AN ANSVVER TO A DECLARATION OF The Lords and Commons, con­cerning the Papers of the Scots Commissioners.

INTITULED, The Answer of the Commissioners to both Houses of Parliament upon the new Proposi­tions of Peace, and the foure Bills to be sent to his Majesty.

By Mercurius Pragmaticus.

Printed for J.S. 1648.

AN ANSWER TO THE late Declaration of the Lords and Commons, of the Parliament of ENGLAND.

ALthough we are not ignorant how many obstru­ctions have of late been occasioned, by those who pretend a more then ordinary zeale to a speedie settlement, and a composure of those unhappy differences, which (but that the providence of the Highest prevailed) had ere this, buried the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland, in an united ruine, yet we shall not waste time now, to cite either the Impediments or the parties, contenting our selves onely with a free and full answer, to the late Declaration of the Lords, and Commons Assembled in the Parliament of England which we looke upon, as a meere bundle of invictives, and an heepe of Callumnies for through­out the whole booke not one clause, but savours of malice, rancour and contempt, but indeed what else but gall, can flow from the quill, of that impudent Reviler of his King, and no­torious Incendiarie, between the two Kingdomes, Harry Martin, who (as we are credibly informed) was the composer of the said Declaration, but we shall hold it; altogether be­neaneth us, to castigate Callumnies, of the said Martin, in a publick way, and shall now proceed, to take to pieces, the late Declaration, to Diffect, and anotomize it, that so the whole proportion of it being open to the view of the world, they may be informed, of its imperfect perfectnesse.

First then they Declare, that they were put upon this De­claration, [Page 2]in answere to those Papers intituled, The answer of the Commissioners of Scotland, to both Houses of Parliament upon the new Propositions of peace, and four Bills to be sent to his Majestie to undeceive the minds of the people of both Kingdoms, as if our fallacies were such, that it is high time they were discovered, and that we had deceived our trust, and by under hand and sinister practises, sought our owne and not our Nati­ons welfare, but we shall not need, to bestow much labour, in wiping away the staine, since our owne Nation are not the least anxious of our fidelity, neither will it be a worke wor­thy the undertaking to release their constant perfidiousnesse even from their first day of sitting; and we should but carry pots to Samos and Owles, to Athens, if we should tell, they have betrayed their trust to God, by breaking the Covenant, to their King by trampling upon the Oath of Allegiance, and to their Country, by prostrating their power, and suffering themselves to be over-awed, by a Sectarian Army, who are (or ought to be) wholy at their disposing, but they are not con­tented to brand us with Apostacie, but they also would give the world to thinke that our power is triviall, and invallid for they say.

‘We desire it may be remembred, that when we speake of the Commissioners of Scotland, we intend not through­out the whole Declaration, the Kingdome of Scotland who we rest confident will not owne their Commissioners in these Papers, in their transactions in the Isle of Wight, nor in many other of their Papers, and proceedings when they shall be truly informed of their carriage, but that the King­dome of Scotland will be ready to doe us and themselves right.’

Here they haue turned their Galls up, and spit the worst of Venome, for because themselves would not be thought the least guilty (as it hath everbeen the manner of persons, the [Page 3]most nocent, and obnoxious) to stand high upon their reputa­tions they cast aspersions upon us and thinke themselves suf­ficiently vindicated if we are disparaged, in regard whereof we have a just occasion, to returne to them their owne words according to their owne practises, and tell them, That all the Rhetorique used in this point, to abuse the minds of well min­ded people, and to heighten their fancies against our proceedinge might have been spared, but we see their aime, and that they have an ardeut desire still to keep themselves in the Saddle had they ability, to mannage the Steed, and indeed to cause so implacable an hatred between the two Kingdomes, as all the Heccatombes, of after intreaties may not expiate.

And that it may be so as soone as may be they proceed, to make their and our Soveraigne Lord King CHARLES, un­capable of Governing, and themselves of obeying, and this contrary to all law and reason they will prove with their wild Sophistrie to be both good and requisite, when they say.

‘We aske what reason we have to respect better satisfa­ction, in the way of a treatie them formerly at Vxbridge, or in a personall treaty at Oxford, unlesse wee be resolved to Treat away all that we have fought for, and to be Treat­ed out of what we could not be fought out of, or at least what can we expect of a Treaty but under pretence of satis­fying all interests, one interest shall be set up against an no­ther to devide us, and that thereby (having laid no founda­tion of safety before hand the King might set up his interest above them all, if successe, and advantage of the crowne in the Kings esteeme must be the measure of our resolutions, or that hereby we must have the way, or tearmes of our peace cut out unto us.’

