CHAP. I.

IF we consider the Extent of the King of Denmark's Dominions, he may with Justice be reckoned a­mong the greatest Princes of Eu­rope; but if we have regard to the im­portance and value of them, he may be [Page 2] put in Ballance with the King of Portu­gal, and possibly be found lighter.

His Stile is King of Denmark and Nor­way, of the Goths and Vandals, Duke of Sleswick and Holstein, Stormar, and Dit­marsh; Earl in Oldenburg and Delmen­horst; all which Countries he actually possesses either in whole or in part: so that except that of the Goths and Van­dals, which Title both he and the King of Sweden use, and which the Crown of Denmark has retained ever since it was Master of Sweden (as we in England do that of France) all the rest are substan­tial and not empty Titles.

My design is to acquaint you with the present State of these Countries, and to offer nothing but what I have either Collected from sensible grave Persons, or what my own Knowledge and Experience has confirm'd to be Truth.

Since the late Wars between that fa­mous Captain Charles Gustavus of Swe­den, and Frederic the Third, which end­ed in a Peace Anno 1660. Denmark has been forced to sit down with the loss of all its Territories which lay on the other side of the Baltick Sea; Schonen, Halland, and Bleking remaining to the Swedes, notwithstanding frequent Struggles to re­cover them. These three (especially [Page 3] Schonen) were the best Provinces be­longing to Denmark, and therefore are still looked upon with a very envious Eye by the Danes: And for this very reason 'tis reported, that the Windows of Cronenburgh Castle, whose Prospect lay towards Schonen, were wall'd up, that so hateful an Object might not cause conti­nual heart-burnings.

Denmark therefore, as it is thus clipp'd, is at present bounded on all sides with the Sea, except one small Neck of Land, where it joins to Holstein; the German Ocean washes it on the West and North-west; the entrance into the Baltick, called the Categate on the North, and North-East; the Baltick on the East; and the River Eyder on the South; which having its source very near the East Sea, takes his course Westward, and falls in­to the Ocean at Toningen, a strong Town of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp's: So that if a Channel were made of about three Danish Miles from that River to Kiel, 'twould be a perfect Island. I in­clude in this Account the Dutchy of Sles­wick as part of Denmark, but not the Dutchy of Holstein; because the former was a Fief of that Crown, the latter of the Empire.

All Denmark therefore comprehending [Page 4] its Islands, as I have thus bounded it, lyes in length between the degrees of 54 ^gr. 45 ^min. and 58 ^gr. 15 ^min. North Latitude, the breadth not being proportionable; and may at a large Computation be rec­koned to amount to the bigness of two thirds of the Kingdom of Ireland.

Norway, which lies North from Den­mark, and is separated from it by that Sea which is usually called the Categate, is a vast and barren Countrey, full of Mountains and Firr-trees; it reaches from 59 to 71 degrees of North Lati­tude; but is very narrow in respect to its length. It is bounded on the West and North by the Ocean, on the East by Sweden and the Territories belonging to it; on the South by the Sea lying be­tween it and Denmark. The Sea is so deep about it, that there is no Ancho­rage for Ships; and therefore its Coasts are accounted the most dangerous of a­ny in Europe to run with in the Night, or in a Storm; on which if you chance to be driven, there is no scaping, the Shoar being all along high Rocks, at the very foot of which one may find 200 Fathom Water.

Holstein, which includes Ditmarsh and Stormar, is bounded by the Dutchy of Sleswick on the North, the Dutchy of [Page 5] Saxe Lawenburg on the South-East, the River Elbe on the South-West, the rest of it is washed by the Ocean and Bal­tick Sea. It lies between the 54th and 55th degrees of North Latitude.

Oldenburg and Delmenhorst are two Counties in Germany that lye together, detached from all the rest of the King of Denmark's Countries; the two Rivers, Elb and Weser, and the Dutchy of Bre­men, interposing between them and Hol­stein. They are bounded on the North-East by the Weser, on the West by East-Friesland and the County of Embden, on the South by part of the Bishoprick of Munster. They are a small Territory of about 35 English Miles in Diameter; the middle of which is in the Latitude of 53 degrees and a half.

The rest of the King of Denmark's Territories not mentioned in the enume­ration of his Titles, are the Islands of Feroe, and Iseland in the Northern O­cean. St. Thomas, one of the Caribbe Islands in the West-Indies. A Fort up­on the Coast of Guinea, call'd Christians­burg; and another in the East-Indies, call'd Tranquebar. He has likewise a Toll at Elfleet upon the River Weser.

Thus much may serve in general touching the Dominions of that King; [Page 6] which have this great inconveniency, that they are mightily disjoined and se­parated from each other; it being cer­tain, that a State which is confined by many Principalities is weak, exposed to many dangers, and requires a more than ordinary Expence, as well as Prudence, to preserve it entire: And it is to this principally that the Conquests which the Swedes have gained upon them may be ascribed.

CHAP. II.

THIS being the most considerable, and in value four parts in five of all the Territories belonging to the Crown of Denmark, I shall give a more particular account of it than of the rest. Others, I know, have given us the Ge­nealogies and Succession of its Kings, an­cient Names, Inhabitants, Conquests, &c. my business is only to inform how it stands at this day, and to enter no fur­ther into the former History, or the Geo­graphy of the Countrey, than is necessa­ry [Page 7] to the understanding the present State of it.

Denmark then, properly so called, con­sists of many Islands in the Baltick Sea, and of that part of the Continent which is now called Jutland: The Dutchy of Sleswick, which I reckoned in the former Chapter as part of it, shall be treated of by it self, because it is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein Got­torp; whereas these above-mentioned are wholly the King's. Jutland is the biggest and most fertile Countrey, but the Islands are more considerable in re­gard of their Situation, especially Zea­land; because Copenhagen, the Chief Ci­ty of Denmark, is seated in it, and the famous passage of the Sound is bordered by its Shoar, where, on the narrowest part the Town of Elsinor stands: where­fore I shall begin with a description of them, and first of Zealand.

It is almost of a Circular Figure, and contains about 180 English Miles in Cir­cumference; I cannot commend its Fer­tility, there being no Bread corn grow­ing in any part of it except Rye, which indeed is in good quantity, and whereof most of their Bread is made. There are few Meadows in it, and yet there is no want of good Hay: Most of their Grass, [Page 8] which is short and sweet, grows by the sides of their Corn Fields, or in some scattered spots of Marish Grounds. It has no Rivers, nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill; to supply this, there is a great number of fine Lakes sufficiently stored with Fish. The Air is but indifferent, especially in and near Copenhagen; which is occasion­ed by the frequent Fogs and low Situa­tion; yet Colds of the Lungs are very rare here; this I attribute to the pure­ness of their firing, which is Beech-wood, the only sort of Timber trees which a­bound in this Island. About one fourth part of it is Forest, lying open for the King's Hunting and his Game, such as Staggs, Wild-Boars, Roe-Bucks, &c. these are such Sacred things that no Body dares touch them, though they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn, to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants.

The Face of the Land is pleasant in many places, abounding with little Hills, Woods and Lakes in a very agreeable di­versity. For Sea-Ports, that most ex­cellent one belonging to Copenhagen must make amends for the want of them, not only in this, but many other of the I­slands; there being few others, that I [Page 9] know of, capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns.

Neither is this a sensible want, because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation: In good years, that is, wet ones (for the Soil being altogether Sandy, requires frequent Rains, even thus far North) there may be some overplus of Rye; and I have been told, that about forty years ago, ten or twelve Dutch Fly­boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog, a pretty flourishing Town at that time, within twenty English Miles of Copenha­gen; but of late they seem to be well sa­tisfied if the Product of the Isle main­tains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it: Not that the numbers of these are increased, but Husbandry is not so much encouraged now as when the Taxes of the poor Countrey People were less fre­quent and grievous.

The Cattle here are generally small and lean; kept within doors seven or eight Months in the Year; where their Feeding is partly Hay, partly Brewers Grains, Roots, Weeds, and such Trash as their Owners can provide for them. In Summer time their Beef is sweet and juicy; but Weather Mutton was a rare thing till of late; nor is it common now, they being not used to Geld their Sheep; [Page 10] and therefore 'twas usually eaten while it was Lamb.

The feeding of the Commonalty gene­rally throughout all Denmark is very mean; the Burgers and Citizens sustain­ing themselves with Rye-bread, Salt-flesh, Stock-fish, Bacon, and very bad Cheese; insomuch that the Inspectors of our Mar­kets in England, who use to destroy or send to the Prisons all such Victuals as are not judged wholsom, would (if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen) go near to empty the Mar­kets, and leave little to either Buyer or Seller. The Peasants live on Roots, white Meats, and Rye-bread; seldom tasting fresh Fish, and scarce ever Flesh, unless on some extraordinary Festivals, as on St. Martin's Eve, when each Family in Denmark, without sail, makes merry with a rosted Goose at Supper.

Here, and in all Denmark, are but two Seasons of the Year, Winter and Sum­mer; those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known; the Spring never, and the Autumn seldom; you immediate­ly leap from extremity of Heat to extre­mity of Cold; and so on the contrary, when Winter is over, from Cold to Heat. During the three Months of June, July, [Page 11] and August, the Heat is much more in­tense than in England, and very sultry in the Nights, but 'tis a gloomy Heat, and People generally perceive some in­terposition of thick Vapours between them and the Sun. In Copenhagen, du­ring these three Months, they are con­stantly troubled with the Plague of Flies, which they endeavour to destroy by a poysoned Water; upon the laying of which in their Kitchins and Chambers, I have seen whole Bushels of dead Flies swept together in one Room.

The Baltick Sea near this City is very ill stored with good Fish; neither did I ever know any Sea-Town of that Con­sequence worse served with it: Whether it be that the Sea wants its requisite salt­ness, (being rather to be esteemed brack­ish than salt) or that the People are not industrious enough to take them; but I rather believe the former.

The principal things of this Island, and indeed of all Denmark, are the City of Copenhagen, and the Passage of the Sound. I will begin with the City, the rather because when I have done with that I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions; there being no other belonging to him much better than our Town of St. Al­bans.

[Page 12] Copenhagen is no ancient City, nor a very large one; it approaches in bigness nearest to Bristol of any of our English Cities; but it increases in Buildings eve­ry day, notwithstanding the many dis­couragements it lyes under. The Forti­fications of it enclose a great deal more Ground than is built upon; and many small Buildings, which upon a further increase of its Riches, will be pulled down. Its Situation for Trade is one of the best in the World, because of the ex­cellency of its Port; so that without doubt, were Copenhagen a free City, it would be the Mart and Staple of all the Traffick of the Baltick. This Port is inclosed by the Bulwarks of the Town, the entrance in­to it being so narrow, that but one Ship can pass at a time; which entrance is e­very Night shut up with a strong Boom; the Citadel on one side, and a good Block-house well furnished with Cannon on the other, Commands the Mouth of it. Within this Haven rides the Navy Royal, every Ship having his place as­signed to it; a wooden Gallery ranges round the whole Inclosure where the Fleet lies, laid over the Water in such manner, that all the Ships may be view­ed near at hand as easily and commodi­ously as if they lay on dry Land. This [Page 13] Harbour is capacious enough to hold 500 Sail, where neither Wind nor Ene­mies can do them the least mischief. The Road without is very good and safe; be­ing fenced from the Sea by a large Sand Bank, on the Points of which float al­ways a couple of Buoys to direct all Ships that come in or go out. Here are no Tides to fear; But always a sufficient depth of Water: Sometimes indeed, ac­cording as the Winds blow in or out of the Baltick, there sets a Current; but 'tis not frequent, nor dangerous. To con­clude, this Port may justly be reckoned in all respects one of the best in the whole World.

The Town is strong, being situated in a flat Marish Soil, not commanded by a­ny height; the Air is bad by reason of the stink of the Channels which are cut through it. The Works of it are only of Earth and Sodds, yet raised accord­ing to the Rules of Modern Fortification, and in tollerable good Repair. The Buildings both in this City and elsewhere, are generally very mean, being Cage­work, and having the Intervals between the Timbers filled up with Brick. 'Tis observable, that all the good Publick Buildings in it, such as the Change, Arse­nal, Round-Steeple, &c. were built by [Page 14] King Christian the Fourth, the present King's Grandfather, and a very brave, though not a Fortunate Prince; who did more with less Revenues than all the succeeding Princes; the Monarchy be­ing at that time neither Hereditary nor Absolute. He used often to say, That he knew the Purses of his Subjects would be always open for his and the Kingdoms just Occasions; and that he had rather they were his Cash-keepers than a High­Treasurer, who might abuse him. Al­though the principal Decorations of this Town are owing to him, yet he either forgot or delay'd the Building of a Pa­lace for himself and his Successors, and no Body has undertaken it since; though certainly in no Kingdom is there greater occasion; this King's House of Residence being for Situation, Meanness, and Incon­venience the worst in the World; and as singular for badness as the Port is for goodness. Several of the Noblemen, as his High Excellency Guldenlieu, the great Admiral Juel, with others, being infinite­ly better lodged than the whole Royal Family: Yet to make amends for this, his Majesty has near him an excellent Stable of Horses; and handsome large Gardens, with a good Garden-House, called Rosenburg, some distance from [Page 15] the Palace, at the other end of the Town.

CHAP. III.

THIS Passage or Streight called the Sound, or Ore-sound, which has so great a Reputation in these Nor­thern Parts of the World, lies between this Island of Zealand and the firm Land of Schonen. On Denmark side, where it is narrowest, stands the Town of Elsi­nore, and the strong Fortress of Cronen­burg; near which is a tollerable good Road for Ships. On Sweden side is the Town of Helsinburg with a demolished Castle, whereof only one old Tower re­mains, sufficient to hold half a dozen great Guns to repay the Salutes of Men of War which pass through.

Betwixt these two do pass and repass all Vessels that Trade into the Baltick; so that next that of Gibraltar, one may justly reckon this Streight the most important and frequented of any in Europe. The loss of Schonen, though it was considerable in regard of the large­ness [Page 16] and fruitfulness of the Province, yet it was more so in respect to the Domi­nion of this great Passage; for although the Danes, by the Treaty of Peace, have expresly retained their Title to it, and receive Toll from all Ships that pass ex­cept Swedes, yet they do not esteem the Security of that Title so firm as they would wish; for being not Masters of the Land on both sides, they may have the Right, but not the Power to assert it upon occasion, and seem only to enjoy it at present according to their good Be­haviour; their stronger Neighbour the Swede being able to make use of the first Opportunity given him to their Preju­dice.

This Toll, being very considerable, and of late years occasioning many Disputes which are not yet determined, I thought it might not be amiss to set down in this place, what I have learnt of the Original and Nature of it, after ha­ving made as strict Enquiry as was possi­ble from the most ancient, and most un­derstanding Persons I could meet with.

The most rational Account then is, That it was at first laid by the Consent of the Traders into the Baltick, who were willing to allow a small matter for each Ship that passed, towards the main­taining [Page 17] of Lights on certain places of that Coast, for the better direction of Sailers in dark Nights: Hereupon this Passage of the Sound became the most practised; that other of the Great Belt being in a little time quite neglected; as well be­cause of the great Conveniency of those Lights to the Shipping that passed in and out of the East-Sea, as because of an A­greement made that no Ships should pass the other way, to the end that all might pay their shares; it being unreasonable that such Ships should have the benefit of those Lights in dark or stormy Winter Nights, who avoided paying towards the maintaining of those Fires, by passing a­nother way. Besides, if this manner of avoiding the Payment had been allowed, the Revenue would have been so insigni­ficant, considering the small Sum which each Ship was to pay, that the Lights could not have been maintained by it; and the Danes were not willing to be at the Charge solely for the use and benefit of their own Trading Ships, in regard they were Masters of so few as made it not worth their while; the Lubeckers, Dantzickers, and Merchants of other Hans-Towns, being the greatest Traders at that time in the Northern Parts of Eu­rope, [Page 18] by which they arrived to a great height of Power and Riches.

But there being no fixed Rule or Trea­ty whereby to be governed with regard to the different Bulk of the Ships belong­ing to so many several Nations, the Danes began in process of time to grow Arbi­trary, and exacted more or less Sums, ac­cording to the strength or weakness of those they had to deal with, or accord­ing to their Friendship or Discontent with those Princes and States to whom the several Ships belonged: Therefore the Emperor Charles the Fifth, to ascertain this Toll, concluded a Treaty with the King of Denmark, which was signed at Spire on the Rhine, and was in behalf of his Subjects of the Seventeen Provinces of the Low Countries, who had great Traffick in the Baltick; and agreed that as a Toll-Custom in the Sound, every Ship of 200 Tuns and under, should pay two Rose Nobles at its Entrance or Return from the Baltick, and every Ship above 200 Tuns three Rose Nobles.

This Agreement remained in force till such time as the United Provinces shook off the Spanish Yoak, and then the Danes taking the advantage of those Wars, rai­sed their Toll to an extravagant height, the troublesome Times not affording lei­sure [Page 19] to the Dutch to mind the redressing of such a Mischief.

However, about the Year 1600. they joined themselves with the City of Lu­beck, in opposition to such an exorbitant Toll as was taken from both of them; so that from thenceforth the Dutch paid more or less, according as Fortune was favourable or adverse to them, but gene­rally little.

Anno 1647. the first Treaty was made between Denmark and the United Pro­vinces (as Soveraigns) for this Toll; and they were obliged to pay a certain Sum for each Ship; this Treaty was to last Forty years; after the expiration of which, if in the mean time no new Trea­ty were made, that of Spire was to be in force.

This Treaty of 1647. expired 1687. and the Danes agreed to make an interim Treaty, till such time as the many Dif­ferences between them and the Hollan­ders in this and other Matters could be adjusted at leisure, and concluded in a more lasting and solemn one.

This interim Treaty, which was but for Four years, expired in the Year 1691. so that no new Treaty being made and finished during that time, it is evident [Page 20] that only the ancient Treaty of Spire re­mains in force, and no other.

The English Treaties with Denmark are grounded on those between the Dutch and that Kingdom, and have reference to them; with a Covenant that we shall be treated tanquam gens amicissima; ex­cepting always Sweden, whose Ships pay no Toll at all.

So that at present both the English and Dutch have occasion for new Trea­ties with Denmark in this and other Af­fairs of Trade, unless it be agreed by all Parties that the Treaty of Spire shall for so much remain in vigour hereafter.

From this short History of the Origi­nal of this Imposition it appears, how slightly grounded the King of Denmark's Title is to this Right of exacting the Toll of the Sound; which from an easie Con­tribution which Merchants chose to pay for their own Convenience, and whereof the King of Denmark was only Treasu­rer or Trustee, to see it fairly laid out for the common use, is grown to be a heavy Imposition upon Trade, as well as a kind of servile acknowledgment of his Sovereignty of those Seas; and is pure­ly owing to his taking an Advantage of the Difficulties of the Hollanders du­ring their Wars with Spain, and the [Page 21] Connivance of King James the First in prejudice of the English; who favoured the Danes upon account of his Marriage to a Daughter of that Crown; upon whose two Examples all the lesser States were forced to submit. Nor can it be conceived how it could be otherwise brought about; since it is very well known, that the Passage of the Sound is not the only one to the Baltick Sea, there being two others called the Greater and Lesser Belts; and that of the Greater Belt so commodious and large, that du­ring the late Wars the whole Dutch Fleet chose to pass through it, and continue in it for four or five Months together; and the Danish Strength at Sea never appeared yet so formidable as to be able to oblige the English and Dutch to choose, which Passage it pleased: Besides, the breadth of the Sound in the narrowest part is four English Miles over; and every where of a sufficient depth; so that his Castles could not Command the Channel when he was Master of both sides; much less now that he has but one. So that it is plain, this pretended Sove­reignty is very precarious, being partly founded on a Breach of Trust, as well as the Carelesness of some of the Princes concerned in it, to the great Injury of [Page 22] Trade: And the Spaniards may, with as much right, lay claim to the Sovereignty of the Streights of Gibralter, where there is but one Passage; or the Swede, who is now Master of one of the Castles on the Sound, demand another Toll of all Ships, since both are better able to support their Claims.

For the further clearing of this Point, and to shew how it agrees with the Ac­count I have already given, I have thought fit to insert in this place the Co­py of a Letter from a very understand­ing Person, March 31. 1691.

The Court of Denmark is not to be blamed therefore for being wonderful jealous of any Infraction of this their pre­tended Sovereignty, as People are most careful and suspicious in behalf of an Estate wherein their Title is weak, it being so much the Interest not only of the English and Dutch, but also of the Swede, to have it set right, both to encourage Trade to his own Country, and to les­sen the Revenue of his Neighbour; nei­ther can it be said, that the English and [Page 25] Dutch did ever intirely yield the Point; for though they agreed to pay a small Toll on Merchandize, yet no manner of searching or stopping is to be allowed, or has ever been. The Danes are now obliged to take the Master of the Ves­sel's word for the quality and quantity of the Lading; and thought it prudence never to press this Point further, least we should grow angry, and make too nar­row an Inspection both into their Origi­nal Right, and into their Ability to main­tain it: For whilst we and the Dutch are content to pay this Toll, all the other petty Princes and States do it without Murmur, but if we once broke the Chain, they would shake off their part of it like­wise.

CHAP. IV.

THE most considerable Islands next to that of Zealand, are, Funen or Fionia, Laland, Langland, Falstria, Mune, Samsoe, Arroe, Bornholm, and Amack; there are besides many other small ones of less note.

[Page 26] Funen is second to Zealand, whether its bigness or the goodness of its Soil be considered; it has plenty of Corn, Hogs, Lakes, and Woods; the chief Town of it is Odensee, a well-seated, and former­ly a flourishing little City, but at pre­sent much fallen to decay. This Island produces nothing for the Merchant to export, except some few Horses, the In­habitants usually consuming their own Commodities. This is a principal Go­vernment, called a Stifts Ampt. The present Governour is Mr. Winterfelt.

Laland is a small, but plentiful Island, producing all sorts of Corn in abun­dance, and particularly Wheat, where­with it supplies the City of Copenhagen, and all other parts of Denmark, where it is a rarity. The Hollanders buy yearly, and ship off great quantities of Corn from hence. This likewise is a Stifts Ampt, having several of the lesser Islands under its Jurisdiction. The Go­vernour of it is Mr. Geugh, who for­merly had a Publick Character, and re­sided a long time in England.

Falstria, Langland, and Mune are fer­tile Islands; the two first Export yearly some Corn. Arroe and Alsen abound in Annis-seeds, which are much used to sea­son their Meat, and mix with their [Page 27] Bread. Bornholm, Samsoe, with the o­ther Islands, nourish Cattle, and afford Corn for the use of the Inhabitants. But Amack deserves to be particularly re­membred; this little Island joyns close to the City of Copenhagen, from which 'tis only separated by a small Arm of the Sea, which is passed over by a Draw-bridge, and exceeds in fruitfulness any spot of Ground in Denmark. This Land was given many Years ago to several Families of North Hollanders, who were planted there to make But­ter and Cheese for the Court; the De­scendants of whom retain to this day the Habit, Language, and Customs of their Predecessors, together with their Cleanliness and Industry; neither will they mix with the Danes, but inter­marry with each other. They had for­merly extraordinary Priviledges granted to them, whereof some continue to this time, but others are retrenched; and by degrees it is to be feared they will be treated like the other Subjects.

This Island of Amaek, through the In­dustry of these laborious People, is as it were the Kitchen-Garden of Copenhagen, and supplies its Markets plentifully with all sorts of Roots and Herbs; besides Butter, Milk, great quantities of Corn, [Page 28] and some Hay; whatever it produces be­ing the best in its kind that is to be found in the whole Kingdom.

