CArdinal de Richelien, that great favourite of France (perhaps to insinuate into his Masters thoughts the high im­portance of Naval power) caused a Ship of extraordinary bulk to be made, which his malevolents affirm­ed to be an embleme of himself: for as that Ship could not move at [Page 2] Sea, but in a storm, so (said they) the Cardinal could not live in a quiet and undisturbed State. This was said of that great Minister of State, because he held his Prince engaged in a continual foreign war; and if such a war were imputed to him, as mischievous to that King­dom, what shall we think of those, who in this our Island so troubled the waters at home (to fish out a greatness for themselves) as to se­ver the Head from its Body, and by unsinnewing the government to batter down all the Pillars that sup­ported it, and so to bring an abso­lute Anarchy and confusion upon the whole Nation? Surely the depth of this offence is not to be fathomed, yet thus much is ordina­rily said in their defence, that they were so far from designing Anarchy, as they intended only [Page 3] reformation, and the setting up of a much more accomplished govern­ment. It is easie to be believed, that confusion was not their ultimate end, and there needeth no other proof of it, than the actings of their Leviathan Cromwell, who made his own personal greatness the founda­tion of something in the way of new Government. And the intent of re­formation, or of a new model, can be no justification of any particu­lar Rebellion, since the same ends are pretended to by all persons, that at any time raise a Power in opposition to the present Gover­nors, as these very persons found by experience during their short rule. Aristotle and his adherents, are much cried down by our mo­dern natural Philosophers, for ma­king privation a principle; but cer­tainly these men made it the most [Page 4] considerable principle in their poli­ticks; for they could not effect any thing fully, but demolition and de­struction. They never set up any thing in the way of Government that was new, but it was in a short time disliked and overthrown: And indeed it could not be other­wise, since the greedy Monster of their faction could not subsist, but by devouring whatsoever was most precious in the Land; and since the opportunity to do so could not be had, but by frequent changes of Government; so the rapacity of this brood of Harpies caused the destru­ction of so many fair Buildings, whereof the raising had been so costly, the suppression of Bishops with their Hierarchy, and the sale of their Lands, and (I may even say) felling of the Royal Oak it self, with prostitution of the publick [Page 5] Revenue and Ornaments to sale, and the same cause would infallibly have produced the ruine of both Universities, with demolition of the Colledges, and alienation of their Lands, and many other de­structions of that nature, so as to have deprived the Nation of all excellence in the way of beauty and splendor. That this was done, the Power once raised, is not strange, but how so great a part of the people (nay even of that remain­der of Parliament) should be drawn to consent to it, carrieth much wonder; and certainly there was much art used, to win their con­sent to so great a devastation. The Historical part of this business being too heavy a burden for my shoul­ders; I shall only (for the satisfa­ction of some friends) set down in writing my observations, of the [Page 6] carriage of that business at West­minster, where I was then resident as a Member of the House of Com­mons, wherein perhaps there may be found some particulars, not so obvious to others, and in that re­spect likely to be omitted.

In matters Political it is seldom found▪ that events depend upon causes necessarily producing them, and when they do, there must be some great imperfection in the ori­ginal constitution of a State, as writers in Politicks affirm, of Civil War arising in an Oligarchy, by reason of many dependences upon great persons possest of the Sove­reign power, whose private and differing interests distract the forces of such Commonwealths; but this cannot be our case, who live in an extraordinary well-tempered Mo­narchy, where the perfect constitu­tion [Page 7] is sufficiently proved by an es­flux of very much time, without the least appearance of any visible defect. We must therefore search out other causes. It cannot be doubted, that there is a Divine Providence, which ordereth and governeth all things; but as this is above us, and altogether out of our sight, so we must rather submit chearfully, than make any inquisi­tion about it. As for second cau­ses in disturbance of States, none can justifie an armed opposition by Subjects against their Sovereign; and unless there be some plausible title to the Supreme power, there is seldom any that become conside­rable, but discontents upon conceit of misgovernment; and in this case the justness of discontent is not so dangerous, as the generality of it, and in that respect designs ground­ed [Page 8] upon right reason, and with certainty of publick advan­tage, if effected, are yet well laid aside, when liable to a general mis­construction, in the way either of danger or oppression. Never Par­liament was assembled, when the people were in a higher discontent, than at this time: such a general diffidence there was, as they thought themselves sure of nothing. The encrease of Ceremonies had made them fear the approach of a Religion hateful to them. The late business of Ship-money, toge­ther with some other impositions without consent of Parliament, caused them to apprehend the loss of property in their estates, and they had little hope of redress by Parliament, because his then Maje­sty had been so unhappy, as to be put upon a sudden dissolution of all Par­liaments [Page 9] formerly by him called. There wanted not persons ill-dispo­sed, and seditious, to trumpet these things in the ears of the generality, whereby they incensed them so far, as thereby they found means to raise a power against their Sovereign, which how it was done, and by what degrees, and how improved is the chief intent of our business to set forth.

At the time of assembling this un­happy Parliament there were two armies on foot in England, whereof one was that of the Scots, and ano­ther consisting of English-men to oppose them, if occasion were; and the King to remove all jealousie of a wilful continuance of the war, by engaging them to a fresh hostility, had made the Earl of Holland (a person then standing gracious with the Parliament and People) Gene­ral [Page 10] of the English army. The per­sons who knew themselves faulty in holding intelligence with the Scots, were then so apprehensive of a complete agreement between his Majesty and Them, and of their being won to a compliance with him in all things, as the Earl of Holland in a private Letter to Mr. Pym, writ somewhat to this effect; That the sky was horridly black in those Northern parts, and that all things there seemed, as tending to an uni­versal judgment. The Earl being then General, could not intend this other than a private advertisement, but Mr. Pym finding the publication of it a sit means to encrease the ge­neral apprehensions, presently im­parted that Letter to the House of Commons, and from thence the sub­stance of it was divulged over all the City of London. This served to [Page 11] keep the people in a heat and jea­lousie concerning the Kings intenti­ons, but that fear proved vain, for the pacification was effected wholly by interposition of the English-Commissioners, who were persons approved of by the Parliament as to that employment. But this business of satisfying the Scots, and of dis­banding of the Armies, requiring vast summs of money, there were were great Taxes laid upon the people by Act of Parliament, which money was not likely to be levied in much time, and therefore there needed a present supply by the Ci­ty of London, who (as was pre­tended) would not part with their money, lest a dissolution of the Par­liament should come before pay­ment; thereupon the King was pressed to pass the Act of Continu­ance, whereby the Parliament [Page 12] could not be dissolved, but by their own consent. This Act had the Royal assent, and gave to the Crown the greatest blow that it had yet received; for so the King esta­blished against himself a Power, which he could not