THE last great Revolution in Britain (which doth so much exercise the Heads, Hands, Purses and Pens, of the Inhabitants of this Island) is not to be paralel'd by any Instance from ancient or modern History. When we have ransackt the Annals of all the Nations of Europe, and travell'd as far as the Indies to find an Exam­ple, we shall at last be forced to ac­knowledge, after all Circumstances are exactly weighed, That we have been blindly following the Dictates of our own personal Prejudices and intoxicated Judgments, rather than tracing the Footsteps of our Prede­cessors, or of the most zealous Asser­tors of publick Liberties in other Nations. I do not deny, that in every Province and Kingdom of the Uni­verse we may find Instances where Subjects have been at last necessita­ted by force of Arms to secure them­selves, their Religion and Liberties, against such violent and repeated Acts of Tyranny in their Princes, as did visibly endanger the Frame of the Government it self, as well as the Safety of every Individual: And ma­ny Princes have lost their Crowns by a tract of Cruelties and Exorbitances in Government, and an incorrigible Obstinacy and Deafness to all the humble Petitions and repeated Com­plaints of their Subjects.

But we scorned to be confined within such ancient Rules, to be re­gulated by the Practices of our Fore­fathers, or to be taught at the Ex­pence or by the Experience of others. We have walked without Guides, a­midst dark and dangerous Precipices: Our Fears have overrun our Reason; we have taken things upon Trust, without searching them to the bot­tom; [Page 2] and we have been imposed upon, by the cunning and artificial Disguises of self-designing and ambi­tious Men, to overlook a most infal­lible way of securing Liberty and Property to all future Ages; which the Ambition of the Prince of Orange, and the hard Circumstances of our own King, had put into our hands. We have vacated a Throne, for the pretended Disertion of a Prince, vio­lently forced away by a surprizing Defection of his Children, Servants, Subjects and Soldiers; and under the terror of dangers threatning his Life and Liberty. We have justified this Severity, by enumerating Miscarria­ges in Government; which, though Errors and Mistakes, were very far from overturning Foundations; and which the King was put upon by the artifice and cunning of his Son in­law, who was grasping at his Crown: And we have obstinately refused all Treaties, when offered; whereby Grievances might have been redres­sed, and provided against for the future; and we have ventured upon such Steps as have no Precedent, and furnished an Example for History, which will be found too desperate and expensive for imitation.

Yet so far hath this Poyson spread and diffused it self, that though the pretended Reasons of our Proceed­ings appear at last to be empty, false and forged; though the principal Actors are ashamed of their former grounds, and love the sound of Con­quest better than that of a Deliverance, and are countenanced in it by the Practises as well as Inclination and Maxims of our present Monarch; there are some People who would gladly continue the Cheat, and amuse us still with a Hodge-podge of Right of Succession, Election, and Conquest, and the lofty and agreeable sound of Religion, Liberty, and Property; which appears to be as little the care as it was the design of our principal Re­formers.

Hence it is, That we have of late been entertained with two famous Pamphlets, the one entituled The pre­tentions of the French Invasion exami­ned; Licensed, or rather written, by the E. of Nottingham: The other is A Letter to a Friend, concerning the French Invasion; which must be the Offspring of a Person of equal Qua­lity with the former, since his Cha­racter stamps it legitimate, without a License. These two Pieces do not in the least answer the Figure which the Authors, who are assign'd them, make in the World: For all along, they falsifie, disguise, or absolutely conceal Matter of fact; they labour to impose Falshoods for Truths, and their base Alloy as good Coin upon us: They advance Positions for un­doubted Maxims, which have been controverted all the World over, and upon this Sandy Foundation they raise their Building; and their Rea­sonings are either false, sophisticated, or most conclusive on the other side.

To make good this Charge, and acquit my self of the Duty I owe my Country and fellow Subjects, in con­tributing my Mite towards the recti­fying their Judgments in such a nice and important Affair, wherein our [Page 3] own Peace and Happiness, as well as that of our Posterity, is so much wrapt up. I shall endeavour to make a full and distinct Answer to these Two Pamphlets, by a true un­byassed and impartial Deduction of Matter of fact, by seting out the publick Councils, Designs, and Con­duct of particular Persons, in their true Light, without those Disguises which were Art-fully thrown over them; and by their own Reasons and Maxims, concluding a great deal more forcibly against them­selves: And to deal fairly by them, I shall confine my self to those very Arguments, which are assigned by the Author of The French Invasion ex­amined, as the Motives upon which the Restauration of King James is desired and endeavoured; viz. The repairing the Injury done to the King, the setling the Government upon its old Basis, the delivering us from the Op­pressions we suffer under the present King, and the securing the Protestant Religion for the future.

There is no English-man but must allow these Considerations to be Grave, Weighty and Important; and if as True as Considerable, suffici­ently conclusive and persuasive for a speedy Restauration. I will then enter upon a particular Enquiry; and I do not dispair, before I have done, to establish the Truth, as well as the Importance of those Reasons, against the Cavils of those Authors: I joyn them together, because their Reasonings are much the same, e­qually levelled against the aforesaid Motives, and must stand or fall to­gether.

As to the first Motive Of the re­pairing the Injury done to King James. If it can be made appear, That he was unjustly upon false Pretences deprived of his Birth-right by his Subjects, who by Nature and Oaths were bound to defend him in it; then must it be acknowleged a Duty by all, as well as those Authors, to repair that Injury done him, by re­storing his Right again. I shall ap­ply my self particularly to the clear­ing of the Injustice done him, since upon that a great part of the Con­troversie depends, and most of the Reasons assigned by these Authors a­gainst his Restauration will fall to the ground: In doing of which, I must look higher than the begining of King James's Reign; the early and unnatural Ambition of the Pr: of Orange, as well as the necessary connection and series of Affairs, ob­lige me unto it.

It was not the danger which our Religion and Liberties were threat­ned with, from the Designs and bad Administration of King James, and a tender regard to the British Sub­jects, for their Love and Respect to his dearest Consort, and Himself, with the Interest which his Birth and Marriage gave him in us, first indu­ced the Prince of Orange to look to­wards these Kingdoms and our Af­fairs. The late King Charles (not­withstanding of all the tenderness he had discovered for that Prince's Edu­cation, and care for his Interests, in espousing them so vigoursly upon all occasions against the States of Hol­land, who would gladly have secu­red [Page 4] themselves, by depressing him and his Family, against those prophe­tick Fears they lay under, for their beloved Rights and Liberties) was the first that felt the Effects of his Nephew's towring and boundless Ambition. No sooner did the Prince of Orange find himself reinstated, by the Authority and Interest of his Uncle, in the Posts of Grandure pos­sessed by his Father and Predecessors, and so put into a Condition to ap­pear upon the Stage, and mingle in the greatest Affairs of Europe, but he gave loose Ranes to his Ambition, to range where-ever it could perch and fix; without being restrained or frightned by those common Rules or Barriers, which Morality and Religion had placed as Spoaks too mean in his Opinion to stop the Ca­reere of a bold and daring Spirit.

Britain was the Place he fixed his Eye upon; neither could Relation, or Gratitude, place any rubs in his way. The lazy Temper of that Monarch, addicted to his Pleasures, and his being without Children, the Religion of his Brother, and want of Male Issue, together with his own Allyance with the Royal Blood, and some Discontents of the People, which were begotten and heightned by the Addresses and Malice of a few Grandees, promised him a plen­tiful Harvest in return to his Cabals, and Cajoling Insinuations; upon which those Grandees were applied unto; and as quick and hearty re­turns made by them, with assurance of Zeal, Dependance and Fidelity, being glad of so considerable a Sup­port. Hence sprang all those fatal Divisions which so long time exer­cised that Prince, his Councils, and Parliaments.

To spirit this Party in England, and to fix himself one Degree nearer the Crown, which he so much long'd for, the Prince made his Addresses, and was Married to the Lady Mary, much against the inclination both of the King and Duke, who did very well foresee the Consequence, and were afraid of so near a Conjunction with so restless a Spirit. But it is well known who disposed the King to agree to the Match; for which, and other good Services then in be­traying his Master, he is well rewar­ded now, rather than for any Merits he had to plead upon this Revolu­tion.

After this Match, our Divisions and Discontents past all Bounds; nothing less than the interruption of the Royal Line, by a Bill of Exclusion, would satisfie. I know the danger of our Religion, from a Popish Successor, was pretended; but the Prince of Orange's immediate Succession to the Crown, in the Right of his Princess, was the thing truly intended by the Prince's Agents, and Privadoes: No­thing else, but such a hidden secret Design, could have inclined so many Men of Sense and Reason, to refuse the great Concessions was offered 'em; which without Danger, or the bad Consequences of neglecting a just Title, did equally secure Religion and Liberty. To this Project were Sacrificed all those great and mighty Securities, which K. Charles would [Page 5] willingly have Granted in favour of our Religion and Liberties, to be rid of that troublesome Bill of Exclu­sion; and thus we lost the greatest, and best Establishment we ever had in our view; and which would le­gally, peaceably and willingly, have been setled upon us, without any farther trouble, danger or expence: So early did this Prince's Ambition become fatal to our Liberties and Properties.

Hence sprang all those Councils and Measures, which did so much Discontent the People; and put that King upon the Quo Warranto Project, thereby to temper and qualifie Par­liaments, which the Cabals and Ma­chinations of the Prince had render'd so warm and uneasie to him. Hence sprang that Ferment, and those bad Humors, which gave Life and Moti­on to the Duke of Monmouth's Inva­sion and Pretences, who all a long had been made a Stale by some; though the Prince lay close at the bottom, and seemed to favour the Man; until at last he perceived that the Duke did in earnest catch at that he so much longed for himself. With what regret, yea indignation, must every English Breast be filled upon that blessed occasion we lost, which might have prevented our present Expence of Blood and Treasure, and all those Fears and Miseries we are now groaning under, and know not when we shall be at an end of? It is with unspeakable Grief I am obliged to remember so great a Loss; nor do I mention any thing, but what is very well known for a Truth to some Persons yet alive, and which I have seen clearly verified by some convincing Dispatches which are yet extant, and which shall be carefully preserved until they may be with safety produced. Doth not Sir W. Temple, in his Memoirs, licenced and published of late, acknowledge the greatest part of what is here asserted? as if, in this reforming Age, People were to make their Court by pub­lishing of Services, for which their Posterity may have reason to curse their Ashes. Thus we see what fatal Influences the Prince of Orange's Ambition had scattered upon our Councils and Measures, during the later end of K. Charles his Reign: Neither will he be found less active and successful, by himself and Agents, during K. James's Administration, as will appear from a particular En­quiry into the pretended Abdication.

This strange and mysterious word, which to this day is not well under­stood, neither can be explained, nor rightly fitted to what was intended by it, either by the Authors of it, or by any body else, was first made use of in the Kingdom of Naples, some Ages ago; and begot that fatal Srug­gle between the Anjouin and Arro­ganian Factions, which at last quite ruined that flourishing Kingdom, and brought it under a foreign Yoke, un­der which it continues to this day. I shall not criticize upon it, nor examin how improperly it is applied in the Case of King James, (though that be obvious enough to any Man who understands the Civil Law, or the proper and genuine signification of [Page 6] the Word) but shall only enquire into the subject matter, which accor­ding to the Sense of our Reformers, amounted to Abdication & a Vacancy; and that is King James's Disertion and Invasion of the fundamental Laws and Liberties of England.

As to the first, how properly his being forced away may be called a Disertion, will best appear from a true Narrative of Matter of fact; which I shall give the Reader: And though it may contain several things which are not generally known, and yet contribute exceedingly to the clear­ing of this point, I shall deliver no­thing but Truths, which can be made evident, either by Letters, or Evi­dence above all exception. No sooner was the Prince of Orange landed, but it quickly appeared to the World how strangely successful his Agents had been in their Nego­tiations. The Poyson was universally spread, and the Pretences of his De­claration greedily swallowed down without Examination; though I shall make it appear, before I have done, That it was partly forged, and no­thing of it ever intended to be per­formed. There was nothing sound or untainted in the whole Kingdom: His Children run away from him; the Clergy juggle with him; his do­mestick and menial Servants betray him; his Subjects flock in to the P. of Orange; his Army disert; and the very Creatures which he had raised from the Dust form Designs to deli­ver up his Person.

Was not this a Scene, the most wonderful and astonishing that was ever presented upon the Stage of human Affairs? What ground had the King to think that his Person could be with any manner of Safety, amongst a People who had thrown off all Tyes and Duties which could ra­tionally be depended upon in the like case? When that natural Affection which was due from Children to their Parents was quite forgotten; when the Love, Respect, Service, and Gratitude, which is due from Ser­vants to their Master and Benefactor, was entirely thrown off, and unheard of Treachery cherished in their pla­ces? When that Allegiance which is due from Subjects to their Prince was debauched, and running into another Channel? When that Fide­lity, which was due from Soldiers, (both as Subjects, and Men who make a particular Profession of Ho­nour) to their Prince, General and Nursing Father, was so generally corrupted, that he was advertised by his General Officers, That the Army was quite poisoned, and would not fight? When his own Ministers and Coun­sellors were in Pay and Correspon­dence with the Invader, and pushing him into Councils and Measures, which might encrease the present Ferment, and facilitate the Prince's Designs? What hopes of Accom­modation, or Assurance of Safety, could remain, without renouncing all Reason, Sense, and Discretion? especially if we consider that as soon as the account came that Oxford's, and St. Alban's Regiment of Horse commanded by Langston, and Corn­bury and Heyfort with their Dragoons, [Page 7] were deserted and gone into the Prince, he called his General Of­ficers and Colonels together at Lon­don; amongst which were Churchil, Kirk, Trelauny, Grafton and others; and acquainted them, he had called a free Parliament, that he was re­solved to secure Religion, Liberty and Property, at their Sitting. He obtested these Officers to let him know if there was any thing farther which they desired for the Security of their Religion and Liberties, and he would most willingly grant it; and withal desired, That if there was any amongst them who could not be satisfied, to let him know it, and he would frankly grant them Passes for themselves and Equipage, to go in to the Prince. Upon which, they all answer'd chearfully and unanimously That they were fully satisfied, and would hazard their Blood, to the last drop, in his Service: And yet how basely and ungratefully some of them afterwards dealt by him, is too well known, and was enough to give that Prince just Jealousies of his own Safety amongst Men so lost as to all sense of Honour and Integrity.

And yet so loth was this Monarch to part from a People who had for­saken him first, though surrounded with Fears and Distractions, under which any other Person would have sunck, that he made offers of a Trea­ty; which the Prince accepted, not that he designed to come to any Settlement upon it, but because he durst not unmask himself so far as to refuse it; and was in hopes to find some Pretext or other to break it off. Upon this, the Commissioners met on both sides, but with so little Incli­nation, on the Prince's side, to come to an Accommodation, which would have bereaved him of that sweet Morsel he had been so long labouring for; nay, he discovered so firm a Resolution to attain his ends, with­out scrupling any thing, how severe soever, which could compass them; that those noble Lords, who were empower'd by the King to treat for him, did acquaint his Majesty with the insuperable Difficulties they met with in their Negotiation; and that they thought themselves bound in Duty to let him know that his Person was not in Safety under the Power of a Prince, who by the haughty and rigid Conditions he proposed, or ra­ther imposed, and his still marching on, notwithstanding the Treaty, did visibly enough discover some farther hidden Design. This must certainly be thought Warning enough from Persons who were even then leaning to the strongest side, and so would not have hazarded such advice, unless forced to it by Truth and Horror of the Design; or put upon it by the Prince himself, to frighten the King away, who was sensible his Stay did check his Designs, and so was resol­ved to be rid of his Person some way or other.

Upon this the King thought fit to withdraw; and afterwards sent the E. of Feversham, from that place, with such ample Concessions, and such real discoveries of a sincere In­tention, to satisfie his People to the full, that the Prince was extreamly [Page 8] alarmed upon it, and did plainly see the miscarriage and ruin of all his Designs, if Feversham's Message should be imparted to the English that were about him; for though there were some, who upon all oc­casions were forward enough to ad­vise the utmost Severities against the King's Person, yet by far the greatest part for Number, Interest and Quali­ty, were at the bottom for an Accom­modation with the K. which would have setled and bettered the Nation; but at the same time would have quite dashed the Prince's Hopes and Expectations; and therefore some bold Stroke must be given, that so much Patience, so great Labour, and so many Crimes might not be lost; the Publick Faith must be broken, and Feversham must be secured, without so much as acquainting the Persons of Quality of the English Nation who were about him with it, though all a long he had preten­ded to act by their Advice. But in so nice a Conjunction he was afraid to trust to their Affection, as know­ing very well they would have p [...]y'd more than was fitting, for his Inte­rest, into the pretended Cause of the Earl's Confinement, and his Mes­sage: the Goodness of which would certainly have preserved the Publick Faith inviolable in the Earl's Person, notwithstanding of the Crime alleg'd against him, and continued in the Treaty; whereas by this Method the Message was concealed, the Treaty was quite broken off, and the King would most certainly be frightned to steal away. After such a series of Defection amongst all sorts of People, after such an Ad­vice sent by Persons whom he had trusted with the most important Concerns of his Crown and King­dom, after such an open Breach of the publick Faith, and after such visible and open discoveries of the Prince's secret Designs and unlimited Ambition, a Passion which never scruples to sacrafice every Remora to its Establishment where it Predo­minates; Is there any cool and ra­tional Man will censure the King's Conduct in disbanding that Army, which had for the most part made a Defection from him; and in taking care of his Person by a speedy Re­treat from amongst such wavering Subjects, dangerous and disingenuous Enemies. But in farther Evidence of the King's unwillingness to part from his People, and of the Prince's fix d and determinate Resolutions to force him to as great a distance as he could, being always jealous of a Reconcilement, which would have quite buried his ambitious Thoughts and Designs; I shall give the World a particular account of the most im­portant Steps taken by either Rela­tive to their several Designs.