Jutland, part of the ancient Cimbrica Chersonesus, is the biggest part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and may amount to about two thirds of the whole. It is divided into four Stifts Ampts, or prin­cipal Governments. The present Go­vernours are, the Count de Frize, the upper Mareschal Speckhan, Monsieur Edmund Schele, now Envoy Extraordi­nary to his Majesty from the King of Denmark, &c.

This is a plentiful Country, a­bounding more especially in Cattle; it wants good Sea-Ports towards the Ocean, notwithstanding which the Hol­landers transport yearly great quan­tities of lean Cows and Oxen from hence to their more fertile Soil, where in a short time they grow so prodigiously fat, through better feeding, in the rich Grounds of Holland, that a vast Profit is made by this Traffick. The Horses and Swine of this Country are excel­lent, and in great numbers. It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People. The Land is more Fertile near the Sea-Coasts; the Inland being full of Heaths, Lakes, and Woods. [Page 29] In short, it is the best Country the King of Denmark is Master of, and ap­pears to be least declining, because most remote from Copenhagen.— Procul à Jove, Procul à Fulmine. It be­ing observed, that in limited Monar­chies and Commonwealths, a Neighbour­hood to the Seat of the Government, is advantageous to the Subjects, whilst the distant Provinces are less thriving, and more liable to Oppression: but in Arbi­trary and Tyrannical Kingdoms the quite contrary happens.

CHAP. V.

THE Dutchy of Sleswick is in ge­neral a very good Country; its convenient Situation between two Seas, the Ocean and the Baltick, rendring it considerable for Trade, although the natural Commodities, fit for Exportati­on, are in no great quantity. Some Corn, Cattle, Horses, and Wood for Firing it affords to its Neighbours, over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants. It is divided be­tween [Page 30] the King and the Duke of Hol­stein. The principal Town which gives Name to the Dutchy, belongs to the Duke of Holstein, who resides near it in his Palace of Gottorp, one of the most delicious Seats that is to be seen in all the Northern Parts of Eu­rope; nothing can be more Pleasant and Romantick than the Situation of this Castle. It stands in an Island, sur­rounded by a large Lake made by the River Sley, whose rising Banks are cloth­ed with fine Woods, the Waters clear and full of Fish, carry Vessels of small Burden to and from the Baltick Sea, in­to which it empties it self. The Gar­dens are large, with great Cost and Art cut out of the diclivity of a Hill on the other side the Lake, and are as well dis­sposed and laid out with Fountains, Par­terres, Walks, and Water-works as many of the most famous Villa's in Italy. A noble large Park, or rather Forest, full of Deer, Wild-boars, and all sorts of Game, joyns close to this Garden, cut through with pleasant Walks and Ridings.

This Residence of the Duke of Hol­stein suffered much during the Misfor­tunes of its Master; many of the Im­provements being not only suffer'd to run to ruine and decay, but industrious­ly [Page 31] and as some say, by order, pull'd down and destroyed; which at present, since the Re-establishment of the Duke, are repairing and restoring to their for­mer Splendour. Among several other things of value, none had better luck than an admirable Library, being a choice Collection of Books which many Dukes of Holstein had of a long time been gathering; this escaped, and in the Year 1692. I saw it with the rest of the Rarities of this place in a good Condi­tion, and tending to a better.

Holstein is divided among several of the Branches of that Family, all whose Descendants call themselves Dukes of Holstein; and according to the German Custom, (as well younger Brothers as elder) assume the Title and Quality of Princes: only the chief and estated Men of these several Branches are di­stinguished by the Additional Title of the Place of their Residence; as the Duke of Holstein Ploen, Holstein Sun­derburg, Holstein, Norburg, &c. the Ca­dets of each, contenting themselves with the bare Title of Princes, till they come to be Proprietors of Land; whose De­nomination they may add to that of Duke. But the King of Denmark, (who is likewise Duke of Holstein) and the [Page 32] Duke of Holstein Gottorp, are possessed of the greatest part of it, and both hold it as a Fief of the Empire.

Here, as well as in Sleswick, the Ju­risdictions and Interests of these two Princes are very much intermixed; so that the People scarce know whose Sub­jects to reckon themselves, since they often swear Allegiance, and pay Tribute to both. In some Towns and Balliages both the King and Duke elect the Year­ly Magistrates, and divide the Reve­nue; in others they do this by turns: So that upon any Quarrel or Difference between these two Princes, the poor People are strangely divided, and in a most miserable Condition; their Incli­nation leading them to the Duke's In­terest, who being the weaker, finds it his Advantage to use them better; but their fear causing them to appear for the King as the stronger, though more Arbitrary.

This Country is very fruitful and pleasant; excellently well seated for Trade, lying between the two Seas, and having the advantage of the Neighbour­hood of the River Elbe, and of Ham­burg; which being a free City, and consequently a rich one, imparts a large share of its Blessings to the Territories [Page 33] of those Princes which lie any thing near it. This is apparent enough in the visible Prosperity of such Lands and People as are within a Day's Journey or more of that City, above such as lie remote from its Influence. The Inha­bitants of Holstein use to brag that it resembles England in its variety of Hills, Meadows, Woods, Rivers, and Corn­fields; as also that we are beholding to them and their Neighbourhood for our Original; the People of those Parts called Angles, having planted, and at the same time given the Name of Anglia to our Island.

The Danes, when they travel abroad, choose to call themselves Holsteiners, thinking it more honourable to be born within the Confines of the Empire, than otherwise.

Stormar and Ditmarsh lie the nearest to the River Elbe, and are for the most part low and rich Countries, the Soil being fat, and in most places resembling Hol­land, as well in its Fertility as manner of Improvement. These Countries en­joy also the benfit of having Hamburg and the River near them, with the ad­ditional Advantage of the Ocean; though it sometimes proves too troublesome a Neighbour, and overflows great part of [Page 34] their lower Grounds, notwithstanding the Banks and Digues that are raised to keep it out.

'Tis to be noted as a great natural de­fect, that the King of Denmark has not in all his Dominions one Navigable Ri­ver for Vessels of any considerable Bur­den (for I do not count the River Ey­der as such) unless we reckon the Elbe, which is rather to be esteemed one of the Confines and Boundaries of his Territories, than any way belonging to him; yet he has often, and does even to this day, endeavour to set up and e­stablish a Toll at Glucstadt, being not without hopes, that taking the advan­tage of the Necessity of the Empire, du­ring this expensive War, he may engage it to consent to this Toll against all other Considerations: But the Neighbouring Princes, the English and Dutch, and a­bove all the City of Hamburg, will hardly be brought over to comply with an Innovation so prejudicial to their Trade and Interests.

Oldenburg for the most part is a flat Marish Country; much exposed to the In­undations of the Ocean; the Banks which should keep it in its due Bounds, not be­ing maintained in good repair. It a­bounds in Cattle, and has a good Breed [Page 35] of Horses, which are much sought after for Coaches, by reason of their Colour, which is a yellowish Cream Colour. They are generally wall-ey'd, and ten­der-hoof'd, not able to last long, or en­dure hard labour. The Town of Olden­burg is but a very indifferent one, and its Castle much out of Repair. Upon the Death of the late Prince Anthony, this County came to be annexed to the Crown of Denmark.

Delmenhorst is a more rising Ground, and pretty well wooded. Both these lye together, and the Inhabitants are used the more gently, by reason of their distance from his other Territories.

Of Norway little can be said; but that it is divided into two great Provinces, the Southern and Northern; whereof one small County, called Yempterland, for­merly belonging to the King of Denmark, is now in the Possession of the Swedes. His High Excellency Guldenlieu (which is the Title usually given him by the Danes) is Vice-Roy, or as they call him Stadt holder of the whole. It is sub-divided into four Stifts Ampts, or Principal Governments; Viz. Dronthem, Bergen, Christiania, and Larwick. The Governours are young Guldenlieu, natu­ral Son to the present King, and Mon­sieur [Page 36] Stocfleet late Envoy extraordinary from Denmark to Sweden, &c.. It is a ve­ry barren Country, affording neither Corn nor Cattle sufficient for the sub­sistance of its Inhabitants, although they be not numerous in proportion to its vast extent. There are Silver Mines in it, but whether the working of them turns to account is a question. The Com­modities which it yields fit for Exportati­on are Timber of all kinds, The Ex­portation of Oak­Timber is forbidden. especially Firr, Stockfish, Masts for Ships, and I­ron; of these it has a tolerable store; most of which the English and Dutch purchase yearly with ready Money: And herein Norway exceeds the other Dominions of the King of Denmark, that it affords Com­modities for Exportation, which none of the rest do in any quantity. The Inha­bitants are a hardy, laborious, and ho­nest sort of People; they are esteemed by others, and esteem themselves much superiour to the Danes, whom they call upbraidingly Jutes.

Island and Feroe are miserable Islands in the North Ocean; Corn will scarce grow in either of them, but they have good stocks of Cattle. No Trade is per­mitted them but with the Danes; the Inhabitants are great Players at Chess. It were worth some curious Mans enquiry [Page 37] how such a studious and difficult Game should get thus far Northward, and be­come so generally used.

The King of Denmark's Factories in the East and West-Indies, and in Guinea are esteemed of very little worth and consideration; yet I have seen several East-India Ships return home to Copen­hagen well laden with the Merchandize of those Countries; and there is an East-India Company lately set up, where­of most of the Men of Quality are Mem­bers and Adventurers: But whether the Lading of those Ships I mentioned were the lawful Product of Trade, or acqui­red by other means, will in time be worth the inquiry of those Kingdoms and States whose Interest it is to preserve in the Indians and Persians a good Opinion of the honesty and fair dealing of the Eu­ropeans.

And thus I have said as much as I think requisite touching the Situation, Extent, and Qualities of the Lands and Dominions belonging to the King of Denmark, which amounts in general to this, that they are very large, disjoined, and intermixt, producing but a mode­rate Plenty of Necessaries for the Inha­bitants, but few Commodities for the Merchant, and no Manufactures, if we [Page 38] except a little Iron. Whether these De­fects in Countries well situated and in­different fertile be altogether natural or partly accidental, will better appear when I treat of the Form of the Government, and the present Condition, Customs, and Manners of the Natives; but because these last do in a manner depend upon, and are influenced by the former, I shall choose to begin with it.

CHAP. VI.

THE Ancient Form of Govern­ment here was the same which the Goths and Vandals e­stablished in most, Furono veramente tutti i Re da principio Capi e non Re, di Republi­che e non di regni: ma poi il lungo uso ha fatto che i popoli si siano di­sposti all habito dell' intiera ubbidi­enza, come apunte suole assuefarsi una pianta e un corpo humano a vivere, in terreno e sotto clima diver­so dal suo naturale. Card. Bentivo­glio. Relatione delle Provincie U­nite di Flandra, lib. 3. if not all, Parts of Eu­rope, whither they carried their Con­quests, and which in England is retained to this day for the most part. 'Tis said of the Romans, That those Provinces which they Conquer'd were amply recompenced, for the loss [Page 39] of their Liberty, by being reduced from their Barbarity to Civility; by the Intro­duction of Arts, Learning, Commerce, and Politeness. I know not whether this manner of Arguing hath not more of Pomp than Truth in it; but with much greater reason may it be said that all Europe was beholding to these People for introducing or restoring a Constituti­on of Government far excelling all others that we know of in the World. 'Tis to the ancient Inhabitants of these Countries, with other neighbouring Provinces, that we owe the Original of Parliaments, for­merly so common, but lost within this last Age in all Kingdoms but those of Po­land, Great Britain, and Ireland.

Denmark therefore was till within these Two and Thirty years governed by a King chosen by the People of all sorts, even the Boors had their Voices, which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memorable answer of his to the Popes Nuncio, who pretended to a great power over him. Naturam habemus à Deo, regnum à subditis, Divitias à paren­tibus, Religionem à Romana Ecclesia; quam si nobis invides, renuntiamus per prae­sentes. The Estates of the Realm being convened to that intent, were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them [Page 40] appeared Personable, Valiant, Just, Mer­ciful, Affable, a Maintainer of the Laws, a Lover of the People, Prudent, and A­dorned with all other Vertues fit for Go­vernment, and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him; yet with due re­gard had to the Family of the preceding Kings. If within that Line they found a Person thus qualified, or esteemed to be so, they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity, and were pleased when they had reason to choose the Eld­est Son of their former King, rather than any of the younger, as well because they had regard to Priority of Birth, when all other Vertues were equal, as because the greatness of his Paternal Estate might put him above the reach of Temptations to be covetous or dishonest, and inable him in some degree to support the Dig­nity of his Office. But if after such a Choice they found themselves mistaken, and that they had advanced a Cruel, Vi­tious, Tyrannical, Covetous, or Waste­ful Person, they frequently Deposed him, oftentimes Banished, sometimes Destroy­ed him; and this either formally, by making him Answer before the Repre­sentative Body of the People; or if by ill Practices, such as making of Parties, le­vying [Page 41] of Soldiers, contracting of Alli­ances to support himself in opposition to the Peoples Rights, he was grown too powerful to be legally contended with, they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could, and Elected presently a better Man in his room; sometimes the next of Kin to him, sometimes the Valiant Man that had exposed himself so far as to under­take the Expulsion or the killing of the Tyrant; at other times a private Person of a good Reputation, who possibly least dreamt of such an Advancement.

Frequent Meetings of the Estates was a part of the very Fundamental Consti­tution: In those Meetings all Matters relating to good Government were trans­acted; good Laws were enacted, all Af­fairs belonging to Peace or War, Allian­ces, disposal of great Offices, Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family, &c. were debated. The imposing of Taxes, or demanding of Benevolences was pure­ly accidental; no constant Tribute be­ing ever paid, nor any Money levied on the People, unless either to maintain a necessary War with the advice and con­sent of the Nation, or now and then by way of Free-gift, to help to raise a Daughters Portion: the King's ordinary [Page 42] Revenue at that time consisting only in the Rents of his Lands and Demesnes, in his Herds of Cattle, Forests, Services of Tenants in manuring and cultivating his Grounds, &c. Customs upon Merchan­dize being an Imposition of late crept in­to this part of the World; so that he lived like one of our Modern Noblemen, upon the Revenues of his own Estate, and eat not through the Sweat of his Sub­jects Brows.

His business was to see a due and im­partial Administration of Justice execu­ted according to the Laws; nay, often to sit and do it himself; to be watchful and vigilant for the welfare of his Peo­ple, to Command in Person their Ar­mies in time of War, to encourage In­dustry, Religion, Arts and Learning; and it was his Interest, as well as Duty, to keep fair with his Nobility and Gen­try, and to be careful of the Plenty and Prosperity of his Commons.

This was the Ancient Form of Go­vernment in this Kingdom, which con­tinued with very little variation (except­ing that the Power of the Nobles encrea­sed too much) till about Two and Thirty years ago, when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed: So that the Kings have ever since been, and at pre­sent [Page 43] are, Absolute and Arbitrary; not the least remnant of Liberty remaining to the Subject; all Meetings of the E­states in Parliament intirely abolished, nay, the very Name of Estates and Liber­ty quite forgotten, as if there never had been any such thing; the very first and principal Article in the present Danish Law being, That the King has the Privi­ledge reserved to himself to explain the Law, nay, to alter and change it as he shall find good.

It is easie for any considering Person to guess the Consequences of this, which are, frequent and arbitrary Taxes, and commonly very excessive ones, even in Times of Peace; little regard being had to the Occasion of them: So that the va­lue of Estates in most parts of the King­dom is fallen three Fourths. And it is worse near the Capital City under the Eye and Hand of the Government, than in remoter Provinces: Poverty in the Gentry, which necessarily causes extre­mity of Misery in the Peasants, Partiali­ty in the distribution of Justice when Favourites are concerned; with many o­ther Mischiefs which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned; being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Countries wherein it has prevailed.

[Page 44]And because it is astonishing to consi­der how a free and rich People (for so they were formerly) should be perswa­ded intirely to part with their Liberties, I thought it very proper to give an ac­count by what steps so great a Change and Revolution was brought about: The Particulars of which I have received not only from Eye-witnesses, but also from some of the principal Promoters and Actors in it.

CHAP. VII.

AFTER the Conclusion of the Peace between the two Northern Crowns Anno 1660. some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders occasioned by so terrible a War. Denmark had been most violently shaken; and although the Fury of the Tempest was over, the Agitation caused by it still continued: The Army was not yet disbanded, nor could be for want of Money to discharge its Arrears; this [Page 45] caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldi­ers, with a further Oppression of the Burgers and poor Country People, who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attending the War. The Nobility, though Lords and Masters, were full of Discontents, and the Clergy not in the condition they wished.

To redress all which Grievances, and reduce Affairs into some Order, by pro­curing Money for the Payment and Dis­banding of the Army, the King thought fit to appoint a Meeting of the Three Estates at Copenhagen, viz the Nobility, Commonalty, and Clergy; which ac­cordingly followed about the beginning of October: After some few days Sessi­on (during which the Nobility, accord­ing to their usual practice debated how the Sums of Money requisite might with greatest ease and conveniency be levied upon the Commons, without the least, intention of bearing any proportionable share themselves.) Several Disputes a­rose, and many sharp Expressions passed between them and the Commons; on the one hand the Nobility were for main­taining their ancient Prerogative of pay­ing nothing by way of Tax, but only by voluntary Contribution; and shew­ed themselves too stiff at a time when [Page 46] the Country was exhausted, and most of the remaining Riches lodged in their hands: They seemed to make use of this Occasion, not only to vindicate, but e­ven to widen and enlarge their Privi­ledges above the other two Estates, by laying Impositions on them at pleasure, which weight they themselves would not touch with one of their Fingers any further, than as they thought fitting. On the other hand, the Clergy [...] for their late adherance to the interest of their Country, and the Burgers for the vi­gorous Defence of their City, thought they might justly pretend to new Merit, and be considered at least as good Sub­jects in a State, which they themselves had so valiantly defended. They re­membred the great Promises made them when dangerous Enterprises were to be taken in hand, and how successfully they had executed them; thereby saving from a Forreign Yoak, not only the City of Copenhagen, but the whole Kingdom, the Royal Family, nay those very Nobles that now dealt so hardly with them: They judged it therefore reasonable, that the Sums of Money necessary should be levied proportionably, and that the No­bility who enjoyed all the Lands, should at least pay their share of the Taxes, [Page 47] since they had suffered less in the com­mon Calamity, as well as done less to prevent the progress of it.

This manner of arguing was very dis­pleasing to the Nobles, and begat much Heat and many bitter Replies on both sides: At length a principal Senator cal­led Otto Craeg, stood up, and in great Anger told the President of the City, That the Commons neither understood nor considered the Priviledges of the No­bility, who at all times had been exemp­ted from Taxes, nor the true Conditi­on of themselves, who were no other than Slaves; [the word in the Danish is unfree] so that their best way was to keep within their own Bounds, and ac­quiesce in such Measures as ancient Pra­ctice had warranted, and which they were resolved to maintain. This word Slaves put all the Burgers and Clergy in disorder, causing a loud Murmur in the Hall; which Nanson the President of the City of Copenhagen, and Speaker of the House of Commons, perceiving, and finding a fit occasion of putting in pra­ctice a Design before concerted (though but weakly) between him and the Bi­shop; in great Choler rose out of his Seat, and swore an Oath, That the Commons were no Slaves, nor would from [Page 48] thenceforth be called so by the Nobility, which they should soon prove to their cost: And thereupon breaking up the Assem­bly in disorder, and departing out of the Hall, was followed by all the Clergy and Burgers; the Nobles being left alone to consult among themselves at their lei­sure, after a little while adjourned to a private House near the Court. In the mean time the Commons, being provo­ked to the highest degree, and resolving to put their Threats in Execution, march­ed processionally by Couples, a Clergy­man and a Commoner, from the great Hall or Parliament-House to the Brew­ers-Hall, which was the convenientest place they could pitch upon to sit apart from the Nobles, the Bishop of Copen­hagen, and the President of the City leading them: It was there thought ne­cessary to consider speedily of the most effectual Means to suppress the intolera­ble Pride of the Nobility, and how to mend their own Condition: After many Debates they concluded, That they should immediately wait upon the King, and offer him their Votes and Assistance to be absolute Monarch of the Realm, as also that the Crown should descend by inheritance to his Family, which hi­therto had gone by Election. They [Page 49] promised themselves the King would have so great Obligations to them for this piece of Service, that he would grant and confirm such Priviledges, as should put them above the degree of Slaves. They knew he had hitherto been curbed by the Nobility to a great Measure; and now saw their own force, being able (since they had Arms in their Hands, and the concurrence of the Soldiers) to perform what they undertook: At the worst, they supposed they should only change many Masters for one, and could better bear hardships from a King than from inferiour Persons: Or if their Case were not better'd, at least they thought it some comfort to have more Company in it; besides the satisfaction of Revenge on those that had hitherto not only used them ill, but insulted over them so lately. They knew the King, and had seen him bear with an admira­ble Patience and Constancy all his Cala­mities; were perswaded that he was a Valiant Prince, who had often exposed his Person for the sake of the Publick, and therefore thought they could never do enough to shew their Gratitude; which is the usual Temper of the People upon any benefit received from their Prince.

[Page 50]Scarce was this proposed but it was agreed to; and nothing but the unsea­sonableness of the time, (it being now near night) deferred the immediate Exe­cution of it; but all the necessary Mea­sures were taken against next Morn­ing. The Clergy had a further drift in this Change of Government; for ha­ving been hitherto kept under by the Nobility, they forecasted to have no o­ther Superior but the King, whose new Authority they engaged to maintain by the influence they had on the Consciences of the People; expecting with reason the like Favour and Protection from the King, together with an encrease of their Power; since he was in a great measure obliged to them for his own; and the be­nefits were likely to be mutual for the future, the one having the force, the o­ther the tye of Religion in their Possessi­on. Which Contract subsists to this ve­ry day, to the great advantage of both sides.

The Court all this while was not ig­norant of what passed; there wanted no Spies nor Messengers to give notice of the Discontents of the Commons, Han­nibal Seestede, a cunning Man, was prime Minister; and the Bishop or Su­perintendent Swan, with Nanson the [Page 51] Speaker of the House of Commons, were his Creatures: These had formerly in secret laid with him the Design, which was now upon the point of disclosing, though their hopes were hardly raised so high, as to promise themselves such mighty Success. The whole Night pas­sed in Brigues and Messages, the Com­mons anger was to be kept up to the requisite height, and the Resolution they had taken the Night before not to be suffer'd to cool, but persisted in betimes next Morning. The Queen, a Woman of Intrigue and high Spirit, wrought strongly in it by all manner of ways, whilst the King, either through doubt of the Event, or sense of the Dishonesty and Crime of the Action, in procuring after such a manner the absolute Domi­nion of a free Country, could hardly be brought to comply with it. He decla­red that indeed he should be pleased the Soveraignty were entailed on his Fami­ly, provided it were done by Universal Consent; but to become Absolute and Arbitrary, was neither his desire, nor did he think it for the benefit of the King­dom; that he was satisfied he should not make ill use of such an unlimited Autho­rity; but no body knew what Successors he might have; that it was therefore [Page 52] dangerous both for them to give, and for him to receive such a Power as might be abused in future times to the utter ruin of the Nation. But these Reflections, whether they were real, or only preten­ces, whether caused by the Piety or Weakness of the King, were soon over­ruled by the more Ambitious and Mas­culine Spirit of the Queen, who desired him to sit still, and see how she and her Emissaries would work for him; told him, That the Plot was well laid, and had begun to operate prosperously; that he must not obstruct his own and his Fa­milies good Fortune; and in fine, so far prevailed on him, that he seemed with fear to consent to, and permit that which most think he very much desired: Ha­ving however by this shew of unwilling­ness, left open to himself a door of Re­conciliation with his People, in case the business did not succeed.