extinguish. This pacification being free from all secret agreements with the Scots, gave a great strength and confi­dence to our Cinistones, or kind­lers of Sedition: for though the Presbyterian discipline, was now again consimed, as to Scotland, yet it was impossible, that the Scots could think themselves secure to hold it, as long as Episcopacy stood firm in England, in which respect they could not but be willing to assist those, whose design it was to abolish it. Before this time, it was thought sit to deprive the King of two prime Counsellors, the Arch­bishop [Page 13] of Canterbury, and the Earl of Strafford, (whose names were delivered in by the Scottish-Com­missioners, as incendiaries between the two Nations) which was done in the way of an impeachment by the House of Commons at the Lords Bar for High Treason. Upon this Impeachment it was found requisite to commit them presently to the Tower, so as the King was imme­diately deprived of their advice in Council; and the Earl of Strafford was speedily brought to Trial in Westminster-Hall with much solem­nity, which had continuance for many days, and at last was broken up with heat and violence by the House of Commons, such as ill be­came the gravity of that Assembly; and they did it, conceiving that the Lords carried themselves partially in relation to the person impeach­ed; [Page 14] but his condemnation was fi­nished afterwards by the Legisla­tive power in a Bill of Attainder, which could not pass the Lords, till many of them were so terrified by tumults, as they found it for their safety to be absent at the last Read­ing. And this business of the Bill was carried on with such violence, as there was a kind of proscription of such persons, as in the House [...]f Commons had Voted against the Bill; for their names were posted up in London by the care of some malicious body. The Archbishop was reserved to a Trial, less legal as to the form, but no less fatal to his ruine; being some few years af­ter condemned by a Bill passed in both Houses, but wanting the Roy­al assent. At or about the time of Straffords Trial, there was a gene­ral licentiousness used. The Par­liament-houses [Page 15] were daily haunted with a rabble of tumultuating peo­ple, crying out for that which they called justice. There was also a Liberty assumed, and connived at, to Print and publish what every man thought fit, which for the most part was in defamation of the Go­vernors Ecclesiastical and Tempo­ral. Within the City of London the Pulpits were almost wholly pos­sest by Presbyterian-Ministers, whose eloquence was altogether employed the same way. In the Country (or at least in divers parts) there was such encouragement gi­ven under-hand, as the common peo­ple fell upon Popish Recusants, and plundered their houses with all seve­rity: And the House of Commons being made acquainted with the in­convenience and terror of these Tumults, as well by their own [Page 16] members, as by a Message from the house of Lords, would not be drawn to discountenance, much to declare against them. It was not long after the Pacification, that the Scots much urged the King to go into Scotland to be crowned, whereun­to his Majesty assented at the last, which gave great jealousie again at Westmirster, in so much as the Par­liament made some addresses to the King, desiring that he would not depart out of the Kingdom at that time, but those addresses became altogether fruitless, the King de­claring his absolute and perempto­ry engagement to go. And the ap­prehensions of this journey were so powerful, as a very active Mem­ber of the house of Commons, stand­ing at the door of the Lords House, upon occasion of a Message, having fetch'd a great sigh, made a pro­fession, [Page 17] he thought we were all un­done; but the Presbyterian Scots continued true to their own inter­est, with a respect also to their pro­fit, and expecting to be called again into England, as it came to pass afterwards. The Scottish Corona­tion being past, the King return­ed to London, and then the exaspe­rations grew higher than ever. It seems, his Majesty was willing to impute the disorders in Parliament to some particular persons Members of both Houses, whom he had found to have held intelligence with his enemies, and therefore he directed his Atturny General, to accuse the five members (whose names are well known) in Parlia­ment of high Treason, which was so ill resented in both Houses, as the Impeachment was refused, where­upon his Majesty fell upon that un­happy [Page 18] resolution, of coming per­sonally into the House of Commons, which gave so great offence, as both Houses, pretending they could not sit securely at Westminster without a guard, adjourned them­selvs for some days, and appointed to meet during the vacancy in London as grand Committies, to consider what was to be done upon the pre­tended breach of Priviledge. This gave a great advantage against the King, for by this means, they had opportunity to fix their correspon­dence with the Citizens, and to en­gage them in their defence. Be­tween this time and the Kings return out of Scotland, the Court had been annoyed with a confluence of unruly people; so as it was thought fit to have a Corps de guard (or a Court of guard as they call it) kept in the passage before Whitehal [Page 19] to keep the rabble at a distance. But during this Adjournment the Citizens of London became so en­gaged, as upon the day of the Hou­ses meeting again at Westminster; they sent a little army with some field pieces for their security: these passed by land and by water on each side of Whitehal, and the noise of their coming was so loud, as it was concluded fit for the guard of Middlesex trayned bands to with­draw, and so their passage became free. This was interpreted at Court, as the beginning of a war, and thereupon his Majesty thought good to retire to Hampton-Court. After this, there were many ad­dresses to the King by the Parlia­ment, but not any, that could be in the least measure pleasing to him. It happened that Mr. Pim had new­ly and publickly (at a conference [Page 20] between the House, as I take it) used some words of disrespect to the King, wherewith his Majesty exprest himself to be offended, and thereupon the House of Commons, having notice of the Kings resent­ment, took a resolution to send his Majesty a paper, in full justifica­tion of that which Mr. Pim had said, I my self was present at this resolution, and appearing dissatis­fied with it, immediately went out of doors, which being observed by a back friend of mine, he nam­ed me one of the four to carry it. This unwelcome news was brought to me to my own house by one of our Serjeants, with a copy of the or­der, which must not be disobeyed, and so we went and delivered the paper to his Majesty at Hampton-Court, which being read, he be­gan to discourse upon it, as if he [Page 21] expected reason from us, and seem'd to address his Speech more par­ticularly to me (perhaps having heard of my dislike) but Sir John Culpepper then Chancellor of the Exchequer and chief of the four, told his Majesty, we had not pow­er to speak one word, whereupon we were dismissed, and returned to London. After this the King left Hampton-Court and went to Theobalds, whither the Parliament sent a Committie of Lords and Commons, but with a message ei­ther so unreasonable, or unseason­able, as the King thought fit to dis­miss them with an absolute nega­tive, and there passed something then, which perhaps may be fit to be inserted herein, as contain­ing that which is something extra­ordinary. I received the relation from a noble person, who was one [Page 22] of the Commoners then sent, and this it is. After having received his Majesties answer, the Com­mitty being still at Theobalds, retired it self to take into conside­ration the terms of it, that there might be no difference in report­ing to the several Houses of Par­liament. As soon as the Commit­ty was set, the Earl of Warwick was called out, to speak with his brother the Earl of Newport. He went out, and speedily returned with this account of the business; that the Earl of Newport had ac­quainted him, that the King was even then so pressed to give a more satisfactory answer, as he was confident they should have such an answer, if they would but de­fer their departure for a small sea­son: To this the whole company seemed to assent with much