The King, when he came to Lon­don, sent a Message to Sir Thomas Stamp, now Mayor, and to Sir Si­mon Lewis, two eminent Aldermen of that City; desiring them to ac­quaint their Brethren, and others of the Common Council, That he was resolved to put himself into the hands of the City, there to remain until by a free Parliament he had [Page 9] given all Satisfaction to his People, by securing their Religion, Liberties and Properties, to the full; hoping, that in the mean time, they would take care to guard and secure his Person. The foresaid Persons com­municated this Message, as they were desired; but by the influence and interest of Sir Robert Clayton the offer was refused, and the security of his Person would not be assured to him. Here is plain demonstration, both of the King's Willingness to piece up with his People, and of the Danger which threatned his Person. When the King came from Feversham to Whitehall, Monsieur Zuylestein de­livered him, at Somerset house, a Let­ter from the Prince, which was de­signed to have reached him before he came from Feversham; wherein he was desired, but in the Style of a Command, not to come any nearer London than Rochester: To which the King very meekly returned an An­swer, That he would have complied with the Letter, had it come sooner to his hands. Can there be any more doubt, after this, of the Prince's un­just and ambitious Designs, to put such a Restraint upon a Monarch in his own Dominions, whose undoubted Title he had acknowleged, both by his Declaration and a Treaty: This was a piece of Haughtiness and Inso­lence above all Example, except what his own future Practices hath fur­nished us with.

As soon as the King came to Whitehall, he wrote to the Prince, inviting him to St. James's, allowing him his own Dutch Guards to secure his Person, and assuring him, That upon their Interview he would fully satisfie the intent of his Declaration. But this was no satisfaction to the Prince: He had a secret and con­cealed aim at the Crown; and pro­vided he could gain that point, he liked it the better that it were Ve­sted with all the Power he so much complained of in his Declaration: His Conduct since hath sufficiently cleared this to these Nations: An In­terview, which was so much desired by the King, did not suit with this darling Project; he could neither well ask it, nor expect to have it granted. Besides, he found the Tor­rent of the Peoples Affections, which had run so swiftly towards himself, was then at a Stand, and in danger to be turned into another Channel, if the King remained at Whitehall, and at liberty to apply himself to the re­gaining of his Subjects Hearts; which he was sincerely resolved to court and acquire at any rate, being free from the bad Influences and Advices of those Ministers which were in Con­federacy with the Prince. Upon all which, it was resolved that Count Solmes should possess the several Posts at Whitehall with Dutch Guards, and make the King a Prisoner: And a­bout two a Clock in the Morning he received Orders from the Prince, by the Mouths of three noble Lords, to be gone immediately from his own Palace; and accordingly he was sent Prisoner to Rochester, attended by Dutch Guards, and all this perfor­med with unspeakable Rudeness and Indignities done to his Person.

[Page 10]He was disturbed at an unseasona­ble hour, with a Sentence of Banish­ment from his own Palace, passed upon him by his Son-in-law, who pretended only to settle and fix his Crown by redressing of Grievances, and that Sentence pronounced unto him by three of his own Subjects, who accompanied it with some un­mannerly Severities, which their fears of a courser Treatment, if he staid, put them upon. He was refused his own Guards to attend him, and his own Coach to carry him to Rochester, though he declared, That he could not travel by Water in so cold a Sea­son, against Wind and Tide, without greatly endangering his Health. Good God! that such Barbarities should be practised, and afterwards justified, by Christians, which Pagans and Infidels would be ashamed of.

Whilst the King staid at Rochester, and during the Sessions of those Lords and Commons, who first put the Administration of Affairs into the Prince's Hand, and moved for cal­ling of the Convention, he sent a Message to the present B of Winchester, which he desired might be commu­nicated to the rest of the Bishops; acquainting him with his Resolu­tions to come either publickly or privately, and put himself into the Hands of my Lords the Bishops to be under their Protection [...], until at their Sight, and by their Advice, he had fully settled and secured every thing in a free Parliament. This Message the Bishop of Winchester did impart to the rest; and their return to it was, That they could not re­ceive him, either publickly or pri­vately, under their Protection; for in that case they would be respon­sible for his Safety, and they were not in a Condition to secure him against the Ambition of the Prince, who was resolved to accomplish his Designs; and surrounded with so many Troops, after so many Adver­tisements given him of the danger his Person was in, by People who might know it, and whose Testimony was not to be suspected; and those Ad­vertisements fortified and confirmed, by the Prince's strange and unac­countable Carriage, in breaking the publick Treaty, in imprisoning my Lord Feversham contrary to the pub­lick Faith, thereby to elude the Effects of his Message, in refusing a personal Treaty, depriving him of his Liberty, putting him under Guards, and in banishing him im­periously and unmannerly from his own Houses. After so many fruit­less Applications to the Prince, to the City, and to the Bishops, only to be secured as to his Person, until by a free Parliament he had given full Satisfaction to his People. Can there be any Person who is not be­come Bankrupt, as to common Sense and Reason, who will blame the King for withdrawing, and thereby endeavouring to put himself in Safety? And it is evident, notwith­standing all those ineffectual Appli­cations, he was resolved upon every occasion to court his Subjects to return to their Duty: Witness his Letters addressed to several Members of his Privy Council; and also that [Page 11] Letter written from St. Germains, and designed for the Convention of Estates, which they would not so much as receive or read.

I would now gladly know after what manner, and upon what ac­count, in what sense, and for what reason the King can be said to have deserted. Desertion, according to common sense and acceptation, is a voluntary Neglect and Withdrawing his Person, Care and Influences, from attending that Administration, Pro­tection and Exercise of the Govern­ment, which is due from him to the People committed to his Charge; when no Force compell'd him, no Danger threatned him, and the Peo­ple were willing to r [...]tain him. Is this applicable to the King's Case? May not the Invading his Dominions with foreign Troops and an armed Power, the Imprisonment of his Per­son, putting him under Guards of Foreigners, and banishing him from his own Houses, be properly enough called a Force? May not those ex­traordinary Indignities done him by the Prince, and those Advertisements given him by several Persons of Qua­lity, Knowl dge, and Interest, of his hard and difficult Circumstances, be very well called Dangers, according to the common Rules of Prudence and Discretion? With what Sense can the universal Defection of his Chil­dren, Servants, Soldiers and Subjects, the rejecting all Treaties, whether personal or by Proxie, the Refusal of all Applications made by him to the City, Bishops, and Convention of Estates, be understood an unwilling­ness in his Subjects to part with him, or a voluntary Withdrawing or Ne­glect on his side? We must renounce common Sense, and quite invert the Nature of things, before a With­drawing so circumstantiated will pass upon the sober part of Mankind for a Desertion.

Besides, it is a Maxim laid down by the Author of the Pretences of the French Invasion examined, p 4 l. 3. and downwards, That where a King or Queen is submitted to, and owned by Oaths, and other Methods required in such Cases, the King himself is not at Liberty to give up his own Power, and consequently cannot Desert; much less can the People wrest it from him A Man hath himself much more Right to lay down that Power which is legally vested in him, than any other Person or Persons can have to take it from him I hope this learned Gentleman will al­low us the Benefit of his own Max­ims, which we are willing to admit of. It cannot be denied King James was submitted unto, and owned by Oaths and all other Methods requi­red in such Cases; and so not at Li­berty to give up his own Power, thô never so willing: And consequently this pretended Desertion must march off the Stage, according to the Au­thor's own Rules.

But the Disbanding of the Army, in the Sense of this Author and others, was so illegal a Step, that it must pass for his dissolving of the Govern­ment. Why truly, common Pru­dence advised the Discarding of an Army, which had dealt so treache­rously with their Prince and Benefa­ctor: [Page 12] And I would gladly know, what Statute this Measure of the King's trespassed upon. I challenge the Author to point it out to us. I have heard it alleged, That the King could not raise and maintain an Ar­my without the Consent of Parlia­ment: But his power of Disbanding was never yet questioned, much less made a Crime: If the first be justi­fiable, the last must be much more so. From what has been said, I hope the Desertion is quite shut out of doors: The Reasons adduced make unanswerably against it; and the Pamphleteer's own Maxims knock it dead without Mercy; by which the greatest part of the Author's Pam­phlet and Reasonings falls to the ground, since he goeth all along up­on the Supposition that the People were still willing to have acknow­leged his Rights and secured their own, to have treated and come to an Accommodation with him: as also that the Prince never proposed any thing, but to have Grievances fairly redressed, which was still insisted on by the Prince and People in the most humble and usual Methods: But that the King wilfully deserted, threw up the Government, refused all Trea­ties, and left them in a perfect Anar­chy, to shift for themselves. The Falsity of all which is already plainly enough demonstrated, and the Ab­ [...]ication must halt, having lost the better half of its Foundation.

I come next to examine the Male-Administration, which makes up the other part of this Structure; in pro­secution of which, I do not intend to play the Advocate, to defend and justifie any Breaches made upon the Laws and Liberties of my Country: I am as tender of those great Con­cerns as any Man can be; I love them as well; I value them as high, and shall be always ready to hazard as far for their Establishment, as a good Englishman, who knows their Worth, ought to do. And perhaps I have given better Evidences of this, than the Authors of these Pamphlets can bring for themselves, notwith­standing their Fustian Words and high Pretences.

But Mistakes in Government will be slipping in under the best Reigns; and it is not every Error can furnish a good Reason for such important Revolutions, such general Defections, such deviations from that Duty which is due to Princes from the Obligation of Oaths, the Tyes of Nature, and the Laws of the Land; and for dethro­ning of Kings, inverting the nature of the Monarchy, and the interrup­ting the Royal Line and Succession. Such Alterations have been accom­panied in all Ages with such Confu­sions, Convulsions, Blood, Ruine and Desolation, that nothing but the ne­cessary Rescue of the Government it self, and of all the publick and pri­vate Rights which are wrapt up in it, from a clear, plain, visible, un­deniable, and otherwise unavoidable Ruine and Destruction, with a Cer­tainty and Conviction that the Re­medy proposed will prove feasible and successful, without running us into the same dangers and difficulties; [...]n furnish the least shadow or pre­tence [Page 13] for Experiments which are to be attended with such Dangers, foun­ded upon the Breach of so many sacred Tyes and Obligations, and Supported with such Expence of Blood and Treasure.

We ought to be very sure, That the Errors complained of would certainly have overturned all Foun­dations, and entirely robbed us of our Rights; That those Errors did certainly arise from the natural Dis­position of the Prince himself, obsti­nately and incorrigibly bent to pursue them to the utmost, whatever the Consequence might be, and not ra­ther from the Impulse of corrupted Ministers, from a Design to ruine him and make a Property of us, in serving the ambitious but guilded Pretences of some other Person; be­fore we run headlong into such Mea­sures. But alas! I am afraid we are not able to stand this Tryal, which every cool and thinking Man must allow to be very reasonable; and upon an exact and impartial Enquiry it will be found, That with all this Bustle, Noise, Blood, Treasure, and Pretence for publick Good and Li­berty; we have been destroying what we have built up; grasping unsuccessfully at that amidst the dangers, Cruelties, and Expences of a War, and with the Breach of so many sacred Tyes and Engagements, which we might have Insured to our selves and Posterity with much ease and innocence; and wreathing a Yoke about our N [...]cks, which will gaul and pinch us more severely than what we endeavoured to throw off.

The Male-Administrations charged upon King James by those Pamphlet­teers, are shortly summ'd up by them in the Western Severities, the High Commission, the turning out of Office all good Protestants, the attempting to re­verse all the Penal Laws, the putting unqualified Men into Places of Trust, Profit and Power; the exercise of the Dispensing Power, the excluding the Fellows of Magdalen Colledge, and putting in Papists; with the Imprison­ment and Tryal of the Bishops. It seems these Authors are of opinion that any Reason, how weak and unconclusive soever it be, should pass as good Coin upon us, since they come from such Magisterial and Florid Pens. But if they designed that their Authority alone should pass for Reason amongst us, they ought to have subjoyned their Names, to add thereby some Value and Weight to Arguments and Grounds, by far too weak in them­selves to support so lofty a Building as is founded upon them. Some of the Misgovernments here enumera­ted, which I have exactly Copied from p. 6. l. 8. and downwards, of The Pretences of the French Invasion examined, are false, others maliciously aggravated, and the rest the King was forced upon by the Importunity of Ministers who were gained by the Prince, and offered such Advices only with a design to render him odious to the People, and thereby to dispose them for this happy Revolution, which hath since fallen out. But to examine them severally;

As to the Western Severities, I believe it will not be deny'd, even [Page 14] by this Government, that the Duke of Monmouth his Invasion was a Re­bellion; and that the Lives and For­tunes of all ingaged in it, were by the Laws of the Land forfeited to Justice. I am heartily sorry that so much Blood was shed by the Hands of the common Executioner; but it is very well known to many Persons of Honour and Quality, that those great Severities were only to be as­cribed to the insolent and cruel Temper of J [...]ss [...]ries, P [...]llexsen and Kirk; that the King himself was extreamly offended at it, and im­mediately put a stop to their Pro­ceedings so soon as he was acquainted with them: And it is strange enough how this comes to be charged so [...]ome upon King James, by the Champions of th s Government, since King William by his a [...]arcing and employing of Kirk and P [...]ll [...]xsen, [...] plainly discovered to the World, That either he did not look upon [...]hose S [...]verities to be unseasonable or [...], or also that he loved them the [...] for th ir [...] and bloody Dis [...]tio [...], as [...] for his Service and Designs; otherwi [...]e such Butchers would not have [...] coun­tenanced by a Reforming [...].

The High Commission Court I will [...]: But we know very well Who [...]dvised it; and we see one of the most active Members of it in a fair Way of Preferment now; and certainly our present King would not honour such a Man, or trust his Affairs into his hands, if he lookt up­on that Commission to have been a good ground for Ab [...]i [...]ati [...]n.

The turning out of Office all good Protestants, and the putting of un­qualified Men into all Places of Trust, Profit and Povver, is a large Strain of Eloquence, which though like the usual Flights of the supposed Author, is too light and false for so grave and weighty a Subject: For many Pla­ces of Profit, Trust, and Povver, were kept filled with good and zea­lous Protestants; and vve knovv to whose Councils and Advice, and at whose door we must charge the filling of so many Places of Trust vvith unqualified Persons. If an E. of Sunderland and Lord Churchil had not been Ministers of State and Fa­vourites then, perhaps the Leo had not yet been exchanged for Kensing­ton It is to their faithful Counsels and Influence we owe the Advance­ment of Father Peters to the Council Board; the new modelling of the Irish Army and Government; the Magdalen College Reformation; the Regulation of Corporations; the Clos [...]t [...]ing, and the Imprisonment and Tryal of the Bishops: And if so, there is a certain Prince who is real­ly more guilty of those Miscarriag s than the Abdicated Monarch, sinc he was the main Engine who set those noble Lords to work; and I am afraid his Conduct since, vvhen exa­mined, will in a great measure make good the Charge.

It's natural enough for a Prince to carry some little savour to those of his own Religion, and easier for a treach [...]rous Minister to trapan him into more Indulgence for them, than the Laws c [...]n w [...]ll allow; and those [Page 15] two Lords being intirely Devoted to the Advancement of the Prince's Designs, did imploy their utmost Interest with the King to bring him into all those Measures, which did so much favour and precipitate this Revolution. There were some faith­ful Servants who quickly discovered the Roguery of this, and stoutly made head against it; but a blind zeal having betray'd the new Con­verts into those Measures, and the time serving Courtier being joyned with the Pack, Roguery became too hard for true Honesty; and yet it was with great difficulty, and match­less Importunities, the King was wrought upon to do several of those Things which were the only impor­tant Errors. It is well known, that it was with no small trouble he was prevailed upon to admit Peters to the Council-board. And as to the Regulating of Corporations, the King gave his Opinion against it to the very last; and I dare appeal to the Earl of Bathe, whose Testimony is not to be suspected by this Govern­ment, if in his access to the King about the Regulations, in those Countries were he was Lieutenant, he did not discover the Truth of what I here assert, from the King's own Complaints to his Lordship, How greatly he was importuned to give way to those Measures, from which in his own Judgment, he was so averse.

We might have continued Igno­rant, in a great measure, of the particulars of all this fine Christian Policy, if upon the Revolution these honest Agents, in so good a work, had not (by boasting of their several Merits, Diligence and Activity, in betraying an honest hearted Prince, and so the more Credulous to his own ruin) discovered all the Steps of this Intreigue; but in the Opinion of some every thing is lawful for the obtaining of a Crown. If it be alle­ged, that most certainly the Prince never dreamt of the Crown of Bri­tain until it was presented to him, as a reward from a grateful People for their Deliverance; his promises of Places at Court, and Govern­ments of Forts, before he came from Holland, which were only in the di­sposal of the King of Great Britain; his imprisonment of the E. of Fever­sham, who was a publick Messenger, and Peer of England, and under the Cognizance of none but the King; his imprisoning and banishing King James from his own Pallace, though acknowleged as the just Monarch by his own Declaration; his banishing the French Embassador out of Eng­land as soon as he came to London, and before the Administration was put into his Hands, by which these Kingdoms were ingaged, without their own Consent, in a War with France, without so much as any pre­tence of Entertainment given to their Abdicated Monarch, being a considerable time before K. James's retreat thither; were direct, possitive and most Solemn Acts of Sovereignty, before ever the Crown was confer'd upon him; and are so many plain and evident Indications of that early Ambition I have charged upon him. And in farther Evidence, that all his [Page 16] Designs, from the very first, were aimed at the Crown; and the Crown Vested too with the most towring Prerogatives: When the Convention was Deliberating, upon some future Provisions, against Arbitrary Power, the Prince sent my Lord Wharton to several Lords, and Mr. Coulin to Sir Edward Seymor, and Mr. Hamb­den, and other Commoners, to let them known, That if the House in­sisted so much upon Limitations, that he would return again, and leave them in the lurch to the Mercy of King James: So generously Tender was this great Deliverer of our Religion and Li­berty. As to the Dispencing Power, assumed by King James, I do not pretend to justifie it. I am heartily sorry that so bad a Measure was taken, to carry on and establish so desirable and necessary a Good and Birth right of Mankind, as Liberty of Conscience, which carries its own na­tive Beauty and Usefulness, so visi­bly stampt upon it, as could never have failed to obtain an Establish­ment from the Reason and Judge­ment of an English Parliament: But this would have so much united the Hearts and Affections of English Sub­jects with their King, and laid such an invincible rub in the Way of the Prince's ambitious Designs, that it became one of the nicest and most sicklish Points to manage, the hard­est to ward off, and the most dex­trous and artful part of their Game; there was no downright opposing of so general and desirable a Good; [...] was easier to poyson and divert [...] The King was first put upon Establishing this Liberty by a Procla­mation, that so the Parliament might be prejudiced against a Thing, which otherwise they would have granted, upon the account of the first Mea­sure taken about it; but finding that the general Good and Benefit, which was to be reaped from this Liberty, would have digested and sweetned this Pill; from a pretence of saving the King's Honor from a Foyl, and making all sure, though really with a design to ruin Him and baffle the Thing, they put him upon the Regulating and Closetting Projects, and upon obliging the Clergy to read his Proclamation for Liberty of Conscience from their Pulpits. This did alarm the Bishops, as was de­signed, and obliged them to think upon Petitioning against it; upon which, those Beautefeux, being afraid lest the KING should call in his Proclamation, having always found it hard enough to bring Him to such Methods; they ordered the business so, that the Bishops were so long in presenting of their Petition to the King, that though their Reasons had convinced and satisfied Him, there was not time enough to coun­termand his former Orders, though never so willing. Upon which they took occasion to incense the King against them, as if they had delay'd their Petition so long, with design to embroyl Him with his People; and so they run the Bishops into the Tower, and from thence to the Barr.