[Page 4] Thus they make themselves no longer fellow subjects with us, and that by the right of conquest, as having our in pieces with the sword, both the Covenant and the Oath of Allegiance, and so render themselves to the world, as persons who are no better then doubly perjuried; have they so soone, or else are they wicked as not to remember, how we once joyntly Soll­emnly protested with lift up hands to the most High God; that we had no intention to curtaile his Majestie of any of the least of his lawfull Priviledges, but that with our utmost indea­vours we would assay to reinstate his Majesties in his Pristine Glory and Dignitie, and having instated him to defend Him with our utmost abillities & had we apprehended that the least injurie or violence would have been committed against his Ma­jesties Royall Person as it was offered at Holdenby, and repor­ted to be Hampton, or if we had not received a faithfull assu­rance of the Houses, that their intentions were cordial and Loyall towards him, not all the threatnings, or allurments, in the world should have perswaded us, to have parted with his Majesties Person, till all Armies had been disbanded and the peace of the Kingdome setled, it was our brotherly confidence in the Houses, who are (or ought to be) our fellow subjects, that moved us to surrender the King into their hands and therefore all the world cannot but assoile us and acknowledge our innocence and fidellity to the King; and that when wee de­livered him into the hands of these Commissioners appointed for that purpose, by both Houses, of Parliament we had no thought not were left privie to their treacherous intentions towards him, but that we were then we are now his Loyall humble subjects, willing to submit to all his lawfull com­mands with submissive obedience, as to, our King and Sove­raigne.

But they goe on in their cavills, and would indeavour to prove by Sophistria, that which they have no warrant for, ei­ther by law or conscience, when they tell us.

[Page 5] ‘Wee say that that the Scots Commissiones mis­take their aime, if they thinke the Kings presence with the Parliament, necessarily implieth his pre­sence at London, which he and they so much desire, that he might have oppertunity, to cajole the Cit­tizens; if his presence with the Parliament were ne­necessary, yet it is not necessary, the Parliament be at London, and as much doe they mistake the Par­liaments Declarations, if they thinke it was the Kings Locall absent from his Parliament which they Declared to be the chief cause of all the warre mis­cheif, and callamities of the Kingdomes, any other­wise then it was his distance from them, in affections and his oppositions, to their counsells, and indea­vours.’

What odd Silogismes are here, let the world judge, whether the Houses, were it in their power, would not take away Monarchicall Government, Roote, and Branch, although it be the very basis, whereon ours and their Priviledges are built, and the maine pillar that supporteth the Parliament House, the Devill is a good Sophister, and dictates notably unto them, if the Kings presence be necessary at London, yet it is not neces­sary the Parliament should be at London, as if the Kings presence at London, and siting amongst them, in a Parliamentarie way could prove the Cajoling, of the Citizens who we believe are now become so weary of their tyranie, that they would be glad to be once more under his Majesties command, were he in the same posture of governing, that he was ere they [Page 6]began the warre, rather then to continre any longer, under a constrained obedience to them, but what maketh their averinesse a miracle, is because his Majestie hath been graciously pleased to proffer the signing to an act of Oblivion, and is content to cover all former impieties, under his owne skirts, but it seemes to us (and surely to all honest men) more then monstrous that the Houses who once told us it was their chiefe sorrow that the King would not sit with them, and made the world believe as they perswaded us, that the cause of their warre, was to recover his person amongst them, should now publish to the world that his presence amongst them, is utter­ly unnecessary, as if it were possible toperswade us or any posse­sed with sence, that they who were called together by him, act all in his name and because of his distance from them, have done nothing these seven yeers, to prove they are a Parliament, save (perhaps) to defend themselves; and to command in his name, should now on the sudden be inriched with so much power, from whence derived none knowes as without him to make lawes and Statutes unlesse they intend (which wick­ednesse Heaven hinder them from) to depose him, and illegi­timate his children, but the truth is, for ought we see, or can ga­ther, by their fore passe actions and present proceedings, they never intend to settle the Kingdome, either with him or with­out him with him (it seemes) they dread to doe, being cons­cious of their own guilt, and without him they cannot, nay but shall not doe it, while we are a Nation, but had not their consciences been seared with an hot Iron, they might ere this have been reconciled to their King, and he to them, the Royall party appersed, the Citie quitted the Country contented, and every man sitting under his owne Vine would their wickednesse have permitted them, to have done so much good for them­selves, and their Nation, how often have we sued unto them to pity their owne, and the Kingdomes estate, how often have we implored them, that there might be a free and unrestrained application made to his Majestie from the Parliaments of both Kingdomes desiring them to invite his Maje­stie to come to London, and to declare that he should be there with safety honour and freedome then which we see, no other probable means to ob­taine a safe and well grounded peace, and this is no more then they and we are obliged to doe, according to our Covenant Allegiance, and duty of subjects.