chear­fulness, [Page 23] when suddenly young Sir Henry Vain declared himself to mervail at it, for said he, is there any person here, who can under­take to know the Parliaments mind, that is, whether this which we have, or that which is called a more satisfactory answer, will be more pleasing to the Houses? For my part I cannot, and if there be any that can, let him speak; to this no man made any answer, and so having agreed upon the report to be made, they departed. I have related this, to shew how easily one subtle ill-disposed person may overthrow a general good inten­tion. Now were the well affected party (as it was then termed) stir­red up in all parts, to give incou­ragement to the House of Com­mons in the way of pretended Re­formation, by petitions, whereof [Page 24] some were delivered dayly at the bar, and the deliverers had thanks given by the Speaker, which was a thing altogether new. And as a general return to these, and to keep the people in perfect heat, it was resolved, that a general and pub­lick declaration of the State of the kingdom should be made to the Na­tion. In time of former Princes the House of Commons had some times (but very rarely) made re­monstrances of that nature to the King, which were never pleasing to him, yet not justly to be excepted against, because it is exprest in the writs of Summons, that they are to advise his Majesty, but for any advising (or treating with) the people, it was always held illegal, and of mischievous consequence. Upon these grounds the declaration, being brought into [Page 25] the House, caused a very long de­bate, but was at last passed, with the dissent of very many of the most considerable Members. Our Nation being in such disorder, the rebellion broke out in Ireland, and the Lords of the Council being yet in London, imparted their new re­ceived intelligence to the House of Commons, who seemed chearfully to embrace the business of reducing that Kingdom to obedience, and thereupon endeavoured the raising of a stock of money by adventure, upon security of the living Bears­skin, which was the Estates of such persons as were in Rebellion. Upon this the King made offer of going in person to suppress the re­bellion, if he might be supplied with money, and other necessaries for the work; which offer was so far from being hearkned unto [Page 26] at Westminster, as it created new jealousie. But the Parliament made good use of the Irish business; for by that means they listed Offi­cers, and made full enquiry con­cerning their inclinations, which succeeded happily with them af­terwards. Every day produced new differences between the King and Parliament; for that unsatiable Monster of publick security caused the making of a proposition to his Majesty, which was, that the Par­liament might govern the Militia, (or Trained-bands) for some time at least, which was rejected by the King, as a power not to be parted withal, no not for an hour; where­upon the Parliament made new Lieutenants for each County, who assumed the exercise of that power by Parliamentary authority in many parts of the Kingdom. And upon [Page 27] the same ground of publick securi­ty, Sir John Hotham seised upon the Town of Kingston upon Hull, with the Kings Magazin there, which his Majesty cried out upon, not only as rebellious, but as a robbing him of his Arms and Ammunition; being personal Goods bought with his money; and this before any the least act of hostility shewed on his part. The King was then retired to the City of York, as a place of more safety, than nearer to Lon­don: And there first of all the War­rants of Parliament being sent by express Messengers for Delinquents (by them so stiled) were flatly dis­obeyed, which was no unwelcome news to the great managers of af­fairs at Westminister; for they pre­tended such obstruction of Justice, to be a justifiable & sufficient ground for the raising of forces. When the [Page 28] opposition was grown to this height, his Majesty judged it fit, that such Members of both Houses as had resol­ved to engage against the Parliament should withdraw themselves; and one of the last that continued sitting in the House of Commons was Mr. Sidney Godolphin, who for a farewel declared, That by a War the Parliament would expose it self to unknown dangers: for (said he) when the Cards are once shuffled, no man knows what the Game will be, which was afterwards found by the Parliament too true, when their own Army became their Masters: But in the mean time, this Secessi­on of Members did very much faci­litate the entry into, and continu­ance of the War; all dispute being taken away within the Houses, and the House of Commons would not lose this convenience, and therefore [Page 29] they soon excluded the withdrawn Members by special Votes. This abscission or cutting off of Members had been formerly used in this and other Parliaments, but very rarely, and for offences extraordinary, and such an offence was this obedience to his Majesty then adjudged to be, so unfitting a time for Judgment is the heat of a Civil War in matters relating to that War. This War first began in Paper, by Manife­stoes and Declarations on both parts, which brings to remembrance a pleasant passage in the House of Commons upon this account. One of the Members brought with him into the House a Declaration of his Majesties, which he had newly bought, and complained much of those, who were so insolent, as freely to sell such papers of the Kings: At this a young Gentleman [Page 30] (of those who were accounted Fa­naticks in those days; but one who never spake publickly in the House) grew into a seeming impa­tience, and said with much earnest­ness, Why not his papers as well as every mans else? Which though loudly, yet being spoken, without standing up, was answered only with looks and smiles. This pas­sage is scarcely worthy of a place in any serious discourse, yet it seemeth naturally to express the small ingenuity of those times, which allowed not to a Sovereign Prince in his own Dominions that freedom, which every petty fellow assumed without exception. At this time both parties were employed in raising of forces: The Earl of Essex being made Captain-General for the King and Parliament, (as the stile of the War was then) with [Page 31] full power to nominate Officers; and I can affirm, that the Army was raised with great difficulty; there being immediately upon grant of that Commission, the greatest soli­tude at Westminster that I had seen, whereof I my self taking notice be­fore a Member, who was designed to a principal command in the Ar­my, as a thing of small encourage­ment, he made this answer, That he thought the people of England were mad, being so blind to the discerning of their own interest; but the Parliaments business was more and more facilitated every day, there being a Committy erect­ed of Lords and Commons, called the Committy of Safety, in the na­ture of a Privy Council; and Mo­ney or Plate coming in freely (up­on the propositions for contributi­on) in London beyond any mans [Page 32] expectation. But that which most advanced the Levies, was a Liberty declared for Apprentices to forsake their Masters service at this time, without loss of freedom: and the nomination of Collonels, Members of both Houses, being persons emi­nent for popularity, so as the Army consisted very much of boys at the first, but there being great scarcity of experienced Commanders, the Ge­neral thought it necessary to accept the service of divers Scottish-men, whom the assurance of good pay had invited to offer themselves, be­ing not only able persons for Com­mand, but also better hardened in the way of Military opposition to the Royal power, than our English. Now there passed every day Acts of hostility, for the King appearing in person before Hull, and entrance being denied, raised a battery [Page 33] against the Town, and laid a kind of siege to it. On the other side the Parliaments forces seized every day, upon such places, as they found necessary in the way of ad­vantage for War; so as Mars be­gan to exercise his power in several parts of the Kingdom, even to bloud, by wrestlings between the respective Partisans, when they met, as also by the siege of War­wick-Castle by the Earl of Nor­thampton, who soon after lost his life in the Kings service; and the Parliament it self then seemed to have assumed a new nature, ac­cording to