This is the true History of the Dispencing Power, and of the Bi­shops Persecution, which was so [Page 17] warmly, and bitterly urged against the King, as undeniable Proofs that his Inclination to Catholicks was too strong for the Laws. But to speak plain English, I hope those Stretches, in favour of Catholicks, which were Criminal in King James, are not become more Legal and Meritorious in King William; the exercise of the Dispencing Power in their favours, I hope, is as much a fault now as ever. The Charge will be denied; but I shall make it good when I come to discourse upon the Third Motive to the King's Restauration. Are not Catholicks employ'd now in the Army, thô not qualified by Law? It will be alleg'd they are Foreigners; so much the worse; for an English Catholick will still have some regard for the Laws and Liberties of his Countrymen; whereas a mercenary Foreigner is absolutely at the dispo­sal of his Master. Are not the Ca­tholicks as much Countenanced, and in the exercise of as much Liberty for their Religion, as ever? The necessity of humouring a Confede­racy, which must support us, the great Strength of which are Catho­licks, may be urged as a very good Reason for this; but if we examine it to the bottom, this threatens our Religion more than any Indulgence was granted them by King James. When the Catholicks of England hold their Liberty merely from the favour of the Protestants of England, they must be thankful for it, and humble under it: but when they come to derive their Favours, Immunities, and Liberty, from the necessity of our Circumstances, and humble Re­gard and Deference we must pay to Catholick Princes, without whose Assistance and Friendship we cannot Subsist; their Spirits, Hopes and Haughtiness, will be enlarged by it: They must make grateful acknow­legements to those Catholick Princes, by whose kind Influences they injoy their Liberty. This begets a Corre­spondence with and Dependance up­on Foreign Princes; and we do not know how far, by the Instigation of Catholicks here, those Princes may be prevailed upon to improve the necessity we have of their Allyance, to the advantage of those of their own Religion amongst us. The House of Austria, within our remembrance, was the most zealous Champions for the Roman Religion, and the de­pendance of the Catholicks of Eng­land upon that House hath been al­ways terrible and troublesom to this State: And though their Losses, and the growth of France, hath humbled and levelled all the towring Thoughts and Ambition of that Family, which did so much exercise both the Coun­cils and Forces of their Neighbours, yet since by our Assistance that House is to recover its Losses, and France to be reduced within its an­cient bounds; with their lost Provin­ces, the House of Austria may re­sume their old Designs: They were but covered up, not extinguished; concealed through Weakness, to be discovered upon a greater Encrease of Strength and Vigour; in which case we may come to be whipt for our present Politicks

[Page 18]May the great God avert those dangers and difficulties which inviron us, and visibly threaten the Religious and Civil Concerns of these King­doms. We have been pulling De­struction with both our hands upon our selves, and desperately risking our Religion and Civil Rights with­out any necessity; and unless we repent, and repair these Errors, the Punishments we deserve will certain­ly overtake us. We have turned away our King, whose Right and Title was certain and unquestioned, nay we have chased him from us with unspeakable Indignities, upon the Pretence of Errors in Govern­ment, which he was put upon by the Artifice of his Enemies, and which he was willing to have repair'd at our own Sight: He courted us by repeated Applications to carve out our own Securities for our Religion and Civil Rights; but we have ob­stinately refused any Treaty with him. We have set our selves up for a Mark of Reproach to future Ages, by our foolish and invincible Malice and matchless Impudence, in Vaca­ting a Throne by a pretended Abdi­cation, which imports a Voluntary Resignation; and yet the Abdicated M narch never made any, but asserts his [...]itle to this day. We have ground d this Abdication upon a wilful Desertion in our Prince, when we forced him away for the Preser­vation of his Life; and upon Mistakes in Government, which he was tra­pan'd into, and which he was willing to have repaired; but we would not; as if every Error in Govern­ment had been a Sin against the Holy Ghost, which neither can be attoned for, nor forgotten. The Injury done to our Sovereign is very visible from what I have written; and so Repa­ration ought to be speedily made, notwithstanding all the Reasons given by these two Pamphleteers against it. But before I enter upon answering their Objections, I shall discourse upon the other three Motives assigned for the King's Restauration, and make them equally plain with the first I have already handled; which will in a great measure prevent or take off all Objections can be made.

The second Motive was the Setling the Government upon its old Basis; which is visibly interrupted and quite unhinged by this Abdication. We have turned our Hereditary Monarchy in­to an Elective: We have cut the Royal Line, interrupted the Succes­sion, and destroyed the just Rights of innocent Persons, upon a pretended Abdication which thô well founded, is but personal, and cannot be ex­tend d any farther. To this it is an­swered by the Author of The Pretences of the French Invasion examined, p 10. l. 1. and downwards, That the Breach, as to the Person of the Reigning King, was made by himself, having deserted; That the Convention did not make, but found the Throne vacant; That in Re­gard there were so many clear Indica­tions of the Imposture of the Prince of Wales, the Conventi [...]n applied to the present Queen, who was the next and undoubted Heir; and at her Request, a Title was given to her Husband, and that [...] for Life, though he was much [Page 19] nearer in Blood than Henry IV. and Henry VII. successively made Kings of England; That much greater Breaches have been made, since the Conquest, in the Lineal Succession, by deposing the Reigning King, and setting up his Son, or a remoter Person, which he acknow­legeth an Injury to the King so deposed; and that the saving the Succession to the Princess of Denmark and her Heirs, shews how far the Convention was from any such thing as is alledged.

By such Reasonings the Author of this Pamphlet discovers but small Knowlege in History, and the Affairs of his own Country; little Judgment and Veracity, joyned with a great deal of Disingenuity and Impudence. How truly the Breach made in our Monarchy, by the Abdicating Vote, is to be laid at King James's door, upon the Account of his Desertion, may appear from what I have alrea­dy said: And though this Author doth very confidently assert, That the Throne was void by Desertion, it seems the Convention were not of that Opinion, but found it necessary to declare it so by a Vote, before there was Access to fill it again; and the E [...]rl of Nottingham was then quite another Man, and of other Princi­ples, than we find him now, as an Author, or Licenser only. A Regency was not in the least akin to a Vacan­cy. But to humour the Author, sup­pose there was a Vacancy, either before or after the Vote, which he pleaseth; a Vacancy in a Monarchy is a certain infallible Mark of its being elective: For in a Hereditary Monarchy, such as this of England, upon the Natural, or Civil Death too (if the Author pleaseth) of the Reg­nant Monarch, the Right of the next Successour doth immediately take place; and the People, whether by their Representatives in Parliament, or otherwise, do humbly submit to and acknowledge, not declare and authorize, his Native Title. Our Law-books teach us, That the Kings of England can never dye: The meaning is, That in an Hereditary Monarchy the Throne cannot be without a Pos­sessor, were it but for a Moment; so that where either there is the least Vacancy, or where the next Possessor wants a Sentence of the People to give him a Title; that very Sentence, however disguised, is an Election; and together with the preceeding Vacancy, doth certainly and indispen­sably stamp the Monarchy Elective.

Is it not highly impudent in this Author to tell us, that there are many clear Indications of the Prince of Wales being an Imposture; and, at the same time, not to let us know what they are, and upon what Grounds they are so clear and evi­dent? Can this Author be so vain as to think we must take his Word for a Thing upon which so much depends; no less than the justice, or injustice of a Sentence, which must stand the Nation in so much Blood and Treasure, so many Perjuries and repeated Acts of Violence and Op­pression, to support and maintain? Or doth he therein follow the Ex­ample of the Prince of Orange in his Declaration? Which tells us of many just and visible Grounds of Suspicion, [Page 20] that the Prince of Wales was not Born of the Queen, and refers the Inquiry of that Truth to a free Par­liament. King James also hath made the same reference, in a Letter from St. Germains, nay desired the last Parliament to look narrowly into that Affair; and yet the Prince hath never to this day desired the Parlia­ment to fall about this important Search, nor acquainted us with any of those just and visible Grounds of Su­spicion. Is it not very strange, That the only plausible Pretence, in all the Declaration for his undertaking, should be so much over-look'd; wh [...]n a clear and plain discovery of such an infamous Cheat and Impo­sture, would have fully justified the Proceedings of the Convention of Estates, the present Settlement of the Crown, given us all peace of Conscience and Satisfaction under it, and would really and truly have Abd cated King James for ever in the H [...]arts and Affections of every honest Englishman? The Prince in Honor was concerned to have press'd it; and the supr [...]am Senate was oblig'd in [...] and Ju tice to have made a fu [...] Discovery of the Truth or Fals hood o [...] [...]t, esp [...]cially when they have [...] so much press'd and challeng'd, [...] it were in the face of the World, [...] about it by King James, and [...] Petitioned so to do by seve­ [...] [...] rio [...]s of Honor and Quality in October, 1690. and which was deli­vered into many of the Members Hands; besides the times and cir­cumstances of Affairs were the most [...]sonable for such an Enquiry. It was not to be supposed, that the Wit­nesses could either then be bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony; and there was all imaginable incou­ragement for freedom of Questions for confronting the Deponents, and producing Counter Evidences, if there were any such; so that the whole Matter might have been laid open and cleared, to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned. The vin­dicating the Honor and Justice of the Nation; the quieting of so many Peoples Consciences, who think themselves bound by their Oaths of Allegiance to the King's next and immediate Heirs; the regard due to an innocent Child, if the Imposture be not cleared; the satisfaction of the Christian World, and the secu­ring these Kingdoms from those great Dangers and Confusions, which are certain and infallible upon Com­petitions, in point of the Royal Suc­cession; were great and unanswer­able Motives for an Enquiry, nay amounted to the Weight of a Duty due from them to their Constituents, themselves and Posterity. What can any thinking Man conclude from such a Neglect and Omission, but that the Evidence, for the reality of the Prince of Wales his Birth, was clear and convincing; and the Coun­ter Evidence, which was pretended against it, false and forged; that the Prince of Orange, in his Declaration, had rather Studied to amuse the World with great and specious Pre­tences, than to satisfie them as to the realty and truth of his Grounds; and that the Convention and Parlia­ment [Page 21] have followed the Dictates of Passion and Prejudice, more than the Rules of Prudence and Justice. It cannot be supposed they forbore to trace this Imposture from any ten­derness to the King's Reputation, which would have been so deeply Wounded by a discovery of the Cheat. So much time and pains spent unsuccessfully, in laying open the Earl of Essex's pretended Mur­ther, shews evidently how glad they would have been of any occasion, or probable pretence, whereby to blacken King James.

So that the Nation must even rest satisfi'd without any further Evidence of this Imposture, than some preten­ded Suspicions which were both groundless, and raised industriously by those publick Agitators for this Revolution: As for Instance, The Princess of Denmark being forced out of the way to the Bath at the time of the Queen's Delivery; whereas it is very well known, and can be made appear, by Persons of undoubted Honor and Integrity, that the King was against it, that her Physitians in Ordinary were against it, and that pains was taken to search about for Physitians who would advise her going, as expedi­ent for her Health; so early were they contriving Pretences for this Calumny. But the Prince and Prin­cess of Orange were all along Suspi­cious that the Queen was with Child; and yet no care was taken to satisfie them about it. Did they ever acquaint the King with their Suspicions, and desire some Method might be taken to remove them? And were they refused it? This was the proper and usual way in such Cases: And since it was not taken, there is no ground for Complaint. The King could not dive into Suspi­cions; which, in my Conscience, I am persuaded they never entertain'd. And lastly, it is alleged no care was taken to satisfie the Nation, who were full of doubts about the reality of his Birth. But why did they doubt? Were any Methods negle­cted, which used to be observed? Or any Persons secluded, who ought to have been present? Did they give any intimation of their Suspicions by humble Petition or Remonstrance, and desire to be satisfied about 'em? The Queen had formerly brought forth Children without any preten­ded Jealousies. Who could foresee that such a black and hellish Calum­ny would be then invented? Yet the Wisdom of God Almighty know­ing how far the Wickedness of this Age would extend; and as an earn­est, I hope, of his good and kind Intentions to this Nation, hath Pro­videntially furnished us with a better and more numerous Evidence of the Birth of this Prince, than can be brought for the realty of the Birth of any Prince, or private Person in Europe; and hath yet fortified and confirmed it by another Conception, and Pregnancy of the Queens, to the Birth of which Child many Persons of all Qualities have been called, and invited in an extraordinary manner; so willing is the King to satisfie even our malitious ground­less [Page 22] Complaints. But it seems our Rulers have no doubts upon that Head, in which they desire to be satisfied, or find it not for their in­terest to have them cleared.

From what hath been said, it is evident that there is a real Prince of Wales, who must be considered as such so long as the pretended Im­posture is not cleared to us, and who hath Injustice done him by the Convention of Estates; for though the Abdicating Vote were well founded against the Father, it was only per­sonal to Him, and cannot reach the Son: In which Case, the Princess of Orange's Right being only from the Guift and by the Election of the Peo­ple, is a manifest Breach of the Royal Line, and hath quite altered the Na­ture and Frame of our Hereditary Monarchy. As to the Title given to the Prince during Life, at her Re­quest, the Princess of Denmark, by the Rules of Succession in an Here­ditary Monarchy, is unquestionably [...]ex Heir to her Sister the Princess of Orange, if she dye without Children: By the Survivancy of Royalty lodged in the Prince, after the Princess's Death, there is another manifest In­jury done to the Princess of Denmark and her Children; there is another unquestionable Breach made upon the Royal Line, and the antient Con­stitution of our Monarchy; and there is a second Election of a Monarch by the Convention, to the Prejudice of the next undoubted Heir, lest the first Instance had not made a stro g enough President for an Elective Mo­narchy for the future. And whereas it is pretended, That the Prince had his Title at the request of the Princess, who was the next Heir, and willing to give him Place, where is this re­quest and Concession of the Princess to be seen? When was it presented to the Convention; or where is it re­corded? But thô it were real, what is that to the Princess of Denmark and her Heirs? Can a Compliment, in­tended by the Princess of Orange, from her self to her Husband, cut off their Rights? Again, is it not evident, That by such a request it's confessed the present Settlement of the Crown is by the Election and from the Gift of the People; and plainly acknowledged that there is a Right in them to alter the Succession, and make a Breach of the Royal Line at their Pleasure?

But it is alledged, We have the practise of our Predecessors to war­rant our present Measures, who have made much greater Breaches in the Lineal Succession, deposed Kings, and given the Crown to Persons re­moter from the Royal Blood than the Prince of Orange; and that in the Cases of Hen. IV. and Hen. VII. In this the Author discovers himself to be ignorant of the History and Af­fairs of his own Country, in mista­king the Case of Hen IV. in giving us an Instance in Hen. VII. of a Breach of the Lineal Succession, to the Pre­judice of the surviving King and next Heir, since it is very well known that Richard the Usurper was killed in Battel, and lest no Heir behind him; and King Henry being undoubt d Heir of the House of Lancaster, by [Page 23] his Marriage with the Heiress of the House of York, united the two Roses, and had an unquestionable Title to the Crown, without any Breach in the Lineal Succession: And also in omitting to give us the Instance of Edw. III. which are all the Examples our History affordeth, and are very far from making a Precedent in our Case. Edw. III. was the eldest Son, and undoubted and nearest Heir of the Crown; and thô he mounted the Throne during his Father's Life, yet it was upon his Father's Resignation: And though he had all the Heat and Ambition of a young Man, and disco­vered during his Reign a largeness and greatness of Soul more than or­dinary, yet he constantly refused the Crown, until his Father's Resignation was obtained. This can be none of those greater Breaches of the Succes­sion, hinted at by our Author; and doth not at all sute the Case of King William: And Hen. IV. makes as bad a Precedent for our Practise. King Ri. II. resigned in the favour of Hen. had no Children to be prejudiced by his Resignation: King Henry was the next Heir, the Pretences of the House of York being not then set on foot; but that Family acquiesced in his Right as well as the rest of the King­dom: So that our own Histories can as little furnish us with Examples, to justifie our present Practise, as those of other Nations. If in the Instan­ces assigned, the horrid Violences of Richard the Third, the Male Admini­strations of Richard the Second and Edward the Second, could not in the Opinion of this Author warrant their Dethronnig, from the Character of Injuries done them, he must certainly be jesting all along with us in his Pamphlet, in justifying an Abdication, for less and shorter Errors; and the Tory Nottingham is forced at last to peep out from under his Republican Disguise.

As to the Pretence, That by saving the Succession to the Princess of Denmark and her Heirs, the Convention hath suf­ficiently shewn how far they were from designing any Alteration in the Succes­sion, or the ancient Constitution of our Monarchy; it is equally weak and fri­volous with any of the rest; and lays a Foundation for another Election, as it is expressed in the Vote: For the Provision is not to the Princess of Denmark's Heirs simply, as the Au­thor falsly and disingenuously repre­sents, but runs thus, To the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of her Body; which failing to the Heirs of the Body of the said K. William, which excludes all collateral Pretenders of the Orleans and Palatine Families, who would have been comprehended under the general Notion of Heirs. It was not possible for the Wit of Man to contrive a Vote, which in so few Words could more visibly alter the Nature of our Hereditary Monarchy, make more and stronger Precedents for an Elective, occasion more In­terruption in the Succession, and lay a better Foundation for the like for the time to come. For in this Sen­tence we have a Breach in the Person of the reigning King, by the Abdi­cation; we have another Breach in the Person of the Prince of Wales; we [Page 24] have the People conferring the Crown by Election upon the Princess of O­range, to the Prejudice of that Prince his Title; we have a Survivancy of the Government settled in the Prince of Orange, by a second Act of this Elective Power of the People, to the prejudice of the Princess of Denmark and her Heirs, which makes a third Breach in the Succession; and lastly, we have all the Collateral Heirs of this Crown quit [...] cut off by the En­tale; by which the Monarchy is to b extingu shed, or a Series of Elective Monarchs buckled upon this Nation, us [...]trongly as those good Patriots could do it by their Sentence. Let any wise and thinking Man judge, if this be not such a palpable and visible [...]inging of all the antient Frame and Constitution of our glorious Mo­narchy, as deserves the warmest En­deavours and most diligent Applica­tion of every honest Man, for the settling of this our antient English Go­vernment upon its old Basis, by the Restauration of K. James.