[Page 7] But now we see, and it is too apparant to the world, that they respect not either Religion, the Interest of the Crown, or the Union and joynt concernment of both Kingdomes; and because we charged them, and that upon good grounds, to tolerate all Religions, and to be remisse in looking after the matters of God; They say,

‘What are those matters which these Commissioners call the matters of God? Are they the names Solemne League and Covenant, or the things contained in the Solemne League and Covenant? And if so, why not one thing aswell as another? Why are not the Priviledges and Authoritie of Parliament, formerly acquiesced in, as the surest Pillars and preservatives of Religion? And why are not the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdome matters of God, as well as the Government of the Church, in such and such a forme? Of old the Clergie stiled their Temporalities and Possessi­ons the Patrimony of Christ, and the quarrell betweene them and the State the Cause of God, and a matter of Re­ligion, though indeed it was a contest onely of power and dominion, which indeed, if it be well looked into, will prove also the state of many questions, which goe under the notion of Religion at this day.’

What a most learned evasion doe they here make, to justifie their breach of Covenant? Doe they thinke these quodlibets will answer the expectations, or settle the hearts of an incen­sed Nation? It seemes by this, that when they entred in­to League with us, they swore with a mentall reservation, and intended to make application in such manner as might most make for their owne advantage; If they keepe up their extorted power without diminution, if they attempt with their utmost indeavours, to make themselves absolute and Arbitrary Lords; [...] them­selves, and be their under [...] famous, we must [...] [Page 8]with all willingnesse, they give us a strong motive, which is, The Priviledges of Parliament ought to be acquiesced in, as the surest Pillars and preservatives of Religion: so that what­soever they please to call the Rights and Liberties of the King­dome, be it either in Imprisoning their King, or in tolerating a hodge-podge of all Religions; or be it in inslaving and trampling upon their fellow Subjects, it must be tearmed with no worse title then the matters of God; but they doe very notably, to make the custome of the old Clergie their exam­ple, (though they would not have us to thinke so) since with them they call all Causes Gods, provided they be feeling cau­ses, and make either for their profit or preferment; in regard whereof, we cannot but tell them, that they are the vilest Hy­pocrites, we say not Treachers, that live, and that never men like them ever shew'd themselves in such various colours, while according to their owne saying of others, they seem­ingly strive to purchase a perfect Reformation, when indeed, it is only a contest of power & Dominion, and a little to vary from their words, will prove also the state of all their under­takings which goe under the notion of Religion: but they proceed to justifie (as, what is it that they will not defend?) And because we are so credulous, they hope to perswade us in­to a beliefe of any thing; And therefore they say,

‘It is one thing to leave every man without any Law to his own judgment and fancy, in the service and worship of God, and another thing to give a Libertie by Law (as was desired) to some men to doe some things in their owne na­ture not unlawfull, though different from what is thought fit to be generally setled in the Kingdome; it is one thing to require conformitie to a Law already made, according to the word of God; and upon cleare evidence thereof, ano­ther thing, to make a Law requiring conformitie from all persons, to all things, though not founded upon any cleare evidence of Scripture, or that are only founded upon pruden­tiall grounds, wherein the Magistrate hath the like latitude to dispense and qualifie, as to injoyne and ordaine; it is one [Page 9]thing what a State holds sit to declare requisite, and also to countenance and encourage by rewards; and other wayes, and another thing, when it holds fit to compell and force.’