the businesses there agi­tated, which were only relating to the War. After several skirmishes between parties, the Armies came to face one another at Edgehill, in the year 1642, whereupon ensued a battel, and notice being given at [Page 34] Westminster, we were in continual expectation of the issue; and the House being set in an afternoon, there came a Messenger, who brought word, that the Parliaments Army was so worsted, as he his self saw the Earl of Essex's Cannon sei­zed upon by the Kings forces. This gave so great a terror, as the Speaker Lentall addressed himself to some of us, and used these terms. Gentlemen, you shall do well to send to his Majesty betimes to ask conditions, lest by delaying you come too late to effect your securi­ty: Such a terror did the present apprehension strike into him, and many others; but it was not long before an express Messenger came from the General himself, signify­ing that he was Master of the field, and had been once possest of the Royal Standard. This gave fresh [Page 35] courage, yet the intelligence brought by the first person was true; for the Parliaments left wing had been routed, and their Cannon possessed, but for want of discipline the prevailers applied themselves to plunder the baggage, and so the other part of his Majesties Army was born down, and the Earl of Essex remained possessed of the field, (or Champ de bataigle, as the French call it) but with his Forces so broken, as the Kings Ar­my, having done their business in forcing a passage, pursued their design, and marched forwards, which Essex in his Letters term­ed a flight, and said, that for want of horse, he could not pro­secute his victory, without a fresh supply from London. And thus the victory is pretended to on both sides, and not without [Page 36] a fair colour. Not long after this, the King having refreshed his ar­my at Oxford, marched with it to­wards London, yet could not do this with such expedition, but that General Essex was gotten thither before him, and the Citizens of London were so fearful of being plundered, as they came out una­nimously for defence, and so his Majesty thought good to retreat to Oxford, which gave a period to action for that year. Somewhat be­fore the late encounter near Brain­ford, the house of Commons order­ed me to go into the Countrey for which I served, where I found all full of terror, the common people generally apprehending, that the Cavaliers (as the Royallists were then called) were coming to plun­der them. This fear was artifici­ally put into them, as I could easily [Page 37] perceive: for the Countrey was full of strange fictions of their in­humane carriage in other coun­treys, and being at my usual Man­sion, we had scarcely any rest (no not in the night) for Messengers giving the allarm, and the manner was to bring a paper of intelligence without any subscription, and this must be taken for truth, without any farther proof. These allarms generated strange, wild, and indi­gested propositions, such as were not to be hearkned unto by any per­son of Judgment and experience, yet they were some way tending to the great design of raising the terror to a height, and putting arms into the hands of Schismatical peo­ple under the name of Voluntiers, and by those means to form a new power to be disposed of upon occa­sion in any part of the Kingdome, [Page 38] without the limits of their own Counties, as it came to pass after­wards, when Majors General were established. But since the Kings forces did not really make any ap­proach towards us, and since I had not accepted of any Command to oblige my stay in the Countrey, I made my return to London, and applyed my self to my constant course of attending in Parliament, where I found the state of business somewhat altered: for General Essex began now to appear to the private Caballists somewhat wresty, so as they found it necessary to raise new forces to be command­ed less immediately by him. Upon this there was a kind of army put under command of Sir William Waller and Sir Ar­thur Hasellrigg, whose actions were afterwards as much cryed up, [Page 39] as the Generals were cryed down. And then there were also Ordinan­ces of Parliament (which kind of law grew now in fashion) framed, and past for constituting associations, whereof the Eastern was chief, and much promoted by Cromwel, who founded his greatness there, though for the present he was commanded by the Lord Grey of Warke, cho­sen Major General of that associa­tion, and placed in that Command, as a person less active, and more to be wrought upon, than he after­ward proved to be, which made Essex who had yet power sufficient to crush him; cause him (after about a years service in that Command) to be summon'd to his attendance in the Lords house, with a substi­tution of the Earl of Manchester in his place of Major General, being one of his own near relations. The [Page 40] House of Commons was employed in providing money, without which they could have no good effect of their armies. Several ways were found, but no one (nor all of them together) answerable to their oc­casions. One was by Sequestrati­on of Delinquents estates, not ex­cepting the King's own revenue, which last yielded the best supply, being manag'd by a Committy of Parliament, whereas they were in­forced to use ravenous people in the Sequestration of private estates, making a very slender account to the publick, and converting most of the profits to their own use, whereof the Parliament was not in condition to take much notice at that time. Another way of raising mony there was, by requiring a twentieth part of goods and a fifth part of every man's revenue. This [Page 41] began upon persons disaffected to the Parliament, but came at last to be a calling dance, being made ge­neral, and herein both parties did good service, by giving complete information concerning one ano­thers estates. But the last and sur­est, was a monthly tax for the ar­my, which was the first of that kind, and likeliest to continue in being. And now the case is wholly altered, for every demand must be answered, there being armies on foot, very well disposed to con­strain payment in case of refusal. About this time, those persons who had been nominated Committies in each County for money matters, held meetings (in imitation of the Covenanters tables in Scotland) and took upon them the decision of businesses relating to the County in general, but especially as to the [Page 42] war, which comprized the sup­pression of the Royallists, and by this means they exercised an unli­mited power, being assured of In­demnity at Westminster for all things done in the way of advantage to their military affairs. While the asperities of war lay thus frozen up in winter quarters, it pleased his Majesty to send the Earl of South­hampton, and Sir John Culpepper with a proposition for a treaty of peace, and a considerable member of our House made this relation to me, of Mr. Pims opinion concern­ing it. This Gentleman said, he met Mr. Pim going into the Com­mitty of Safety, and desiring a word with him asked, if he knew the substance of Southhampton's message, and what he thought of it? Mr. Pim's answer was, that he knew the particulars, and praised [Page 43] God in his heart, hoping that the issue of it would be happy for the Kingdome. But it seems, that be­ing entred into the Committy his mind soon changed, for the Gene­ral (with other Lords there) were absolutely for the refusal of it, which was the event of it also in Parliament, and not without some harshness in the manner, for South­hampton and Culpepper would have delivered their message in the re­spective Houses within the Bar, as Members, which was refused to them, and so their message being made known, and unanimously con­cluded unseasonable, by reason of the Generals standing yet (together with divers other eminent persons) declared Traytor, they both re­turned to Oxford. This may appear strange, since the General was conceived to wish and labour for [Page 44] peace, which may the better be believed, because after this time, he sent a letter to the Parliament, to express his sense of the Nations miserable condition under a war, and to desire that there might be propositions of peace sent to his Majesty (a fault never to be for­given by the private Caballists) which desire of restoring peace con­tinued with him even to his end, as