The Author of A Letter to a Friend concerning the French Invasion, did cer­tainly foresee these Difficulties the former Author had run himself into; and being unwilling to shipwrack his Reason upon such gross Absurdities, he broadly hints at Conquest: And in this he but seconds the Author of the Answer to the Paper delivered by Mr. Ashton at his Execution, Licenced by a Secretary of State; who boldly, and without Disguise, pleadeth upon that Title. This Plea, though it be not liable to the same Absurdities with the other, yet labours under greater; since by one blow, and with one dash of his Pen, he levels at the Birth­rights of the Subjects, as well as of the Monarch; and undeavours to extinguish the Freedoms of English­men, as well as the antient Govern­ment; and certainly to entail upon and place us actually under that Sla­very, the fear of which is the best Reason they assign for restraining us from assisting our King in his Return; as if such remote fears of Slavery were more dreadful than present Ser­vitude, which is the necessary conse­quence of Conquest. These Champions make very bold with their Prince, and wound his Honour and Interest deeper than the keenest Enemies could do: Such Blunders must fall in, when Men reason rather from Passion than from steady and generally received Maxime, and labour to defend a deeply tinctured Republican Revo­lution by Tantivy Monarchical Prin­ciples.

It is strange to see a Man who is indued with a rational Soul, whose greatest Prerogative and Excellency consists in a clear unbyassed and di­stinct Exercise of Reason, so blinded with foolish Prejudice, as rather than submit to plain and convincing Truth, chuse to betake himself to this unac­countable notion of Conquest; which is absolutely inconsistent with the Prince's Declaration, destroys the Maxims and Grounds, upon which the Convention of Estates (from whom the Prince derives his Title) did proceed; overturns the Subjects Claim to Rights and Privileges, the [Page 25] pretended care of which is the best Support of this Government; brings home to our Fancies and Imagina­tions the most frightful Ideas, which a free-born People can form to them­selves of Tyranny and Slavery, with all the terrible and desolating Conse­quences which attends them; and consequently lays us under Obliga­tions, from a due regard to our selves and Posterity, and Duty to our Country, to shake off the Yoak with all Speed, though with neversomuch Hazard and Difficulty.

The Prince, in his Declaration, af­ter an Enumeration of Grievances, assures us He came for no other Design, than to have a free and full Parliament assembled, and the Elections made and returned according to the antient forms; and that the Members of this Parlia­ment should meet and sit in full freedom, until such Laws be prepared, as the two Houses should concur in, and find neces­sary for Maintenance of the Protestant Religion, and securing the Peace, Honour and Safety, of this Nation; that there may be no more Danger of falling at any time under Arbitrary Government; and that he had nothing before his Eyes, in this Undertaking, but the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, the Covering of all Men from Persecutions for their Consciences, and the securing to the whole Nation the free Enjoyment of all their Laws, Rights and Liberties, under a just and legal Government. For the accomplishing of which, since he had only brought a Force with him, for defending his Person, against the Vio­lence of Evil Counsellors, all the Peers of this Realm, Lieutenants, Deputy-Lieutenants, and others of all Ranks and Degrees, are invited to assist him against all who shall endeavour to oppose the redressing of Violences done to the Constitution of the Eng­lish Government. These Pretences can never be adjusted to the Notion and Title of Conquest. The Nobility, Gentry, and Commons of this Realm, acting in a free and legal Parliament, for the securing of their Laws, Rights and Liberties, under a just and legal Government, neither can nor will ever design it.

I will charitably suppose the Con­vention of Estates, and their Consti­tuents, did believe they had valuable Rights and Privileges, their Religion, Liberties and Properties, which were derived and secured unto them from positive Statutes and Laws of the Land, as well as from the Dictates of Nature and Original Contract; that those Rights and Privileges were in­vaded, and in danger to be lost; which made them run into that ge­neral Defection, and make a Present of the Crown to the Prince of Orange, as the only expedient they could then think of. So long as the Prince's Title runs in this Channel, they are at Liberty, when they please, to re­view those Measures, examine the Grounds, and upon a Rectification of their Judgments, and Conviction that their beloved Rights and Privi­leges may be better secured under their antient Monarch, to betake themselves again unto him. Sublata causa, tollitur effectus. Or they may enquire into the Conduct and Govern­ment of the Prince, whether it Qua­drate [Page 26] with the Original Contract they made with him; whether their Rights and Privileges have been entirely preserved; and if they can discover any bad Influences or Aspect towards Liberty and Property, then to make a Sacrifice of the Workmanship of their own Hands to a fresh Establish­ment of those Sacred and Venerable Rights, by the Maxims of this last Revolution; The Interest of the People is paramount to that of the Prince.

But if our Conquest take place, then Adieu to Rights and Privileges, Liberty and Property. The old musty Statute Books and Records of West­minster hall and the Tower, may be committed to the Flames, as so much waste Paper: His Will and Pleasure must be the Law whereby we are governed; our Liberties must lie at the Mercy of his Ministers; and our Properties must be committed to the Stewardship of his Soldiers. Let us examine the Condition of Conquered People and Provinces, from antient and modern History. Their old Go­vernment, Laws and Customs, which they had been inured to from their Infancy, recommended and endeared to them by long Use and Acquain­tance, must be swept off the Stage; strange Orders, strange Customs, strange Ministers, must take their place: Our Persons, our Liberty, our Estates, and all our most valua­ble Earthly Enjoyments, must lie at the Mercy, Pleasure, and Will, of the Conqueror: Industry and Virtue will vanish, there being no Reward for them; for a Conquered People must aspire no higher, than to learn to obey submissively, and to eat the Bread of Tribulation and Affliction with Patience: The care and desire of Posterity will languish; being un­willing to beget Children, to become Slaves and miserable as our selves. The Indian Women strangled their own Children, after their Birth, that they might not become Servants to the Spaniards; and Dutch Severities will be found nothing short, upon the Record of History, of Spanish Cruel­ties. The Annals of all Nations can furnish us with dreadful Instances of the unspeakable Miseries of a Con­quered People: We may find those Ex­amples of the Calamities of that Condition, which would make us embrace Death for a Favour, and be able to sink us into utter De­spair, unless at the same time these very Histories had given us a view of the strenuous and successful Endea­vours of those generous and worthy Spirits, who have despised Dangers, Difficulties, Torments, and Death it self, for the Rescue and Deliverance of their Country and fellow Subjects. The greater and more terrible the Dangers were, the more vigorously and undauntedly did they court them, when they were in pursuit of so glorious a Quarry. The Ef­forts of Conquered Nations for the Recovery of their lost Liberties, stand fairest upon the Records of Fame, and are handed down to us with the greatest Exactness and Encomiums; as if our Ancestors had judged it ne­cessary, and all Writers had conspi­red together to rouze up, when Oc­casion called for it, that desire of [Page 27] Liberty, which was born with us. If Conquest must be forced upon us as our present Lot; I hope all true Englishmen now will discover as great a Sense, as any upon Record of a vindicative Duty to their Coun­try, and love for their Liberties, be as tender and careful to transmit them safe and sound to their Poste­rity, as their Ancestors have been vigilant and active in handing them down to them; that they will be no less careful of the ancient Govern­ment and Monarchy of this Nation, than of their own particular Rights; since every blow which reaches the one, must certainly wound and en­danger the other; and that it shall be impossible to make the English a Conquered People, because they will generally chuse not to be, rather than to be Slaves.

It may be alledged, that all that I have said upon Conquest might have been forborn, since the King sets up for no such Title; perhaps it is not seasonable to do it: But to have Conquest so publickly pleaded for in Pamphlets, Written or Licensed by Secretaries of State, and that without any Check or Punishment from the Prince is very suspicious, especially if upon Examination of those Op­pressions which we suffer under the present King, we shall find his Con­duct smell Rank that way. If we be treated as a Conquered People, the Misery is still the same, or rather greater; though the Prince who deals so by us should be called a Reformer.

It being made evident and plain, That King James was highly injur'd, and the antient Government quite unhinged, by the Sentence of Abdi­cation and our late Measures. I come next to examine how exactly the Prince hath fulfilled, and made good unto us the pretended Ends and Designs of his Declaration; how well he hath kept the Original Con­tract we made with him; and what benefit we may expect to reap for the future by this Revolution. I shall take his Conduct in both Kingdoms joyntly under Consideration, since he hath not only united them in the same Declaration, but likewise issu'd out a Declaration apart for Scotland; intimating thereby, That the Oppres­sions in that Kingdom were more weighty and numerous than here, and that the Arbitrary Designs of our Prince did always first commence there, to make a Precedent for this Kingdom; and that the Conduct and Posture of Affairs there, did always certainly Prognosticate to the curious Observer, what was designed to be Copied and Executed here. I do not pretend to give a particular detail of the pre­sent Administration in that Kingdom; but there are some considerable Er­rors have been acted there which have made a Noise, and rais'd such publick Complaints there, as hath convey'd the Knowledge of them here to us.

The assuming a Power of Dispen­sing with the due Execution of Laws, enacted by King and Parliament for Security of Religion, Liberty, and Happiness of the Subject, is much urged against King James, as a great [Page 28] Motive to the Prince's undertaking. A Dispensing Power assumed by any Prince, doth fatally threaten the Liberties of a People where it is pra­ctised, and makes them Tenants at Will for those Privileges which the Laws of the Land hath given them a Freehold in. This is really such an important Point, and of such Conse­quence for the Subject to have been cleared, that it was indispensably the Duty of a Reforming Prince, Convention of Estates, and Parlia­ment, to have decided this Contro­versie, and placed such Marks and Boundaries for the future, so plain and obvious both to Prince and People, that each might have known their particular Rights, and govern­ed themselves for the future ac­cordingly. But our Parliaments have thought fit to leave it where they found it, dark and undecided to this day; and the Prince hath discovered he was well enough pleased with this Omission, by taking as large and broad Steps that way, as any can be charged upon King James.

The Irish Treaty furnisheth us with a convincing Proof of this; where such Indulgences were gran­ [...]ed unto them solely and si [...]g [...]y by his own Authority, with relation to the exercise of their Religion, pro­ [...] of their Arms, dispensation from Oaths, and security against [...]rsuits for their Plunderings; as were directly contrary to the Laws of the Land, the Safety, Rights, and Privileges of the Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom. This Treaty, I do acknowledge, was afterwards ratified by Parliament; but though in some Cases the Authority of Par­liament may give a legal Being for the future, yet that new Life com­menceth only from the date of their Sanction, and doth not justifie pre­ceeding Errors; and the many Dif­ficulties which arose in both Houses about the Ratification, was a clear Innuendo how dangerous and illegal they judg'd the Treaty to be. How strangely are we altered? King James's exercise of this Dispensing Power, could neither be forgotten nor attoned for; but King William's stretch that way, shall obtain a Par­liamentary Approbation; such is the Justice and unbyassed Integrity of these Times.

But we need not look so far as Ireland for Instances: We have our personal Liberties secured to us by positive and express Statutes, and Methods appointed by our Law, whereby to recover our Liberties when lost, with such severe Animad­versions against those who obstruct the due course of Law in obtaining of our Freedom, with such great and considerable Damages appoint­ed in that case, as plainly enough Points out unto us the Value and Worth of this true English Privilege. It is the choisest piece of our Magna Charta, and Original Contract; and, for my part, I should much rather allow a Prince to dispence with Pe­nal Statutes, and issue out a Procla­mation for Liberty of Conscience, than to sport himself at Pleasure with my personal Freedom; without [Page 29] which there can be no relish in any other Enjoyment; and yet there never was a Reign wherein our Birth-right in this hath been more abused, spoiled, and broken in upon. The English Subjects have been put into Proclamations, and clapt into Prisons for High Treason, and refu­sed the benefit of their Habeas Corpus, though there was no Information upon Oath against them, according as the Law appoints to warrant such a Procedure: Nay so grosly, fre­quently and impudently, have our publick Ministers affronted the Laws upon this Head, that they have found themselves obliged to apply to Par­liament for Pardon: For we have found out a new Trick in this Go­vernment, and reforming Age, first to act all imaginable Violences a­gainst the best and choisest of our Laws, and than to obtain either a Ratification or Pardon in Parliament; whereby they have struck our Eng­lish Constitution, and the Liberty of the Subject, Dead at one Blow, by Debauching our Parliaments into a Confederacy against, (in place of Protecting,) the Liberties of the People, and so making the Nation as it were Felo de se. No period of History doth furnish us with such wholesale Merchants for our best and most valuable Rights; neither do we know when this Trade shall be at an end, or when our Rulers will be weary of Tricking us out of our Liberties. We have a fresh Instance of late of the Knowledge and Learn­ing of our Judges: When the Earls of Huntington, Midleton, and others moved at the Barr for their Habeas Corpus, there was no Information upon Oath against them to warrant a refusal; otherways to be sure we should have heard of it: But Aaron Smith must make Affidavit that they had Evidence for the High Treason charged against them, which could not be got ready; and so by his Liberty and Freedom of Conscience, save in some measure the Credit of the Court: By this fine new Knack, they were all remitted back to Pri­son again. Such Judges may at last come to be fit enough for the Bench even under a Conquest; but in the mean time all such Expedients, which are not warranted from the Statutes, do rather prove the Injustice of the Court, than fulfil the Law; and however it may be Gilded, we cannot but see and feel the bitter Pill we must swallow.

Was not the Habeas Corpus Act suspended for many Months? It's true this was done by Parliament; but so much the worse, if our own Delegates, in whose Hands we trust the care, but not the intire surren­der of our Liberties, make a Com­plement of that which is not in their Power, to the Ambition or Necessi­ties of any Prince. Parliaments can no more justly over-turn Founda­tions, than the Prince can. Such Pri­vileges as are derived from King and Parliament, upon the account of the Subjects Temporary Conve­niences, are trusted to the review of the same Court; but these Funda­mental Privileges, which are the Birth-right of Nations, and derived [Page 30] Originally from the Laws of Nature it self; such as the Freedom of our Persons, and Dominion over our Properties, fall only under the Cog­nizance of Parliaments, for their better Establishment against such Breaches, as the depraved Nature of Princes and their Ministers will be making upon them.

The Nature and Design of Socie­ties, hath occasioned a partial Sub­mission of these two great native Privileges to the safety of that Body Politick, by punishing of Crimes; and to the support of it, by Taxes, which we grant our selves; but in no Construction of Reason, Sense, or Justice, can Delegates be un­derstood to be impowered, to make an intire surrender of those Rights into the Hands of any Prince, were it but for a moment. It may be alledged, That the safety and ne­cessity of the Government put our Rulers upon such extraordinary Mea­sures. If reasons and pretences of State (the Secrets of which are al­ways locked up in the Prince his Br [...]ast) can apoligize for such bold Strok s, against our most Funda­mental Privi [...]eges and Laws; Where is there any Right or Immunity, which we can call our own, or be [...]ssured off? Since such pretences shall never be wanting to entitle the Prince to an absolute Dominion over [...] Property, as well as over our Liberty; since the last is more valu­able than the first; Why may not Reasons of State, as justly render him Master of the one as of the other?

If it was to preserve our Liberties from the insults of King James, we placed the Prince upon the Throne, we have certainly either mistaken the Disease or the Cure; since he can­not be preserved upon it at a chea­per rate, than a Sacrifice of what we intended to preserve, we are to learn nothing from this Revolution, but a surer and more infallible way of enslaving the Subject. King James never dreamt of such a Method. An English Parliament was hitherto e­steemed a Court inseparable from the true Interest of Englishmen; but a little more Training under so good a Master may make them change Principles, and become in time as complacent and good natur'd as ever the French and Swedish States were. Nothing, it seems, in Gratitude, can be refused to our Deliverer. But thô Gratitude be a Virtue, it ought to have its Bounds, lest it run us farther than designed or intended at first, even to the destruction of those Rights, for the Preservation of which we desire to appear so grateful. The King of Denmark, in our time, by the Merit of some Actions performed for his People, and during their first Raptures of gratitude for it, sound the way to Enslave them, by chan­ging an Elective and Limited, into an Hereditary and Despotick Mo­narchy.

The admitting of unqualified Per­sons into Places of Employment, and the erecting the High-Commission-Court, were thought great Crimes in King James, and mighty Errors in Government; and yet the first is [Page 31] as frequently practised in the Army as ever; and how much further the Prince's dependance upon Popish Confederates may lead him in fa­vour of Catholicks, must be owing to their Moderation; for we lie at their Mercy upon that head, and may come to be made sensible, that our Foreign Allyances may prove as troublesome and uneasie to us, in favour of Papists, as King James's Religion was: And as to the last, the Prince must either look upon that Court to be no Crime, or by favouring the most active Members in it, he must destroy and invert that old English Maxim, That our Kings can neither Err, nor be Punished; but that evil Counsellors are liable to both.

The turning out the Fellows of Magdalen College from their Free­holds, contrary to that Provision in Magna Charta, That no Man should lose his Life or Goods, but by the Law of the Land, is not to be justified; and yet falls much short of the put­ting People to death, under this Go­vernment, by Martial Law, before it was Enacted. Few Men will ever scruple to secure their Lives, with the loss of their Places. The Quo Warranto and Regulation Projects, were much to be complained of; but we may very easily imagine to whose Practises they were owing, by the Countenance and Preferments the Authors and Promoters of those Councils received from this Govern­ment; neither can the Quo Warran­toing of Charters be so illegal, as the Declaration would make us believe; since King William himself treads in the same Path, by imposing a Gover­nor upon New England, upon the Quo Warranto Foot, contrary to the Opinion of his Privy-Council.