All this while the Nobles either had none, or but small intimation of the De­signs of the Commons, they had been used so long to slight and tyrannize over them, that they were not now sensible of any impending danger from thence, contemning their Threats as well as their Persons, and imagining they would have repented next day, and complied with [Page 53] all that should be demanded of them; but the Plot was deeper laid than they sup­posed; for not only the prime Minister, but some other Members of their own Body, who had Employments depend­ing on the Court, were engaged in it. This inadvertency, with the want of re­quisite Courage upon occasion, brought upon them the Mischief on a sudden; so that except two or three who were more than ordinary doubtful of what might happen, and slipt out of Town that Night, the rest were altogether fearless of danger, till the very instant that the Evil was remediless.

Schack the Governour of the Town had been gained by the Court to favour the Design, which he performed effectu­ally, though not with so servile an inten­tion as others; for when the King, upon the first news of the Resolution of the Commons, did often openly promise that he would in Gratitude and Recompence declare them all Free as soon as it lay in his power, by the Gift they were about to make him; and the People were wil­ling to trust the King's goodness, and to depend on the performance of this Pro­mise, encouraged thereunto by the Cler­gy, who alledged it a thing unbeseeming and dishonourable to require any other [Page 54] Security from the King than his bare Word; yet Schack urged vehemently that the Commons should insist to have this Promise under the King's Hand, and make themselves sure of the Reward for so considerable a Present as they were go­ing to make, whilst they had so fair an opportunity in their hands. But all his Instances were in vain; they were in the giving humour, and resolved to do it ge­nerously, trusting the King for the per­formance of his Word: A thing which they have since often, though too late re­pented of.

Next Morning the Nobles met in the Council-House, and the other two E­states in the Brewers-Hall; the Resolu­tion of the Commons could not be kept so secret, but by this time some warm rumours of it had reached the Nobility; but scarce had they leisure to consider what was fittest to be done on that occa­sion, when they were informed that the Commons were marching towards them: For the Bishop and the President had so well performed their Parts, and urged the necessity of speedily executing what had been resolved the day before, that all time was judged lost which was not em­ployed in putting it in practice; they immediately agreed to go to the Coun­cil-House, [Page 55] and there propound to the Nobility their design, desiring their Con­currence in such a necessary Work for the welfare of the Kingdom. They marched through the Streets with great Gravity, and Silence, by Couples, as be­fore, whilst the Mobb by repeated Shouts applauded what they were going to do. And thus they came to the House where the Nobles were assembled, who had scarce warning sufficient to receive them.

The President Nanson made a short Harangue, setting forth that they had considered the state of the Nation, and that they found the only Remedy for the many Disorders which afflicted it, was to make the Crown Hereditary, and to give more Power to the King than hi­therto he had enjoyed; that this Resolu­tion was already taken by the Commons and Clergy, in which if the Nobility should think fitting to concur, they were ready to accompany them to the King, and make him a tender of an Hereditary and Soveraign Dominion; if not, that they were going themselves, and the matter should be done without them: That a speedy Resolution was necessary, for they had already sent word to the Court of their coming, and his Majesty expected them in the Hall of his Palace; [Page 56] therefore desired to be informed in few words what they resolved to do.

The suddenness of such a Proposition, and briskness in the manner of its delive­ry, caused a general astonishment in the Nobles; one might have seen those who but the day before carried it so proudly, in an instant fall to an excess of Compla­cency, and betray their Fear by their Speeches and Countenances, as they for­merly had done their Arrogance. The Mischief no sooner appeared to them, but they saw it was unavoidable; there was no leisure allowed them to consult; and to deny their compliance, or even to delay it, was dangerous. To give up at once their beloved Power, and submit their Necks to a heavy Yoak, was an intolerable Grievance: But they saw they were no longer the Masters; the Commons were armed, the Army and Clergy against them; and they found now too late, that that which the day before they had considered only as the Effort of an unconstant giddy Multitude, was guided by wiser Heads, and suppor­ted by Encouragements from Court; nay possibly by some of their own Body: They suspected each other, and no Man knew whether his next Neighbour was not in the Plot against the Publick Liber­ty. [Page 57] It is easie to imagine what distracted thoughts afflicted them on a sudden; they were altogether unprepared for such a dismal stroke: But some Answer must be given, and that speedily. Such a one as they had a mind to give, they durst not; for they were assembled in a Fortified Town, remote from their se­veral Countries and Interests (where they had governed like so many Princes) in the power of those who could, and certainly would be revenged in case they proved refractory. The best way there­fore was to seem to approve of what they could not hinder. They answer that the Proposition made to them by the Com­mons was not displeasing, but the man­ner of it wanted the requisite Formalities; that previous deliberation was necessary to an Affair of so great moment; that they could not but take it ill, a Resolu­tion of such Consequence should be con­cluded on by the Commons without the least acquainting of the Nobility with it, who were the Chief Estate of the Realm: That they also aspired to the Honour of bearing their part in bestowing such a material Gift on the King and his Posteri­ty, but desired that the Matter might be proceeded on with that gravity, and [Page 58] solemnity, which the nature of it requi­red. That it was not fit such a weighty Transaction should have the appearance of a Tumult, and seemed forced rather than a free Choice. The Conclusion of all was, That they hoped the Commons would a little defer the putting in Exe­cution their Design; and in the mean time consult with them, till the Affair were done orderly, and with unanimous Approbation, as well as to mutual Ad­vantage.

This was with great vehemency by the President denied. He replied, These were Shifts only to gain time, that the Nobles might be in a Condition to fru­strate the Intention of the Commons; that the Point was already agreed, and the Resolution taken; that they came not thither to consider, but to act; if the Nobles would join with them, they were ready; if not, they would do what was to be done alone; and doubted not but his Majesty would make his use of it.

During these Disputes the Nobility had privily sent some of their Body to Court to acquaint the King, that the Commons were now at their House, and had made them sudden Proposals, out of form, but such as they should rather [Page 59] concur with, than be averse to; that they were ready to join with them in of­fering an Hereditary Crown to his Ma­jesty, and the Heirs Males of his Family for ever; which they hoped his Ma­jesty would accept in good part: But desired to proceed in the usual Methods, which such weighty Affairs merited, viz. by Conferences and Deliberations, that it night appear rather an effect of their just Sentiments of his Majesty's Va­lour and Conduct, than the sudden Mo­tions of a Tumultuous Assembly.

The King, with a great deal of mild­ness, as if he had been wholly uncon­cerned and passive in the Case, replied; That he was obliged to them for their Designs in favour of Him, and the Royal Family; that he hoped what they were about would tend to the benefit of the Nation; but that a Crown intailed only on the Heirs Males could not be so ac­ceptable to him, as if it were given with­out that Limitation; that the Govern­ment of Females had neither been a new thing at home, nor unprosperous in Neighbouring Countries: That they might consider of it, and since it was their Gift, he would not prescribe, but it could not be accepted by him unless it were more general.

[Page 60]In the mean time the Commons grew impatient, the Answer given them was not satisfactory, and the Nobles had not yet resolved on an entire Compli­ance, nor were ready to accompany them, because they had not yet an ac­count of the Success of their Members sent to sound the Mind of the Court. The Clergy and Burgers therefore, led on by their Bishop and President, pro­ceed without them to the Palace, and were met by the prime Minister, and conducted by him to the Hall of Audi­ence, whither after some short time the King came to them. The Bishop makes a long Speech, setting forth the Praises of his Majesty, and the Cause of their waiting on him; concluding with an offer, in the name of themselves, the two most numerous, and if he pleased most powerful Estates, of an Hereditary and Absolute Dominion; together with the assistance of their Hands and Purses, in case any Body should go about to ob­struct so necessary and laudable a De­sign for the good of the Country. The King told them in short, That he thank­ed them; and in case an Universal Con­sent established this good Desire of theirs, he would accept the Present they made [Page 61] him; but that the Concurrence of the Nobles was necessary; which he doubt­ed not of in the least, when they had time to make the offer with the necessa­ry Formalities: That he assured the Commons of his Royal Protection, and should not be unmindful of their Kind­ness, by easing them of their Grievances, and by encouraging Subjects who had behaved themselves so valiantly, and de­served so well from him. Concluding with his Advice to them to continue their Session till such time as Matters were brought to perfection, and he could re­ceive their Gift with the Solemnity that was fitting. And thereupon dismissed them.

But the Nobles were all this while in a grievous distraction; they saw the Commons were gone to the King with­out them: Their Messengers brought News back that their Proposition of en­tailing the Crown on the Heirs Males, was not pleasing, because a greater Ad­vantage was in prospect; that this offer was looked upon to proceed from Per­sons that would not have bestowed any thing, if they could have helped it. That it was thought they pretended to merit in giving only a part, when it was [Page 62] not in their power to hinder the taking the whole. In this irresolution they broke up; and since they were to meet again at Noon upon another Solemn Oc­casion, they resolved at that time to consider how to proceed in an Affair so delicate.

Monsieur Schele a Senator, and prin­cipal Man of the Country, was that Af­ternoon to be buried in great Pomp; his Body had lain some Months in State, and according to the Custom, was to be accompanied to its Interment by all the Nobility then in Town; this being a Par­liament time was chosen for the Cere­mony, because the Nobles were all to­gether, and a magnificent Dinner was prepared, as is usual on the like occasi­ons: In the height of their Entertain­ment an Officer comes into the Room, and whispers some of the principal Men that the City Gates were shut, and the Keys carried to Court: For the King ha­ving been informed by the Governour, that two or three had privily slipt out of Town the Night before, and being resolved that no more should Escape out of the Net, till he had done his business, had ordered the Governour that Morn­ing to lock the Gates, and to let no Per­son [Page 63] in or out without special Order. The Governour sent one Bill, the Town Major, to put this in Execution; who as soon as he had done it, came to the House where they were met, and sat down at Table among the Senators. This dismal News of the Officer was pre­sently whispered round the Company; who immediately applied themselves to him to know what the meaning was of such an unusual Proceeding at the time of a General Convention; They asked him what destiny was appointed them, whe­ther they were there to be Massacred, or what else was to be done with them? The Town-Major calmly answered, That he believed there was no Danger towards them, that such violent Measures would not be taken by so gracious a King; though he had indeed given the Orders himself for the shutting the Gates; and that no Body was to stir out of Town without leave; but that this needed not disturb or hinder them from finishing the Work of the Day, and pursuing the Pub­lick, as well as their Private Occasions. There wanted no more than this Confir­mation from the Officer to overthrow all the Resolution, and Consultations of the Nobles; the dread of losing their Lives [Page 64] took away all thoughts of their Liberty. They immediately dispatched Messengers both to the Court, and the Commons, to give notice of their disposition to com­ply with what was formerly proposed; assuring them likewise, that they were ready to agree to all that should be asked of them.

But the King, who had began and played his Game so well hitherto, deter­mined to pursue it to the utmost, and would not suffer the Gates to be opened, till the whole Ceremony of the Inaugu­ration was concluded, and the Homage done in due form, and therefore ordered they should stay, till in the Face of the People, and the Army, they had sworn Fealty, and divested themselves of all Right, as well as Power, to cause any Disturbance, or Alteration for the future.

Three days time was requisite to pre­pare Matters for that fatal hour, where­in they were to make a formal Surrender of their Liberty; the Scaffolds were rai­sed in the place before the Castle, and adorned with Tapestry; Orders were given for the Soldiery, and Burgers to appear in Arms under their respective Officers: And when all things were rea­dy, on the 27th of October in the Morn­ing, [Page 65] the King, Queen, and Royal Fami­ly mounted on a Theatre erected for that purpose, and being placed in Chairs of State under Canopies of Velvet, received publickly the Homage of all the Sena­tors, Nobility, Clergy, and Commons; which was performed kneeling. The Oath, which they were obliged to take, was in these words:

I A. B. do Promise, and Declare, that I will be True, and Faith­ful to Your Majesty, as my most Gra­cious King and Lord, as also to Your Royal Family; that I will Endea­vour, and Promote Your Majesties Interest in all things, and to the best of my Power defend you from all Danger, and Harm; and that I will faithfully serve Your Majesty as a Man of Honour, and an Heredi­tary Subject ought to do. So help me God, &c.

This Oath they were all obliged to pronounce aloud, and some Men of Qua­lity that were sick, or pretended to be [Page 66] so, were brought in Chairs. Among others one Gersdorf, a Principal Sena­tor, who was the only Man that opened his Mouth in the behalf of their Expi­ring Liberties, saying, That he hoped, and trusted, that his Majesty designed nothing but the Good of his People, and not to govern them after the Turkish manner; but wished his Majesties Suc­cessors might follow the Example, which his Majesty would undoubtedly set them, and make use of that unlimited Power for the good, and not the harm of his Subjects. Not one of the rest spoke a word, or seemed to murmur in the least at what was done; and it is observable, that among so many Great Men, who a few days before seemed to have Spi­rits suitable to their Birth and Qualities, none had the Courage during those three last days, either by Remonstrance, or a­ny other way, to oppose in any manner what was doing. And I have heard ve­ry intelligent Persons, who were at that time near the King, affirm, That had the Nobles shewed ever so little Courage in asserting their Priviledges, the King would not have pursued his Point so far as to desire an Arbitrary Dominion: For he was in continual doubt, and dread [Page 67] of the Event, and began to waver very much in his Resolutions; so that their Liberties seem purely lost for want of some to appear for them.

From the Theatre, those that had done Homage, went to the Council-House, where the Nobles were called over by Name; and ordered to Subscribe the a­bove-mentioned Declaration, which they all did.

Thus this great Affair was finished, and the Kingdom of Denmark in Four Days time changed from an Estate little differing from Aristocracy, to as abso­lute a Monarchy as any is at present in the World. The Commons have since experienced, that the little Finger of an Absolute Prince can be heavier than the Loins of many Nobles. Theonly com­fort they have left them being to see their former Oppressors in almost as miserable a Condition as themselves; whilst all the Citizens of Copenhagen have by it obtain­ed the insignificant Priviledge of wearing Swords: So that at this day not a Cob­ler, or Barber stirs abroad without a Til­ter at his side, let his Purse be never so empty. The Clergy, who always make sure Bargains, were the only Gainers in this Point; and are still much encou­raged [Page 68] by the Court, as the Instruments that first promoted, and now keep the People in a due Temper of Slavery; the Passive Obedience Principle riding Tri­umphant in this unhappy Kingdom.

It was but Justice, that the Court should pay well the principal Contrivers of this great Revolution; and therefore notwithstanding the general want of Mo­ney, Hannibal Seestede had a Present of 200000 Crowns. Swan the Superinten­dent, or Bishop, was made Archbishop, and had 30000 Crowns. The President or Speaker Nanson, 20000 Crowns. And to the People remained the Glory of ha­ving forged their own Chains, and the Advantage of Obeying without reserve. A happiness which I suppose no English Man will ever envy them.

CHAP. VIII.

ALL these do so necessarily depend upon, and are influenced by the Nature and Change of Government, that [Page 69] 'tis easily imagined, the present Conditi­on of these People of all Ranks must be most deplorable; at least it appears so to an English Man, who sees it, possibly more than to them that suffer it: For Slavery, like a sickly Constitution, grows in time so habitual, that it seems no Burden nor Disease; it creates a kind of laziness, and idle despondency, which puts Men beyond hopes and fears: It mortifies Ambition, Emulation, and o­ther troublesome, as well as active quali­ties, which Liberty and Freedom beget; and instead of them affords only a dull kind of Pleasure of being careless and in­sensible.

In former Times, and even till the late Alteration in the Government, the Nobility or Gentry (for they are here the same thing) lived in great Affluence and Prosperity; their Country Seats were large and magnificent, their Hospi­tality extraordinary, because their Plen­ty was so too; they lived for the most part at home, and spent their Revenues among their Neighbours and Tenants, by whom they were considered, and re­spected as so many petty Princes. In times of Convention of the Estates, which ordinarily happened once a year, [Page 70] they met their King with Retinues al­most as large as his; they frequently eat, and drank at the same Table with him, and in the debate of Publick Affairs, their Suffrages were of greatest weight, and usually carried the Point: For the Com­mons were willing in a great measure to be directed by them, because they much depended on them. In process of time this Excess of Power, as you have heard, made most of them grow insolent, which was the chief occasion of their fall, to­gether with the loss of the Liberties of the whole Country. So that now they are sunk to a very low Condition, and diminish daily both in Number and Cre­dit; their Estates scarce paying the Tax­es imposed on them: Which makes them grind the Faces of their poor Tenants to get an Overplus for their own Subsi­stance. Nay, I have been assured by some Gentlemen of good Repute, who formerly were Masters of great Estates, that they have offered to make an ab­solute Surrender to the King of large Possessions in the Island of Zealand, ra­ther than pay the Taxes; which offer, though pressed with earnestness, would by no means be accepted. And upon my further enquiry into the Reason of it, [Page 71] I have been informed, that Estates be­longing to those Gentlemen, who made this offer, lying in other places, which had the good Fortune to be taxed less than the full value of the Income, were liable to pay the Taxes of any other E­state appertaining to the same Person, in case that other Estate were not able; so that some have been seen with a great deal of joy declaring that the King had been so gracious as to take their Estates from them.

Through these, and several other means, many of the ancient Families are fallen to decay; their Country Habitati­ons, which were like Palaces, being rui­nous, they are forced to live meanly, and obscurely in some corner of them: Unless it be their good Fortune to pro­cure an Employment, Civil or Military, at Court, which is the thing they are most Ambitious of; it being indeed ne­cessary to secure to their Families any to­lerable Subsistance, or to afford them some shelter from the Exactions, and In­justices of the Collectors. The Civil Employments are in no great number, nor of great value; as they seldom are in a poor Country governed by an Army; so that few are provided for this way: [Page 72] The greatest part patiently enduring their Poverty at home; where, in a short time, their Spirits, as well as their E­states, grow so mean, that you would scarce believe them to be Gentlemen, ei­ther by Discourse or Garb.

Ancient Riches and Valour were the only Title to Nobility formerly in this Country; the Nobles and Gentry being, as I said before, the same thing. None took either their Degree, or Patents of Honour from the King: But of late years to supply the want of Riches, some few Titles of Baron or Count, and nothing higher, have been given to Favourites; who enjoy not the same Priviledges by those Titles, as our Lords in England do, but content themselves with a few Airy insignificant ones, which distingush them from the Common People; there are not many, even of this kind of Nobility, I believe fifteen or twenty are the most; these are such, who are most easie in their Fortunes, and are obliged (that they may preserve them) to keep in with the Court by all manner of ways; as indeed all are, who have a mind to live and eat Bread.

'Tis only this kind of Nobility with Titles, that have liberty to make a Will [Page 73] or Testament, and thereby to dispose of any Estate otherwise than as the Law has already determined, that it shall fall of course: Unless such Will be during the Life of the Testator, approved of and signed by the King; and then it shall be of force, and valid.

'Tis almost needless to mention that there is no buying, or selling of Land here; for where an Estate is a Charge, there will be few Buyers. Neither do I remember any one Alienation of Lands for Money, during all the time I stayed in that Country, except some Estates, which the Queen purchased; where she paid after the rate of 16000 Crowns for that which Thirty Years ago was valued at 60000 Crowns. There were indeed some Persons, who took Lands from the King in lieu of Money, which they had lent the Crown; and among these I remember to have heard of two, Monsieur Texera a rich Jew of Hamburg, and Monsieur Marseilles, a Dutch Mer­chant, who was formerly established at Copenhagen. These were forced to take Lands, or Nothing, for their Debts, which amounted to some Hundred Thou­sands of Crowns; yet did these Lands yield them so little Income, by reason of [Page 74] the Taxes imposed on them, though they were vast Tracts of fertile Ground, that they would willingly have parted with them (as I was informed) for one fifth part of their Principal.

However, in case it should happen that one who has a mind to transplant himself to another place, could find a Purchaser for his Estate, the Law is, That one third part of such Purchase-Money shall accrue to the King; and in­deed if there were not such a severe Law against Alienations, it is possible most of the present Possessors would quit the Country the first Opportunity.

The King assumes to himself the Pow­er of disposing of all Heirs and Heiresses of any Consideration, as it is practised in France: Not that there is any Law for it, but upon pain of his Displeasure; which here is too weighty to be born.

Military Employments are mightily coveted by the Native Gentry, almost as much as the Civil; and purely for the same reason that the Priests Office was among the Jews, viz. That they may eat a piece of Bread. For it is a sure way to find Soldiers (as long as there are Men in a Kingdom) to imitate the French King's practice in this particular, [Page 75] make the Gentry poor, and render Traf­fick unprofitable or dishonourable, Men of Birth must live, and one half of the Nation, by giving up themselves to Sla­very, will contribute their Assistance af­terwards to put Chains upon the other.

Yet in Denmark the Natives are con­sidered much less than Strangers, and are more out of the Road of Preferment, whether it be that the Court can better trust Strangers, whose Fortunes they make, than the Posterity of such whose Fortunes they have ruined: Or whether they think their very Parts and Courage to be diminished in proportion to their Estates and Liberty, (which appears to be plainly the case of their common Peo­ple) or for what other reason; certain it is, that all sorts of Places, Civil and Mi­litary, are filled more by Forreigners than Gentlemen of the Country: And in their disposal of Offices it is remarkable, that such as are of ordinary Birth and Fortunes, are much sooner preferred than those of contrary qualities: So that here may be found several in the most profi­table and honourable Employments who have formerly been Serving-men, and such like; and these prove the best Exe­cutors of the Will and Pleasure of Arbi­trary [Page 76] Power, and therefore are caressed accordingly. There is one further ad­vantage in the promotion of these kind of Men; that after they are grown rich by Extortion, and have sucked the Blood of the Poor, when Clamours grow loud a­gainst them, the Court can with ease squeeze these Leaches, laying all the blame of its own Oppression at their Doors; and this without the danger of causing the discontent of any of the No­bles, upon the score of Kindred or Alliance.

The difficulty of procuring a comfor­table Subsistence, and the little security of enjoying what shall be acquired through Industry, is a great cause of Prodigality, not only in the Gentry, whose Condition is more easie, but also in the very Burgers and Peasants: they are sensible that they live but from Hand to Mouth, and there­fore as soon as they get a little Money they spend it. They live to day as the Poet advises, not knowing but what they now have may be taken from them tomorrow. And therefore expensiveness in Coaches, Retinue, Clothes, &c. is no where more common, nor more extravagant in proportion to their Income, than in this Country. Parsimony is often, not only a cause, but a sign of Riches; the more [Page 77] a wealthy Man has, the more he endea­vours to acquire, and to encrease his stock: But here the Courtier buys no Land, but remits his Money to the Bank of Amsterdam, or of Hamburgh; the Gen­tleman spends presently on himself and his Pleasures all that he can get, for fear he should have the Reputation of be­ing Rich, and his Money be taken from him by Taxes, before he has eaten or drank for it; the Merchant and Burger do the like, and subsist purely upon Credit; there being very few of this sort in the King's Dominions that can be cal­led rich, or worth 100000 Rix Dollars. The Peasant or Boor, as soon as he gets a Rix Dollar, lays it out in Brandy with all haste, lest his Landlord, whose Slave he is, should hear of it, and take it from him. Thus—

The Trading Towns and Villages, (if we except Copenhagen, whose Scitu­ation and Haven make it thrive a lit­tle in spight of ill usage) are all fallen to decay. Those Burroughs which for­merly lent good Sums of Money to the [Page 78] Prince upon extraordinary Publick Oc­casions, and furnished the Hollanders yearly with ten or twelve great Fly-boats Lading of Corn, being now not in a con­dition to raise 100 Rix Dollars, or to Lade one small Ship of Rye; as may be instanced in Kiog, once a flourisning lit­tle Seaport-Town, twenty Miles from Copenhagen, which in King Christian the Fourth's time raised for that King's Service, in four and twenty hours time, 200000 Rix Dollars; yet upon occasion of the last Poll Tax, I heard that the Collectors were forced to take from this and other Towns (in lieu of Money) old Feather beds, Bedsteads, Brass, Pewter, Wooden Chairs, &c. which they vio­lently took from the Poor People, who were unable to pay, leaving them desti­tute of all manner of Necessaries for the use of Living.

