural abandoning of our selves, and a giving up of that most noble cause wherein whole Europ is so deeply concerned.

I thought, Gentlemen, to have spoken no more at this time; but (craving your Pardon) pray, Sirs, let me tell [Page 79] you, I over-heard also here t'other day, what some of your Com­pany said, reflecting upon some State-Particulars past, the reviving whereof would better become the mouth of a Com­mon Enemy, than a true English-man, being matters alto­gether Foreign to the Business of War, which is now The Unum Necessarium, The one Thing Necessary: and till all fit Resolutions upon that be taken, why should any matters inferiour, that may cause discontent or division of minds, be discoursed among you? I will not so much as name them, to give you cause to over-heat your selves to answer me; I re­solve to bury them, and all that you then said about them: For I am no Spy upon you: I am a Gentleman; and if any other person that is an Informer may have taken notice of what you said, and should chance to call me to witness any thing against you, know I have a Gentleman's Memory, very apt to forget all upon such an occasion.

This Discourse (as I have been told) surprised them more than what was said by the other Gentleman, in­somuch that the Company stared on him with silence, being most of them (I suppose) of Opinion, that what he said was Reason: but as there is are all Companies some whom no Reason can satisfie, so there were (it seems) among them some few Emissaries, Trotters, and Mischief-mongers belonging to the Canary Cabals, who began to grumble, but presently broke up, and went to the several places of Caballing, and communicated the matter there to their Principals; among whom there hapning to be a false Brother, or two, by that means I got the Story.

Now for a Conclusion:

Let me answer one Objection which I hear walks about like a Bugbear to affright us. viz. That though our Chro­nicles tell us, that Edw. the Third conquer'd France, and his Son Edward, called the Black Prince, brought their [Page 80] King Prisoner into England: and though Henry the 5th. made a Second Conquest of them more compleatly, being Crowned King at Paris; and his Son Henry the 6th. also Crowned there, and Reigned over them many years: yet the Case is alter'd now; France is quite another thing; it is now one compact Body; it in those days was shared by diverse Sovereign Princes, which made the French King but little in comparison of what he is in these days; being become exceedingly more potent and more difficult to subdue, by reason of his present Lordship over all those Sovereignties.

To balance these Advantages of his, note, that England also is (through God's good Providence) become much more powerful than it was in those days; For though in those days we had Ireland, yet it was but a miserable half­planted Country, alwaies rebellious against us, so that it was an extraordinary charge and a clog rather than a help to us: but now we have it improved to the height, and the Irish in good order with our English; also the Ac­cession of the Kingdom of Scotland, a numerous and war­like People, which then also was another great Clog up­on us, now united with us. To these Considerations add, That by addition of the Confederates, if they please to be plain with us, we may I suppose be contrepoise enough to answer all the French Advantages: and no Man that knows what England is at Sea, and what an English-Seaman is, will doubt, especi­ally Holland joyn with us, that we may be a Match sufficient for that King; and that we over-match him in this, that we have a Better Cause; and therefore (God pardoning our Iniquities in other matters) have a better hope of Divine Benediction.

Which being well weighd, we may very aptly invert the old Say­ing of Cicero, Justissimum Bellum iniquissimae Paci antefero. That is, being a little paraphrased in English, I upon the whole matter con­clude; That a most just War is to be preferred before a most unjust Peace, most dangerous to us, and all the rest of the European Nations.