was hinted in his funeral Sermon, wherein he was compared to Abner, who perished being in such a design, but it is usual for such persons to dislike all pacification, saving what is procured by themselves, wherein their own interests are fully pro­vided for, and it is very likely, that Essex would have had the busi­ness to pass chiefly through his own hands, whereby we may see, how far a poor Nation may suffer by the [Page 45] on of some principal persons. But howsoever it was with others, it is not to be doubted, but some of the close Cabal, rather than to yield to any pacification, were disposed to make use of the pious intimation, delivered by a Minister in a Fast Sermon preached before the House of Commons, which was this. That if they could not effect the desired re­formation, yet it would be in their power, to break the pillars, and as Sampson did, to pull down the house over the heads of their enemies. Yet for publick satisfaction (the people being wearied with a war) it was always in agitation, to bring the business to a treaty, though not without much jealousie on the Par­liaments side, which might be much encreased, by a letter from a Lord at Oxford to a Commander in that army, which became publick being [Page 46] intercepted, and contained these words. Do but cudgel them into a Treaty, and we shall do well e­nough with them. Before drawing the armies out in the year 1643. there had been a hopeful treaty of peace, both parties having tendred propositions, and Commissioners being sent to Oxford to treat, but this was soon rendred fruitless by the Parliament, who too far straight­ned the time of treaty, and bound up their Commissioners by instructi­ons, obliging them in the first place, to treat upon and conclude the pro­position for disbanding of the ar­mies, which could not be consented to by his Majesty, without assurance first had, that the other most im­portant articles would be agreed upon. And so at this time the poor people were defeated of their hopes, it being one of our Cabals [Page 47] greatest arts, to give way to a trea­ty of peace for publick satisfaction, and then to bring it to a rupture in some plausible way, as here it was upon the article of disbanding, which was a thing so much desired by the people. This year 1643. businesses were transacted at West­minster with greater heighth than ever; for the Queen being return­ed to the King's quarters with some assistance, the House of Commons assumed the boldness to impeach her of high treason at the Lord's bar, and about the same time, both Hou­ses voted a new great Seal to be made, which is the instrument of Royal power far above all others, and the doing of these two things, could not but much exasperate his Majesty, yet their military affairs were never less succesful, for the West of England was wholly lost by [Page 48] defeat of the Earl of Stamford's army, and Bristow forced by Prince Rupert. In the Northern parts the Earl of Newcastle was prevalent al­most wholly: And certainly had the King (instead of besieging Glocester) marched to London, and the Earl of Newcastle (instead of besieging Hull) forced his way into the Ea­stern association, the war had come to a period, but Divine Providence had designed a more gentle end, and disposed the minds of the Nor­thern and Western armies, so as they would not forsake their own Coun­tries till they saw them cleared from all opposition. The Parliaments business being in this evil condition, it was easily judged fit to call in the Scots, which matter being mo­ved in the House of Commons, and it being objected, that it would be fruitless to call them, without pro­posing [Page 49] to them at the same time something of great advantage by it, there stood up presently that great Patriot Henry Martin, and desired with much confidence, that an offer might be made them, of the Counties of Northumberland and Cumberland, and in case they were not therewith contented, to add two such other Counties in the North, as should be most convenient for them. So little care had he in that conjuncture, of the honour, and advantage of the English Na­tion. This was justly thought ex­travagant, yet that business of calling in the Scotts being communicated to the Lords, there was a Commit­ty of Lords and Commons nomi­nated to go into Scotland, and mat­ters were so transacted with the Scots, as they entred into England with an army the February follow­ing. [Page 50] I should have related how in the former year, after the King's retiring from Parliament, there was set up at Westminster an assembly of Divines, being an Ecclesiastical body of strange constitution, and composed of persons nominated by the Knights and Burgesses of each County, to which were added a small number, named by the Lords, and some few Commissioners deputed by the Kirk of Scotland. This assembly being so extraordinary in the constitution, was certainly designed to produce great effects, but the success was not answerable, for they could never perfect their model of Church Go­vernment, not well agreeing among themselves, by reason of the Inde­pendent members, who approved of no Church discipline, other than Parochial, and even that part of the model, which was con­cluded [Page 51] upon with approbation of Parliament could never be put in execution, the Presbyterian disci­pline being so strict, as made it un­pleasing to most of the people; and especially to those of the Gentry, who found themselves likely to be over-powered by the Clergy, even in the places of their habitation: But the Army, after it became new modelled, was wholly averse to it. I conceive, the intentions of cal­ling an Assembly to have been these two: First to have a Synod of Di­vines concurring in the subversion of the Bishops, and their Hierar­chy; and in this the Parliament had their end fully, for the matter very well pleased all such persons as were earnestly of their party: And secondly, to agree upon some uniformity in Divine Service, which was the ground of their Di­rectory; [Page 52] but all Uniformity (or colour of it) was distasteful to the Independents, which became the growing opinion, and at last so over-spread the Army, as the sight of a black-coat grew hateful to them; and so the Directory fell to ground of it self. These Assem­bly-men might well be discouraged, since hopes were given at first, that the Lands of Bishops and of Colle­giate Churches should be setled in some way, for the raising of all Pa­rochial Churches a competency of means for the Ministers, but the ne­cessities belonging to War exposed these to sale, and frustrated that hope. I should have related how the House of Commons finding the Pulpits filled with persons disaffect­ed to them, made a breach upon the Lords in point of Judicature, and erected a Committy called of [Page 53] plundered Ministers, and by this Committy they ejected the old Mi­nisters, and placed new at pleasure, but because the ejected had been possest of a Freehold, the Commit­ty ordered to his Wife and Chil­dren a fifth part of the profits, if cause were not shewed to the con­trary, which must be this, That the person displaced was otherwise pos­sest of temporal means sufficient; and to my observation, there was scarcely any of the new-placed, who did not dispute that provision at the Committy. But it seems that this Committy could not dispatch that business fast enough; for the Earl of Manchester was afterwards invested with a power by both Hou­ses, to do the same thing within his association, as also to reform the University of Cambridge, where he had the like arbitrary power of eje­ction. [Page 54] But the Parliament had a way of cementing their fluctuating faction by religious bands of union, which certainly they found very effectual, though upon differing grounds, or else they would never have had three of them in three or four years time, which I think is not to be paralell'd in any other re­volt. The first of these was a pro­testation in the year 1641, which being before the War began, took into it the defence of his Majesties Royal person, Estate and Dignity. The second was termed a Vow and Covenant, set on foot in the year 1642, and this containeth no men­tion of the King, but in the way of forcible opposition to him by prose­cuting the War. And the third was, the Scottish-Covenant, which again taketh in the defence of his Majesties Royal person, but