Wee confesse, That there is some difference between com­pulsion and permission, and that a Free State (which epethite wee hope the Houses will not, nor dare not assume to them­selves) may upon prudentiall grounds tolerate a Libertie in the worship of God; but all this while wee are confident, that they cannot doe so and not be guiltie of grievous sinne; for who is so shallow not to conceive, or so obstinate not to con­fesse, that where such a toleration is granted, many Propha­nations must inevitably follow? For who ever knew or read, but that when men are permitted to worship God in their owne way, without limitation or prescription, they for the most fall in one error or other? but wee perceive, that the Houses, so themselves may be tolerated, to sit and sway with­out disturbance, care not what Religion their Vassailes are of; as the Turkes, who, so their slaves performe their service, mind not whether they call upon Christ or Mahomet; nor care they, though by their impious toleration a doore be ope­ned to Atheisme and all Religions, to all kind of Licentious­nesse, to Deformitie, and Multiformitie of Heresies and Sects, which may produce the ruine of Religion in both Kingdoms: What a grosse absurditie is it of them, yea, worthy to bee laught at, to make a Law for the establishing of the Presby­terian Government, and yet in the same Act to desire that none should obey that Law, but such as are pleased so to doe? and againe, to appoint the Ministers and Elders by an Ordi­nance, to suspend from the Sacrament onely such persons as the Houses have thought fit and no other, though it be against their conscience so to doe, and that they are bound with seve­rall restrictions in their meetings and assemblies, and are not allowed the use and exercise of all the ordinances, appointed by the word of God; so as that Libertie of Conscience is de­nyed to them, and granted to others who have an unlimited toleration for the time of indurance, matter of worship, and [Page 10]exercise of all Ordinances; which toleration is of that capa­citie and latitude, that it admits of many vile and grosse er­rors, which have beene condemned and cast out of the Church in former times. And now for the nice distinction that they make concerning their owne powers as Magistrates, to countenance or compell as they find cause, it is cleare both by the word of God and humane examples, that a tole­ration ought not to be permitted, and that the events of such countenancings and encouragements as they speak of, have e­ver produced sad and fatall events. But all this while they have but proved themselves Apostates, and relinquishers of those Principles which they once bound themselves to prosecute, and therefore must expect fierce vengeance and condigne pu­nishments hereafter.

But because wee once demanded of them, according to our dutie to God, and allegeance to our Soveraigne, whether a To­leration shall be continued to all such, as by their pernicious Doctrines and Actions offer violence to the Kings Person and Authoritie, and in a high degree violate every Article of the Solemne League and Covenant; they say,

‘That neither to all such, nor to any such, is a Toleration desired: but who doe more undermine the Securitie of the Kings Person and Authoritie, then those that hinder a happy Settlement betweene him and his People, by a causelesse dis­senting from the Houses of Parliament, in those few necessa­rie things desired by them, as previous to a Treatie upon the rest, and that boulster him up in Counsels and Resolutions so apparantly destructive to himselfe, his Authoritie, and Poste­ritie, who so highly have invaded the Priviledges of Parlia­ment, in the cases of particular Members thereof?’

Were it so, as the contrarie is too apparant, that no such Toleration be desired; yet sure it well becomes loyall and faithfull subjects strictly to forbid and prohibit all such wilde courses. But it is apparant, yea (and to our shame) is become the talke of forraigne Nations, that they not onely tolerate [Page 11]but encourage their Independent Ministers, on all occasions and oportunities, to rayle against their Soveraigne, to scanda­lize his fore-past Acts of Government, and to exasperate the people against Monarchicall Discipline. Nor is this impietie permitted in Pulpits alone, but also frequently in Print, while their Pamphleters are countenanc'd to rayle against him, as a vile and unworthy man, one not meet to sway the Scepter; a man of bloud, who ought to be called to an account for those Cruelties that were practised during the Warre.