Some Manufactures have been endea­voured to be introduced, not so much with a design of benefiting the Pub­lick, as private Courtiers, and great Men who were the Undertakers, and expected to profit thereby: particular­ly that of Silks and Drinking glasses; but in a little time all came to no­thing; it being a very sure Rule, [Page 79] that Trade will not be forced in a place where real Encouragements and Advan­tages are not to be found, and where Property is not secured; the very Cre­dit of the Subject being as slender as his Riches are uncertain.

If this be the Case of the Gentleman and Burger, what can be expected to be that of the poor Peasant or Boor? In Zealand they are all as absolute Slaves as the Negroes are in Barbadoes, but with this difference, that their Fare is not so good. Neither they, nor their Posteri­ty, to all Generations, can leave the Land to which they belong; the Gentlemen counting their Riches by their Stocks of Boors, as here with us by our Stocks of Cattel; and the more they have of these, the richer they are. In case of Purchase, they are sold as belonging to the Free hold, just as Timber-Trees are with us. There is no computing there by numbers of Acres, but by numbers of Boors, who, with all that belongs to them, appertain to the Proprietor of the Land. Yeomanry, which is the strength of England, is a state not known or heard of in Denmark; but these poor Drudges, after they have laboured with all their might to raise the King's Tax­es, [Page 80] must pay the Overplus of the Pro­fit of the Lands, and their own Toil, to their Landlords, who are almost as poor as themselves. If any of these Wretches prove to be of a diligent and improving Temper, who endeavours to live a little better than his Fellows, and to that end has repaired his Farm-house, making it convenient, neat, or plea­sant, it is forty to one but he is pre­sently transplanted from thence to a naked and uncomfortable Habitation, to the end that his griping Landlord may get more Rent, by placing another on the Land that is thus improved: so that in some years 'tis likely there will be few or no Farm-Houses, when those al­ready built are fallen through Age or Neglect.

Another Grievance is, the Quartering and paying of the Soldiers. This was once known in England, when the Lord Dane or Danish Soldier, quartered in the En­glish Yeo­man's House, and domineer'd to purpose. Whence came the Nick-name of Lazy Loydane. Those that know what a vexatious thing it is (over and above the Charge) to be constantly plagued with insolent Inmates, who Lord it where-ever they dwell, will soon allow this to be a Mischief scarce sup­portable.

[Page 81]And although this Country have a tendency to be extreamly populous, the Women being exceeding fruitful, which is sufficiently proved by the vast Swarms that in former Ages, from these Nor­thern parts, over-ran all Europe; yet at present it is but competently Peopled; vexation of Spirit, ill Diet, and Poverty, being great Obstructions to Procreation. Within Man's Memory the Peasants li­ved very happily; there was scarce any Family of them that was not Owner of a large piece of Plate or two, besides Silver Spoons, Gold Rings, and other odd Knacks, which they are fond of to this day, (and whenever they have any Money, will lay it out in such-like things, because they dare not trust them­selves with the keeping of Money, the inclination to spend it presently is so general) but now it is a great rarity to find in a Boor's House any thing made of Silver; or indeed any other Utensil of Value, unless it be Feather-Beds, whereof there are better, and in greater plenty than in any place I ever saw; and which are made use of, not only to lye upon, but also to cover with instead of Blankets.

[Page 82]Among all the Hardships which are imposed on these poor Peasants, that which seemed to me one of the grea­test, was the Obligation they lye under to furnish the King, Royal Family, and all their Attendants, their Baggage and Furniture, with Horses, and Travel­ling Waggons, whensoever he makes any Progress (which he often does ei­ther to Jutland or Holstein) or takes any lesser Journey in Zealand; nay, al­though it be only to his Country-Hou­ses of Fredericksburg and Yagersburg. In these Cases all the Peasants that lye near the Road, or in that District, are summoned to attend with their Horses and Waggons at certain Stages, where they are to relieve each other; and this they often do, always at their own Charges for Man's, and Horse-meat, for two or three days together, no re­gard being had to the Season of Har­vest, (which is the usual travelling time) or to any other Conveniency of these poor Wretches. I have frequently seen them with hundreds of Waggons in a Company, attending the Arrival of the Court, bewailing their sad Condi­tion; and as soon as the King came up, and his Coaches, with those of the [Page 83] other Persons of Quality, were fitted with six or eight Boors Horses each, (for they are little bigger than Calves) then every Lacquey seizes on his Boor and Waggon, for his own proper use; at which time, unless his Pleasure be in all things complied with, the poor trem­bling Peasant (who drives on, and takes all patiently, without replying one word) is so beaten and abused, that it has often moved my Pity and Indignation to see it. Neither is it only when the King himself travels, that the Boors are put to this trouble, but whenever he pleases to give his Warrant to any Person of Qua­lity, or Officer, that has a Journey to make, they are obliged to this Service and Attendance.

Apoplexies and the Falling-Sickness are the Epidemical Distempers here; one shall hardly pass through the Streets of Copenhagen, without seeing one or two poor Creatures groveling on the Ground in a Fit, and foaming at the Mouth, with a Circle of Gazers and Assistants about them: I know not what to impute this to, unless to the ill Diet of the Common sort, which is generally Salt-meats, Stock-fish, and such-like. Apoplexies among the better [Page 84] sort, often proceed either from exces­sive Drinking, or from Discontent; it being very usual here to have them die of a Slacht, as they call it, which is an Apoplexy, proceeding from Discontent and Trouble of Mind. But by way of amends for these ugly Distempers, there are few or none that are troubled with Coughs, Catarrhs, Consumptions, or such like Diseases of the Lungs; so that in the midst of Winter in the Churches, which are very much frequented, there is no noise to interrupt the Atten­tion due to the Preacher. I am per­swaded their warm Stoves, with the Plenty and Pureness of their Firing, (which is Beech-wood) contributes as much to their freedom from these kinds of Maladies, as the grosness and un­wholsomness of our Coals in London does to our being so universally trou­bled with them; notwithstanding the ingenious Sir William Petty be of ano­ther Opinion: for in all other respects of Air and Situation, we have much the advantage of them.

[Page 85]The Tables of the better sort are u­sually well furnished with Dishes, yet I cannot commend the Cheer; because the Flesh is generally lean, and (except the Beef and Veal) ill tasted, especially the tame Fowl, the fatning of which is an Art not known by above two or three, who have been taught it by an English Poulterer, lately set up at Copen­henhagen. Wether Mutton is very scarce, and seldom good. Wild Ducks hardly to be eaten; and Plovers never. Here are no wild Pheasants, Woodcocks, Rab­bits, or Fallow Deer. Red Deer there are, but they are the King's Game, and not to be bought for Money. The Hares are good, and the Bacon is excellent. Now and then you meet with a Cheureuil, or small Roe Buck in the Market, but it is generally lean. Sea-fish is scarce, and not good, but the River-fish makes amends, here being the best Carp, Perch, and Craw-fish that are to be found any where. One cannot expect extraordi­nary Fruits thus far North; yet the Gentry do not want such as are very tolerable, being extreamly addicted to Gardning; and several of the Nobility being so curious, as to have Melons, Grapes, Peaches, and all sorts of Sallads [Page 86] very early, and in great perfection. The Butter is very good, but the Cheese stark naught. In general, their way of Cookery would hardly be pleasing to an English Man.

They are much addicted to drink­ing; the Liquors that are most in vogue with Persons of Condition, are Rhenish Wine, Cherry Brandy, and all sorts of French Wine. The Men are fond of them, and the fair Sex does not refuse them. The poor People, who are able to indulge themselves, do it in bad Beer, and Danish Brandy, which is made of Barley.

The Gentlemen and Officers go very fine in their Dress after the French mode; but the Ladies Winter-dress is Danish, very becoming, and convenient. The Burgers, Servants, and even Peasants, are neat and cleanly; they love change of ordinary white Linnen, which is here made cheap; the Women-kind employ­ing their leisure time in Spinning. All these People have a degree of Vanity; Pride and Poverty being often Compani­ons to each other.

[Page 87]Their Marriages are usually preceded by Contracts, which will last sometimes three, four, or more years, before they proceed to a publick Wedding by the Minister; though often the young Cou­ple grow better acquainted before these Formalities are dispatched. The Gen­try give Portions with their Daughters; but the Burgers and Peasants, if they be able, give Cloaths, some Houshold­stuff, and a great Wedding Dinner, but nothing else till they die.

Sumptuous Burials and Monuments are much in request with the Nobility; and it is usual to keep the Corps of a Person of Quality in a Vault, or the Chancel of some Church, for several Years together, till a fit opportunity to celebrate the Funeral. The poorer sort are buried in great thick Chests; and in the Towns, there are about a dozen of common Mourners belonging to each Parish, who are obliged to carry, and at­tend them to their Graves.

The Common People are mean spiri­ted, not Warlike in their Tempers, as formerly; inclined to gross Cheating, and to suspect that others have a de­sign to cheat them; therefore unwilling to go out of a road they have been [Page 88] accustomed to: insomuch that if you offer them great profit for a thing which they have not been used formerly to sell, they will refuse to part with it, as suspecting that you fee an advan­tage in such a Purchase, which as yet is unknown to them, but which they hope to find out. I remember one in­stance: Seeing great Flocks of Green Geese in the Fields near the Town, I sent to buy some, but they being ne­ver used to sell, or eat Geese, in that Country, till they are big and old; it was not possible to perswade any body to part with one of them, though dou­ble the price of a big one were offer­ed for each. They asked what we de­sired to buy them for? What we would do with them? &c. for they could not be perswaded, any one would be so foolish as to eat them whilst young, or little; after a Week, an old Woman, to whom Money had been offered for a dozen, came and brought four to sell, saying, That neither she, nor her Geese, had thriven since she had refused to sell them at a good price; for the Kite had the night before kill'd eight of her stock, and that now the remaining four were at my service. Thus the Superstition of [Page 89] this old Woman procured us the first Green Geese that I believe were ever eaten in Denmark; but after that they had taken notice that we fatted, and killed them for eating, they furnisht us with them as often as desired. I would not omit this silly Story, because it gives a more lively Idea of the Tem­per of the Common People, than any Description I could make. In their Markets they will ask the same price for stinking Meat, as for fresh; for lean, as for fat, if it be of a kind. And the sure way not to obtain, is to seem to value, and to ask importunately, a thing which otherwise they themselves would desire should be done. This last Remark is not peculiar to the Common People only.

I do not see that they are good at imitating the Inventions of other Coun­tries; and for inventing themselves, I believe none here, since the famous Ty­cho Brahe, ever pretended to it. Few or no Books are written, but what some of the Clergy compose of Religion. Not so much as a Song, or a Tune, was made, during three Years that I stayed there. Their Seasons of Jollity are ve­ry rare, and since the fatal Opera about [Page 90] four years ago, wherein many hundred Persons were burnt together in the old Queen's House, they content themselves with running at the Goose on Shrove-Tuesdays, and taking their pleasure up­on Sledds in the Winter, well wrapped up in Wooll or Furr. A Divertisement much in request in this Court, and a­mong all kinds of People. Perhaps it will be thought too nice here to remark, That no body presumes to go in a Sledd, till the King and Court has begun; That the King passes over a new Bridge the first. And that the Clocks of Copen­hagen strike the hours after the Court Clock.

'Tis a difficult matter for Strangers to find conveniences of Lodging or Eat­ing in Denmark; even in Copenhagen are few or no Lodgings to be Lett in private Houses; and in the Taverns one must be content to Eat and Drink in a pub­lick Room, into which any other Com­pany may enter, and do the like at ano­ther Table; unless one pretends to higher matters than ordinary.

[Page 91]The Language is very ungrateful, and not unlike the Irish in its whining com­plaining Tone. The King, great Men, Gentry, and many Burghers, make use of the High-Dutch in their ordinary Dis­course, and of French to Strangers. I have heard several in high Employment, boast that they could not speak Danish. Yet very many of the Monosyllables in this Tongue are the same with the En­glish; and without doubt we owe the Original of them to the Danes, and have retained them ever since they were Ma­sters of our Country.

CHAP. IX.

THE Revenue of the King of Den­mark arises from three Heads: First, The Taxes and Impositions of his own Subjects: Secondly, Customs paid by Foreigners: Thirdly, Rents of his own Estate, Crown Lands, and Confisca­tions. Each of these shall be treated of apart.

The Taxes paid by his own Subjects, are in some Cases fixed, and constant, in others arbitrary. When I distinguish between these two, it is not meant that the King's Power is limited in any wise; but only that he chooses, in some Taxes, to follow Rules and Measures establi­shed by himself, in all others he varies often.

[Page 93]Of the first sort are, First, The Cu­stoms, or Toll, for Import and Export: Secondly, The Excise, commonly cal­led the Consumption; which is upon Tobacco, Wine, Salt, Grain, &c. and all Eatables and Drinkables brought into any Town of the King of Denmark's Dominions to be spent. These are the great Taxes, and the last is severe e­nough. There are besides, of this kind, smaller Taxes; as that 3 dly upon Marri­ages, where every couple Marrying, pay so much for the Licence, according to their quality; this is pretty high, and comes in some Cases to a good number of Rix Dollars for a Licence. 4 thly, A Tax for marked Paper, whereon all Bonds, and Contracts, Copies of Judicial Proceedings, Grants, Passports, &c. must be written, otherwise they are invalid. And this is an uneasie Tax; there being of this kind of Paper, which amounts to several Rix Dollars a Sheet. Fisthly, Taxes for Brewing, Grinding, and other things, which shall be hereafter spoken of. But these, and such like, are cer­tain; that is to say, every one knows how much he is to pay, according to an Ordonnance at present in force; which [Page 94] however may be altered as the King pleases.

Of the second sort are Impositions upon Land; which is reckoned, not by Acres, but Farms; viz. so much for e­very proportion of Land that will bear the sowing of a Tun of hard Corn. Wheat and Rye are called hard Corn, and according to the Fertility of the Land, Seasonableness of the Year, Abi­lity of the Landlord, each Farm is tax­ed higher or lower; but seldom too low.

Secondly, Poll-money, which is sometimes raised twice in a year, and is imposed according to the Substance of the Person taxed; which is guessed at, not fixed, as in other places, where all of a Rank pay equally.

Thirdly, Fortification-Tax, or Mo­ney raised for, or upon pretence of ma­king Fortifications for the Defence of the Kingdom, &c.

Fourthly, Marriage-Tax, when a Daughter of Denmark is to be dispo­sed of; whose Portion commonly is but 100000 Crowns: but under this Name, occasion is taken to raise more.

Fifthly, Trade-money, wherein eve­ry Trades man is taxed for the liberty [Page 95] of exercising his Trade, according to the Gain which it is computed he makes by it: and he is moreover obliged to quarter Soldiers.

Sixthly, Ground-Rent for all Houses in Copenhagen, or any other Towns in Denmark; which are taxed by the King, when he pleases, according to the good­ness of the House, the ability of the Pos­sessor, or the greatness of the Sum he intends to levy at that time.

In Holstein and Sleswick the Lands are taxed by Ploughs; each Plough paying so much a Month.

To begin with those of the first sort, whereof the Rates are known and fixed; it would be convenient, in speaking of the Customs and Excise, to transcribe the whole Book of Rates, but I fear to be too tedious; however not to be wan­ting in any thing material, and to give a taste, whereby to guess at the rest; and measure Hercules by his Foot, some Particulars shall be set down, whereof to make a right Judgment, a due re­gard must be had always, not only to the Plenty and Scarcity of Money in a [...]ountry, but also to the goodness of a Commodity. For instance, when I speak of a fat Ox, it must not be ima­gined [Page 96] that we mean such as are usual in our English Markets; but rather such as we see come from Wales or Scotland. And so of other things in the Consum­ption Tax. And a Rix Dollar, conside­ring the scarcity of Money, ought to be computed to go further than three crowns with us.

[Page 102]A Rix Dollar is something short of an English Crown in value; a Stiver is more than an English Penny. 48 Stivers make a Rix Dollar. One Lispound is the same with that we call a Stone. One Ship-pound is 20 Lispound. A Danish Ell is a third less than an English, or there­abouts.

There are publick Mills appointed and farmed to certain persons by the King, where all the Inhabitants of Co­penhagen are bound to grind upon a Pe­nalty, and to pay the Sums above-men­tioned for grinding: it being not permit­ted to any private Person or Brewer to grind his own Mault, nor Baker his own Bread-corn.

I need say no more of the Tax for Marriage Licences, or that for the use of mark'd Paper in Bonds and Contracts, than has been already mention'd.

Those of the second sort, viz. Land-Tax, House-Tax, Poll-Money, and For­tification-Money, which are sometimes laid high, and sometimes low, can have no settled estimate made of them; how­ever, I shall endeavour to compute them in the summing up the total of the Re­venue, according to what they have yielded of late years, which was pretty [Page 103] high; and according to the utmost they can bear at present, or may probably for the future.

Some years ago, since the last War with Sweden, the King caused a Valuati­on and a Register to be made of all the Houses in the Cities and Burroughs with­in his Dominions, as likewise an admea­surement of all Lands in the Country, that he might the better proportion the Taxes he should have occasion to levy. These are now applotted and raised ac­cording to the very utmost of the Peo­ples Abilities; neither do I believe that in case of a War or other exigency, they could possibly bear a greater bur­den; for in the Country the Gentleman and Peasant are in a manner ruined; in the Cities and Burroughs, Houses pay yearly for Ground-Tax four per Cent. of the whole value that the Ground is rated at, if it were to be purchased; and this is estimated by Commissioners appoint­ed for that purpose, according to the quantity of the Ground, or the conve­niency of the Station: moreover, for e­very hundred Rix Dollars which the Ground of any House is rated at, the Inhabitants are obliged to quarter one Souldier. Thus a Rhenish-Wine Vintner [Page 104] at Copenhagen, and he none of the rich­est, has the Ground of his House valued at 900 Rix Dollars, he consequently pays 36 Rix Dollars yearly for Ground-tax, and quarters nine Soldiers upon the account of his House, and three more upon the account of his Trade. The like propor­tion is observ'd towards all others, with respect to their Houses and Trades.

Here is commonly one Poll-Tax at least every year; or if it chance to miss one year, it is usually doubled the next. The lowest Assessment is according to the following proportion, vi.z a Burgher esteemed worth eight or ten thousand Rix Dollars, pays for himself four Rix Dollars, for his Wife four Rix Dollars, for every Child two Rix Dollars, for every Servant one Rix Dollar, for every Horse one Rix Dollar. An ordinary Ale­house-keeper pays for himself one Rix Dollar, for his Wife one Rix Dollar, for every Child 24 Stivers, for every Servant 16 Stivers.

About two years ago there was a Poll-Tax higher than ordinary; and at that time this proportion was observed: One of the Farmers of the Customs paid for himself 24 Rix Dollars, for his Wife 16 Rix Dollars, for her Maid two Rix [Page 105] Dollars, for every other Servant one Rix Dollar. A Burger esteemed worth six or eight thousand Rix Dollars paid for himself six Rix Dollars, for his Wife four Rix Dollars, for every Child two Rix Dollars, for every Servant one Rix Dol­lar; and thus did others according to their several Abilities.

The Fortification Schatt is a Tax with a witness: in that which was levied in the Year 91, these were the Rules for payment. All the King's Servants paid 20 per Cent. of their yearly Salaries. All the Officers of the Army, beginning with Captains, and so upwards, 30 per Cent. of their Pay. (These used to be freed from former Taxes of this kind.) The Nobility and Gentry paid in proportion to their Rank and Estate. The highest, as Count Guldenlieu, &c. from seven hun­dred to one thousand Rix Dollars each. Burgers were taxed according to their supposed Abilities; the richer sort from one hundred to four hundred Rix Dol­lars, each; the middle sort of Mer­chants worth six or eight thousand Rix Dollars paid forty Rix Dollars; an A­pothecary sixty eight Rix Dollars; a Vintner fifty five Rix Dollars; ordinary Burgers eight or ten Rix Dollars each: [Page 106] the poorer sort one or two Rix Dollars, and so forth. This sort of Tax has been accounted equal with another called the Kriegs Sture, imposed at the beginning of the War; and that amounted to near seven hundred thousand Rix Dollars in all. But 'tis most certain, the People are not now able to pay it as they were then, and consequently it will not be so much by a great deal.

When the King's only Daughter was about to be married to the present Ele­ctor of Saxony, a Marriage-Tax was in­tended, and had certainly been levied in case the Marriage had gone forward: but the one, as well as the other, is now no more spoken of, though no Kingdom in Europe can boast of a more deserving Princess.

I suppose by this time an English Reader has taken a Surfeit of this Account of Taxes which the Subjects of Denmark do pay; but it ought to be a great Sa­tisfaction to him to reflect, that through the Happiness of our Constitution, and the Prudence and Valour of our King, the People of this Nation, though en­joying ten times more natural and ac­quired Advantages than the Danes, which causes more than ten times their [Page 107] affluence; do not for all that pay to­wards the carrying on the most neces­sary and just War, the third part in proportion to what the King of Den­mark's Subjects do in time of a pro­found Peace: Pax servientibus gravior est quam liberis bellum. Tacit. Lib. An. 10.

The second Head from whence pro­ceeds a considerable Branch of this King's Revenue, is the Customs or Toll paid by Foreigners.

These pay something more for im­ported Goods than the Natives and Bur­gers, and more Anchorage-money in the Ports. The Danes, from their own Ports to their own Ports, paying four Stivers per Last; from Foreign Ports ten Sti­vers per Last, whereas Foreign Ships pay twelve Stivers. But that which is most considerable to the King, is the Toll paid by all Strangers (except the Swedes) that pass the Sound; and the Cu­stoms of Norway.

I have in another place given an ample Account of the Original and Pro­gress of this Toll, together with the Copy of a Letter which makes a Com­putation of the present Revenue arising from thence; so that I shall not need [Page 108] to repeat what I formerly said; only in general, that it is much fallen from what it was in the time of the last War, when all that passed paid; it came then to about 143000 Rix Dol­lars yearly. In the Years 1690, and 1691, it amounted not to much more than 65000 Rix Dollars, at which rate we may judge it likely to continue. This belongs to the King's Privy Purse, and comes not under the Management of the Treasurer.

The Revenues of Norway arise chiefly from the Tenths of Timber and Tar, of Fish and Oil, and the Customs of the same; which being bought and ex­ported by Foreign Merchants, the Sums that come from thence into the King's Coffers are principally owing to them. It is true, there are Silver Mines, and Iron, and one of Copper, but these are of small value. The Ex­cise, and the other Taxes of the Na­tives, are the same with those of Den­mark; which these of Norway are bet­ter enabled to pay, because of their For­reign Trade; although this also is con­siderably diminished since their late Quarrel with the Dutch; who there­upon gave over their Traffick with [Page 109] them, and transferred it for some time to Sweden. These Differences have in­deed been since adjusted, but it is a hard matter to reduce Trade through­ly into the former Channel, when once it has taken another course. The Danes are of opinion, that neither the English nor Dutch can possibly want the Norway Trade for their Naval Stores: but if a right use were made of our Plantations in the West-Indies, they may chance to find themselves mistaken.