in so [Page 55] perplexed and complicated a way, as it signified little. And in this was also contained, a total abroga­tion of the Government Ecclesiasti­cal by Archbishops, Bishops, &c. with the whole Hierarchy; so as this Covenant may be said, to have spoken perfect Scottish. The ta­king of the first and last of these in their proper time, was pressed upon the people in general with all ter­ror; and the Vow and Covenant (which related much to a particular conspiracy) only upon the Mem­bers of both Houses; and certainly it was a very useful policy, to en­gage the most considerable persons in these oaths, and in other things rendring them odious to their Prince, and exposing them to con­fiscation of their Estates upon con­quest, which could not but make them stick the more closely to com­mon [Page 56] defence. All the time of this Parliament it was the design of our Caballists, to abate the power of the Lords House, and in pursuance of that design, at the very beginning in Straffords business, they prevail­ed to have the Recusant Lords de­prived of Voting there; and after­wards they had not patience to stay till the Bishops were excluded by the Ordinance, but took advantage of a protestation made by such Bi­shops, as then sate in the House of Lords, being about half their num­ber, and to my best remembrance, thus it was. Those Bishops having taken a resolution, not to continue sitting long after his Majesties for­saking the Southern parts, yet find­ing that there was an Ordinance coming for abolition of their Order, which must pass the Lords House, they used their endeavours to ener­vate [Page 57] that, which might be done in their absence; and upon that ground they entred a Protestation, subscribed with their names, against all such determinations to their prejudice. This being become matter of record, the House of Commons took notice of it, and came up presently with an impeach­ment of those Bishops by name, as guilty of a Praemunire, in assuming to themselves a power, to invali­date that which is otherwise the Law of the Land, viz. the Jurisdi­ction of Parliament; and upon this ground (how justly I know not, for the matter was never brought to Judgment) those Bishops unhap­pily formed to themselves a depri­vation, instead of a withdrawing. By this means, and by the absence of those Lords, who withdrew themselves to serve his Majesty, the [Page 58] House of Peers was grown so emp­ty, as their Authority became little considerable, which was not much regarded by our Leaders in the House of Commons, who (in like­lihood) had at that time a resoluti­on to dissolve that House, as it came to pass afterwards. As great assertors of priviledge of Parliament, as that House of Commons pretended to be, yet they cared not how far they en­croached upon the Lords, nor how they violated their priviledges, as may appear by a message delivered at their Bar near the beginning of the Parliament, which was to this effect; That the Commons found in that House, so great an obstru­ction of matters tending to the good of the Common-wealth, as they de­sired their Lordships to make known the names of such Lords, as were the causes of it, that they might be [Page 59] dealt with as enemies to the State: So as in those days, the House of Commons might properly use the French proverbial saying: Je n'ayme pas le bruit, si je ne le faits, I love no noise, but what I make my self. But their own House began to be almost as much cried out upon for paucity of Members; and for this they had provided a remedy suffici­ent by the new great Seal; and there was little danger of bringing in evil Members, for no writ of ele­ction could be issued, but by War­rant from the Speaker, and consent of the House, who would not grant it for places, where the people were known to be disaffected to the Parliament. By this means the House became pretty well filled, and many of the new Members were Officers of the Army, who had been so used to command, as at the last [Page 60] they found a way to command, even the House it self. Besides this, the new Great Seal enabled the Parliament to constitute Judg­es, and to set up again the Courts at Common Law, as also to make what Justices of the Peace they thought sit, whereof there was ve­ry great want in the Parliament Quarters till then; so as now there were complete judicial proceed­ings, both Criminal and Civil, which gave great satisfaction to the people, and would have deserved high applause, but that all men knew this convenience to be raised upon a most unjust, and insolent foundation. Before this recruiting of the House of Commons (as it was then called) the Military af­fairs of Parliament were much ad­vanced; for by the help and coun­tenance of the Scottish Army, his [Page 61] Majesties strength in the North was so broken, as the Parliament had first besieged Newark, and then the City of York, but both these Towns were very bravely relieved by Prince Rupert; and could that Prince have been contented, with the honour of having effected his business in the dissolution of those sieges, it had been happy, but he as a Souldier, knew what a fear usually is attendant upon Armies in a retreat, having been forced to forsake a siege; and thereupon he gave the Parliament Forces Battel at Marston-Moor, and was defeated wholly, yet with such a confusion on both parts, as six Generals pre­sent in that sight, were said to take wing at the same time, conceiving their party to be utterly over­thrown, whereof General Lesly of the Scottish was one. This set the [Page 62] Parliaments reputation very high in point of strength, and gave oppor­tunity to our Caballists, of abating (or rather dissolving) Essex his po­wer, who, as they conceived (and perhaps grounding their conceit upon his Letter for propositions to his Majesty, in which Letter he al­so exprest much care that the Roy­al person might be preserved in safe­ty) had no mind to an utter over­throw of the Regal Authority: So as when the Armies were with­drawn into their Winter-quarters, our grand Politicians set themselves upon the effecting of this great work, which must have influence, as well upon Essex his chief adhe­rents, as upon himself. The man­ner of this critical business was thus. It was affirmed in the House of Commons as impossible, that the War could be brought to an end, [Page 63] by an Army that had totally lost its discipline; whereupon it was mo­ved, and assented to, that a Com­mitty should be nominated, for ex­amination of corruptions and abuses in the Army. This Committy sate many days, and was very full of employment, till at last a Report was called for. Then arose up Mr. Tate the Chair-man, with a great bundle of papers in his hand, being a very great Presbyterian, and little suspecting, that his busi­ness would become the ruine of his party, as it did in conclusion. He appeared unwilling to make the Re­port, but being pressed to do it, he desired, that the House would first give him leave to speak a few words; And then he uttered his parable, concerning a man much troubled with Botches and Boiles, in several parts of his body, who [Page 64] had recourse to a Physician for cure; his Doctor told him, that he could give him plaisters to cure any part of his body so disaffected, but that whatsoever was healed in one member would break out again in another, for the whole habit of his body was corrupted, and that if he would have perfect health, he must procure for himself a better habit of body, by much purgation with a new diet, and so the Ulcers would be healed of themselves. This, saith Mr. Tate, is so appli­cable to the business in hand, as I hope the House will find no need of a Report, and yet upon command I am ready to make it. Hereupon other Members, who had prepared themselves, spake against the Re­port, and said, that abroad out of doors, all our ill successes were im­puted to the absence of Members [Page 65] from Parliament; and then a moti­on was made, that there might be a self-denying Ordinance, by which all the Members of either House might be deprived of other em­ployments, that diverted them from their service in Parliament. This was very hard of digestion to many Members, who had profitable Offi­ces, yet for publick satisfaction, and for better reforming of the Ar­my, it was consented to, that there should be such an Ordinance, which was afterwards brought in, and