But this wee have no reason to marvell at, since the Houses themselves have given those Varlets so pregnant an example to imitate, as appeares by a Declaration put forth in their Names, and intituled, A Declaration of the Lords and Com­mons assembled in Parliament, shewing the Reasons and Grounds why they have voted, that no more Addresses be made to the King, nor any Message received from him. And although it doth wonderfully astonish us to thinke, that so illegall and destructive a Vote should ever be, yet wee cannot but wonder much more, that so strange a Paradox should be maintained in Print, and that by the appointment of the Houses, since wee and the world know, that that disloyall Vote was against the very essence and being of Parliaments; and that when they Voted no further Addresses should be made to the King, they Voted themselves no Parliament, if they will credit the fundamentall Lawes of their Land. But our soules are smitten with sorrow, and with unspeakable horror, when wee cogitate the matter and substance of that Declaration; wherein the Houses (swayed by wee know not what Furies) have not spa­red to tax his Majestie as accessarie to the poysoning of his Father; a thing not to be thought on, and from which wee are confident his Majestie is as cleare as hee was at the houre of his Birth: as also they charge him to have a hand in the Businesse of Rochel, with other Crimes and Misdemeanours, in such contemptuous and diversivolent language, that wee have cause to suspect they are mad, and by some fatall accident are bereft of their wits. But wee would faine know of them, since themselves can so easily dispense with all Oathes and Co­venants, and have cast behind them all the dutie and allegiance [Page 12]they owe unto their Soveraigne; whether, or no, wee his subjects of Scotland shall be prohibited by them from making any further Addresses to, or receiving a Message from him? For how ere they (elated with their successes) are pleased to taunt us, as contemptible; yet wee would have them know, that wee esteeme our selves equally interessed in the person of the King; and though he be in their repute but a dead Dog, yet he is in our sight a living Lion. But whereas they say, and that in reference to us, That none more undermine the Securitie of the Kings Person and Authoritie, then those that hinder a happie Settlement betweene Him and His People, by a causelesse Dissenting: Wee answer; What dis-affection did they ever finde in us? If they have, let them divulge it, as wee are sure they would not have forgotten to doe, had they had the least colour or pretext: But wee perceive the ground of their Ma­lice is, for that wee joyned not with them, and were not ur­gent upon his Majestie for the signing of the last foure Bills; which Bills were destructive to Religion, his Majesties Au­thoritie, and the Amitie of the two Kingdomes; and there­fore we could not in Conscience or Honour joyne [...] them: eyther let them say how and by what meanes wee boulster him up in Counsels and Resolutions, apparantly destructive to himselfe, his Authoritie, and Posteritie; if they meane; that our Protestations to be loyall subjects unto him, according to Gods command, and the Oath that wee have taken, be a boul­string of him, then wee must tell them, that wee doe but our dutie, and what they ought to doe, were they not Rebellious; and wee feare their owne wickednesse doth so boulster up themselves, that they will goe in a trance to Hell, and sinke ere they are aware of it: But their Conquests doth so puffe them up, that they imagine themselves safe even from the Arme of Heaven; and they resolve (it seemes) since they have brought their King on his knees, not to pardon him, though he beg it, nor to smile upon him, though he kisse the Rod; and there­fore they tell us:

‘We say, the King having stood it out to the last, and being reduced to the condition he is in, the Houses making so often [Page 13]applications unto him; and after all, making him such an Offer, as upon his granting them, those few necessary things (which upon no tearmes, nor upon any Treatie, they can re­cede from) to treat upon all the rest, affordeth a greater and more solid ground of confidence to the King, then any thing he can doe for the Parliament doth give them; for what can he give them, but what they have alreadie?’

That the King stood it out to the last, none can denie; but that he should be reduced to the condition he is in, we are ut­terly to seeke: we grant, the Houses made severall applications to the King, but their Propositions were too high, and (indeed) so destructive to his Majesties power, that we see not how he could either in Conference or Honour signe them: but for the foure last Bills, the Houses had learnt by their former applica­tions, and they knew right well, that his Majestie would by no meanes assent to them, for that (to speake truth) they were meerly Impositions, and not Propositions; and to us it seemeth, they rather devised them as an occasion to quarrell with him, that so they might have some pretence to Vote as they did af­terwards, rather then out of any reall intent that his Majestie should signe them, and so a personall Treatie ensue. But where­as they boastingly say, that the King can give them nothing but what they have alreadie; Wee answer, That there is a ve­ry vast difference betweene an usurpt fruition, and a peacea­ble legall injoyment: 'Tis truth, they have now his Revenue, his Navie, Castles, and Magazine, wholly in their own hands, but can that take them off from yeelding obedience to his lawfull commands, or make him uncapable of exercising his Kingly power? Surely no: God Almightie open the hearts of the two Houses, that they may consider and repent them, and let them know, that wee will leave no way or meanes un­attempted, to restore our Soveraigne to his full, and former power and greatnesse.

FINIS.

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