It may not be amiss to mention in this place, though it be something for­reign to the Matter in hand; that just before the present War with France, the Trading Ships belonging to all the King of Denmark's Dominions, were com­puted to amount to about four hun­dred, besides little Barks that bring Wood, &c. because the number of them had been lessened almost two thirds within thirty years. But at present, since the Trade of Europe has been in a man­ner carried on by the Neutral Princes, it cannot otherwise be, but that the number must be considerably increased within these four years; though as yet it comes not up to what it formerly did.

[Page 110]To conclude with Norway, which is divided into the Southern and Northern Provinces. The whole Revenue from the first of these amounts yearly to be­tween five and six hundred thousand Rix Dollars; and from the last to between two and three hundred thousand Rix Dollars; and so the Total may be com­munibus annis 800000 Rix Dollars.

The exactest Computation that I have known made of the English, Dutch and French Trades to these Parts in Times of Peace, ran thus: Of English there pas­sed the Sound yearly, from two hun­dred Vessels to three hundred; of Dutch from one thousand to eleven hundred; of French from ten to twelve; and the like proportion to Norway. By which it is easily judged, that the Friendship and Trade of France ought to come in no competition with that of England and Holland; since the King of Den­mark owes so large a share of his best Revenue to these last, and so little to the other.

The third and least considerable Branch of the Revenue arises from the Rents of the Crown Lands, and confis­cated Estates. The latter are in the [Page 111] King's hands, either upon account of for­feiture for Treason, and other Crimes, or by reason of Debt and Non-pay­ment of Taxes; and it is to be suppo­sed these will encrease every day in pro­portion to the Poverty of the Country; since, as I formerly said, many would be glad, rather to surrender their Estates to the King, than pay the Taxes imposed on them.

But notwithstanding this Addition of Lands, the King is so far from being the richer, that he is the poorer for it: for upon the King's becoming pos­sessor of any Man's Estate, immediate­ly the great pains and care ceases which was formerly taken to improve it, and make it yield as much as it could; and it becomes almost desolate, either through the negligence or little en­couragement of the Tenants: general­ly it turns to Forrest, and contributes to his Diversion, though little to his Purse; and the Houses run to decay. So do the Royal Palaces, whereof there are a great many on the Crown Lands, few of them, except Fredericksburg, be­ing in a Condition to be dwelt in. For which reason it is a hard matter to make a just Calculation what year­ly [Page 112] Revenue these afford: and that which they do yield goes for the most part among the Courtiers, who have the Government of the King's Houses, the Supervisorships of his Parks, Forrests, and Farms, with the Services of his Boors, and Tenants. So that I believe we should rather over, then under reckon them, if we compute the clear yearly profit of these to amount to 200000 Rix Dollars.

I endeavoured to know from an ex­act and understanding Person there, how much the running Cash of those King­doms might probably be: Whose An­swer was in these Words: It is very difficult to make any rational Computa­tion of the running Cash of these King­doms; but certainly it is but very lit­tle, and not near the hundredth part of that of England: for excepting a very few, none have any Cash by them; the Trading People, through whose hands it runs, being generally Men of no Sub­stance, but indebted over Head and Ears to their Creditors at Amsterdam and Hamburg, it comes no sooner in, but it is paid out. Moreover, the Cash of the Nation runs yearly out, by what the Of­ficers of the Army, who are Foreigners, [Page 113] can clear; for all that they transport to other Countries: likewise by what di­vers of the Ministers of State can scrape together; since it is observed, that few or none of them purchase any Lands, but place their Money in the Banks of Am­sterdam and Hamburg. Furthermore, by what the over-ballance of Trade car­ries away; for this Country consumes more of Foreign Commodities, than its own Product can countervail. And all this makes me believe, that there is but an inconsiderable running Cash here; and very much of that which runs among the People is Brass-money, which is not worth any ones while to Export: Be­sides, the very Silver Coin has a great mixture of Brass in it.

From the whole I conclude, that there is a moral Impossibility all these Taxes and Impositions should continue. The weight of them is already so great, that the Natives have reason rather to wish for, than defend their Country from an Invader; because they have little or no Property to lose, and may probably thereby mend their Condition, when there is scarce a possibility of making it worse. There seems to be a great sence of this in the Court, and [Page 114] therefore an Army composed of For­reigners is depended on. Here follow the Particulars of the Revenue.

[Page 115]It must be observed, that the Poll-Tax, and the Fortification-Tax, are ne­ver both raised the same year; so that there must be deducted out of that Sum about 400000 Rix Dollars in lieu of one of those Taxes; and then the Sum total of the whole Revenue of the King of Denmark will amount every year to about two Millions two hundred twenty two thousand Rix Dollars.

CHAP. X.

HAving done with the Revenue, I come in the next place to shew how those Sums are expended: And it is certain, that the levying of them is not more grievous to the Subject than the Reason for which they are levied, viz. the Maintenance of a great stand­ing Army: so that the People are Contributors to their own Misery; and their Purses are drain'd in order to their Slavery. Thus the King of France makes the rich Towns he takes be at the Charge of building Cittadels to keep themselves in awe: and it is that Ma­ster of the Art of Reigning, as his Flat­terers call him, that has instructed the Court of Denmark, as well as the other Princes and States of Europe, the perni­cious Secret of making one part of the People, both the Bridle and Scourge of [Page 117] the other; which in time must needs end in a general Desolation.

The King of Denmark has been but too apt a Pupil to such a Master, and has endeavoured even to exceed his Original; which he finds to his cost at this day, in raising more Men than his Country can maintain. Souldiers are, through I know not what mistaken Po­licy, esteemed the Riches of the Nor­thern Kings, and other German Princes; for when they make an estimate of each others Wealth, it is not by the usual and ancient manner of Compu­tation, the Fertility or Extent of the Territory, the Traffick, Industry, Num­ber, or Riches of the People; but by so many Horse and Foot. For the sub­sistance of which they are forced, after they have eaten up their own Sub­jects, to make use of a hundred cruel and unjust Shifts, to the Ruin of their Neighbours. And when they cannot accomplish such a destructive Project in the manner they wish, then they are constrained to foment Quarrels be­tween more potent Princes, that they may have the opportunity of selling to one or other those Forces which them­selves cannot possibly maintain: so that [Page 118] at present Soldiers are grown to be as saleable Ware, as Sheep or Oxen, and are as little concern'd when they are sold; for provided the Officers be rendred con­tent by the Purchaser, in having liberty to plunder the laborious and honest Country People in their Marches, and a fat Winter-quarter, with Permission to defraud their own Men of their Pay: the common Soldier goes with no more sence than a Beast to the Slaughter; ha­ving no such Sentiment, as Love of Ho­nour, Country, Religion, Liberty, or any thing more than meer fear of being hanged for a Deserter.

But this mischievous Custom of Princes esteeming Soldiers the only true Riches, was first begun and esta­blished by the French King, and is grown general by his Care to cultivate this Opinion in the Minds of the Ger­man Princes, whose poor Countries he foresees will be soon ruined by such a practice. This he principally aims at, and it has brought Matters to such a pass, that War and Destruction are grown absolutely necessary. For as all Men that lay up Wealth never think they have enough; so these that con­sider Soldiers as the only Riclies, never [Page 119] cease enlarging their Number, till they are necessitated for their Subsistance, ei­ther to come to Blows with their Neigh­bours, or to create Animosities between other; wherein they have found the knack of being employed, and recei­ving Pay without interessing themselves in the Quarrel. Where this will end, God Almighty knows, and can only prevent the apparent Mischiefs threat­ned by it, viz. the universal Misery and Depopulation of Europe. For since this Practice is grown so general, none of these Kings or Princes, though en­dowed with a more peaceable Spirit and better Judgment than the rest, dares lead the Dance, and disarm, for fear of his Armed Neighbours, whose Necessities make them wait only for an opportunity to fall upon him that is worst provided to make Resistance: And this is none of the least Calamities which the French Tyranny has forced upon the World, having reduced all the Princes and Commonwealths of it to this hard choice; either to submit themselves to an intolerable Foreign Yoak, or main­tain Vipers at home to gnaw their own Bowels.

[Page 120]But the Consequences of these un­just Practices have been more pernici­ous to Denmark, than to the French King that set the Example; the Toad may emulate the Ox, and swell, but he shall sooner burst, than equal him. The one goes on in a course of pro­sperous Tyranny; but the other through an ill Calculation of his own Strength, which is no way proportionable to his Ambition, never hitherto throve in any of his Attempts upon his Neighbours. Hamburg is yet a Free City, and the Duke of Holstein restored to his Pos­sessions; whilst Schonen, Halland, Ble­king, and Yempterland remain in the Possession of the Swedes; who in ta­king up Arms for their own Defence, have had the Fortune to revenge the Injury. And the Danes are constrained to acquiesce in the Loss of those their best Provinces, without any rational hopes of ever recovering them.

CHAP. XI.

UNDER this Head I comprehend the King, Queen, Royal Family, Ministers of State, Knights of the Or­der of the Elephant, and of Dannebrug, with other principal Officers belonging to the Court.

The present King of Denmark, Chri­stian [Page 138] the Fifth, is but of a moderate sta­ture, rather lean than corpulent, yet well proportioned, and strongly built; his Complexion is Sanguin, he wears a black Perriwig; the Lines of the lower part of his Face are not unlike those of King Charles the Second; his Constitu­tion has been very robust, capable to en­dure, and loving to undergo all manner of fatigue; until that within these few years, having had some fits of the Gout, he thought it better to dispense with Exercises which might disturb his Ease; especially there being less need in time of Peace of his taking such pains as he easily could, and yet would do, were there occasion. He began the six and for­tieth year of his Age the fifteenth of April 1692. His Habit is usually modest, but gentile; he seldom appears at Court times with either Hat or Gloves, though always (after the German fashion) with a good Sword girt close to his side.

As to his qualities, he is a Prince of singular affability and good nature; tem­perate if you consider the humour of that Countrey; being neither luxurious in his Meat or Drink, and of late years very seldom making any Debauch. His Amours have not been many, and in [Page 139] those he has continued very constant. He is Religious as a Prince ought to be, without doting on his Clergy, tho they seem to adore him; in his own temper a lover of Justice and Moderation; but often over-ruled by those about him, to whom he leaves the whole management of Affairs; because he neither loves, nor has a Genius for business. He speaks little, unless to his Ministers, and imme­diate Servants; yet he gives all oppor­tunity and encouragement to others to entertain him; as it were emboldening them by a gracious Smile, and advan­cing towards them. He is Master of three Languages besides his own, the High and Low Dutch, and the French, using them with great ease upon occasi­on. He was not bred up to any sort of Learning, yet takes a particular delight in Geography; and is never better plea­sed than when an exact Chart of any Countrey, or Delineation of any For­tress is brought to him: his Genius for the War inclining him to love Fortifica­tion. He is of a clear undoubted Per­sonal Courage, as has been often demon­strated in the late Wars with Sweden: but eases himself of the greatest part of the Conduct, which he leaves to his Ge­nerals, [Page 140] not relying on his own Judgment either in occasions of Action or Negoti­ations; though 'tis probable the great­ness of his Courage in the one, and the sincerity of his Intentions in the other, would produce better effects, did he trust himself more, and others less. In fine, he is a very mild, and gracious Prince, beloved rather than reverenced by his People; who are sensible that the pre­sent Form of Government, concurring with a King of a severe temper, would be altogether intolerable. His Motto under his Arms and Cypher is, Pietate & Justitia; and his Subjects do really believe the preservation of these to be his true Inclinations; and that all hard­ships that fall upon them, have their rise from the Ministry. Therefore they complain of his permitting, rather than his acting, and attribute all the Evils they endure, to the easiness of his Tem­per, and unhappiness of their present Constitution; which is not redressed by any Advantages derived from his Edu­cation.

The Queen, Charlotta Amelia, is a Princess that deserves to be mentioned with all honour, even tho she were not of that high Quality. She is fair, and [Page 141] well shap'd; her Complexion being a mixture of Flegmatick and Sanguin; and altho she be in the forty first year of her Age, continues still handsome; her Carriage is very engaging, affable, and free; her great Accomplishments secure to her the Hearts of her Subjects, notwithstanding her differing from them in Religion, and stop the mouths of the bigotted Lutherans, which would be apt enough to exclaim against her, did not a most unreproachable Life set her above Malice. They have made several Attempts to wound the Calvinist Reli­gion through her sides; but she has hi­therto frustrated them all, and preserved not only her self, but the little French Protestand Church (lately founded in Copenhagen by her Bounty, and subsisting through her Protection) from all the Assaults made against it by Persons in Power. And this she does the more ef­fectually, through a prudent compliance with the King in matters indifferent, go­ing frequently with him to the Lutheran Service and Sermons: thereby not only shewing the charitable and good Opini­on she has of the Publick established Worship, but getting a greater freedom of going every Afternoon to hear the [Page 142] French Ministers in her own Church. She is the common Refuge of distressed People, who never fail of their account in approaching her. Neither is Access to her difficult; she often prevents those that have need, and does good before she be sought unto. In short, she is Sister to the present Landgrave of Hesse Cassel; worthy of such a Brother, and the illu­strious Stock from whence she proceeds.

The King of Denmark has five Chil­dren; four Princes and one Princess. Prince Frederick the eldest, who is also called the Prince Royal, is about twenty years old; it were to be wished his E­ducation had been more conformable to his quality; for his former Governor being somewhat pedantick, had infused a little stiffness and formality into the Pupil, which People that judge by out­ward Appearances, are apt to miscon­strue Pride; but doubtless his Travels have reformed that ill habit. Prince Christian, the second Son, is about eigh­teen years of Age, of a more lively and affable temper than his elder Brother, as well as taller, and of a more robust Constitution; much addicted to Hunt­ing, and riding the great Horse; he longs for nothing more than to see and [Page 143] shew himself to the World. Prince Charles, the third Son, is about nine years old, and Prince William, the Fourth, a­bout six. The former is a very forward hopeful Youth; the latter does not yet stir out of the Nursery, so that no Judg­ment can be made of him.

The Princess—is about six­teen, a very beautiful sweet tempered and well-educated Lady; she was con­tracted to the present Elector of Saxony her own Cosin Germain; but the Match was afterwards broken off.

The King has besides these, two Natu­ral Sons by Mrs. Mote, a Citizen's Daugh­ter of Copenhagen, whom he had made Countess of Samsoe (an Island which he has given to her) the sends her more­over, as it is confidently reported 1000 Rix Dollars every Saturday Night. The young Gentlemen, her Sons, are very handsome and hopeful. The eldest is in the Service of France, where he has a Regiment of Horse, and is called young Guldenlieu, to distinguish him from the Elder, who is Viceroy of Norway; the King gives him the Revenue of the Post-Office. This Appellation of Guldenlieu is appropriated to the Bastard Sons of the Kings; I know not whether it be­gan [Page 144] with the present Viceroy of Norway, or not; but it is likely to continue here­after, and a young Guldenlieu will be­come as necessary an Ornament to the Court, as an Heir of the Crown.

The second of the King's Sons, by the Countess of Samsoe, is designed for the Sea; and to that end has been sent several Voyages in a Man of War under the Direction of a trusty Person, in or­der to fit him to be one day Admiral-General.

His high Excellency, Court Gulden­lieu, Viceroy of Norway, and Natural Brother to the King, will be more pro­perly mentioned here, as one of the Royal Family, than when we come to speak of the Ministers; for tho he be one of them, yet he cares not to embark himself deep in the Publick Affairs, having formerly, in some Occurrences, burnt his Fingers; he thinks it wisdom rather to enjoy his Divertisements, and the favour of the King, which he now firmly possesses. His Father, King Frede­rick, loved him so well, that he once thought of making him King of Norway; which has been remembred to his pre­judice, and obliges him to carry himself with great care, under a Government so [Page 145] Arbitrary as this is. He is about fifty six years of Age, has been one of the hand­somest, and continues one of the finest Gentlemen that Denmark has produced: having to his Natural Accomplishments, added all the advantages of Travel, and Knowledge of the World. He is a Man of Pleasure, and understands it in all its Refinements; his Palace, his Gardens, his Entertainment, manner of accost­ing, &c. excelling by many degrees any thing that can be found elsewhere in that Kingdom. He was formerly Am­bassador Extraordinary from King Fre­derick his Father to King Charles the Se­cond, who shewed such a particular esteem for him, that he made him the Partner of his Pleasures. And this is re­turned by so deep a sense of that King's Kindness, that he scarce ever mentions his Name without great concern. He speaks a little English, and is very obli­ging to any Person that belongs to this Countrey, in gratitude for the great Civilities he received here.

The King of Denmark's Court, as to Pomp and Magnificence, can hardly be called a Royal one; the Luxury and Extravagance of the more Southern Courts of Europe having not reached [Page 146] thus far North, no more than their Riches. It is true indeed, since their good correspondence with France, their Man­ners are somewhat refined above what they formerly were; they affect French Modes, French Servants, and French Of­ficers in the Army; whereof they have one Lieutenant General, and one Ma­jor General, who have quitted France for fighting Duels there. And this is either really true, or at least the pretence of such as seek Service in Foreign Coun­tries on purpose to do the business of France, whose interest they always cul­tivate industriously, tho they seem never so much in disgrace with their Prince.

In this Court no Ensigns of Majesty appear; let the occasion be never so so­lemn, except such as are Military, all those which a standing Army can afford, such as Horse and Foot Guards, Tra­bands, which answer our Beef-eaters, Kettle-Drums, and Trumpets, &c. are there is perfection, and used every day as much as in a Camp: but Badges of Peace, viz. Sword of State, Heralds, Maces, Chancellor's Purse, &c. are not known.

The King sits down to Dinner with his Queen, Children, Relations, prime [Page 147] Ministers, and General Officers of the Army, till the round Table be filled, The Court Mareschal invites whom he thinks fit to eat with the King, speaking sometimes to one, sometimes to another, till all have had their turns in that ho­nour. A Page in Livery says Grace be­fore and after Meat, for no Chaplain ap­pears either here, or in any other of the Protestant Courts abroad, but in the Pulpit. There is a plentiful Table; but the Meat dressed after their own manner. The King's particular Diet every day, is a Loin of roasted Veal, and his Drink Rhenish-Wine; whereof a silver Beaker­full stands at every one's Plate, which generally serves for the whole Meal. The Attendants are one or two Gentle­men, and the rest Livery Servants. No Ceremony of the Knee is used to the King. The Kettle Drums and Trum­pets, which are ranged in a large place before the Palace, proclaim aloud the ve­ry Minute when he sits down to Table. Sunday is his Fasting day, and by his Ex­ample, is so to many of the Courtiers.

Court times, wherein those that have business, may most easily have Audience, are an hour before Dinner constantly, and sometimes before Supper. At such times [Page 148] the King's Children, Domestick and Fo­reign Ministers, Officers of the Army, and Houshold, appear in the Anti­chamber and Bedchamber: these com­pose the Court, and seldom amount to above the number of twenty or thirty. Few or no Gentlemen, that have not Employments, are seen at Court, or in Copenhagen, for Reasons formerly given.

The Officers of the Houshold are, The Marshal, who regulates the Affairs of the Family, and gives the King no­tice when Dinner or Supper is ready. The Comptroller of the Kitchen, who places the Dishes of Meat upon the Ta­ble, and is likewise Master of the Ord­nance. The Master of the Horse, who looks after the King's Stables, and Studs of Mares, whereof the King has very many, and very good, especially those of one Breed particular to him, which are light Iron-Grey, with black Heads, Tails, and Mains. But one forms a nearer Idea of the Grandeur and Reve­nue belonging to these several Offices, by imagining them like the same in the Fa­milies of some of our English Noblemen, rather than of those belonging to White­hall.

[Page 149]The Master of the Ceremonies is obli­ged by his Employment to be a constant Attender at Court.

But the principal Favourite of the King is Monsieur Knute, a Mecklenburger, and only Gentleman of the Bedchamber. He has been bred up all along with the King, as his Confident and Companion in his Pleasures; is a civil well-natur'd Gentleman, speaks no Language but his own, and loves least of all the French; meddles rarely with publick business, yet when he undertakes any thing with the King, seldom fails of Success. There are several Grooms of the Bedchamber subordinate to him. And the Queen has many Gentlemen, Sons of Persons of the best Quality, which are Attendants upon her, and eight Maids of Honour.

The King's Ministers are, first, Mon­sieur de Guldenlieu, who has the prece­dence at the Council-Board, and in all other Commissions where he is employ­ed with the rest; but business, as I inti­mated before, being not his Talent, or at least not his Choice, it is rather out of respect to his quality, than otherwise, that he is reckoned among them.

Secondly, Count Raventlau, Great Master of the Game, which is the Em­ployment [Page 150] of greatest Profit in the King's Gift, after the Viceroyship of Norway: he is a Native of Holstein, and is lookt upon as Prime Minister; therefore all Foreign Ministers address themselves to him. He takes it not ill to be stiled so; tho he seems upon some occasions mo­destly to decline it. He is very affable civil, and of easy access; a Man of Plea­sure, and an admirer of the fair Sex, as well as Monsieur de Galdenlieu: his Parts and Learning are of a moderate size; tho of late, through a more dili­gent application to business he be much improved; so that he seems to fill worthi­ly enough the Post wherein his Master has placed him. He is about Three and forty years of Age, his Complexion fair, and his Constitution robust; his Inclina­tions were but indifferent towards the French (as being convinced that the low Ebb of his Country's Prosperity, and his Master's Honour, were in a great measure owing to their Counsels and Practices) till within this year or two, that private Interest has reconciled him to that Court: the benefit of the French Traffick, during this War (wherein he is deeply concerned, as well by several Ships of his own, as by giving Pro­tection [Page 151] to others that manage that Trade) has made him think that it is his Master's Advantage, as well as his, to keep firm Friendship with France. On the other hand, the English obstruct­ing that Traffick, by taking and con­fiscating several Ships wherein he was concerned, seem to have quite lost his favour. Yet after all, 'tis believed, if he could procure the same, or equivalent Advantages for himself and his Master, his Inclinations would more willingly lead him to accept of them from Eng­land than France; but the unhappy Cir­cumstances of this present Conjuncture do render that matter scarce possible.

Thirdly, Baron Juel, younger Brother to the Admiral General, and a Dane by Birth, about sixty years old; he is very corpulent, and of a flegmatick Complexi­on; more easy in his Fortunes than any about Court, which is in part owing to his remarkable parcimonious temper. The Danes look on him as one of the cunningest men among them, who un­der the disguise of a seeming Simplici­ty covers a great deal of Craft. His words are very few and smooth, and his behaviour Civil. It is thought that he sees with regret the Misery his Coun­trey [Page 152] is reduced to, as being one of the Stock of old Nobility, who have suf­fered by the change of the Constitution: yet his Advice cannot be wanted, where there is such a scarcity of good Heads; and therefore he is employed in all diffi­cult Affairs, which he manages with great dexterity and success.

Fourthly, Monsieur Ehrenschild, a German by birth, and formerly Secretary to Monsieur Terlon the French Ambassa­dor at this Court, which makes him French in his Inclinations to this day. The King enobled him, and gave him the Name of Ehrenschild, instead of that of Beerman, by which he was formerly known. He is about 65 years old, of a weakly constitution, and therefore most commonly resides at Hamburg, under pretence that the Air is necessary for his Health; but in reality to manage the King's Affairs with that Town; where­in is constantly maintained a Faction, which must have Life kept in it by the Residence of a Minister of Quality. Moreover, that City being conveniently seated for the Correspondence with all Germany, from whence a nearer inspe­ction may be made into the proceedings of the neighbouring Princes, as well as [Page 153] the management of the French Traffick during this War; it is thought necessa­ry to keep an able Man there: this Mon­sieur Ehrenschild has been bred a Scholar after the German way, and is well skill'd in negotiating; wherein he has been constantly employed since he first entered into business. He is esteemed a Cunning man, but has no great reputation of In­tegrity; he affects to find out difficul­ties, and is excellently skill'd in prolong­ing a business. The Foreign Ministers call him by the Name of Fater difficul­tatum, and say that he has a peculiar knack in finding nodum in scirpo. There­fore they care not for Treating with him, because he values Argumentation, and seeks Sophisms rather than Truth, or the Decision of the Matter. You can never bring him to say such a thing is, thought it be as clear as the Sun; but cela peut estre: thereby leaving always a Hole open to creep out at. He hoards up all his Money, or puts it in the Banks of Hamburg and Amsterdam, having small prospect of a future happy esta­blishment for his Family in Denmark. And this is the common Maxim of all the most intelligent Heads in that King­dom, as appears by their making few or no Purchases.