passed both Houses. By this means Essex, Denbigh, Manchester, Grey of Groby, Sir William Waller, Ha­selrig, Brereton, Cromwell, and di­vers others were deprived of Com­mand, though the last was never in­tended to suffer by this Ordinance, as it appeared afterwards. But notwithstanding all this, Essex had [Page 66] not surrendred his Commission, and therefore something must be done to shew him a perfect necessity. So the House of Commons proceeded in nomination of Collonels for their new Army, whereof Sir Thomas Fairfax was one, and at last he was Voted to be General of it. He was a person eminent for valour, (vaillant comme son espée, fearless as his sword) but of a temper more flexible than Essex; and very ma­ny others, which pleased Cromwell, who meant to be the chief Steers­man. Not long after this, Essex finding himself imperatorem sine ex­ercitu, a General without Com­mand surrendred his Commission, with many expressions of good af­fection to the Parliament; and wholly bent himself to a retirement, being the first person, and last of the Nobility employed by the Par­liament [Page 67] in Military affairs, which soon brought him to the period of his life; and he may be an example to all future Ages, to deter all per­sons of like dignity; from being instrumental in setting up a Demo­cratical power, whose interest it is, to keep down all persons of his condition. Yet they did him all possible honour, in his Funerals at the publick charge, so acceptable is an opportune death. In pursu­ance of the great design, all the old Commanders were wormed out by little and little, and none admitted to Commands, but those persons who were known, not only to be of an Antimonarchical spirit, but purely disposed to the Armies inte­rests, which the Army found very useful afterwards, when it began to contend with the House of Com­mons for the Sovereign power. [Page 68] By this it may appear, how supine­ly negligent the Parliament was, in forbearing to mould the army, with surer dependence upon it self, which might have been effected in the nomination of Colonels and chief Officers at first, if care had been taken for choice of many persons, who were resolved to stand & fall with their interest, such as were Colonel Harley and Sir Robert Pye, who forsook the army, when it opposed it self to the Par­liament, and for want of associates could effect nothing, but their own prejudice. As soon as this new ar­my began to move, it was thought necessary by the House of Com­mons to send Cromwel to them, who was there not only received, but in­trusted with command of all the cavalry by the title of Lieutenant General, there being then no Ge­neral [Page 69] of the horse. This army had but ill success at first, having laid siege to Oxford, and failed, when in the mean time the King with a brave army had taken Leicester town, and struck a great terror in­to all the parts adjacent. But all this was useful only to bring on a greater misfortune, for General Fairefax drew his army that way, and the opposing of his passage brought on that fatal battail of Naseby, where there was so abso­lute a defeat of his Majesties forces, as the after strivings were but as la­bouring for breath, by a person not long before his decease. After this Oxford was besieged again, and yielded by treaty, which was fol­lowed by a total dissolution of all his Majesties military power. Yet the King assayed to engage a pow­erful army for him, which was that [Page 70] of the Scots at Newark, and that he might the more endear himself to these, he put his Royal person wholly into their power. At first the Scots carried themselves, as if they intended to appear worthy of so great confidence, for they pre­sently marched Northwards. The Parliament gave no time to consi­der, but made a peremptory de­mand, to have the King's person de­livered to them, and had the help of Themistocles his two great gods Vis & Suada, the terror of a victo­rious army ready to fall upon them in case of refusal, and by way of perswasion a representation of their duty, that army being then in the Parliaments pay, and obliged to act only in their service, to which with many other reasons, was added a promise of their arrears by very ready payment. The first of these [Page 71] was more likely to give offence, than terror, to so powerful a body, and as to that pretended duty of the army, it could not extend it self to the extinguishing of natural alle­giance, which is a duty personal. But whatsoever arguments were u­sed, the Scots consented to deliver him, and performed it to their eter­nal infamy, which infamy is much encreased by a breach of trust (for having received his Majesty they ought to have set him in a state of freedom, as good as he had when he came) and because the contra­cting for mony makes the business appear, as a sale of their Soveraign Prince. Soon after the King's for­ces were wholly dispersed, the ar­my being without imployment made business for it self, by interpo­sing in publick matters appertaining to the Government, which was be­gun [Page 72] by a mutinous accusation of Mr. Hollis, with other members to the number of eleven, and a draw­ing up of the army Southwards, whereupon the Parliament sent Commissioners to them to expostu­late about their remove Southwards, and to promise all reasonable satis­faction in general terms, but no­thing would serve, without the ex­clusion of those Members from the House of Commons. But I should have related, how upon delivery of the King's person, the Parlia­ment placed him at Holdenby-house, with a guard of Soldiers, and a Committy of Lords and Commons to attend him, and to order matters there for his security. At this the army seemed to take offence, disli­king the choice of Commanders for his guard, but surely their main in­tention was (since now an opposi­tion [Page 73] to the Parliament was design­ed) to have the Royal person only in the power of the army, and thereupon they sent a party to take him from Holdenby, which was ef­fected without the least opposition, and so they held his Majesty with (or near) the army, till being at Hampton Court the chief Officers grew jealous, that his residence with the Soldiery might have an in­fluence, endangering the power of them the Commanders. At this time Cromwel who was the chief manager of affairs in the army, car­ried himself with such respect to his Majesty, as his party grew highly jealous of him, insomuch, as John Lilborn, the great Leveller, offer­ed a kind of [...] against him at the bar in the House of Com­mons, wherunto there was little car given by the house in general, [Page 74] but those, who abhorred all recon­ciliation with his Majesty, remain­ed unsatisfied, and began to com­plain bitterly of him one to another, as a person persidious; but their fear was causless, for he never in­tended to be an instrument of so much good to the nation, and there­fore his courtship must be thought to have had some other intention, which may be guessed at by that which followeth. While the ar­my lay about Hampton Court, the Houses were informed, that the King had made an escape from thence, and that the chief Com­manders were very much distracted with the thought of it. This was very well dissembled, since it soon [...] that the King had been perswaded to withdraw himself, and was never fully out of power, for being quickly seized upon a­gain, [Page 75] they placed him (according to their hearts desire) in the Isle of Wight, where there could be no addresses made to him, but by their permission. Yet here the army was content the Parliament should have the honour, that his Majesties per­seemed to be in their custody, for the guard and care of him was re­ferred to a person nominated (or at least approved of) by them, who was Colonel Hammond. And now the English Nation (though all too late) was grown so gene­rally sensible of their Prince his distressed estate, as it drew on a treaty at Caris-brook Castle in the Isle of Wight, where the King had his forced residence, called the per­sonal treaty, because none were admitted to be present at the de­bate, but the King his self, and the Commissioners of Parliament. It [Page 76] is true, that the King might retire at any time into another room to advise with Divines and others, be­ing persons of his own choice, but they were not admitted to be pre­sent with him for assistance in the debate. There