Whereas by the Declaration, the slighting and rejecting of Petitions delivered by Subjects, with Submis­sion and Respect, is considered as a high Strain of absolute Power; yet when the People of Scotland had se­cured to themselves the Privilege of Petitioning, by their claim of Rights; and in pursuance, and by virtue of that Privilege, the greatest part of that Parliament, which placed the Crown upon his Head, had humbly addressed unto the present King for his assent to some Votes, which they had passed for Establishing of Reli­gion and Liberty, and which were agreeable to their antient Laws and Privileges, they were scornfully and disdainfully refused and rejected. If by the Declaration it was a fault to treat a Peer of England as a Crimi­nal, for asserting that the Subjects were not bound to obey a Popish Justice of Peace; it cannot be a piece of Justice in King William to pass a Sentence of Banishment upon the Earl of Feversham, who is a Peer of England, within these few Weeks, without so much as alleging a Crime against him.

Since by the Declaration, the ob­liging People to deliver their Opini­on before hand, as to the repealing the Test and Penal Laws, and the turning out of Employments such as would not promise lustily, is repre­sented as so fowl a piece of Collu­sion. [Page 32] The Closetting of Members of Parliament now, to pre-engage their Votes in Affairs depending be­fore them, and the Disgraces which some obstinate Persons fell under upon it, should have been forborn, unless King William be dissatisfied with the Prince of Orange's Decla­ration, and the Rules and Maxims therein Established.

According to the Scottish Decla­ration, the appointing of Judges in an unusual manner, and giving 'em Commissions, which were not to continue during Life, or good Be­haviour, was highly illegal; yet K. William, after he got the Crown, found he was mistaken in that Para­graph, and nominated the whole Bench, without subjecting them to a Tryal and Approbation of Parlia­ment, according as Law and Cu­stom required; did not think fit to continue their Commissions during Life or good Behaviour; and ap­pointed them a Lord President, thô by express Statute he was to be ele­cted by the Bench.

By the Declaration, the imposing of Bonds upon whole Counties with­out Act of Parliament, and the per­mitting of free Quarters to the Sol­diers, are declared to be high and intollerable Stretches of Govern­ment: The same hath been practised in this Government, with greater Confidence, less Compassion, and other aggravating Circumstances. Bonds have been imposed by Autho­rity of Council, without Warrant of Parliament, as may appear from [...] publick Proclamations; and many Thousands of Soldiers have been maintained upon free Quar­ter, and for many Months together countenanced and abetted in it by the Government; and the Funds for reimbursing the Countrey, which were appointed by Parliament, have been otherways diverted.

The Commissionating the Officers of the Army, to sit as Judges upon the Lives and Estates of the Subjects, and the putting People to death without a legal Tryal, Jury, and Record; were complained of in the Declaration; were thought good Reasons for Fore-faulting of K. J. and were provided against upon this last Setlement of the Crown: And yet both the caution given by the Sentence against K. J. and the fu­ture Provision made by the Estates, prove to weak to restrain this Go­vernment from practising the same things, by ordering and impower­ing Colonel Hill, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, to put Glencou and all the Males of his Clan, under Seventy, to death; which was partly executed upon them, without any legal Tryal, Jury, or Record. Nei­ther can their former Enmity, and opposition to the Government, fur­nish any Apology for so barbarous a Murther, since they had all either actually taken the benefit of the In­demnity then granted, and so were Pardoned, or had Protections in their Pockets, which put them under the immediate care and safeguard of the Government. It may pusle the best Heads to find out the reason why Irish Papists, though stated Ene­mies, [Page 33] should be indulged to the pre­judice of our Laws and Rights; and yet Protestants, though formerly Ene­mies, barbarously Massacred, when indemnify'd and under protection; unless K. W. be resolved, from the Obligations he is under, and the De­ference he must pay to the Pope and Popish Princes, to imbrace every oc­casion of destroying the one, and cherishing the other.

By the Declaration we are assu­red, That the Prince will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of these Nati­ons, and which a free and lawful Parliament shall determine; and yet how many necessary and useful Bills, for the Happiness of the Nation, have been stifled by the Interest, In­treigues, and Sollicitations of the King himself, his Ministers and Cour­tiers; and the Royal Assent refused to many Bills in our Neighbouring Kingdom: And in this to the Bill about Judges, which was thought so necessary an expedient for the Establishing of Justice, and to cut off their servile Dependance upon the Court, which was charged as such a blemish upon the Judges in K. James's Reign, and was always look'd upon as dangerous to the Lives and Liberties of the English Subjects.

We were assured that the only design of the Prince's Undertaking, was, The preservation of the Protestant Religion, the covering all Men from Persecution for their Consciences, and the securing to the whole Nation the free injoyment of all their Laws, Rights and Liberties, under a just and legal Go­vernment. How well and truly he hath confined himself within these Limits, and other Bounds he prescri­bed to himself in his Declaration, may partly appear from what hath been said; and shall yet be made more clear and evident by a true and impartial Enquiry into his Con­duct, and some considerable Stretch­es which have been made in Points not glanced at by the Declaration, because they were Strains of Abso­lute and Despotick Power, which K. James's Reign did not furnish us with any Instances of the like.

The Power of imposing Taxes is unquestionably lodg'd in Parliament; and the People of this Island have a natural Right unto, and Dominion over their Properties; and the Prince cannot share with them in it, in whole, or in part; except in so far as they consent to it themselves, by their Representatives in Parliament: And our Parliaments, though abun­dantly liberal in other respects, have never indulged the least Liberty to our Monarchs on that head; being so far tight to their Trust; and their Constituents Interest: And the E­states of both Kingdoms judg'd it necessary, upon the present Settle­ment of the Crown, to assert the Peoples Right in it; and plainly to express it as one of the Conditions of that Settlement. And yet the Privy Council of the Kingdom of Scotland have openly and avowedly, in Contempt of the antient Laws and late Original Contract, by their pub­lick Proclamations, commanded and [Page 34] appointed, under the severest Penal­ties, the Subjects of that Kingdom, at their own Charge and Expence, to furnish a great number of Horses for the use and service of the Army; and for carrying Ammunition and Provision of Victuals, with Men to attend the said Horses: And I am in­formed, That when upon cool and second Thoughts the Council, consi­dering what they had done, how il­legal it was, and the danger they had run themselves into by it, thought fit to apply unto the Parlia­ment for an Approbation, it was re­fused them.

Extravagant Bail was complained of, and provided against by the States of both Kingdoms; and yet it is dai­ly and frequently imposed, and exa­cted many times far above the Value of their Estates.

The Freedom of Elections to Par­liament, from the Bribes and Dire­ctions of Court and Courtiers, was expresly conditioned by the States of both Kingdoms, upon their Tender of the Crown. How well that is kept and observed, may appear from the bare faced and open Applica­tions made to Counties, Corpora­tions, and particular Electors, for the Choice of such and such Persons, with Threats and promises of Re­ward. Nay, I have known Three thousand Pounds expended for secret Service, to prevent the Election of a Person who had been eminently Serviceable to this Government, be­c [...]me he was found tighter to the [...]nterest of his Country, than to the Court▪ for there never was a Reign wherein the Interest of King and People are more confidently stated as contradistinct, than in this, though it be only the Consent and preten­ded Interest of the People, gives Birth, Rise, and Title to it.

The frequency of Parliaments, for redressing of Grievances; the a­mending, strengthning, and preser­ving of the Laws, with all Freedom of Speech and Debates in them, was insisted upon and fundamentally e­stablished by the States of both King­doms, when they elected their pre­sent Majesties to the Throne How well this is observed and made good to both Kingdoms, is obvious e­nough. It is not for redressing of Grievances, amending or preserving the Laws, they are assembled; but for giving of Money. The craving Necessities of the State, the pressing Circumstances of the Consederates and foreign Affairs, the early Pre­parations of the French King, an honourable Peace, the Good of the Protestant Religion, and Fears of King James; are become the cruel and everlasting Topicks, the common and ordinary Stale, whereby the true Intent of Parliaments is baffled, and the Money business quickened and finished. The last is now so much the business of Parliaments, and the firit so little, that it is an equal Wa­ger that this Court may come at last to plead Prescription against Par­liaments, as to any other business but Money-bills.

As to freedom of Speech and De­bates, though there be none questi­oned for it, yet Members are so fre­quently [Page 35] Discouraged and Frowned upon at Court, Disgraced and turn'd out of Employments, whenever they launch out into an enquiry af­ter Grievances, or the present Ad­ministration: And upon the other hand, the Places of Honor and Trust, and the Money of the Nation, are so openly and visibly employed for debauching of Members from a sense and feeling of the true Interest of the People, and for divesting them of all the publick and generous Notions, Zeal, unwearied and bold Endea­vours for the Rights and Privileges of the Subject, the joynt Good and Interest of King and Kingdom, which hath been hitherto so much the Glo­ry and Entertainment of brave Eng­lish Spirits in our Parliaments; that this native and necessary Freedom of Speech and Debates, is more visibly threatned, and more effectually de­stroyed, than ever could have been done by Force, Sentence, or Impri­sonment. We are sooner wheed [...]ed with false, if gilded, Pretences, than hectored or huffed into a Court Com­pliance.

Lastly, was there ever a Reign, wherein the plunderings and Free qu [...]terings of Soldiers was more counteranced, and the People more grievously oppressed by them, than in this? The Complaints of Scotland upon that head already hinted at, the irregular and unheard of Abuses and Miscarriages of the Irish Army, the Desolations brought upon that miserable Kingdom by them, and the daily Instances we mo [...]t with of that nature in this Kingdom, are con­vincing and undeniable Evidences of the Truth of it. Nay, to such a pass is it already come, that when a Secretary of State was applied unto, by persons injured, who were intire­ly in the Interest of the Government, and presented by the Knight of the Shire with Complaints against the Abuses and free Quartering of Sol­diers; they were scornfully rejected with this Answer, That Men and Hor­ses must eat: Meaning, no doubt, that since the Taxes designed by the Par­liament for that end, were necessari­ly to be applied unto the use of the Consederates, the people must be doubly burdened for the Subsistence of the Troops. Such brave Guar­dians are our present Rulers become of the English Liberties.

Here we have a sad but true Ca­talogue of our Miseries; only it is not full and compleat. The present Administration can furnish us with a great many more Instances: But I have confined my self to a Dedu­ction of those grosser Errors, which visibly infringed the Pretences of the Prince's Declaration, and the Petition of Rights; the securing and preser­ving of which, was the Reason ex­presly assigned for his Election into the Throne. If in the Infancy of his Government, when his sense of Gra­titude for the Gift of Three Crowns, if ever, must be fresh in his Memory: when the Hearts and Hands, as well as the Purses of the People, were necessary for his Support; when his Honour as well as Interest called for a different Conduct, he run so warm­ly into such Measures: what must [Page 36] we feel, when he comes to sit sure and be fixt upon his Throne?

We may certainly conclude upon the Inclinations and future Designs of a Prince, by his preceeding Con­duct, and the choice of his Ministers; and from both these Reflections, in the present Case, we have but a me­lancholy View of our future Condi­tion. Are not those very Men, who in both Kingdoms were the Authors, Contrivers, and Actors of the most Arbitrary and grievous Proceedings, which were complained of, during the Reigns of our two last Monarchs, become the Ministers, the Darlings, the Favourites of this Reign? Have they changed their Principles and Maxims? The former Instances, in which they have their share, may convince us to the contrary.

Is it to be imagined that a Prince, who signalized his Entry upon the Stage of publick Affairs with a breach of the most solemn Oaths to the contrary, the Destruction of the Li­berties of his Native Country, and by grasping at a Power which the Nature, Law, and Constitutions of that Government denied to his Cha­racter in it; will be more tender of his Oaths to us, and of our Consti­tution? His past Conduct may clear it up unto us; we are Strangers to him, and he to us; his Affections, as well as his Birth, are foreign; he distrusts and despiseth us, as treache­rous to our former King; He may love the Treason, but hates the Traytors. It is not a single Crime can entitle us [...] his Favour; it is by a Sacrifice if [...] of King and Country we can touch his heart; it is only by this double Treason we can get into his Confidence. The Fate and Disgrace of those Persons, who upon this Re­volution frankly sacrificed the first, but knew not how to subdue their Scruples as to the last, may suffi­ciently prove this Truth. We have none but our selves to blame for this Mischief: By our Abdicating Vote, and subsequent Measures, our an­tient, just, and legal Government, is destroyed and overturned; and in so doing, we have disingaged him from the Promises he made in his De­claration, since it was only under a just and legal Government that we were assured of his Endeavours to preserve our Laws, Rights, and Li­berties. Let us yet a little farther examine the Benefits we shall reap from this Revolution, the Means we have to support it, and what will probably be the Issue of all these great Transactions.

The malignant aspect of our late Measures, towards our beloved Rights and Privileges, seems to be pretty well cleared already, and scarce admits of an aggravating Thought more; unless we consider that we are like to pay the Price of a perfect and lasting Cure, for down­right Poyson and a mortal consu­ming Feavor: But perhaps this Vi­ctorious Prince, by his Conquests and admirable Conduct, will raise the Military Glory of this Nation so high, and enlarge her Territories and Command so far, as shall quite darken and eclipse the Lustre and Fame of our greatest and most for­tunate [Page 37] Kings; and thereby allevi­ate, or quite bury our Sense and Feeling of past, present, and future Miseries. If the Lawrels and Conquests of a Monarch, which are first drench­ed in Tears, and are founded upon the Slavery of the People, can atone for such Miseries, the French at this Day would be the happiest People in Europe. This will not pass upon English Men, who observe from their Histories, that the most Victorious of their Monarchs have always been most render and careful of their Li­berties; and I am afraid that even this faint Comfort shall not be af­forded us. What reason have we to expect, that by the Conduct and Military Knowledge of a Prince, (against whom the Naked and Un­disciplined Irish made Head for three Campaigns together,) we shall be able to gain Troops and Provinces, from the more Numerous, better Disciplined, and Conducted Troops of France? For though the Author of A Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion flatters us, with our Victories over the French at the Boyn, Athlone, Agrim, and Limrick, and from thence foretels our Suc­cess in Flanders; they were still but Undisciplined Irish we subdued, with difficulty enough in some of those Places; and our Victories over the French in Ireland or Flanders, have not as yet burdened our Gazettes. We have already expended many Millions of Morey, and lost many Thousands of Men, and have nothing in return for all this Consumption of Blood and Treasure, but the Re­duction of Ireland; which vigorous and early Measures could have se­cured unto us at the begining, and prevented the utter Ruin and Deso­lation of that Countrey; and our late Victory at Sea over the French, to comfort us for our two former Disgraces at Bantry and Beachy, the shameful loss of many of our Navy Royal to the Enemy, the seizure of so many Hundreds of our Merchant Ships, and our Misfortunes in Flan­ders: Some of our former Princes, with a far less Expence of Men and Money, when Affairs were managed with true English Councils, and exe­cuted by English Men, have subdued whole Provinces, and given Law to Europe. But we go now upon Poli­ticks, and are governed by Mea­sures, which are Calculated rather for the Interest of Foreign Confede­rate Princes, than adjusted to the Honor, Profit, and Good of Eng­land. This Confederacy hath cost us already a great deal of Money; and it's plain, that the particular In­terests, Ambition, and Pretences of these Foreign Princes gave Birth to the Prince's Undertaking, rather than any kind regard to our Religi­on, Rights and Liberties. It is plea­sant enough to imagine that the Pope, the Fathers of the Spanish Inquisition, and the Authors of the Hungarian and Piedm [...]ntish Persecutions, against those of our Religion, should be so concerned to establish the Protestant Belief amongst us; and that those Foreign Princes, who have extingui­shed the least shadow of Liberty and Property in their own Dominions, [Page 38] have such pangs of Conscience, and tender Regard for our expiring Li­berties. They wanted our Money and our Troops, to carry on their several Pretences; and if they could be still sure of Feasting, and making War at our Expence, the Favour would be as acceptable from the Hands of King James, as from the Prince of Orange: But the Prince who must stand equally obliged to them for his mounting the Throne, and support in it, was judged a fit­ter Instrument, more humble, obe­dient and active, for emptying the English Treasures i [...] to Dutch Exche­q [...]ers, than ever they could expect from our Native King, whom they were afraid would be found m [...]re steady to a true English Interest, than to gratifie their un [...]atiable and boundless Pretences.

King James was a good Husband of his Treasure, and they were afraid would never be induced to part with any of it to them, but for equivalent Returns of Glory and Profit to the Nation. They knew the Prince had a w [...]k side, which might be better [...]ought upon: His towring Ambi­tion, and v [...]st unlimited Desires af­ter Command and a noisy Fame, ex­posed him continually to the bait they designed him; which was, to pay him in a [...]y Titles, empty Compli­ments, and feigned Pretences of Ser­vice and Obs [...]quiousness, for our good English Gold, and brave English Troops. The Plot hath succeeded, and we paid them very handsomly for the Trick they put upon us; we have made vast Issues of Men and Money; we have liberally fed those needy Princes and their Troops; it is probable that more Money will be expected and demanded from us; what are we to have for all this Ex­pence we have already made, and yet can see no end of? What Cities, what Provinces, are we to have? Is the French Navy to be burnt, or put into our hands? Are our old Preten­ces to the French Crown, at least to the Maritime Provinces, to be made good unto us? Or are we to reap nothing but the vain Honour of ha­ving contributed towards the Esta­blishment of our Neighbours, by our own Ruine?

The Duties of Neighbourhood are mutual; and suppose them as strong and binding as the Author of A Let­ter to a Friend concerning the French In­vasion would make them, they plead as strongly for us as against us: There lies as great an Obligation up­on the Confederates, to assist us in the Recovery of Normandy and Guy­en, as upon us to recover the lost Provinces in Flanders and upon the Rhine, for them: No doubt our pre­sent King hath taken Care for it in his Treaties with the Confederates; if he have not, it is a plain Discovery that the Interest of Foreigners is dearer to him than that of England. How unjust is it to [...]ob us of the fruits of so many Millions spent, and of so many which are in hazard, with our Religion, Liberties, and our All to boot? If there be any effectual care taken for this, by his Treaties, it were very fit the Nation were made ac­quainted with it, and that we cer­tainly [Page 39] knew what we were to have, and what Security the Confederate Princes have given for making good such Treaties; it must be more than Words and common Security, that can ballance the real Deeds and Kindnesses which we are daily con­ferring upon them.