[Page 154]Fifthly, Monsieur Plessen, a Gentle­man of Mecklenburg, and formerly the Manager of Prince George's Revenue in Denmark. He is now the Ober-Rent Master, or Comptroller of the Finances, in the room of Monsieur Branat, lately removed from that Employment. The State of the Finances and Expences were very much embroiled, and the King some Millions of Crowns in Debt when he undertook the difficult Task of setting things right; which it is ge­nerally thought he will accomplish as far as they are capable: and 'twas high time to set seriously about redressing Af­fairs, for the King's Credit both at Ham­burg, and every where else, was in a manner absolutely lost, through the ill Payment of all Assignments. He is about Six and forty years old, of a Me­lancholy Complexion, and weakly Constitution; is esteemed to have a good Judgment, and to understand the World; tho his Distempers make him sometimes particular in his Humour. He speaks four or five Languages, and Eng­lish among the rest. His Inclinations seem to be rather English than French; as well on the account of his Dependance on Prince George, as because he is con­vinced [Page 155] 'tis more the Interest of his Ma­ster to be well with England and Holland, than with France. He appears to be dis­interessed, and is very easy in his For­tunes, which consist most in ready Mo­ney. In short, he is a Man of Business, and seems to be more dowright in his manner of dealing than many of the rest.

These Five compose the King's whole Privy Council. Four of them are con­stantly at Court, and the fifth at Ham­burg; by the weekly Advices of whom the others do for the most part regulate all their Deliberations.

The King in this Council determines all Affairs; deliberates of Peace or War, of Alliances, and other Treaties; of Taxes, Fortifications, Trade, &c. with­out the intervention of any other Per­son, unless it be the Secretaries of State; who are yet esteemed here rather as Mi­nisterial Officers and Assistants, than principal Counsellors. There are four of these Secretaries that are not Secreta­ries of State, in the sense that ours in England are, that is to say, Prime Mini­sters; but carry the Pen, and have the management of the business relating to their several Provinces; the first is the Secretary for the Affairs of Denmark, [Page 156] and is at present Monsieur

The second for the Affairs of Norway, is Monsieur Mote, Brother to the King's Mistress the Countess of Samsoe. The third for Foreign Affairs, is Monsieur Jessen; and the fourth, who is Secretary at War, is Monsieur Harboe. When any thing which concerns the Province of any of these is debated at Council, the Secretary it belongs to is to be present; but Monsieur Jessen never misses, because there is always business relating to Fo­reign Affairs; and the usual times of the sitting of the Council being after the Posts come in, his Employment is to read all the Letters, and to make Re­marks on them. This renders his Office more considerable than that of the other Secretaries, and makes him enter into the Secrets of the Cabinet, which pass for the most part through his sole ma­nagement. He has also liberty to speak his Sentiments; and because he has been bred a Latin Scholar, that, as well as his Employment, entitles him to the penning of all Treaties with Foreign Ministers. Therefore he is constantly one of the Commissioners appointed to treat with them; and to whom they are to have recourse almost as necessarily [Page 157] as to the Prime Minister, who suffers himself to be in a great measure guided by this Secretary. He is about forty, of a civil behaviour and humility, even to affectation; speaks four or five Langua­ges very well, and very much; whereby he sometimes gives advantages to those that have business with him. He has but a moderate reputation for Sincerity, or Parts; yet so much used to the Road of Publick Affairs, that he cannot be wanted, because they have no fitter Man to put in his place. He is Son-in-Law to Monsieur Ehrenschild, by whom he is much governed, and of the same Inclinations as to France. This Affinity is a great support to his Fortune, as long as that old Gentleman lives; and his diligence in his Employment, (if there were nothing else) will secure to him his Post and his Princes Favour; provi­ded always that he keep fair with the Prime Minister, (as at present he does) and act in concert with him.

The ordinary Diversions of the Court are Progresses, which are made once a year at least, to Sleswick, or Holstein, either to make a review of some Troops, or to see the Fortifications at Rendsburg; besides smaller Journies to Laland, and [Page 158] elsewhere, up and down the Countrey. These are of no Expence to the Treasury, because the travelling Wagons and Hor­ses are found by the Boors, who are also to pay their Personal Attendance, and be ready for all necessary Services. Du­ring five or six Weeks every Summer, the Court removes to Jagersburg, a small Hunting-House, situated upon a little Lake within four English Miles of Co­penhagen, and not far from the Sea: and for five or six Weeks more it resides at Fredericksburg, the chief Countrey Pa­lace of the Kings of Denmark, about twenty English Miles from Copenhagen, began by Christian the Fourth, and finish­ed by this King's Father, Frederick the Third: this is that House which the Danes boast so much of, and tell won­ders of the quantity of Money it cost in building. It is seated in the midst of a Lake, the Foundations of it being laid in the Water, which probably occasioned the greatest part of the Expence; you pass into it over several Draw Bridges. This watry Situation is so moist and cold a Countrey, cannot be approved by the Critical in Seats, especially when the rising Grounds about this Lake (which are clothed with fine Woods) [Page 159] afforded much better places both for health and prospect: but it is the hu­mour of all this Kingdom, to build in the midst of Lakes; which I suppose was at first practised upon the score of Security. This Palace, notwithstanding the great cost they talk of, is far from being magnificent, or well contrived; for the Rooms are low, the Apartments ill disposed, the fine Chappel much too long in proportion to its breadth, and has a Gallery over it, which has one of the worst contrived Entrances that can be imagined. In fine, it falls far short of many of our Noblemens Countrey-Houses in England; yet is esteemed by the Danes as a None-such. There is in­deed a fine Park about it, well filled with Red Deer; having large Ponds, high Trees in great quantity, a good Bathing-House, and other Countrey Embellish­ments; so that it is by far to be preferred to all the rest of the King's Houses, which except these two last mentioned, are for the most part out of repair: that of the Fortress of Cronenburg near Fl­signor, and of Coldingen in Jutland, with others, being scarce habitable even du­ring one Fortnight in the Summer Quarter.

[Page 160]At Fredericksburg the Court spends most of its time in Stag-hunting, for there are few Fallow-Deer in Denmark; during which Sport the King allows great freedom to his Domesticks and Ministers, who commonly do all ac­company him whereever he goes; inso­much that he seems to lay aside all Ma­jesty, and the Formalities of it for that Season; they eat and drink together, the latter sometimes to Excess, after a hard days hunting; when as soon as Dinner is done, they adjourn to the Wine-Cellar. About five or six in the Afternoon the Hunting-Assizes are so­lemnly held in the great Court before the Palace, the Stag is drawn into the midst of it by the Huntsmen, who are all cloathed in Red, having their great Brass Hunting-horns about their Necks; and 'tis there broken up with great Ce­remony, whilst the Hounds attend with much Noise and Impatience. One that is likeliest to give a good Gratuity to the Huntsmen, is invited to take Es­say, and presented with the Deer's foot. Then Proclamation is made, if any can inform the King (who is both Supreme Judge and Executioner) of any Trans­gression against the known Laws of [Page 161] Hunting that day committed, let him stand forth and accuse; the accused is generally found guilty; and then two of the Gentlemen lead him to the Stag, and make him kneel down between the Horns, turning down his Head with his Buttocks up, and remove the Skirts of his Coat, which might intercept the blows; then comes his Majesty, and with a small long Wand gives the Offen­der some Lashes on his Posteriors, whilst in the mean time the Huntsmen with their Brass Horns, and the Dogs with their loud Openings, proclaim the King's Justice, and the Criminal's Pu­nishment. The whole Scene affording Diversion to the Queen, Ladies, and other Spectators, who are always as­sisting, and stand in a Circle about the Place of Execution. This is as often repeated as there happen to be Delin­quents; who as soon as the Chastise­ment is over, rise up and make their Obeisance,

After all is done, the Hounds are per­mitted to fall to, and eat the Deer.

[Page 162]At another season Swan-hunting is the Royal Pastime; the wild Swans haunt a certain small Island not far from Copenhagen, and breed there; about the time that the Young ones are near as big as the Old, before their Feathers are grown long enough to fly, the King with the Queen, Ladies, and others of the Court, go to the killing of them; the Foreign Ministers are usually invited to take part in this sport: every Person of Condition has a Pinnace allotted to him, and when they come near the haunt, they surround the place, and in­close a great multitude of young Swans, which they destroy with Guns till they have killed some thousands. What is killed by the whole Company is brought to the Court, which challenges the Fea­thers and Down of these Birds, the Flesh of them being good for nothing.

On Shrove-Tuesdays the King, Queen, Royal Family, Home and Foreign Mi­nisters, and all the other Persons above­mentioned, that usually compose the Court, cloath themselves in the habit of the North-Holland Boors, with great Trunk-hose, short Doublets, and large blue Thrum-Caps; the Ladies in blue Petticoats, and odd Head-dresses, &c. [Page 163] Thus accoutred they get up in their Wagons, a Man before and a Woman be­hind, which they drive themselves, and go to a Countrey Village called Amak, about three English miles from Town; there they dance to Bagpipes, and squeaking Fiddles, and have a Countrey Dinner, which they eat out of Earthen and Wooden Platters, with wooden Spoons, &c. and having passed the day in these Divertisements, where all are equal, and little regard had to Majesty, or other Quality: at Night they drive in like manner home again; and are en­tertained at a Comedy and Magnificent Supper by the Viceroy Guldenlieu, spending the Remainder of the Night in Dancing in the same Habits, which they putnot off all that day.

Every Winter, as soon as the Snow is firm enough to bear, the Danes take great delight in going in Sleds. The King and Court first giving the Exam­ple, and making several Tours about the Town in great Pomp, with Kettle-Drums and Trumpets; the Horses which draw the Sleds being richly a­dorned with Trappings, and Harness full of small Bells, to give warning to such as stand in the way. After the [Page 164] Court has been abroad, the Burgers and others trot about the Streets all night, wrapt up in their Fur Gowns, with each his Female in the Sled with him; and this they esteem a great and pleasant Pastime.

In travelling to Fredericksburg, Yu­gersburg, and many other places from Copenhagen, there are two Highways; one the common Road, which is usu­ally bad; the other the King's High­way, very fair and even, peculiar to the Court, and such as it has a mind to fa­vour in bestowing on them a Key to open the several Gates that are upon it.

In this Chapter of the Court, it will not be improper to take notice that there are in Denmark two Orders of Knighthood, viz. that of the Elephant, and that of Dannebrug; the former is very honourable, and the Companions of it are of the highest Quality, or ex­traordinary Merit. Their Badge is an Elephant with a Castle on its back, set with Diamonds, and hung on a watered Sky-coloured Ribband, worn as the George is in England. The later is the honorary Reward of inferior Gentle­men or Noblemen: their Badge is a white Ribband with red Edges, worn [Page 165] over the contrary shoulder with a small Cross of Diamonds hung to it, and an Embroidery on the Breast of their Coats like a Star, in which is the Motto, Pi [...] ­tate & Justitia. They say that the Order of the Elephant was instituted about Two hundred and ten years ago by King Christian the First, at the Wedding of his Son.

• The King Sovereign of the Order.
• PRince Royal.
• Prince Christian.
• Prince Charles.
• Prince George.
• The King of Sweden.
• Elector of Brandenburg.
• Elector of Saxony.
• Viceroy Guldenlieu.
• Duke of Holstein.
• Duke of Holstein his Brother.
• Landgrave of Hesse.
• Count Rantzaw of Bredenberg.
• Duke of Holstein Plôen.
• Duke of Holstein Norburg.
• [Page 166]Duke of Holstein Brieg.
• Landgrave of Hesse Hombourg.
• Markgrave of Anspach.
• Markgrave of Baden Durlach.
• Duke of Ostfrize.
• Duke of Saxe Cobourg.
• Prince Frederick of Saxe.
• Duke of Wirtemberg.
• The Mareschal Count Wedell.
• Count Reventlau.
• Count Alefeldt.
• General Admiral Juel.
• Baron Juel.
• Justin Hoeg under Viceroy of Norway.
• Godtske van Buckvalt, a Gentleman of Holstein.
• Monsieur de Ginkle, Earl of Athlone.

They pretend that the Order of Dan­nebrug is more Ancient, and recount many Fables of its Original, viz. That one King Dan saw a white Cross with red Edges, descend from Heaven, and thereupon instituted the Order, and gave it this compound Name, from Dan and Brug, which signifies Painting. The Knights of this Order are almost as common here, as Baronets with us, and therefore I omit their Names.

[Page 167]The following Ordonnance for Rank and Precedency was published in Danish and French, Anno 1680. But most of the Offices therein marked are now vacant.

CHAP. XII.

THE Kingdoms and States which border upon the King of Den­mark, are towards the North and North­east, the Territories belonging to Sweden; towards the South, the Duke of Hol­stein's [Page 174] part of Sleswick and Holstein, the City of Hamburg, and the Dutchy of Bremen. Towards the West and South­west, England, and Scotland; which are separated from them by the main Oce­an. Towards the South-east the Duke­doms of Saxe Lawenburg, of Mecklen­burg and of Lunenburg. The Dominions of Brandenburgh, &c. lye also this way not far distant from them.

Between the King of Denmark, and most of these Neighbours, it may be said in general, that there always is a reciprocal Jealousy and Distrust, which often breaks out into open Hostilities; with those nearer more frequently, with the remoter more seldom, according as the occasions of quarrel or revenge do happen.

England.The interposition of a vast Ocean has hitherto kept the Danes in pretty good terms with England and Scotland, and the Trade they have with those King­doms is very considerable to them; their Maritime Forces are in no measure sufficient to cope with us and others con­cern'd, otherwise they have had a good mind to challenge the sole right of the Groenland Whale-fishing; as pretending that Countrey to be a discovery of [Page 175] theirs, and therefore to belong to them.

Since the present Wars with France, and our strict Union with the Hollan­ders, they have shown themselves ex­treme jealous of our Greatness at Sea, fearing lest we should ingross and com­mand the whole Trade of the World; and therefore have favoured France on all occasions, as much as they durst, fur­nishing it with Naval Stores, and other Commodities which it wants. And for this reason (notwithstanding their scar­city of Money) they will hardly be per­suaded either to lend or sell any more Forces to the Confederates. Neither is it to be doubted, but that as well to keep the balance of the Sea Power even, as to secure the liberty of their Commerce, which brings them in great Gains, they will leave no Stone unturned to do us a Mischief, in order to humble us to such a degree as may put them out of fears, that we shall give law to the Ocean. To this end they have entred into stricter Alliances with Sweden of late, for a mu­tual Vindication of open Commerce, than the natural Animosities between those Northern Crowns did seem to ad­mit of; but the present apparent neces­sity of restraining within Bounds our [Page 176] growing united Power at Sea, works more prevalently with them both, than the ancient hatred which they retain for each other; and which may break out a­gain, as soon as they are out of fear of us.

For Sweden Sweden. is the most powerful, most dreaded, and nearest Neighbour of Denmark; the Territories of that King lye as it were at the Gates of Copenhagen, the Capital City, and may be seen from the very Bedchamber of this King, ever since the Danes lost three of their best Provinces on the other side the Baltick; so that as well the Resentment of past Injuries, as the dread of future Mis­chiefs from the greatness of Sweden on the one side; the consciousness of be­ing violent possessors of anothers Right, the certainty of their being hated and envied for those Acquisitions, the fear of losing them in case Denmark grow pow­erful on the other, are unsurmountable Obstacles to any firm Friendship be­tween these two Crowns. The ancient Quarrel, like a Wound ill healed, is but skinned over, and festers at the bottom, altho our equally disobliging them in the interruption of their Traffick, has made a greater step towards their mutual Re­conciliation, than was thought to be [Page 177] practicable. But whenever we please to caress the one at the expence of the o­ther, this seeming Knot will discover the weakness of its contexture, and pro­bably dissolve of it self.

Neither is the Alliance by the King of Sweden's having married the other's Sister, Quae apud concordes vincula ca­ritatis, i [...]ci­tamenta i­rarum apud infensos e­rant. Tacit. of any moment towards a good Correspondence, but rather the contra­ry. The King of Sweden, tho a very vir­tuous Prince, shews coldness and indif­ference enough (upon this account, as it is thought) towards his Queen, who is a very accomplished Princess; and ei­ther has, or thinks he has reason to avoid a further Matrimonial Tye with the Dane: therefore he chose rather to Con­tract his only Daughter with the young Prince of Holstein Gottorp, whose E­states are in a manner wasted and ruin­ed, than with the Prince Royal of Den­mark; for having but one Son, in case of whose death this Daughter would be Heiress of his Crown, he thinks it not prudence to leave it to so near a ha­zard and probability, that the Dane may be one day Master of both Kingdoms.

Upon the Foundation of this mutual Jealousy, are built the Friendships and Enmities which each of them (but [Page 178] especially Denmark) have with most of their other Neighbours, and the rest of the German Princes. And upon this ac­count it is principally that the Animosity is so great between this Crown and the Princes of Lunenburg; Duke of Lunen­burg. with whom, on the contrary, the Swede has always kept a good Correspondence, that upon oc­casion of any Attack made on his Terri­tories in the Circle of Lower Saxony, or in Pomerania, (which are looked upon by the rest of the German Princes with an evil Eye) he may secure to himself the Assistance of that powerful Family against the Dane or Brandenburger; therefore the neighbourhood of the Lunenburg Princes will always be grie­vous to, and suspected by Denmark, which will obstruct by all means it can, the Accessions either of Territories or Honours to that Family. So that it is not to be supposed that the Dane will quiet­ly sit down with the Duke of Zell's thrusting himself into the possession of the Dutchy of Saxe Lawenburg, which borders immediately upon Holstein; nor with the determination of the Imperial Diet in favour of the Ninth Electorate conferred on the Duke of Hannover. On the other hand it is thought that the [Page 179] Swede, in order to the further curbing of Denmark, will uphold the Lunenburg Fa­mily in its Acquisitions; in the matter of the Electorate openly and above­board; in the other of Saxe Lawenburg secretly, because of the invalidity of the Title of that Family to that Dutchy; which seems to be no longer good than it can be maintained by force or conni­vance.

The Princes of Lunenburg have also hitherto seconded the Swedes Intentions, in being the Guardians of Hamburg, Ham­burg. up­on which City the King of Denmark casts a longing Look, and has made fre­quent Attempts. His pretensions to it as part of his Dutchy of Holstein, are none of the weakest, but his Arms and Councils in order to the Reduction of it under his Power, have been unsuccessful. He encourages his new Town of Altena (which is built close under its Walls) as a Rival, and which one day may be a curb to it. And in truth, this rich City has great reason to be jealous of such a Neighbour, whose chiefest Ambition is to destroy its Liberty, and render him­self its Master. But the Duke of Zell (whose Territories lye next) has al­ways some Forces posted near enough [Page 180] to prevent the King of Denmark's De­signs upon it; therefore this City pays a great deal of respect to those Princes, whom it looks on as its best Protectors. With the other German Princes it keeps also as good a Correspondence as possi­ble; and they on their part shew an af­fection to the Liberty of that City, the Reduction of which, under the Power of the Danes, would be extremely in­convenient to them, as well upon the score of the Trade of great part of Ger­many, whereof it is the Seat and Princi­pal Mart by its convenient Situation on the River Elb; as upon the score of the great Addition such a Conquest would make to the Power of the Danes; who are usually ill Neighbours when they are weak, but would be insupportable were their Force proportionable to their Inclinations.

Nor would the Brandenburgers Branden­burg. wish that this City, or the Town of Lubeck, should have any Master, but would en­deavour to their utmost to frustrate At­tempts upon them, and yet the Elector of Brandenburg is esteemed the firmest Ally the King of Denmark has; for their common interest to prevent the Great­ness of the Swedes, (whereof they are [Page 181] equally jealous and fearful) unites these two Princes stronger than any tye of Blood could do. The Ducal Prussia, and that part of Pomerania which belongs to Brandenburg, lies open to the Swedes; and the least transport of Forces from Sweden to Germany side of the Baltick gives a terrible Alarm to all the Neigh­bours. They cannot forget the strange Successes of Gustavus Adolphus, nor the Encroachments of Sweden in the late Wars; neither can they be otherwise persuaded, but that there is always im­pending danger of the like Attempts from the same Nation, abounding in Soldiers, and ruled by a frugal, diligent, and active young King. So that, as I said before, their common danger makes them strangely concur in this design of keeping the Swede within his due Bounds, altho in other matters some disagreement may happen between them; as may be more particularly instanced in the Affair of St. Thomas's Island, and in the Bran­denburgers endeavours to force the Dane to a Restitution of the Duke of Holstein Gotorp to his Countrey; which was so happily accomplished by his Majesty of Great Britain, the very first year of his Exaltation to the Throne.

[Page 182]The Duke of Holstein Duke of Holstein. Gotorp (whom I have purposely mentioned last of those Princes that confine with Denmark, that I may have an opportunity to speak more amply concerning his Case) is nearly related to the King of Denmark, both by Consanguinity and Affinity. They are of the same Family of Olden­burg; the Ancestor of the present Duke refused the Kingdom of Denmark, in fa­vour of the Ancestor of the King; whom he recommended to the Peoples Election. This Duke is married to the King's Sister, by whom he has Issue a very hopeful Prince; his Territories are intermixt both in Sleswick and Hol­stein with the King's, but much to his disquiet and inconvenience; for Ambi­tion knows no bounds, especially when joined with Power sufficient to oppress a weak Opponent. The King thought it for his Interest (and that is esteemed reason enough with most Princes) to be Master of the whole Countrey; which the Duke being sensible of, and convinced that the first convenient op­portunity would be taken to dispossess him, to secure himself, cultivated as strong a Friendship as he could with the King of Sweden his Brother in-Law, [Page 183] and one who upon many accounts was bound to hinder the Greatness of the Danes. Yet this Confederacy reached no farther, nor was ever intended to be made use of by the Duke otherwise than as a Defensive Guard, the Reputation whereof might possibly shelter him from Oppression. For the Duke was of him­self much too weak to oppose the King, and the Succours of the Swede too far distant to frustrate a sudden Attempt, to which he lay constantly exposed. But in regard that at long run this Al­liance would stand him in greatest stead (as he has found by Experience) it was always most carefully cherished and maintained on the Duke's part, and no less on the King's, who did, and ever will think it of great advantage to him to uphold the Duke of Holstein in his lawful Rights; and no less detrimental to his Enemy; this Duke being the seve­rest Thorn in the Foot of the King of Denmark, and the greatest Mortification to him that can possibly be imagined; who now of a near Kinsman and Bro­ther, by his ill usage has made an utter Enemy, that (notwithstanding the present Composure of Differences) can neither trust him, nor be trusted by him. [Page 184] For the better understanding of which it will not be amiss in another Chapter to give a short account of the Proceed­ings in that whole Matter.

CHAP. XIII.

THE Affairs between the King and Duke being on the terms above­mentioned, that is to say, Ambition and Reason of State guiding the Designs of one Party, Fear and Weakness of the o­ther, Hatred and Distrust of both; there seemed to be wanting nothing but a fair Opportunity to put in practice what had been long projected by the Danes, which at length happened in the year 1675.