were terms of very great disadvantage, yet the King carried himself even to admiration of the Commissioners. I remem­ber, that it hapned after the report had been made in the House of Commons, as we passed through Westminster-hall, that one of us was speaking of his Majesties great abilities in the hearing of one of our Grandees, who turning his face to him who spake, used these words: perceive, you take notice of the King's great abilities, and you may thence conclude with your self, that you have the more cause to take heed of him, which speech I [Page 77] could not but find very strange, as if it were dangerous to a Nation to be governed by a Prince of parts extraordinary. But this treaty had the like issue with others, though the unsatisfactoriness of the King's concessions could not be voted in the House, as it was then constitu­ted, which caused a new purgation of it by the army. Before this per­sonal treaty, the Parliament for a long time was enforced to take for payment, whatsoever reasons the army Officers were pleased to ten­der for their justification, but in the year 1647. the army was grown to that insolence, as the Presbite­rian party in Parliament thought it unsufferable, and thereupon they took heart, and having made some resolute votes, sent a Committy of both Houses to the City of London, to ingage them in an opposition to [Page 78] the army together with the Parlia­ment, but there was then as great a Schisme (or rent) in the City, as in the Parliament, and the Borough of Southwork siding wholly with the army, it was impossible for the City to stand out against it, so as that ill grounded opposition fell wholly to ground, and the Speakers of both Houses (who easily fore­saw the issue, and together with many other Members had made an escape to the army) returned tri­umphantly to Westminster, and the army with much greater triumph marched in body quite through London, and by means of this op­position became more eminently powerful than ever. And thus the great City of London was made to stoop, and it may be observed in this business (taking it wholly from the beginning to its happy [Page 79] conclusion) that all other persons and parties, which had been much cryed up for eminent power, were brought low, as the great favorites in Church and State, the Scottish armies, the Houses of Parliament, and the Royal Soveraign his self, whom it pleased God to humble even unto violent death, as it was with his (and our) Blessed Sa­viour. And as for this triumphant army, with its brave and politick Commanders, Divine Providence reserved it and them, to an utter dissolution, (as to that great power wherewith they so afflicted the world) which came upon them at last, though with leaden feet. And to shew unto those insolent Comman­ders of the army the unstableness of their condition, it pleased God before this personal treaty, that there was a strong design laid, to [Page 80] draw on a total change of affairs, by insurrections in divers Counties, and a fresh coming in of the Scots, who now began to understand themselvs better. Yet as is usual in matters, wherein several and distant parties undertake together, these could not hold time one with another, so as some were overthrown, be­fore others appeared to stir. But as preparatory to these troubles, the Parliament by a just judgment of God (as a return for their own miscarriage in the same kind) was much disquieted with tumultuating Petitioners from Surrey, Kent, and other Counties, who carried them­selves with such violence, as some of the Petitioners lost their lives by the guard which attended in the new Palace-yard, & the loss of these persons was so ill resented abroad, as Kent suddenly arose in a great [Page 81] body for the King, and had Essex held time with them, it might have somewhat distracted the army, but Essex men stayd, till the Kentish strength was broken at Maidstone, and then began to stir, whereupon the remainder of Kentish men crossed the Thames, and came into Essex, where not being able to re­sist a complete army, the whole party of both Counties was con­strained to retire into Colchester town, and was there besieged by General Fairesax, and enforced to surrender for want of provisions. About the same time, the Earl of Holland made a party, and took arms on the other side of London, but finding no assistance from the Coun­trey, he retired Northwards, after some damage received, and being pursued by forces sent by the army, [Page 82] his party was routed at St. Neots in Huntington shire, and he his self there taken prisoner. Neither had the Scots under Duke Hamilton any better success, for Cromwel having gathered together a competent force, fell upon them in their quar­ters, when they had scarcely heard of him, and he cannot be said to have routed them, for they were never suffered to gather themselves into a body, so as all that great ar­my fell to nothing, without making the least opposition in any conside­rable number, and in the pursuit the Duke their General was also taken prisoner. Now the army having once more cleared the coast, had good leisure to fall into mutiny again, but it was against the Parli­ament, and not against their Offi­cers, who made use of the common [Page 83] Soldiers, to demand Justice (as they called it) against the King, and for whatsoever else they the Officers had in their desires; and for this they found out a new and unheard of way, giving the Soldi­ers leave to chuse agitators, being substitutes, receiving denominati­on from agitating their businesses, which then consisted only in med­ling with affairs concerning the publick. These persons were bu­sie-headed fellows, pointed out by the Officers, but elected by the Soldiery, and held their assemblies, wherein they questioned all parts of the Government, and proposed what new models they thought fit. This made the people in general almost mad, fearing that all would fall into absolute confusion, but the army Officers meant no such [Page 84] thing, as parting at this time with their old Masters, who had not yet done all their work, and who would be governed; as they knew by experience, which perhaps a new and more numerous represen­tive body would not have endured, and therefore they resolved only upon the seclusion of all those Members, whom they had found to be principled opposite to their interest; and so having had good trial upon our great debate con­cerning the personal Treaty, and time to make a Catalogue of such persons names, as they intended to seclude, during one days adjourn­ment made by the House after ha­ving spent a whole night in that de­bate, they sent their Red-coats early in the morning before the next sitting, who passed the Streets [Page 85] with great cries, and so possest themselves of the House of Com­mons-door, admitting only those Members, whose names they found not in their Catalogue, and seizing upon many of the rest who would have entred. I question not, but upon this occasion (as upon all others of great importance) they held a solemn fast among the chief Commanders, to ask counsel of God, for the doing of that which they their selves had already resol­ved upon, which (if I deceive not my self) is one of the greatest hy­pocrisies that the world hath known. The House of Commons being thus moulded according to their desire, they presently fell up­on the formalities of that most hi­deous (and not to be paralell'd) murther of our Royal Sovereign, [Page 86] and upon the business of putting down the House of Lords, with in­tention to establish a perfect De­mocracy among us. But God hath preserved us from so unhappy a change: As for my self, being one of the secluded Members, I from that time retired me wholly from publick affairs, till a farther call, which by Gods mercy I lived to see, and had the happiness to be a Member even of that House of Commons, when all was disposed there for a perfect restitution of the ancient Government under our most gracious Sovereign Charles the Second, whom God preserve long in prosperity for his service, and for the happiness of these Nations. And here I end this Discourse, lea­ving it to better pens, to set forth the continuance of that Anarchy, [Page 87] and the miraculous way of Divine providence, in Restoring us to our Sovereign Prince, and to our fun­damental Laws, without effusion of one drop of bloud in the Milita­ry way.