But I am afraid we have not so much as a bare Promise of any thing. The encrease and growing Strength of our Monarchy lies so visibly cross to the several Pretences and Interests of the Confederates, that they would be deaf to any such Proposal; and the Prince depends too much upon them for the support of his present Title, to press such ungrateful things. Can any Man of Reason believe that the Dutch and the House of Austria will agree to have the French Fleet put into our hands, which would render us Sovereigns of the Ocean, as well as of the Narrow Seas? Or is it not next to Frenzie, to imagine that the House of Austria will ever give way that we should recover our antient Footing in France, either in whole, or in part; by which so many Catholick Cities and Provinces would be subjected to Hereticks, the Communication betwixt Spain and Flanders cut off, by shutting up the Channel on both sides; and our Mo­narchy put into such a condition as would visibly shock the ambitious de­signs of that House; which they would again resume, upon recovery of their lost Provinces? So that we are not to expect any new Acquisi­tions, with all this vast Expence, but are to rest satisfied with the Honour, or Folly rather, of raising the House of Austria to its antient Greatness; and building up a Power, which would more fatally threaten us and the rest of Europe, than that which we must be at such Pains and Ex­pence to pull down.

If the Prospect of a successful War be so little encouraging, what have we to fear and feel from an unfortu­nate Issue? How sadly may we come to be whipt, when we shall be obliged to take back our Abdicated Monarch, whether we will or no? There will be nothing then to trust to for the Safety of our Religion and Liberties, but the good Nature and true English Temper of a Prince, whom in that Case we have injured, slighted, and despised to the last de­gree: Nay, upon the Issue of a suc­cessful War against France, we may be obliged to undergo the same Fate. So far will this War, in any Event, be from terminating in an Establishment of our present Settlement, that it doth visibly tend to the contrary. This will appear no Paradox to any Man who doth exactly weigh the dif­ferent Interests and Politicks of the several States of Europe, with Rela­tion to us, and amongst themselves. Such a curious and diligent Observer will quickly discover how much more agreeable King James's Restauration would be to the secret concealed In­terest of all our Neighbouring States, than the Prince of Orange's present Royalty.

The good Intentions of France to­wards it, is not to be doubted. The House of Austria, after their Preten­ces [Page 40] upon France are satisfied, do cer­tainly become Favourers of King James's Restauration, both upon the account of Religion, and to remove a Dutch Stadtholder from being King of Britain; thereby to facilitate their antient Pretences upon those revolt­ed Provinces. The Dutch will hear­tily agree to his Restauration, to get rid of their Stadtholder, who presseth so hard upon their Liberties; they will be in no more Fears from France, from this supposed Issue of the War; and the Interest of England would always oblige its Monarch to cover and protect them from the Am­bition of the House of Austria. The best Wishes of Sweden cannot be wanting, were it only by the Admis­sion of the Prince of Wales's Right, to place the Prince of Denmark a Re­move farther from the Crown; since his Accession to the Royalty amongst us, by Vertue of his Princess's Title, might endanger the Conquests which that Crown hath made upon Den­mark. And since the Politicks of Denmark, with relation to us, are solely levell'd at his Brother's Interest; whenever the Indignities done to the Prince and Princess of Denmark shall oblige them to resume that Duty and Loyalty which is due from them to their kind old Father, who is still rea­dy to receive them, and to secure unto them those Advantages which they can never expect from the Pr. of Orange; the Concurrence of that Crown towards King James's Re­stauration can be no longer wanting. I do but hint at things, which are of sufficient Importance to make all true Englishmen, who love their Country and their Liberties, to bethink them­selves seriously how to cover and se­cure all those great and valuable Rights from the Oppression of the P. of Orange, the Miseries, Poverties, and Dangers, which will inevitably at­tend either a successful or unsuccess­ful War. We have thrown our selves into a State-Hurricane, from which there is no way of escaping, but by restoring the just and legal Govern­ment of this Nation into its antient and unquestioned Channel.

Having fully established and made out the first three Motives assigned for K. James's Restauration, I shall enquire a little into the fourth and last, viz. the Securing of the Pro­testant Religion for all future Ages. This appears a great Paradox to the Author of The Pretences to the French Invasion examined; at which he falls into Exclamations against Mankind, as the oddest Piece of the Creation, for believing such incredible things. But it is not his bold, impudent, and false Assertions, supported only by empty and noisy Eloquence, which can hide the Danger from us, that our Religion as well as our Liberties and Properties lies under from this Revolution. For clearing the Truth and Weight of this Motive, I shall make it evident, That our Religion was in no probability of being over­turned by K. James's Practices be­fore this Revolution: That it was in our power to have secured it, even against our Fears and Jealousies, without any Breach upon the antient Government; That the Dethroning [Page 41] of Monarchs upon the Pretence of Religion, hath been fatal and destru­ctive to all the several Protestant States who attempted it; That ac­cording to all appearance, it will be equally fatal in our Case and Circum­stances: And lastly, I shall make it evident, from a full and distinct An­swer to all the Arguments adduced by the Authors against King James's Restauration, that the best, surest, and most infallible way, whereby to secure the Protestant Religion, our Li­berties and Properties, upon lasting and durable Foundations, is, by re­turning to our Duty, and restoring our Abdicated Monarch by as general a Consent as he was chased away by us.

It is very natural and common with Mankind, and with Princes as well as others, to have some more particular regard towards those of their own Religion, to wish them well, and to endeavour their ease, when it lies in their Power; so that it was nothing extraordinary to find King James labouring to give his Catholick Subjects a Right and Title to that ease and security, which the Laws of the Land had deprived 'em of. I do not believe that Liberty of Conscience in general, and the cover­ing of People from Persecution on that score, can be rationally con­demned as destructive and ruinous to the Protestant Religion; we ought to have a better Opinion of the Prin­ciples of our Faith, and be better convinced of their Truth and Excel­lency, than to be afraid to have 'em bassled or shaken, much less ruined, by the Reasons of any other Per­suasion. That Religion which dares not shew its Face publickly, and stand the shock of all its Adversaries, without skeening it self under the Severity of Penal Laws, furnisheth great Suspicion to curious and pry­ing Men of its weakness and insuffi­ciency: But this, I hope, is not our Case; our most holy Religion is built upon that Rock of Ages, which can never be shaken; is fortified by the Testimonies of the Law and the Prophets, and expressly contained in the Word of God, or derived from thence by clear and necessary Con­sequences, and can subsist by its own worth and excellency, without rob­bing the rest of Mankind of that Li­berty their Birth-right Intitles them to, and enslaving Consciences. So that King James his Principle about Liberty of Conscience, if duly and le­gally Established, will be allowed: But it is the Method we complained of, which discovered some farther Design than bare Liberty of Conscience, and thereby did visibly threaten our Civil Rights and Liberties, and en­danger our Religion.

Why, truly the Measures taken were unjustifiable; but we know to whose Council and Advice they were owing: The whole was a Plot upon that Prince, to spoil the Project of Liberty of Conscience, which would have rivitted him in his Throne; and to improve his Inclinations for the Roman Religion to his own ruin and destruction. But suppose something more was intended by some, than a bare Liberty; perhaps the opening, [Page 42] a Door of Preferment to Catholicks, or the propagating that Religion over this Island: Such an undertaing is irrational, foolish and desperate; can never be accomplished; and the impossibility of it is so plain and ob­vious, that no Man who understands the World, and knew England and English Men so well as King James did, could believe it practicable. And as to the miraculous and enter­prizing Faith of Priests and new Con­verts, the zeal, folly, and warmness of their Brains, will always prevent any real Mischiefs; nay, K. James his Reign, even upon the suppositi­on that it were as bad as is alledged, is an undeniable Proof that the Pro­testant Religion cannot be under­mined, nor the Popish Religion Esta­blished in these Kingdoms, by the Ad­dress or Authority of any Prince.

I shall give it for granted, that all imaginable Methods were taken for propagating the Popish Religion; that they were indulged in the pub­lick Exercises of it; that Court Pre­ferments were thrown upon them, meerly upon the account of their Religion, without any Vertue or M [...]rit to Intitle them to it; that Protestants were absolutely, and upon all occasions, discourag'd, that it was endeavour'd to make the World [...]e [...]ve, that all Favours and Preser­ments were for the one, and nothing but Dis [...]races and Frowns for the other; that there was the greatest Care, Pains and Application, in the World, made use of, to make the Army and Courts of Judicature. I do belive, by this supposition, I have out-done all that the most malicious Enemies will urge against K. James; and yet all the World knows what little Progress was made, how few Converts were gained, and how really weak their best and surest Precautions did appear when it came to the touch. If so many of his Subjects, Soldiers and Servants, were prevailed upon by Fears and Jealousies, which were maliciously and industriously heightened above what any reason, which was given for them, could well bear; what must then have been the Conse­quence, if by real, publick, and un­doubted Discoveries, the King's in­tentions to ruin the Established Reli­gion, had been made unquestionably plain and evident: Nothing less than an universal Defection, and his per­petual Banishment from the Hearts and Affections of every English Man, could have followed.

The Catholicks of Britain are not one of a hundred; they have neither Heads, Hearts, nor Hands enough to force a National Conversion. As the Protestants are the most Nume­rous, so the Laws and Constitutions are upon their side; their Civil Rights and Liberties are twisted together with their Religious; and whosoever strikes at the last, must infallibly wound the first. It is not easie to overturn the Laws and Fundamen­tal Constitutions, whereby Religious and Civil Rights are secured to free born People; we are in Possession by our Laws of our Religion, and of that Liberty which distinguisheth our Happiness from that of other [Page 43] Subjects; we love it, and know it's true worth; we value and esteem our selves above other People, upon the account of our native Freedoms, and we will not easily part with 'em; all Attempts and Designs upon them have been unsuccessful. Am­bitious Princes, and Arbitrary Mini­sters may be forming Projects and Designs, fortifying them the best way they can, and making Parties for it; but our Constitution, toge­ther with the Protestant Religion, which is now become part of it, and our Laws, will prove always too hard for them at last: Nothing can expose or betray our Religion and Constitution to any danger, but o­vermuch fondness in the People to a Prince, who under some popular Mask and Pretence, covers close and fatal Designs against either. Let us but examine the present condition of our neighbouring States, and we shall find that Raptures of Love in the people hath overturned more Constitutions, and built up more De­spotick Governments, than the Force or Address of Princes could ever do. It is commonly received for a Truth, That Love is blind and credulous, and certainly holds good, with relation to a Political Affection. There is a certain allowable Jealousie in the People, which is very consistent with the Duty, Affection, and Respect due to the Prince; and guards and pro­tects their Laws and Constitution. Without some Measures of this Jea­lousie, the Constitution will be al­ways in danger; and this Antidote can never be wanting in the Prote­stant Subjects of Britain, under a Po­pish King: His Religion gives us such a lively and active Jealousie of him, and his Designs makes us so watch­ful, and puts us so much upon our guard, that all the Efforts of such a Prince, thô never so dextrous, sup­ported by so weak and inconsidera­ble a Party as the Catholicks of Bri­tain, can never endanger Religion and Liberty. Rather his Circum­stances and Inclinations to those of his own Religion, their ease and qui­et, might have been improved into farther and more real Securities for Religion and Liberty, by a wise and discreet Treaty, orderly managed in Parliament.

To all this it may be alledged, That though the Catholicks of Bri­tain be not a Party sufficient to carry on, and effectuate such Designs; yet the Forces of the Hector of France were still at the Command and Ser­vice of his Dear and Faithful Ally, for carrying on so good and merito­rious a Work, as that of Reducing again Great Britan into the Bosom of the Roman Church: This is mali­ciously and artfully enough suggest­ed; but let us examin it a little. How does it appear that King James was become so lost to all Reason, Mora­lity and Discretion, as to resolve to call in a French Power to over-run a Countrey which was his own, and destroy a People who were living peaceably under him; by which, from one of the most Considerable and Potent Monarchs of Europe, he became the Least and most Con­temptible? His refusal of French [Page 44] Troops and Assistance, when threat­ened with a Foreign Invasion, seems to be no great Proof of this; and his betaking himself at that time to the Love and Affection of his Subjects, as it was a plain discovery he was not Conscious to himself of any real Design, which could destroy that mutual Love and Confidence be­twixt Prince and People, which is a Debt due from the one to the other, however his Measures might have been Traduced, or maliciously Poy­soned; so it may let us see how im­probable it is to imagine, that a Prince could ever form Designs of destroying a People whose Affections he durst trust in such an Extremity. Again, What Reason is there to ima­gine that the French King vvould be so ready to furnish Troops, and be at the Charge of such a Reformati­on? He is generally allowed to be a Prince who studies his own Inte­rest the most of any; and fits all his Maxims, his Conduct and Allyances, exactly to it; and never takes a step, which upon the remotest view, may seem to cross the Interest of his Crown and Monarchy: And if it do appear, as certainly it will to any judicious thinking Man, that the Re­ducing Great Britain to the Bosom of the Roman Church may greatly en­danger the Crown of France, than all [...]rs of a French Reformation will fall to the Ground.

The English Pretences to the most considerable Maritime Provinces, nay upon the Crown of France it self, are generally known; and Histories can inform us how troublesome, how dangerous, and how successfully they were many times carried on against those Monarchs; partly by the na­tural Boldness, Spirit, and Courage of the English, far surpassing that of the French; but more especially from the Inclination of the French themselves to live under a Govern­ment which was so much easier, and more agreeable than their own; it being natural for People to covet the same Plenty and Freedom, which they see is injoyed and possessed by their Neighbour. Hence it was, that though we lost all our Footing in France, yet still our Forces and En­mity was more dreadful to those Monarchs, than that of any other State in Europe, though more consi­derable for its native Strength, and consining by dry Marches upon 'em; and they always Courted our Friend­ship and Allyance, with the greatest Submissions and Applications imagi­nable: And until the Reign of Q. E­lizabeth, the French did always chuse rather to divert our Invasions with their Money and Treaties, than to encounter them by Force; being a­fraid to graple with that Power, which they had so often felt to their Cost. Since that time, neither our Friendship hath been so much Cour­ted, nor our Enmity so carefully Avoided as formerly. This doth not proceed from the increase of the French Power, and decrease of ours; though the Revenues and Military Force of France be strangely aug­mented since; ours, in proportion, hath received the same increase: Our Treasure is augmented; and [Page 45] that being the Sinews of War, quick­ly furnisheth and maintains every thing else: And the other States of Europe are, from the Circumstances of Affairs, better disposed for Ally­ances with us, than ever they were in the time of our Ancestors. So that France is but still France, and England in the same Proportion with it, as to Force and Revenue; and in a more promising Condition of ma­king Allyances, and of being more usefully served by them: Our Pre­tences are still the same, and every whit as Strong and Just, and we as willing and desirous to make Advan­tage of them; and yet we are in no respect so formidable to that Crown, as formerly; nor in a Condition to shake that State, and make such im­pressions into the Heart of France, as our Ancestors have done: The true Reason is our difference in Religon; for we being Protestants, and France Popish; this sets the Two Nations at a greater distance from mutual Cor­respondence and Contrivances, which must necessarily preceed and occa­sion important Revolutions, than all their former Animosities, Emulation, and Duty to their natural Prince could ever do. Loyalty to Princes, National Considerations, and Point of Honor and Reputation, do many times give way to present and fu­ture Advantages: But when Religi­on and Point of Conscience comes in to gather and cement all those divi­ded Interests together, and unite them, as it were, into one bundle, they become the more hard and dif­ficult to overcome. This plain and evident Reason cannot escape the Knowledge and Reflection of so wise a Prince, as the French King is ac­knowledged to be. The difference in Religion is a much greater Secu­rity to him against our Attempts, than his Armies, Fleets, or Strength of his Towns. The Sense of Reli­gion doth many times rouze and in­fluence the Courage and Resolutions of Men, when other humane Consi­derations prove to weak to quicken their drooping Spirits: Catholicks will fight to the last, to escape the Do­minion of such as they believe Here­ticks; when, perhaps, French Men would be willing enough to come under the English Government, which is so much easier and better than their own. I do not question but this very Consideration alone, will prove strong enough to keep the French King from endeavouring our Reunion to the Roman Church; which would make the Pretences of an En­glish Monarch more dangerous, than ever by our Union with Scotland, which formerly gave such notable Diversions to our Forces both at Home and in France: That Prince's Disputes with the Pope, for Point of Prerogative, shews plainly that he never will indanger his Crown in his own Person, or Posterity, to serve the Interests and Desires of the Papal Chair; from all which we may safe­ly conclude, that the Protestant Re­ligion in Britain, was in no great danger of being ruined by King James, though really as bad as he was represented.

[Page 46]If our Religion and Liberties were placed so much out of danger of be­ing overturned, by the Laws and Franchises we were then in Possession of, how much better might we have established them for the future, and placed them above the shadow of any Danger, by embracing and impro­ving the Offers which our lawful Prince made us, of carving out our own Satisfaction and Securities. He was surprized with an astonishing De­fection of his Subjects, with a Con­spiracy of a great many Princes and States against him. He knew no place but France to retire unto; where he might have a Cover for his Head, but could have no great Expectations of being quickly restored to his Throne by a Power which had so much other Diversion. He was unwilling in his old Age to go into Exile, was very desirous to leave a perfect Calm to his Son, before his own Death, which by the Co rs of Nature, and the or­dinary Destiny of his Family, he could not believe was very remote; and had a Love and Kindness to us still, as a Father for his disobedient Children. All which would have pro­cured us, from our lawful King, a lasting, legal, full, and happy Set­tlement; would have established our Religion, bettered and secured our Liberties upon lasting Foundations, without any trouble, and with a great deal of innocency. How many crimes would have been avoided by follow­ing this Method; and how many more prevented, which will be ne­cessary, if we be obstinate, to sup­port and maintain the Injustice we have done? How many Millions of Money, and how many Lives might have been saved, or at least more profitably employed, by the Conduct and good Husbandry of our Lawful King, for the Honour of England, re­straining the unbounded Pretences of ambitious Neighbours, and in giving Peace and Quiet to Europe? There is no question, but a King who was so unwilling to leave us, and had so much of an English Spirit, would have gone into any Measures, with rela­tion to foreign Affairs, that his Palia­ment should have thought fitting; in which case, what returns of Glory and Profit would this Nation and Mo­narchy have reaped from this Blood and Treasure, which is now absolute­ly lost and thrown away, and our future Expences and Dangers daily growing upon us, with as little hope of Success? My heart is so rent and torn with the thoughts of it, that my Pen is ready to drop out of my hand as I write: But we wantonly longed for an Abdication, without examining the true Value of what we refused, and the Consequences were to follow upon the other Measures. We have made a religious War of it, which may be fatally returned upon us; and we never considered that Defe­ctions upon Pretences for the Prote­stant Religion, seldom or never ter­minate othervvise than by the De­struction of Religion and Pretenders both. It seems God Almighty did al­ways discover more of Passion and Worldly Designs, than true Zeal for Religion, in those Undertakings; and I am afraid, That since we deserve [Page 47] the like Charge, our Punishment may be the same, unless by a seasonable and early Repentance we prevent it.