Among other Differences which re­mained to be adjusted between the King and Duke, the Succession to the Coun­ties of Oldenburg and Lelmenhorst was the greatest; this was at length left to the determination of the Imperial Court; but whilst it was under debate there, several meetings between the Ministers [Page 185] of Denmark and those of Gottorp were appointed, in order to an amicable com­posure of this and all other Quarrels; which Meetings were principally sought after by the King, with all the seeming desires of Amity, and Appearances of Friendship imaginable, the better to lull the Duke into Security, and a Persuasion of the Sincerity of his Intentions. Some­times an Equivalent for the sole posses­sion of those Counties was proposed and hearkened to, and the whole Matter seemed to want nothing but fair drawing up, and the Ratification. At other times fresh Disputes arose touching the Taxes of the Dukedoms of Sleswick and Hol­stein, whereof the King challenged the greater part to himself, in proportion to the share of Forces which he main­tained for Defence of the Countrey. On the other side, the Duke insisted on it, that the Taxes ought equally to be divi­ded; and if the King kept up more Troops than were necessary, that did not any way prejudice his right to an equal share of the Revenues, especially since the King's undertakings were ma­naged neither with any previous Com­munication with, or consent of the Duke; nor were agreed unto by the [Page 186] States of the Dukedom, both which by ancient Treaties ought to have been done. But this Ball was either kept up, or let fall, according to the Circumstan­ces of Affairs abroad, which the Danes had a watchful Eye upon, at the same time that they treated with the Duke.

For the Swedes having taken the part of France against the Empire, were at this time engaged in a War with the E­lector of Brandenburg. And the Danes who had long since resolved to break with Sweden, thought no time so proper as this to revenge their ancient Quarrel, and to regain their lost Provinces. But looking upon the Duke of Holstein as a Friend to Sweden, and a main Obstacle to their Intentions, they durst not march their Army out of the Countrey, till they had so ordered Matters as to ap­prehend no danger from him.

A deep Dissimulation was necessary to the carrying on this Design upon the Swedes and House of Gottorp; and was made use of with so much Address, that the Swedish Ambassador, who was then residing at Copenhagen, and negotiating a Marriage for the King his Master with the Daughter of Denmark, was caressed in an extraordinary manner, and treated [Page 187] with the greatest Demonstrations of Friendship possible: And at the same time the Prime Minister of Denmark wrote most obligingly to the Duke's Resident then at Hamburg, That he was ready to meet him half way, and would join endeavours with him to ad­just all Differences, and establish a firm Correspondence between their Masters, which he said he desired above all things. He added moreover, that when willing Minds met together about the Compo­sure of Differences, a few hours would put an end to that which had been trans­acting many years; and therefore con­jured him to meet him. The King also did often declare himself to this purpose to the Duke's Ministers, That he would acknowledge, as a great Obligation con­ferred on him, the furthering an Accom­modation between him and the Duke.

'Tis the Custom of the King of Den­mark to make once a Year a Voyage into Holstein, where he assembles and takes a review of his Troops. This is done not only upon the score of Diversion, and to see that the Forces be in good Condi­tion; but also to use the neighbouring Princes and Hamburgh to such a practice; that when they see it performed several [Page 188] years without any ill Consequence, or Attempts upon them, they may take the less Umbrage, and be less upon their Guard, whenever he should have any real Design. About this time the King was beginning such a Journey, in order to put his Projects in Execution; and to lull the Duke into a deeper Secu­rity, writes to him very kind Letters, desiring him not to be concerned at it, since he had no other end in it than for­merly in the like Voyages, unless it were to put a final determination to all Differences between them to their mu­tual satisfaction. The Duke was so plea­sed by these Assurances under the King's Hand, that he went in Person to meet his Majesty, accompanied by his Brother the Bishop of Lubeck, and many others of the Nobility; and afterwards treated him very splendidly at a House of his upon the Road near his Residence of Gottorp; the King then caressing him, and desiring him earnestly to come and see him at Rendsburg (a fortified Town about fourteen English miles from thence) near which the Rendezvous of the Troops was appointed. Towards the conclusion of this Feast several large Healths were drank to the future good [Page 189] Agreement, with so much appearing Sincerity, that the good Duke thought he had no reason to doubt the reality of it; but ordered his Chief Minister to wait upon the King and his Ministers at Rendsburg; where they so far accommo­dated all Matters, that the whole Af­fair was supposed near its Conclusion.

Upon this the Duke sends three of his chief Counsellors, impowered by a special Commission, to treat and con­clude at Rendsburg; with whom three of the King's Council met, and confer­red. The business of the Conference was principally about the Exchange of other Lands for the Counties of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst; but in it the King's Com­missioners took occasion to renew the Debate about the division of the Taxes, whereof, as I have said before, the King challenged the greater part: This did a little surprize and displease the Duke's Commissioners, who thought it forreign to the matter in hand, and would not hearken to Proposals of that nature.

At the very same time, and during this Conference, the King's Prime Mi­nister wrote to the Duke's, That he thought it necessary for both Princes, that the Duke of Gottorp would please [Page 190] to come to Rendsburg to the King, who was ready to conclude a Treaty; because the Presence of so near a Relation would contribute more than any thing else to a Friendly Composure of all these matters. And the Duke, as well upon the account of the former Invitation, as upon this fresh one, withal to shew his forward­ness towards a Peace, resolves upon the Visit; first sending a Gentleman to ac­quaint the King with his intention, and desiring his permission to come and wait upon him. The King's Answer was, That he should be heartily welcome, and his Chief Minister also, whom he desi­red to bring along with him. Thus the Duke being fully persuaded that all was meant honourably, on the 25 th. of June began his Journey, accompanied by his Minister and other Nobility, and arrived at Rendsburg; where he was welcomed by a discharge of all the Cannon of that Fortress, and other demonstrations of Joy.

The next day, being the 26th. of June 1675. a fatal one to that unfortu­nate Prince and his Family, an Express arrives with Letters of the great De­feat given the Swedes by the Branden­burgers at Fehr Berlin: this was what [Page 191] the Danes wished and waited for; but could scarce promise themselves it should succeed so fully according to their expe­ctations, or nick the time so justly as it did. They thought Heaven it self con­curred with their Intentions; and not to be wanting on their parts, immedi­ately give orders to shut the Town Gates, to call a Council of War, to send their Soldiers up and down, and seize all the Duke's Towns and Fortresses. These Orders were as suddenly execu­ted: the Duke's Troop of Guards were disarmed, himself confined a Prisoner to his Apartment; his Dinner, which he thought to have eaten with the King, was brought in to him by Officers and Soldiers, who watched him so narrowly that he could not stir; the poor Duke exclaiming in the mean while, and com­plaining that he was ill used; that he was a Sovereign Prince of the Empire, independant of any other Power; that he was a near Kinsman, a Brother-in-Law, nay, an invited Guest of the Kings; that all the Laws of Justice, of Blood, of Friendship and Hospitality were viola­ted by this Action, wherein the King had broken his Parol, and the Sanctuary of his own House. But all this was in vain; [Page 192] the Duke had no Remedy prescribed to him, but Patience; the Blow which was begun, must be followed, and more Evils must succeed that which had already happened.

For the Duke being thus seized, his Ministers were presently sent for, and told, That now there was an end of all Treat­ing, that the King was Master, and would act as such: To which purpose he would take possession of the Duke's whole Country, and put Garrisons into all the strong Places which he thought proper to secure to himself, because he had an inten­tion to lead his Army elsewhere against the Swedes; that the Inclinations of the House of Gottorp were always malevolent towards the King, and by him considered as such; however if the Duke would fairly and freely renounce his Right to the Lands in question, the King might, at the Duke's request, be prevailed upon to give him an hundred and fifty thou­sand Rix Dollers at Copenhagen for it.

Notwithstanding the Extremity the Duke was reduced to, he could not be brought to consent to such a severe Con­dition; but offered, since Matters could be no better, that the King without pre­judice to his Right, should have the Taxes [Page 193] so much contested, in the manner he de­sired; that his Majesty should put one half of the Garrison into the strong Town of Tonningen, provided that all therein did take the Oaths of Allegiance to both Princes, till such time as the Exi­gencies of Affairs would permit the en­tire Restoration of it to its former Master: That if the King would dispose of his Countrey solely, the Duke must yield to force, but hoped his Right should be reserved entire, and desired that his Re­sidence and Habitation of Gottorp, which was neither by Nature nor Art strong e­nough to be formidable, might be left free to him: Lastly, That the King would grant him and his liberty to dispose of themselves as they thought fit.

The Danes Answer was, That these Offers and Demands were no other than Trifles; That the King would proceed to the Execution of his own Will and Pleasure by Force and Arms; that neither the Duke, nor any of his, should ever be restored to their Liberty till he had signed an Instrument there ready drawn up, to order the Commander of Ton­ningen to Surrender it to the King; which the Duke at last, through despair of his Life, was forced to consent to; [Page 194] and accordingly that Fortress, with all its Cannon and Stores, was delivered up to the Officer sent by the King for that purpose.

Things being brought to this pass, the Duke was removed to his own House at Gottorp. His Dutchess, who had been all this while at Copenhagen, and as it was thought consented to all the Inju­stices acted against her Husband and Fa­mily, was restored to him; but he was in effect a Prisoner still; for Guards were placed at all the Avenues, every day some new severe Conditions were proposed to him, and Articles offered him which he was forced to sign: one of which was a Renunciation of his Su­pream and Independent Right over the Dukedom of Sleswick. Being at last quite tired with so many Violences, not knowing where they might end, he be­gan to think of his Escape: so that one day taking the Advantage of his Dutch­esses being sent for again by her Mother, the Queen Dowager of Denmark, he pretended to accompany her part of the way; and by the means of some trusty Servants, had re-lays of Horses placed in convenient stations. After a few hours travelling with her, he took his leave of [Page 195] her, and pretending to hunt, set Spurs to his Horse, and rid away as fast as he could towards Hamburg.

The Allarm was presently given of the Duke's flight, and many Horsemen were dispatched after him, which he be­ing aware of, took not the direct Road, but went about by Kiel; so that, after a narrow escape, he arrived safely where he designed. This mightily vexed the King, who used all means to get him out of that City, because Hamburg be­ing so populous a Town, the fame of the Barbarity exercised against him flew from thence all over Europe. But the Duke had been taught by former Mis­fortunes not to trust his Enemy; and as soon as he got to Hamburg, so­lemnly protested against the validity of all that he had been constrained to a­gree to, whilst he was in Durance; yet withal declared, That he was as ready as ever to come to an amicable Com­posure of Differences with the King, to prevent the ruin of his Subjects, and o­ther Mischiefs; provided the King would redress some of the greatest Grievances. This Proposition was so little regarded, that instead of hearkning to it, the King ordered the Fortress of Toningen to be [Page 196] demolished, the Dukedom of Sleswick to be sequestred, the Magistrates and Peo­ple to be absolved from their Allegi­ance to the Duke, and obliged to an Oath of Fidelity to the King; all the Revenues of the Duke to be brought into his Treasury; Garisons to be continued in the Duke's Forts and Mansion-house, and unless the Duke came to accept of the King's terms in relation to that Fief, that it should for ever be annexed to the Crown of Denmark.

For the more speedy publication of these new Orders, Proclamations were made and affixed to that effect in all the Towns of the Dukedom. The Duke on his part publishing others in oppositi­on to this Usurpation, together with a Solemn Protestation against all that had been done; concluding with a Com­mand to the States of the Dukedom, and the rest of his Subjects, to conti­nue firm in their Loyalty and Obedience to their Natural Prince.

But the King, who was resolved no longer to keep any Measures with him, nor to preserve that Countrey in any to­lerable condition which he knew not how long he might enjoy, exacted vast Contributions from the poor Subjects, to [Page 197] the value of many Millions of Gold, and to the ruin of as flourishing a Province as any in the Circle of Lower Saxony; there­by disabling the Duke's Subjects from contributing any thing towards the Sub­sistence of their Master; who continued all this while at Hamburg in a state little befitting his high Quality; whilst he sent his Son abroad to raise the Compas­sion, and implore the Assistance of all all the Neighbouring German Princes; on which Errand I had the Fortune to meet him at the Courts of Hannover and Wolfembuttel. He made also strong Ap­plication to the Crown of England, as Guarantee of the Northern Peace, and caused a full Representation of his discon­solate Condition to be printed in English, which contains at large most of the Par­ticulars above-mentioned; but all in vain: the Duke continued a Sufferer not­withstanding his many Appeals to those who ought to have interessed themselves in his behalf: until such time as the King of Sweden began in earnest to take his Cause in hand. This King having at last brought the Affairs of his own King­dom into such a Posture as permitted him to resent the Injuries done to his near Re­lation, threatned the Dane with a War [Page 198] in case he delayed Restitution; and to this effect, in the Year 1689. set a Fleet to Sea, with intention to second his Threats by Blows; which he might the better then do, because the chief Sup­port of the Danes in their Injustice, (the French King) was at that time attacked by the Forces of the Confederates; and England, by the Accession of his present Majesty to that Crown, was become a principal Party in so just a War. So that France was likely to have its Hands full at home. Besides, his Majesty of Great Brittain being become Guarantee of the Northern Peace, thought himself obli­ged in honour to maintain it; and in or­der to that end, gave such Instructions to his Envoy Extraordinary, then going to the Danish Court, as might induce it to comply with Justice, and prevent that Effusion of Blood which was threatned. These Remonstrances had their due weight with the King of Denmark; who at last yielded to the necessity of his Cir­cumstances, and to the Solicitations of the Elector of Brandenburg, who pressed a­mong the rest the Restoration of the Duke, and had sent his Ministers to the Congress for the Accommodation, to propose a Project to that end; not so [Page 199] much out of kindness to the Family of Gottorp, as for fear the Swedish Arms should by any just occasion be brought over the Baltick; the event of which might be fatal to all the Neighbourhood, and to the Brandenburgers in particular. Thus the Danes, with reluctancy, con­sented at last to give up what they had unjustly detained above thirteen years from its right Owner, after having rai­sed vast Sums of Money from the Coun­trey: for the Duke's part of the Dutchy of Sleswick only, had about 28000 Ploughs in it, each of which were taxed to pay four Crowns a Month: besides innumerable other Extortions, which filled the Purses of the Ministers of Denmark, who shared the Revenues a­mong them. The Swedish and Danish Fleets had been about a Fortnight at Sea, but no Action had happened be­tween them. After the Accommodati­on was published, and the Duke resto­red, (yet without any reparation of Da­mages past) the two Fleets returned to their several Ports, and the Duke to his Habitation of Gottorp, which he found in a desolate Condition, compared to what he left it in. The Dutch had a principal Hand in the Conclusion of this [Page 200] Agreement, by the means of Myn Heer Heemskirk their Minister; and his Maje­sty of Great Britain a large share of the Glory of redressing a Wrong, which through so many years possession plead­ed a kind of Prescription to warrant it; the very first half year of his Reign vin­dicating the Honour of the Crown of England, which was engaged as Guar­rantee; and securing the Peace of the North, in order to the procuring the Assistance of one, or both of those Princes, towards the humbling the common Enemy. This he effectu­ally did; for the Danes immedi­ately afterwards, sent by Treaty se­ven thousand Soldiers, which are yet in his Majesty's Pay; and the Swedes re­main at liberty to continue such of their Troops in the Dutch Service as formerly were stipulated for, and which (had a War broken out) they might have been forced to recall.

CHAP. XIV.

IN treating of the Interests of the King of Denmark in relation to other Princes or States which do not confine upon his Dominions, and of his Affecti­ons towards them, it will not be necessa­ry to observe strictly the order and rank which those Princes hold in the World, I shall therefore take them as they come indifferently.

With the Emperor The Empe­ror. the King of Den­mark is obliged to keep always a good outward Correspondence, he being him­self a Prince of the Empire, as Duke of Holstein; and the Emperour having it often in his Power to do him several Kindnesses or Dis-kindnesses. The King has a great desire to establish a Toll at Glucstadt upon the River Elb; and al­though the Emperour's consent would not absolutely secure the business for him, there being many other Princes, toge­ther with all those who are concerned in the Trade of Hamburg that would ob­struct it: yet it would strike a great [Page 202] stroke, and must always be a necessary Preliminary. He keeps therefore very fair with his Imperial Majesty, and when pressed by the Ministers, sends (for valu­able considerations) some Troops to serve in Hungary against the Turks; notwith­standing which he is inwardly troubled at the Power of the House of Austria, and the Increase of its Dominions; be­ing jealous, as most of the other German Princes are, that the Greatness of that Family may one day turn to the de­triment of the Liberty of Germany: and therefore is not displeased at the Suc­cesses of the French, or of the Turks. He has been heard to complain of the neglect which the Imperial Court shows of him, and its partiality for the Swedes; this occasioned the Emperour's sending a Minister lately to Reside at Copenhagen, as well as at Stockholm; since which he seems to be better satisfied. But at the bottom it is to be supposed, that the Dane is no true Friend of the Empe­rour's; because he thinks his Imperial Majesty favours some Interests opposite to his, in conniving at the Lunenburgers forcible possession of the Dukedom of Saxe-Lawenburg, and bestowing the Ele­ctoral Dignity on that Family; the con­firmation [Page 203] of which the King of Den­mark opposes with all his Power.

With Poland Poland. the King of Denmark has at present little occasion either of Friendship or Enmity; there being but small Correspondence between them; yet he will rather chuse to keep that Crown his Friend, than otherwise; be­cause it may one day stand him in stead against the Swedes: And for this reason it is that the Elector of Brandenburg, whose Interest in that particular is much the same with Denmark's, maintains a good Correspondence, and Entertains a constant Minister at Warsaw. Besides, the Port of Dantzick is convenient for all that Trade in the Baltick, and the Danes bring Corn, as well as other Merchandize from thence. They keep likewise good Amity with the other Hans Towns.

The King is upon fair terms with the Duke of Courland, Duke of Courland. who has permitted him to raise Men in his Countrey, the Commander of which, one Poteamer, is Brother to that Duke's prime Minister; and the Soldiers are the best able to live hardily, and to endure Fatigue of any in the World.

It is the Interest of Denmark to be well with the Dutch above all other Prin­ces [Page 204] in Europe, because of the great Reve­nue it receives from their Traffick, and the Toll which they pay in the Sound: Because also in case of a quarrel with Swe­den, or any other extremity, the King of Denmark is certain of the Assistance of the Hollanders; Holland. which is always sufficient and ready to protect him, as has been ex­perienced in the former Wars between the Northern Crowns: for the Dutch will never suffer the Balance of the North to lean too much to one side, their Interest in the Trade of the Baltick being so con­siderable; but will take care to assist the weaker with proportionable Suc­cours; which the conveniency of their Situation, and their Naval Force per­mits them to do with greater ease than any other. Notwithstanding all which Considerations, there are frequent Occa­sions of Quarrel between the Dutch and Danes; and the Friendship which the latter have for the former (espe­cially since this War with France, and the Convention made with England for the Interruption of all Commerce with that Kingdom) is very weak and un­stable; for besides that an Absolute Monarchy, for other Reasons, can ne­ver throughly love a Republick, the [Page 205] Danes are envious at the great Trade of the Dutch; and count it a Disparage­ment that Merchants, as they call them, should have it in their Power to give Law to a Crowned Head. However, at the bottom, Denmark would not be plea­sed that Holland should sink under the Force of its Enemies, but would use its best Endeavours to prevent it, though possibly not before Matters were reduced to so great an Extremity, as it might be beyond the Ability of the Danes to afford a timely Remedy.

The King of Denmark loves the Alli­ance of France, France. and keeps a stricter Correspondence with that Crown than with any other; though it be most cer­tain that the Maxims which he has learnt from thence, and the Practices which followed those Maxims, have been the principal Occasion of that Kingdom's present ill condition. But the King of France by fair Words, large Promises, and a little Money seasonably bestowed, has had the knack to amuse this Court, and to make it act as he pleases; not­withstanding the many Affronts, the ill Successes, and the universal Misery which through his means have attended it. The Emissaries of France are thick sown [Page 206] here; nothing pleases that is not accord­ing to the French Pattern, either in Dress, Military Discipline, or Politicks: and it is certain that a fitter could not be followed by any Arbitrary Prince, pro­vided a due regard were had to the force and strength to perform in propor­tion to the Design undertaken. But the want of this Consideration has been fa­tal to Denmark; France had told this King, that Soldiers are the only true Riches of Princes, and this has made him raise more than he knows what to do with, unless he disturb his Neighbours; which generally he does for the Interests of France, though at last it turns to his loss. So that Denmark resembles in this point a Monster that is all Head and no Body, all Soldiers and no Subjects; and whenever a General Peace comes to be established in Europe, which shall set open Foreign Trade, and conse­quently spoil all the Advantages that his Country enjoys at present, I cannot see what will become of the Publick Affairs here; for the Soldiers when disbanded, being most of them Strangers, will re­turn to their respective Homes; and the Revenues of these Kingdoms must sink extreamly through the want of People, [Page 207] and their Poverty. It seems therefore no less than madness for the least and poor­est Kingdom of Europe to think of emu­lating with Success the richest, greatest, and the most populous, and to take its Measures from thence; as if there were no difference between King and King: So have I heard that the little Republick of St. Marino in Italy, which consists but of one small Town with the Mountain it stands upon, and is scarce taken notice of by Travellers, takes occasion to write to the Republick of Venice sometimes, and to stile it Our Sister, with as much Gravi­ty and Pride, as if it equalled the other in Power. But the vanity of these poor Italians proceeds no farther than words, which does them no harm.

But the true Reasons which renders it the Interest of Denmark to keep well with France (and they are no weak ones) are first, because they look upon that Crown as the sole Ballance against the Grandeur of the Emperour, and the House of Austria, whose Power, as I said before, is looked on by all the Princes of Germany with a very jealous Eye; the late Addition of the Crown of Hungary to it, with its other Conquests on that side from the Turks, the probability of [Page 208] the Spanish Dominions falling to some active Branch of it, and the remembrance what havock the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and his Successor, made among the German Princes, when possess'd of the like Advantages, makes the Danes as well as the others, reflect seriously upon what may happen hereafter, should France be reduced to too low an ebb: A second reason is, because they know no other Naval Force able to contest the intire Dominion of the Seas with the English and Dutch; and they are wil­ling to keep the dispute about that Do­minion undetermin'd between the French and us, that no Laws may be laid upon Traffick, but that they may reap their share of the Trade of the World; which they think would be but small, should that Point be once finally decided to our Advantage. A third Reason and the most forcible is, the Subsidies which the King of Denmark draws from time to time from France: a little ready money among a necessitous People, carrying irresistable Charms with it; And this has been the drift of the French Policy in advising that King to a greater Charge than he was able to bear, under pretence that they consulted his Honour and Grandeur, [Page 209] whereas they only consulted their own ends; being sure, after they had rendred him and his Countrey Poor, that they could buy him when they pleased. Yet whenever the French Treasure shall come so far to be exhausted, that a fairer bid­der appears; this piece of Policy will not only fail the French, but turn to their disadvantage.

With the Kings of Spain and Portugal Spain and Por­tugal. the Dane is in a state of indifferency. Their Dominions are so far asunder, and the business so little which they have with each other, that there happen few or no occasions, either of a Quarrel or Friendship between them. Yet the Danes have some small Trade for Salt and Wine with each of these Princes Subjects; and during this War make some benefit of their Neutrality, by tran­sporting in their Ships the Effects of French, English, and Dutch from one Port to another. They have indeed some Pretensions on the Spaniard for Arrears of Subsidies owing to them ever since the Danes took the part of the Confede­rates against France in the former War; but they despair of obtaining them, un­less some unforeseen Accident put them in a way of getting that Debt, the Ac­compts [Page 210] of which have hardly ever been adjusted between them.