The first Example I find in Histo­ry, is Zisca's War in Bohemia, against the Emperor Sigismond; which thô managed as successfully in the begin­ning as any thing we can flatter our selves with, yet had an end very fa­tal to the Reformation in that King­dom. The Civil Wars in Germany, managed by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, against Charles V. had no better Issue; many Imperial Cities and Provinces were lopt off from our Communion, and the principal Actors themselves were remarkably Sufferers by it, and their Families wear the Scars of it to this day. The second Bohemian War, un­der the Elector Palatine, whom they had chosen for their King, was yet more fatal to that Kingdom than the first, and almost ruined the King of Denmark, did exceedingly weaken the Protestant Interest in Germany, and laid the Foundation for the pre­sent Grandure of France, which is so terrible to Europe at this time: Upon the Event of that War the Ci­vil Rights and Liberties of the Sub­ject, as well as the Protestant Reli­gion in the Kingdom of Bohemia, were intirely ruined and extinguish­ed: The principal Electorate of the Empire, together with the Palati­nate of Bavaria, were wrested out of a Protestant, and placed in a Popish Family: Several other Prote­stant Princes and States were lost; and the French possessed of both the Alsatias, which hath since given in­finite Disturbances to that Empire. And the Hungarian War commenced first upon pretence of Religion, and came at last to be managed by Te­kely, hath quite buried the Prote­stant Religion in Hungary and Tran­silvania; and it is very Remarkable, That so long as they kept Petitioning as Subjects, (Though with Arms in their Hands, for the free Exercise of their Religion,) they were constantly Vi­ctorious, and got into the absolute Possession of the greatest part of that Kingdom; and might have fully se­cured their Religion and Liberties, by Concessions and Immunities which the Emperor offered them in repeat­ed Treaties: And yet no sooner was the Crown given to Tekely, and an Allyance made with the Turks to support him in it, but by a series of Misfortunes all their former Successes were unravelled, and their Affairs reduced to the miserable Condition we now see them in.

What sad alarms may such Instan­ces give us? How truly do they point at our Case; and perhaps our Fate? Can any of the above-menti­oned Examples discover such plain and visible Marks of worldly Ambi­tion, Self-interest, and corrupted Designs and Artifices, for their Ori­ginal, as have evidently actuated the Contrivers of and principal Agita­tors in our Revolution? And yet how fatally were they punished? And can we hope to escape? The Emperor Ferdinando was in a worse Condition to resist the Elector Pala­tine, backed by the Protestant Prin­ces of Germany, countenanced by [Page 48] Br [...]an and Holland, and the present Emperour Rodolph was under har­der Circumstances to support a War against his Hungarian Rebels, and the Turkish Power, than any that France hath to graple with from Us and our Allies; and yet their numerous Ar­mies and strong Allies, could not se­cure them from those Miseries which did at last overtake them. There is no way for us to get safe from the Precepices we have been walking upon, to retrieve our Religion from the desperate Danger we have run it into, and to setle and secure it; but by a National returning to our Duty, which will sufficiently atone for so general a Defection, by re­suming that Treaty we so foolishly br k off and refused; and thereby securing Religion and Property, by those Concessions which our Sove­reign is still ready to grant us: Let us put it home to him, and lay it at his own Door; let him have it in his Choice to return by his People if he pleaseth; convince him that his Pro­testant Subjects, upon securing their Religion and Liberties, will repair their former Errors, by contributing heartily towards his Restauration. And if he decline to return upon a Protestant and English Foot, there is an end of the Controversie, and of all Disputes amongst Protestants; for Religion and Liberty will never be Sacrificed by true English Men.

I am come in the last place to the Objections raised, by the new Au­thors, against King James's return; which are stuffed with virulent, false, and sophistical Reasonings; and, in a great Measure, taken off by what hath been already said. The first thing they endeavour to frighten us with, is a Conquest, and with Popery and Slavery as the necessary Conse­quences of it; since it is impossible K. James can return otherways, be­cause K. William will not Abdicate. I abhor the thoughts of Conquering my native Countrey, as much as any Man; more it seems than The Author of a Letter to a Friend, who would al­low of it in the Person of K. William, and I am against it in any Case. But by whom are we to be Conquered; and to whom must the Conquest be­long? Are we to be Conquered by such Troops as K. James, in point of Prudence, and according to the practises of all Ages in the like Case, must bring with him for the defence of his Person, and the untying of that Force which the Prince hath put upon us? I know no reason, why it may not be as Lawful for K. James to bring Fifteen thousand Men to as­sist him in recovering his Throne, as it was for the P. of O. to bring the like Number to chase him out of it; and that without giving any Jealou­sie to us of a Conquest? Thrice that Number were too few to make a Conquest of this Island; and I hope they will be so well seconded, and so far out numbered by the Accessi­on of his own Subjects, upon a feel­ing Discovery of the Pr. of Orange's Tyranny, as well as of the Injustice done their King; as may justly Stamp it a Revolution brought about by English Men, who have Conquer­ed their Passions and not their Coun­trey; [Page 49] rescued, and not enslaved the Nation; and who have preserved, and not endangered their Religion.

Is this imaginary Conquest to make us Slaves to the Fr. King, or Catholicks and Slaves to K. James? I cannot believe the first: For I do not think K. James so much in love with the French King, as to make him a Present of Three Crowns to the prejudice of Himself and his Po­sterity; and so become either his Subject, or his Vassal. These are sup­positions fit only to pass upon Chil­dren, deserves no serious Answer; and plainly shews the weakness of the Cause, which can furnish no bet­ter Reasons wherewith to defend it. As to the last; The French King will never force us to be Catholicks, for the Reasons already assigned; and it doth as little agree with his Inte­rest, to have us Slaves to our Mo­narch. Friendships are seldom last­ing amongst Neighbouring Princes, rarely continue during their own Lives, and are never transmitted to to their Posterities; so many Reasons and Jealousies of State are falling in, which occasion frequent and unavoi­dable Breaches: And a King of En­gland, who is Absolute and Master of his Subjects, would be a great deal more troublesome and dange­rous to France than otherways; and so it is not very probable that that Monarch will ever contribute to make us a Conquest to K. James, and introduce Popery and Slavery amongst us. There is one sure way to prevent this danger of Conquest, and that is by the vigorous endea­vours of every Enlish Man, to re­pair the Injury done to our Abdica­ted Monarch. King William's unwil­lingness to Abdicate, which these Au­thors threaten us with, can't put a stop to it: His breaches upon our Laws and Constitution, and his viola­tion of the Original Contract made with himself deserves it; and it is not all his Partisans and Troops, can cover him from Abdication whenever the People of England thinks fit to de­clare it.

We are told next by these Au­thors, That K. James is become so in love with the French Government, that we shall never so much as have his Pro­mise for securing our Religion and Li­berties, even though we have no reason to depend upon that, or any other Secu­rity he can give us; since he hath under­taken to the Pope and K. of France to make void all when he is upon his Throne; and that it is visible from his Carriage in Ireland to the Protestants there, that neither the sad Example of K. Charles the First, who suffered for the like Attempts towards Arbitrary Power, nor the fresh Remembrances of his own Misfortunes, will ever oblige him to lay aside his Arbitrary Designs: And however instrumental Protestants may be in his return, that Pardon for their former Failings is all can be ex­pected from him, without obtaining the least kind regard to their Religion or Liberties on that Score.

I would gladly know upon what Grounds they assert, that K. James will grant no Security at all for Re­ligion and Liberty? Have they made the Experiment, and been [Page 50] refused? It is not a bare Assertion can convince us of the Truth of it, since we are assured to the contrary. I have heard of a Scotch Plot for Re­storing King James; the particu­lars of it I am not acquainted with: Only I have been told, That upon the Application of some few Gentlemen of that Nation unto him, he frankly gran­ted them, under the Broad Seal of Scotland, all that was proposed for the security of Religion and Liberty; and agreed to several Immunities which the P. of O. refused that Nation, though he was solemnly engaged to grant them when the Crown of that Kingdom was tendered unto him. Here is more than a bare Promise; the Concessions are passed under the Broad Seal, and granted by him, when his Affairs were in Promising Circumstances, at the desire of a few Gentlemen who had been active against him, and who could make no such consi­derable Addition unto his Party, as might induce him to it; unless his own Inclinations, when free from the pressure of designing Ministers, and readiness to rectifie whatever was grievous to the People, had put him upon it. Can it be doubted af­ter this, that he will deny any thing that is necessary for the good and hap­piness of his Subjects whenever they apply seriously unto him for it?

But he must make good his Engage­ments to the Pope and King of France, and make void all when he remounts the Throne, which his hard Circum­stances obliged him to grant. If this were made plain unto us, there would be a great deal of weight in it; all the Evidence we have for it is the Veracity of the Author, which goeth no great length; being foun­ded only upon supposition, that he could not be countenanced by those Princes without such an Engage­ment. This is an Argument that con­cludes more forcibly against them­selves; since it is reasonable to ima­gine, that more solemn and sacred Engagements in favour of the Holy Chair, and a Conviction of more punctual and ready Performances, were necessary to induce the Pope, and so many Popish Princes to coun­tenance a Protestants mounting the Throne, to the prejudice of a Papist.

I am yet to learn what were the great Merits of the Irish Protestants since the Revolution, the fresh Obli­gations laid upon him, and what were the new Discoveries he gave us there of his hatred to Protestants, and irregular Arbitrary Courses. I have seen a Book written by Dr. King, which these Authors refers us to, as sufficient Evidence to make good their Charge; but it is so scandalously and notoriously False, and stuffed with so many gross Errors, and will­ful Mistakes, in point of History and matter of Fact, even in many things which fall under my own Knowlege, that the Doctor seems to have Cal­culated his Book for a Virulent false Libel; thereby to merit some Beni­fice from this Government, rather than for our Information by a true and impartial History: And the World shall be obliged with a parti­cular Account of his Falshoods and Calumnies, by a full and impartial [Page 51] Account of those Transactions. But to come close home to the Charge; Did not the Irish Protestants general­ly declare for the Prince of Orange? Did they not actually either appear in Arms for the Prince, or quit the Kingdom? And those who stay'd, were not they rather lookers on than actors, or any ways useful towards the asserting the King's Rights? I do not design this as a Satyr against the Protestants of Ireland; the Mea­sures taken there gave them much better grounds for their Fears than any we can pretend; but only to shew that the Protestants of Ireland contributed no Endeavours towards his Restauration, but run generally along with the Stream against it; and so cannot be said to have made any new Experiment of his Kindness to, and grateful sense of Obligations performed by Protestants. They ne­ver desired, or obtained, any new Se­curities for their Religion and Liber­ties, upon the Account of Services performed for him; and so have no fresh Branches of Promise to charge upon him, as our Authors do insinu­ate, whereby to deter the Protestants of Britain from contributing towards his Restauration.

On the contrary, we have a very convincing Argument, from his Care of his Protestant Subjects there, tho' either actually Enemies, or at best but idle Spectators; and his constant Endeavours to protect them from the Insults and Fury of the Irish, of whom he was not fully Master; to persuade us of the Gratitude and kind Returns we may exp [...]ct from him, when at liberty, and obliged by our Services, to express it. How carefully did he preserve their Estates and Goods? With how much tenderness did he give free Passage to the Women and Children from Londonderry, when by denying it he must infallibly have carried the Town? With what exact Discipline did he Govern an Army, serving without Pay, until King Wil­liam's Protestant reforming Troops which were under Pay, by their un­heard of Plunderings, Robberies, and Oppressions, committed upon the poor Protestants within their Lines, gave such Examples of Insolence and loose Discipline, that the Irish could be no longer restrained, as formerly, thô they never acted so extravagant­ly as the others. And I dare appeal to all the Irish Protestants, if the greatest part of the ruine of that mi­serable Country be not due to the Plunderings, Abuses, and want of Discipline, in King William's Army; which, though Protestant, and Re­formers, did far outdoe the wild Irish in desolating the Country, without regard to Friend or Foe: And I have heard many Irish Protestants affirm, That their Preservation and Protec­tion was due to K. James's own par­ticular Care over them.

As to the Proceedings of the Irish Parliament, he did so much wrestle against them, was so little Master of himself and Actions, and so much in the hands of Irish, that he is rather to be pitied than blamed for them: And 'tis very hard and unreasonable, that when a King is forced from a Throne by his Protestant Subjects, and op­posed [Page 52] by them in his Endeavours af­ter the recovery of his Inheritance, and so necessitated to betake himself to the Assistance, Protection, and Ser­vices of Catholicks, unless he would Renounce his undoubted Rights, which neither the Laws of God nor Man oblige him to; that Acts of Grace, which his Circumstances, and the necessity of their Assistance, for­ced from him, should be charged up­on him as Crimes. Let us labour for his Restauration; let us get him into our hands, and deliver him from that cruel Necessity which carries him far­ther than his Inclinations would o­therwise do; and whenever he is at liberty to act as an Englishman, he will convince us that he is such.

The Treatment that Charles I. met with is a sad Instance of the Vanity of all human Greatness, and a lasting Reproach to our Nation; but reach­eth a more pertinent and apposite Reproof to K. William's Conduct, than K. James's. The most conside­rable and important points which oc­casioned those fatal Disputes betwixt that Prince and his People, were ille­gal Imprisonments, the undue refusal of Liberty to Prisoners upon Bail, the free quarterings and Plunderings of Soldiers, and the unwarrantable exacting of Money from the Subject without Consent of Parliament. Are not all these illegal and arbitrary pra­ctices frequently repeated in this Go­vernment, and without any Prece­dent from K. James's Reign?

The many Pages imploy'd by the Author of A Letter to a Friend con­cerning the French Invasion, to prove, That the Non-swearing Protestants, as well as others, can merit nothing by their endeavours for the King's Restau­ration, but a bare Pardon at most, dis­covers more Logick and Method in dividing of his Text, than true, solid and convincing Reason: For since a few Scotish Gentlemen, who had acted warmly and vigorously against him, and could contribute but little to his Service, were able to procure not only Pardon, but those great and important Securities for their Reli­gion and the Liberties of their Coun­try, which K. William had refused to the Desires and Addresses of a Par­liament that had given him the Crown, and pre engaged his Con­sent before the Gift: Is it to be ima­gined, That so many worthy Pre­lates, Lords, Gentlemen, and infe­riour Clergy, who have testified so much Zeal, Firmness, and Fidelity, by their Sufferings, joyn'd with the early Repentance and vigorous Endeavors of others for his Service, who have been hitherto blinded and misled, will not prove of more Weight, Impor­tance, and Consideration, with him; be as kindly treated, and their Coun­try for their sakes: Or rather, will not all Securities for Religion and Li­berty be granted, from a due regard to their Application, as well as from his own Inclination? Neither is it to be feared that any of their former Measures, which unhappily and acci­dentally have contributed towards that Ferment which begot this Revo­lution, will be remembred against them; since the King is sensible how far he himself was imposed upon, as [Page 53] well as his Subjects, by the Cunning and Artifice of wicked and corrupted Ministers which were about him. And whatever Jealousies this Author may labour to infuse into the minds of People, of the firey and lax Princi­ples of the Jacobites, with Relation to the Protestant Religion, Church of England, and English Liberties; there are Jacobites, whose Principles are better, more fixed and rational, who have already, and will upon all occasions never fail to give greater and more generous Testimonies of their zeal and affection for the Esta­blishment and Security of those great Concerns, than any can be brought by our present Ministers and topping Reformers; and who will never be found with this Author in justifying a Conquest of their native Country.

The Caution which is given us a­gainst another Revolution, lest the Monarchy receive more vigour from a Restauration, than is convenient for the Liberties of the Subject, which the Author fortifies from an Instance in the Return of Charles II. at which time, betwixt zeal, flattery, and fear, the King encreased in Power, and the People lost their Liberties; con­cludes very strongly against himself, and for what I have been all along pressing. If we do but consider the true reason of those Concessions made in favour of the Monarchy, upon the Return of K. Charles, the Nation was so wearied out, exhausted and undone, by the Tyrannies and Exe­cutions, Taxes, Imprisonments, and other arbitrary Courses against their Liberties and Properties, that were practiced during that Anarchy which intervened betwixt the Murther of the Father and Return of the Son, that upon a Prospect of some Relief, by the reestablishment of the antient Monarchy, the People fell into such Raptures of Joy, which never fails of making Subjects so liberal to Prin­ces, as many times occasions a hear­ty but late Repentance. If K. Wil­liam continue a little longer to op­press our Liberties, and drein our Purses; or if the Title of Conquest be advanced, we shall be infallibly exposed to the like hazard again; which cannot be prevented, but by an early Return to our Duty, whilst we have some Patience, Wit and Mo­ney, left, to enable us to take care of our selves and our Posterity.

The hard and difficult Questions which this Author thinks he hath gra­velled us with, and the obligation of the Oaths of Allegiance to K. William, comes next to be considered. The first Question is, Whether we think our selves bound in Conscience to fight for Popery against the Prote­stant Faith. I Answer not; nor doth this Answer make any thing for King William, since in no Sense can the fighting for the Restauration of King James be called the fighting for Po­pery against the Protestant Religion; for it is both K. James's Interest and his Inclination to return upon a Pro­testant Foot; and by assisting him in it, we vindicate the Honor of our Re­ligion, and rescue it from the Dangers which threatens it from this Reign.

The second Question is, Whether we think our selves bound in Con­science [Page 54] to fight for our Prince against the Laws and Liberties of our Coun­trey. I Answer in the Negative; and we do assure the World, That it is from a tender regard to our Laws and Liberties, as well as from a sense of Duty, to repair the injury done our Exiled Prince, that we resolve to contribute to his return. The antient Constitution was broke in upon by the Abdication, and our Laws, Rights and Liberties, have been more emi­nently and signally over-run during the P. of Orange's Kingship, than by any of our most Violent and Arbitra­ry Princes, even when he was under the greatest Obligation, clearest and distinct Barriers placed against it; and we are possessed with reasonable [...]ars, nay a certainty of having 'em [...]i [...]e ruined and extinguished by his future Conduct, which layeth an Obligation upon all true English Men to repair these Breaches made upon the Constitution, and to vindi­ [...] and restore their oppressed and [...]ined Laws and Liberties, by re­turning K. James and the P. of O. into their proper and respective Stations.

But we are desired and pressed to have some Care of the Protestant Re­ligion, and Church of Christ, which will be visibly endang [...]red by the King's Restauration all Europe over; and a due regard for the Rights and Liberties of all the Princes in Europe, which will be sacrificed by it; that this ought to be more tenderly min­ded by us, since we are Citizens of the World; and so the good of Man­kind, or the greatest part of it, layeth a more sacred Obligation upon us, and is to be preferred to the parti­cular Interest of our own Prince and Countrey. The security of Religion is a Duty never to be forgotten by good Protestants, and is never to be endangered and desperately hazard­ed by honest Men. But, alas! this hath been little regarded by our late Reformers. Have they not quite un­hinged our Constitution, of which the Protestant Religion was become a­part? Have they not already, and are they not in a fair way to ruine our Laws and Liberties, which are the best Fences about our Religion? After we are become Slaves, we may quickly be made any thing else; the multitude of new Converts in France, is an undeniable Instance of this. Have they not unnecessarily exposed the Protestant Religion, to the ha­zard of a rude and uncertain War; from the commencement of which, we can form no great hopes of a Suc­cessful Issue, and that in Conjunction with Allies, who are the greatest Enemies of our Religion; who when their particular Interests have been served by our Blood and Treasure, will certainly give us the slip, and nick some Opportunity, which our present Circumstances can never fur­nish them with, of Establishing them­selves at the Expence of our Religi­ous, and Civil Rights and Liberties? And finally, have we not dethroned our King, upon the account of his Religion; by which we have com­menced a religious War, which may come to be fatally retorted upon us, and may endanger the whole Prote­stant Religion in Europe.

[Page 55]A religious War is carefully to be avoided by Protestants, since they are the weakest; and no Pretence ought to be furnished to the Catholicks for the like Measure: For thô particu­lar Animosities and Interest seem to divide them at present, how quickly may these be adjusted by the Neces­sities of one of the contending Parties, and how easie will it be then for the Pope to unite them together under the Banners of Religion, to give us, and the Protestants of Europe, a Row­land for our Oliver? This is no Chi­mera or Dream; but we may proba­bly expect to see and feel it. A far weaker Pretence, viz. the Union e­stablished amongst the Protestants of Germany, at Leipsick and Smalcald, gave Birth to the Catholick League there; which over-run all the Prote­stants, forced several Princes and Ci­ties from their Communion, and en­dangered Denmark. It is upon such weighty Considerations, and to pre­vent the danger which threatens the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad, from our late Measures, that all true Englishmen and good Prote­stants ought to endeavour the Re­stauration of our King.

As to the Caution given us to be­ware how we sacrifice the Rights and Liberties of all the Princes in Europe; the greatest part of the Princes and States of Europe are not engaged in this War against France, and conse­quently in no danger by it: The two Northern Crowns, Moscovy and Po­land, Portugal, all the Princes and States of Italy, except Savoy, together with the Switzers, are in perfect Peace with France; and so the Supposition of this Author is absolutely false; the Original and Ground of this War is purely private Contests betwixt the Crown of France and House of Au­stria, and such other Princes as that House can draw into their Interest. Do we not see that the Princes of Germany themselves, who seem to have the most immediate Concern in it, and should understand and be more alarmed at the Consequences of it than we, do but make Merchan­dise of their Assistance, and engage in and withdraw from this War, as it contributes most to their particular Interests, and according as they are best paid by the several Principals? Do not the Northern Crowns, whose Territories and Provinces lie more exposed to the Consequences of this War than our Islands, maintain an ex­act Neutrality, which will give their Subjects Possession of the best part of the Trade of Europe? We are the only Fools who have been prevailed upon to engage inconsiderately in this War, to be at the greatest Charge of it, to drein our Blood and Treasure, and to hazard our Religion and Liberties by it, without so much as proposing any Return to ballance this Expence and Danger. Our Conduct is such an In­stance of Folly and Madness, as a­mazeth the present, and will not find Credit in future Ages.

As to the Maxim established by the Author, upon which he buildeth all his fine Reasoning, it is false and Pha­natical to perfection. Can any Man in his right Wits assert That the Inter­est of our Prince and Country must [Page 56] give place to the Interests of other States, suppose them to be the grea­test part of Mankind? Much less then to those of the House of Austria, which is the present Case. Must the Interest of the British Monarchy be postponed to the Interest of the Ma­hometan and Pagan Countries, which make the greatest part of Mankind: Or must the Interest of Britain, and so of the Protestant Religion, which makes a part of it, give way to the Interest of the Pope and Catholick Princes, which make the greatest part of Europe? We may quickly guess what our Fate would be by following such a Rule, and may ea­sily be persuaded that the Cause must be very bad, which requires such wretched Maxims and Reasonings to [...]pport it.

The last Question is, Whether we would think our selves bound to sight [...] him, did we believe he would promote the same Designs he did be­fore; and what we would think our selves obliged to do in the like case, and under the same Circumstances, after he had remounted the Throne. The Answer is plain and obvious: By this Revolution, and the Consequen­ces of it, the Prince of Orange's Am­bition, and share in these Measures with which K. James was loaded, be­ing sufficiently discovered to the World; together with the Roguery of those Ministers, who to serve the Prince's Design forced the King un­willingly enough upon those Steps which we complained of, with a de­sign to ruine him; by the Restauration, and Punishment of th [...]s [...] Mi [...]ste [...], the King and People both will be safe from any repeated Assaults of the Prince's Ambition, being so well cautioned by the first; and succeeding Mini­sters will be terrified from such Infi­delities for the future. The Author supposeth a Case which will not pro­bably fall out, and so is not weighty enough to restrain us from assisting our King in the recovery of his Rights, which positive Duty obligeth us unto. And whenever the like Case occurs, such corrupt Ministers, who advise such Measures, will become a more justifiable and easier Sacrifice, for the averting such Dangers, than our antient Government and Consti­tution. And it is pleasant enough to imagine that wise and thinking Men can be imposed upon to continue un­der much more weighty Oppressions, gr ater and more visible Dangers, threatning both Religion and Liberty, by K. William's Government, from a fear we may again fall under those lesser Evi [...]s which we suffered under K. James, and which were due ra­ther to the Contrivances of the P. of O. than the King's own depraved In­clinations. And whereas it is com­plained, That such Pangs of Loyalty are unseasonable now, and should rather have been employed for keeping him in his Throne, than restoring him to it; why, truly few People did suspect that the Prince did really design what he so seriously and solemnly declared against; and every Man was struck into a State Lethargy by the sudden­ness of the Prince's Attempt, the wonderful Succ [...]ss it m [...] with in the beginning, and the charmi [...]g Wh [...]l [...]e [Page 57] of securing Liberty and Property; which we are sadly and severely rowzed from at last, by unspeakable Oppressions, by the expiring Groans of Liberty and Property, and by the dreadful View of those Miseries, which threaten us from all hands and in all Events.

As to the Obligations we lie under from the Oaths of Allegiance to the present Government, the Author himself acknowlegeth, That if we be convinced that our Oaths to King James are still binding upon us, the Obligation of the second is voided by it, which is a plain enough Answer to his own Argument; especially when we consider, that K. William's manifest Infractions of that Original Contract which we made with him, upon the maintaining and preserving of which our Allegiance was expres­ly founded, doth evidently and un­answerably dissolve and make void the Obligation of our Oaths, and much better solves all Scruples upon that head, than Dr. Sherlock's Provi­dential Reasoning. And whereas it is asserted by this Author, That Alle­giance can never be expounded to a lower Sense, than to live peaceably und [...]r the present Government, thô we will not sight for it, and not to attempt any thing again [...]t their P [...]r­sons or Crowns, not to hold Corre­spondence with their Enemies, nor to give any assistance to K. James for the recovery of his Thrones, in this he hath forgotten their own Practise: For our Reformers have taught us, That Allegiance may be expounded to a much lower Sense, even to the Abdicating the Monarch to whom the Allegiance was due, to the fil­ling of his Throne, and transferring of that Allegiance to another; and would take it very ill to be charged with Perjury for it. Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione loquentes?

We are exhorted by our Authors to beware of contributing towards K. James's return, lest we engage our Country in a Civil War, and all the dreadful Consequences of it; the Destruction of our People, the utter Consumption of our Estates, the burning of our Houses, the Ra­vishing of our Wives and Daughters, the Extirpation of Families by Sword or Halter, and the utter Ruining our Cities, Towns and Villages, are the infallible Consequences of it. The mighty deluge of Blood which was shed, and the unspeakable Miseries which overwhelm'd this Nation, du­ring the struggle betwixt the Two Roses, and our Contests with King Charles I, are undeniable Proofs, and may convince us how fatal and de­structive it is to beget and establish a Competition of Titles to the Crown, and to dethrone Monarchs: And the Calamities which over-run France and Germany by the Civil Wars, which begun upon the Account of Religion, may let us see how displea­sing it is to God Almighty, to have Religion made a cover for ambitious and private Designs. This Civil War is already Commenced, and we have established those Grounds and s [...]wen that Seed, from which we shall not fail to r [...]ap a plentiful Harvest of Blood and Ruine, without a speed [...] [Page 58] and vigorous Prevention: Nay we have been so fond of entailing cer­tain Misery upon our Selves and Po­sterities, that we have coupled toge­ther two of the strongest Motives in the World for a rude and lasting War; viz. repeated Breaches in the Royal Line and Succession, and the vacating the Throne upon the pre­tence of Religion; either of which seperately hath never failed to ruine whole Nations, Provinces and Ci­ties. It is obvious at whose Door this is to be Charged; they who for­ced away their King, upon the ac­count of his Religion, inverted the Nature of our Monarchy and the Succession, and refused all Treaties and Securities which were offered them, have laid infallible Founda­tions for those Mischiefs; and they who wish and labour for the return of the King, are the only true and skilful Physitians who clearly discover, and are willing to apply the most proper, nay only Cure, which re­mains for our Disease: And the Au­thors Reasonings from the Miseries of a Civil War, doth evidently Ar­raign their own Practises; and con­cludes most forcibly against them­selves as the Promoters of it, since it is not to be supposed, that a just Right and Title is to give place to Force and Usurpation, and fall a S [...]crifice to those Necessities which we first bring our selves under, and then plead for our Excuse.

In the last place we are cautioned against the King's return, from the intolerable Payments we must come under, for refunding those Sums which he hath borrowed of France, to maintain Himself, to keep Ireland, and to discharge the Forces that come to thrust him on us; which will prove a Ten times greater Tax for many Years, than those we pay for the support of this Government, which are not considerable, reckon­ing the abatement of Chimney-Money; and are much easier than what the French are accustomed to; and that we have paid as much formerly for assisting France to ruine Europe, and maintain Vice at home; and so may be very well satisfied with our pre­sent Payments which delivers Europe, and secures our native Countrey and Religion from utter Destruction. Our celebrated Authors could not have finished their fine Pieces with Rea­sonings, which more perfectly re­sembled the Pretences, Motives, and Grounds of this Revolution, by their Weakness, Falshood, and Prevarica­tions.

How well our present Payments secure our native Countrey and Religion from Destruction, may ap­p [...]ar from the ruine of Ireland, the Plunderings and free Quarters pra­ctised in Britain, the Breaches made upon our ancient Monarchy and Con­stitution, whereby a War is entailed upon Us and our Posterity; from the Violences done to our Laws, Rights and Liberties, and Original Contract made with K. William; and from the present visible and eminent Dangers which our Religion and Liberties are threatned with, by any probable Issue of this War, under a Prince, who hath quite overturned the Li­berties [Page 59] of his own native Countrey, made fair advances towards the ruine of ours; and was never yet Successful in any Enterprise he un­dertook, except when he invaded his Father in Law, contrary to all Divine and Humane Rules, (which perhaps God designed as a Scourge to these Nations for our Sins,) and when he fought Luxemburgh's Out­guards, at St. Denis, with the Peace in his Pocket, contrary to the pub­lick Faith and Law of Nations, as if he were Predestinated to be Success­ful only in Crimes, but unfortunate in heroick, brave, and generous Actions; such as restraining the am­bitious Encroachments of Princes, and vindicating the Rights and Li­berties of oppressed Nations; having always practised in his own Case, what he pretended to reform in an­other's.

How little the Deliverance of Eu­rope is carried on by our present Pay­ments, is but too evident from the growing Successes of France in Flan­ders, and the taking their most consi­derable Towns and Fortresses in the sight and under the nose of our pre­sent Monarch and those mighty Con­sederate Armies. It is equally false, to insinuate, That our Payments du­ring King Charles the Second's Reign bore any proportion with the Taxes under this; and that they were em­ployed only for assisting France, to ruine Europe: For the Subsidies we have already paid to this K. (which Sir Edward S [...]ymer, who might very well know it, assured the House of Commons, did amount to 18 Mil­lions, before the last Impositions which were granted) do far exceed all the Taxes paid to K. Charles, joyn'd with the several Payments made to our Edwards, our Henries, and our Eli­zabeth, who raised the Honour and Reputation of this Nation so high, and spread our Conquests so far: And it was to King Charles his Authority and Mediation, the Peaces of Aix-la-Chapelle and Nimiguen were due, which put then a Stop to the French Car­reer: And I am afraid our present Payments will very hardly bring a­bout a Peace again, upon the Foot of those Treaties; and we are to take it as a very great Favour, for which we are to be thankful to God and our present King, if the Taxes we pay during this Government, fall any thing short of the French Oppressions; and Four Millions a Year, over and above an Allowance for the Abate­ment of Chimney-Money and the ordi­nary Revenues of the Crown, are but inconsiderable Payments in the opinion of these Authors. It seems their Court Preferments are great and rich, that they are so little sensible of those Taxes, which are already be­come so heavy to this Nation, and of which we see no end.

But the growing Debt to the French King for those Sums already spent upon K. [...]ames 's Subsistance, and the defence of Ireland, and to be farther Exp [...]nded for his Restauration, will quite sink and undo this Nation. It appears that these Authors take it for granted, That the mercenary Temper of the Dutch, in demanding and obtaining Sati [...]facti­on for their Expences, which [...] of [Page 60] a tender regard forsooth to our Li­berties they bestowed upon our De­liverance, will be exactly copied by other Princes: But this is the first In­stance of such Merchandise; and it is not to be believed, that great Prin­ces who study Fame, and tenderly regard their Honor and Glory, will imitate so base an Example. But sup­pose they should; our Author is as wide in his Estimate of this Expence, as in his other Reasonings. We are frightned with a Charge Ten times bigger, for many Years, than our present Payments, and yet will very much fall short of the half of one Years Tax we pay now. The Sums spent upon the King's Subsistence and Ireland, doth not amount to Three hundred thousand Lu [...]dores; and as for the Charge of his return I wish, and heartily pray, that all true English Men would unanimous­ly concur together, to prevent the pretence of demanding any such Charges, the necessity of Foreign Troops, and even the remotest Fears of French Popery and Slavery, by returning our King with as general a Consent as he was forced from us; which will vindicate the Protestant Religion from the reproach of De­posing Principles, and establish it for the nature; will rese [...]e the ancient Monarchy, and Constitution of this Nation upon its old Basi [...], will re­pair the Injury done to our lawful King, whereby we may legaly ob­tain those Securities for our Religion and Liberties, which we are Court­ing unsucces fully amidst so many despera [...]e D [...]g [...]rs and Diff [...]l [...]s; will infallibly relieve us from the weighty Oppressions and manifest Infractions of our choicest and most valuable Rights, which we at pre­sent feel, and have so much reason to be apprehensive of for the future; will deliver us from the heavy Bur­then of so many Taxes, which we have already paid, and which yet must be continued if we design to support a crazy and unjust Settle­ment any longer; which, after all our Blood and Expence must cer­tainly fall to the ground, and give place to the natural Force and Weight of our ancient Government and Monarchy; to the just Title and undoubted Rights of our lawful So­vereign and his Posterity; to the Love, Affections, and native Incli­nations of English Men when the present fit is over; and to the In­terests of our Neighbouring Princes and States, which lie visibly cross unto it, so soon as their present Dif­ferences are at an end: And lastly, by this Method we shall be secured against those fatal Influences upon our Liberties, which never fail to accompany all forced, irresistable, and unexpected returns of Exiled Monarchs.

I do humbly beseech Almighty God, That of his Infinite Mercy, for the good of these Nations and of all Europe, he would open the Prince of Orange's Eyes, give him a sight and discovery of the Vanity as well as Injustice of possessing his Father's Throne; and incline his Heart to e­stablish Religion and Liberty among [Page 61] us, and give Peace to all Europe, by doing an Act which would bury in Oblivion the famed Instances of Dio­clesian and Charles V. and immorta­lize his Name, even by restoring his old Father to his Right and Inheri­tance. Was it really the Danger our Religion and Liberties were in which put him upon coming to Britain, this would be an infallible way fully to secure them by new Laws and Con­cessions, against which there lay no Objection: Or was it to put himself at the head of the British Forces, there­by to give a Check to the towring Ambition of the French Monarch, this would more effectually do it; for ei­ther that King would think himself obliged, out of Gratitude to a Prince who is truly a Martyr for a suppo­sed French League, to give a reasona­ble Peace to Europe, in order to King James's Restauration; or by a Refu­sal, our King was at Liberty to con­sult his own Interest, and to unite with the Consederates by the Advice of Parliament; which would make such a general and vigorous Appli­cation of the English Forces that way, without any fear of Domestick Di­straction, as would quickly oblige that great Monarch to give ear to Reason, and a Peace to his Neigh­bours: And the Glory of having gi­ven Peace to Europe, and subdued himself, would place the Prince of Orange's Name upon the highest Pin­nacles of Fame, furnish the greatest Character imaginable for History, give a great and noble Example to future Ages, declare him the Bene­factor of the Christian World, and oblige all British Subjects to acknow­lege, that he had most generously contributed his best Endeavours for the securing of the Protestant Reli­gion, and the free Enjoyment of all our Laws, Rights and Liberties, un­der a just and legal Government, according to his Declaration.