With the late Elector of Saxony Saxony. the King of Denmark kept a very good corre­spondence; the Elector having married one of the King's Sisters, that Affinity produced as amicable effects as could be desired; insomuch that it begat a Resolution of a nearer Union of the two Families in a Match between the present Elector (then Prince) and the King's on­ly Daughter; this proceeded as far as a formal Contract, and the usual Mar­riage presents were Solemnly exchanged in order to Consummation; when on a sudden the old Elector died last year, as he was leading an Army towards the Rhine against the French, for the com­mon cause of Europe; the Death of this Prince, among other Alterations, pro­duced this, that his Successor the pre­sent Elector being thereby become at his own disposal, and having been for­merly very much in love with another Lady, who is the present Electress; re­fused to compleat his Marriage with the Daughter of Denmark, and sent back the Presents which were given at the time of the Contract. This Action of his highly disgusted the King, Queen, and [Page 211] the whole Danish Court; however, there was no Remedy but patience; the E­lector was too remote to fear any Ef­fects of the Danes displeasure, and re­solved to pursue his own Inclinations in the choice of a Wife, let the World say and do what it would. Accordingly he presently courted and married where he fancied; leaving the Danes to digest this Affront as well as they could; which they will scarce forget this great while. So that it is to be supposed the anci­ent Knot between the King and the Electoral Family of Saxe is hereby very much loosened; yet not so far as to proceed to any open Breach, the Elector's Excuses for this Action having been received and acccepted of as some sort of satisfaction.

With the Bishop of Munster, the King Bishop of Munster of Denmark lives in good Amity, by reason of his Neighbourhood to the Counties of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst; and for the most part has a Minister residing in that Court. The like Friend­ship is between him and the other Prin­ces of Germany; particularly with the Landtgrave of Hesse Cassel, who is Bro­ther to his Queen, and extreamly be­loved by her.

[Page 212] The King of Denmark has one Bro­ther, viz.

Prince George, born 1653. and married to her Royal Highness the Princess Ann, Sister to her Majesty of England: And four Sisters, viz.

Anna Sophia, the Widow of the late Ele­ctor of Saxony.

Frederica Emilia, the Wife of the Duke of Holstein.

Guillimetta Ernestina, Widow of the Pa­latine of the Rhine.

Ulrica Eleonora Sabina, the Queen of Sweden.

CHAP. XV.

SOME Naturalists observe, that there is no Plant or Insect, how venomous or mean soever, but is good for something towards the use of man if rightly appli­ed: in like manner it may be said, That several useful Lessons may be learnt, con­ducing to the benefit of Mankind, from this Account of Denmark, provided things be taken by the right handle.

Hitherto we have indeed met with [Page 213] many things in it to be avoided, and little deserving imitation: but being now to speak of the Danish Laws, I must needs begin with this good Character of them in general, That for justice, Brevity, and perspicuity, they exceed all that I know in the World. They are grounded upon Equity, and are all contained in one Quarto Volume, written in the Lan­guage of the Country, with so much plainness, that no Man, who can write and read, is so ignorant, but he may presently understand his own Case, and plead it too if he pleases, without the Assistance of Counsel or Attorney.

Here is none of that Chicane to be found which destroys and raises so ma­ny great Estates in England; a very few Advocates do the business of all the Litigious Persons in these Kingdoms. Neither are their Fees arbitrary or ex­orbitant; no Suit of what importance soever hangs in suspence longer than one Year and a Month: since a Man may go through all the Courts, and have Execution done within that time, unless he be wanting to himself.

It may be replied to this, That the scarcity of Money may be the principal occasion of few Law-Suits and Lawyers. [Page 214] It is not denied, and perhaps a right sence of this was the first cause of so good a Regulation of Justice: for since the King was resolved to empty the Pockets of his Subjects, it was not for his advantage to permit others to do it, and share the Gains with him. How­ever, thus much may with certainty be averred, That the like Regulation would not only agree with, but consummate the happiness of a rich Country; and this Instance of Denmark makes it evi­dent that such a Regulation is practi­cable.

But to return to our purpose. In Denmark, in the ordinary Proceedings between Man and Man, there are three Courts, every one of which has power to give a definitive Sentence, and must either Acquit or Condemn. Yet there lies an Appeal from the lower to the higher; and if the inferior Judge has wilfully varied from the positive Law, the Party wronged has Damages given him, both from the Judge and his Ad­versary. Here is no removal of Actions from one Court to another, where the Parties may begin all again; but by way of ordinary procedure from the lower to the higher. The three Courts are [Page 215] these, first, In Cities and Towns the Byfoghts Court, to which in the Coun­try does answer the Herredsfougds Court. Secondly, From thence lyes an Appeal to the Landstag or general head Court for the Province. Thirdly, From thence to the Court called the Highright in Co­penhagen, where the King himself some­times sits in Person, and it is always composed of the prime Nobility of the Kingdom. The Judges in the two for­mer Courts are constituted indeed by the King's Letters Patents durante bene­placito; but are punishable for any mis­demeanors committed, and condem­ned to make Reparation to the Party injured for any Injustice by them done. The City of Copenhagen has this particu­lar Privilege, that the Sentences past in the Byfoghts Court, instead of passing through the Provincial Court, are tried by the Burgomaster and Common Coun­cil, and so proceed to the highest Court; which resembles so far our High Court of Chancery, that if any matter happen so fall in debate, for the decision of which there is not a positive Article to be found in the Law (which rarely hap­pens) it is there determined by the King, or by the others present, who are as it [Page 216] were the Keepers of the King's Consci­ence: and all this were very well, were it not that the first Article of the Law re­serves to the King the Privilege of ex­plaining or altering it at his pleasure.

In Matters relating to the Revenue, the Rent-Chamber in Denmark resem­bles our Court of Exchequer: which has also a Paymaster General belonging to it; and sometimes there is a Court composed of some Members of this Rent-Chamber, the Admiralty, and the Colledge of Commerce; before which lyes the Appeals of Merchants whose Goodshappen to be seiz'd for not having paid the King's Duties.

The Sentences passed in the inferiour Courts are sometimes biassed and par­tial; but not often, for fear of the highest Court, where great regard is had to Justice; insomuch that I knew a Judge, who very hardly escaped being fined for a Sentence passed against an English Merchant; which Sentence was presently reversed.

Indeed, whilst Monsieur Griffinfeldt and Monsieur Wibbe were Chancellors, there were mutterings, that the High Court Sentences were not altogether up to the rigour of the Law; but this [Page 217] is very rare now, unless when a Cour­tier or Favourite is interessed in such a Sentence; in which case, or in matters wherein the King is concerned, you are to expect little Justice, especially if it relate to Money.

The Salaries of the Judges are but small; they are paid out of the Exche­quer, and do not consist in Fees. The Byfogd may have about one hundred Rix Dollars yearly; and he pays himself out of the Fines of Delinquents. In the Country the Herredfogds have each of them the Rent that is due to the King for a Farm that stands rated at ten Tuns of Hard-corn; he has besides from the Plaintiff and Defendant for the Sentence he passes, ten Stivers from each. And the Byfogd or Judge in Cities and Towns, double as much. Moreover, the con­testing Parties are bound to pay the Clerk so much a sheet for the Paper, in which is set down at large the whole proceeding, and the Allegations of each Party, whether they be Verbal or by Libel, and at the close of all the Sen­tence it self. At the Byfogds Court, and the Landstag, the Judge inserts the Law, and adds the Reasons upon which his Judgment is founded; but in the High [Page 218] Right no Reason is given at all, or but very seldom. And that no Clerk may have it in his power to pick any Man's Pocket by filling up many Sheets of Paper, there are Limits set, beyond which no man is obliged to pay. Eve­ry one may plead his own Cause that pleases; however, it is the King's Or­der that the Magistrates take care to have one or more Advocates (such as they approve of) who are to plead for the Poor, and for such as cannot plead for themselves: upon the whole matter, the Charges of the Law are very easie; since a complaint may go through the three Courts for fifty Rix Dollars, which is less then twelve pound Sterling; unless the Sum in question be very great, and more than ordinary E­vidences to be written on Sealed Paper. These Laws are so equitable and expedi­tious, that they are extreamly com­mended by Merchants and Strangers, who have occasion to have recourse to them. Neither is the smalness of the Expence any Encouragement to those that love going to Law; for the Laws themselves provide effectually against this Mischief, and take away the very Root of Litigiousness: being so plain [Page 219] and clear, that a troublesome Person ne­ver finds his Account in promoting vexatious Suits, but meets with all the Disappoiutments one would wish him.

In Criminal Matters a great Severi­ty of Justice is practised. You never hear of any Person guilty of the Crime of Treason against the King; the Go­vernment has rivetted it self so fast up­on the Bottom it now stands, that no Body offers to wag so much as the Tongue against it. There are no Clip­pers or Coiners, no Robbers upon the High-way, nor House-breakers; which conveniency of Arbitrary Goverment, among the multitude of Mischiefs at­tending it, I have likewise observed in France; perhaps because those Princes, who are entire Masters of their Sub­jects Purses at pleasure, take more effectual care of them as of their own, and therefore use such means that none shall plunder or cheat their People, for the same reason that Folks kill Ver­min in Dove-Houses, viz. that they may make the greater profit themselves. The most usual Capital Crimes are Man­slaughter and Stealing: Execution is done upon Offenders by beheading them with a Sword at one stroke very dexterously; [Page 220] the Headsman, tho infamous by his place, so that no Body will come into his Company, yet is commonly rich, having other advantagious Employments that no Body else dares undertake, viz. the emptying all the Necessary Houses, the removing all dead Dogs and Horses out of Houses and Stables, or from before Doors; for no Danish Servant will upon any terms set a hand to either of these Works, and the Executioner has his own Rates for these base Offices, which he performs by his under Servant, called the Racker.

The Advocates are not bred as with us in England in Publick Societies, such as Inns of Court or Chancery; neither take they any degrees of Barrister, Ser­jeant, or the like; but may take up the Calling as they please, according to their Inclinations or Abilities.

There are besides the three ordinary Courts before mentioned, Commission­ers of the Admiralty, which they call the Admiralty-Court; wherein Affairs relating to the Sea are determined, such as Prizes, Wrecks, Disputes with Pri­vateers, and the like.

There is likewise a Chancellary, which consists of a number of Clerks, who [Page 221] write and issue all the King's Orders, give out Citations, transcribe Papers, make the Latin Projects of Treaties with Foreign Courts, according to the Directions they receive. In short, they are as it were under-Secretaries, and were formerly subject to the Govern­ment of one whom they called a Chan­cellor; but since Monsieur Wibbe's death, that Employment has not been filled: neither does it resemble our Place of Chancellor in England. The Clerks of this Office have some small Salary from the King, and have moreover so much for every Citation to the High Court, and so much for every Order they is­sue, which they divide among them.

In Copenhagen there is a Publick Of­ficer appointed, called the Polity Master, whose business is to keep good Orders in Affairs relating to the City; he is to see that the Merchants sell warrantable Merchandize, that they do not inter­fere in one anothers Trades; and to compose Differences on that account a­mong them; that the Publick Buildings, Draw-bridges, and Canals be kept in repair; that the Streets be paved, cleans­ed, and free of the Incumbrances of Bulks and other Inconveniencies. That no [Page 222] prohibited Goods be brought in; that there be always plenty of Bread-Corn, and sold at a moderate Price; that the requisite Assistance in case of Fire be at hand. And indeed the Orders taken in this matter are very good; for there are select Companies appointed to watch and extinguish the Fire, no others daring to approach within a certain di­stance, lest under pretence of bringing help, they take the occasion to plunder. The Chimney-sweepers are bound to keep a Register of all Chimneys they sweep, that in case of any ill Accident, those by whose neglect or covetous­ness it happens, may be answerable for it.No Torches or Flambeaux are al­lowed to be carried in the Streets, by reason of the great quantities of Firr, Timber, and the constant high Winds which are here; instead of which all Persons, even the Court it self, make use of large round Lanthorns, carried at the end of long sticks. The Polity­Master regulates also the price of Tra­velling in their open Waggons, and pu­nishes such as exact more than the esta­blished rate, if they be complained of; also such as travel in the King's parti­cular Highway without permission; and [Page 223] such as make use of Guns and Fowling-Pieces, and bring in Venison, Fowl, and Hares by stealth, or in times when they are prohibited to be killed. He takes care also to prevent and suppress Riots and Disturbances of the Soldiers, who are not permitted to walk the Streets after the Tattoo has gone about; and in ge­neral of all other matters relating to or­der, quiet, and decency.

Among other good Regulations in Denmark, I look upon that of the A­pothecaries to be none of the least com­mendable; for no man is permitted to exercise that Trade, unless he be ap­pointed by the Colledge of Physicians, and confirmed by the King himself. There are but two allowed to the Ci­ty of Copenhagen, and one to every o­ther considerable Town. Their Shops and Drugs are carefully visited twice or thrice a year by the Magistrates, ac­companied by the Doctors of Physick; and such Drugs as are either naught or old, are taken from them and flung a­way. The prices of all these Drugs are fixed, so that any Child may be sent to an Apothecaries Shop without hazard of being imposed upon; and nothing is sold that is not exceeding [Page 224] good, and at very moderate Rates. They sell all for ready Money, yet keep exact Books of what they sell, to whom, and by whose Prescription: so that the great Mischief of accidental or wil­ful Poysoning, so frequent in other Countries, is either quite avoided; or if practiced, easily discovered and punished.

The Government in the Country is managed, by dividing it into several Di­stricts or Governments, called Stifts Ampts, whereof there are in all seven, of these, four are in Jutland, the other three in the Islands. Each of these is a­gain subdivided into three lesser Juris­dictions, called Ampts. The Stifts-Ampts-man, or Governor of a County is commonly one of the best Quality and Fortune in that part of the Country; and this Charge answers to that of Lord Lieutenant of our Counties in England, or rather of Intendant in France. The Ampt-man, or under-Go­vernor of a Hundred, or Balliage, is generally a Gentleman of lesser Fortune, who resides in the principal Town of his District, and takes care of all Mat­ters relating to the Publick: as conveni­ent quartering of Soldiers, providing for [Page 225] their March, collecting the King's Re­venues, giving orders to the Peasants when employed about Publick Works, or when the King travels. All this they do themselves, or by inferiour Officers, like our Bailiffs and Constables. These Employments are for the most part given by the King during life, and are the principal Rewards of such as have well deserved: he that has served long and faithfully as a Forreign Mini­ster, or in any other considerable Civil Post, is usually promoted upon a vacan­cy to be Stifts-Ampt-man of his Province; provided his Estate and Interest there be some way correspondent. The Grooms of the King's Bed chamber, and other Officers of the Court, upon their Mar­riage, or retiring from Court, are gra­tified with an Ampt, and sent to live at home; provided they have served long, and be in any favour. The King pays to each of these a yearly Salary out of his Treasury; to a Stifts-Ampts man a thousand Crowns a year, to an Ampt-man four hundred Crowns. The prin­cipal Advantages they reap from these Employments, are these: First, That being more considered and favoured at Court than others, they escape better [Page 226] at the time of a Publick Tax, and can often find means to ease the Bur­then off their own Lands by inhancing it upon others; neither will the Court willingly give ear to Complaints a­gainst them. Secondly, They are very much honoured and feared at home, and have the Privilege to domineer o­ver the Peasants, and other their inferi­ours without control, unless they do it too grosly, and beyond measure.

Before I conclude this Chapter, I think it very pertinent to take notice, That in Denmark there are no Sediti­ons, Mutinies, or Libels against the Government; but all the People either are or appear to be Lovers of their King, notwithstanding their ill Treat­ment, and the hardships they groan under. And I suppose one principal Reason of this to be the Equality of the Taxes, and the manner of Taxing. It is not to be imagined by those that see it not, what a comfort it is to the Suf­ferers to be ill used alike; for Poverty and Riches being only such in propor­tion; provided men be treated like their Neighbours, they grumble not; that which vexes the Oppressed in most Countries, (especially the Common [Page 227] People, who are more than ordinary envious) is to see their County, their Parish, or their House taxed more in proportion than their Neighbours: and they have reason to be discontented at this, for it brings real Poverty upon those that are over-taxed; it does not diminish the general Stock of the Sub­jects Money, which would keep all Commodities and Necessaries at equal and moderate Rates; but picks parti­cular mens Pockets, whilst it leaves o­thers rich and able to profit by the Ne­cessities of the Poor.

'Tis a certain sign of an ill Go­vernment where there are abundance of Laws; but 'tis no certain sign of a good one, where there are but a few, as is plain in the case of Den­mark. However, this Blessing of few and good Laws, is like a Grain of Consolation to sweeten a World of Bitterness, and enables them to bear their other Hardships with more Ease and Patience. Tacitus; Corruptissi­ma Repub­lica pluri­mae leges.

CHAP. XVI.

WHEN the Corruptions of the Roman Church grew so intole­rable to many Nations in Europe, that an Universal Reformation became ne­cessary, Denmark, among the rest of the Northern Countries (which had been less managed and more abused by the Priests than the Southern) shook off that yoke, and instead of the Roman-Catho­lick, embraced the Doctrine and Opi­nions of Martin Luther. King Frederick the First, about one hundred and fifty years since, brought these in, and esta­blished them so generally in his Domi­nions, that at this day there is no o­ther Religion here professed than the Lutheran, if we will except the little Reformed French Church of Copenhagen, set up by the Queen, and one Popish Chappel at Glucstadt, permitted about ten years ago to a few Popish Families in those parts; which is the first that has been since the Reformation. This great Unity in belief in the North (for Swe­den has it as well as Denmark) is owing [Page 229] to the Sincerity of those Princes that began the Reformation there: for it is likely they did it upon a pure religious account, and therefore went effectually to work in the Conversion of all their Subjects, using proper means for such a purpose; whereas in England, and else­where, Reasons of State and other By­ends, had at least as great a share in it as Conviction of Conscience; so that the business was done by halves, through the unsettledness of our Princes in their Opinions, who encouraged or connived at a dissenting Party, according as their worldly Interests led them. The vast convenience to any Prince of having all his Subjects of one Opinion, is visible in Denmark; where there are no Factions nor Disputes about Religion, which usu­ally have a great influence on any Go­vernment; but all are of one Mind, as to the way of Salvation, and as to the Duty they owe their Soveraign. This cuts off occasion of Rebellion and Mu­tiny from many, who otherwise would desire it, and seem to have reason e­nough, because of the heavy pressures they lye under. As long as the Priests are entirely dependant upon the Crown, and the People absolutely governed by [Page 230] the Priests in Matters of Conscience, as they are here, the Prince may be as Ar­bitrary as he pleases, without running a­ny risque from his Subjects: in due con­sideration of which benefit, the Clergy are very much favoured, and have full scope given them to be as bigotted as they please; which indeed they are to a very great degree, having no com­mon Charity for any that differ from them in Opinion, except the Church of England; and to that they are very kind, often saying, That there is no Essential Difference between it and theirs, and wishing that therewere an union of them projected and perfected: wherein their Design is not so much to reduce our Ecclesiasticks to the low estate theirs are in, as to raise their own to the Splendor and Revenues of ours; which are the principal Vertues they admire in us. They have cast off the Opinions of Rome in the Supremacy of the Pope, and other Points; but they would retain the Grandeur belonging to that Church, and applaud us for doing both so dexterously: so that I am confident the business of Consubstantiation would make no diffe­rence, did Princes think it worth their while to promote this Union. On the [Page 231] other side, the Calvinist is hated by them as much as the Papist; and the reason they give is, because he is against absolute Monarchy, and has a resisting Principle.

Notwithstanding this Flattery of the Court, they are not admitted into civil Affairs, nor have any thing to do in the Government: neither are they encou­raged to appear about Court, or on Pub­lick Occasions; the Pulpit is their Pro­vince, and it is left free to them. Here they take a vast Liberty of Reprehend­ing not only Vices, but particular per­sons of the highest quality, which no body takes notice of, as long as they keep to their own Trade. The com­mon People admire them for this bold­ness, and the best Subsistence of the Priests in Cities and Towns being vo­luntary Benevolence, they take care to cultivate the good Opinion of the Mobb, whom they keep likewise in awe by the practice of Confession before they Ad­minister the Sacrament, which every one that receives is obliged to undergo; and this they retain of the Romish Church, as well as Crucifixes, and other Ceremonies.

There are six Superintendants in Den­mark, who take it very kindly to be called Bishops, and My Lord; viz. one in Zealand, one in Funen, and four in [Page 232] Jutland There are also four in Norway. These have no Temporalities, keep no Ecclesiastical Courts, have no Cathedrals, with Prebends, Canons, Deans, Sub­deans, &c. But are only primi inter pa­res; having the Rank above the inferi­our Clergy of their Province, and the inspection into their Doctrine and Man­ners. The Revenue of the Bishop of Copenhagen is about Two thousand Rix Dollars yearly; the other Bishops of Denmark have about Fifteen hundred Rix Dollars, and of Norway One thousand Rix Dollars; they are allowed to have two or three Parishes each; their Ha­bit is common with that of the other Ministers, viz. A plaited black Gown, with short Sleeves, a large stiff Ruff a­bout the Neck, and a Cap with Edges, like our Masters of Art, except that theirs is round, and the others square.

Most of them understand English, and draw the very best of their Divinity, as they confess themselves, out of English Books. Many of them have studied in Oxford, who are more valued than the others; they are very constant Preachers, and never read their Sermons, but pro­nounce them with a great deal of Acti­on. Holy-days and Fast-days are obser­ved as solemnly as Sundays; and in Co­penhagen [Page 233] the City Gates are close shut during Sermon time, so that no body can go in or out. The Commonalty are great frequenters of the Churches, which are kept much more decently, cleanly, and better adorned than with us: so that they look almost as gaudy as the Popish Churches.

They are all great Lovers of Organs, and have many very good ones, with skilful Organists, who entertain the Con­gregation with Musick, during half an hour, either before or after Service.

Denmark has formerly produced very Learned Men, Such as the famous Ma­thematician Tycho-Brahe, the Bartholines for Physick and Anatomy, Borichius, who died lately, and bequeathed a considera­ble Legacy to the University of Copenha­gen. But at present Learning is there at a very low Ebb; yet Latin is more com­monly spoken by the Clergy than with us. The Books that come out in Print are very few, and those only some dull Trea­tises of Controversy against the Papists and Calvinists. The Belles Lettres, or Gen­tile Learning are very much strangers here, and will hardly be introduced till a greater affluence among the Gentry makes way for them. It is said that Ne­cessity is the Mother of Invention; which [Page 234] may be true in some degree, but I am sure too much Necessity depresses the Spirits, and destroys it quite; neither is there any Invention here, or tolerable Imitation of what is brought in to them by Strangers.

There is but one University, which is at Copenhagen, and that mean enough in all respects; neither the Building nor Revenues being comparable to those of the worst of our single Colledges. The Students wear black Cloaks, and live scattered about the Town, after the man­ner of those in Leyden. Some of the Pro­fessors live in the House. Every year on the King's Birth day they have a kind of Act; the King honours them with his presence, and the Rector Magnificus ha­rangues him with a Latin Speech, full of as fulsome Flattery, as if Louis le Grand were the Monarch to be entertained, and a fawning Jesuit the Orator. At cer­tain Periods there are a few Danish Verses sung by the ordinary singing Boys to very indifferent Musick; and so the Farce ends.

There was in this King's Father's time an University at Sora, a Town very plea­santly situated about Forty miles from the City, where the Lodgings and Con­veniencies for studying much exceeded those of Copenhagen: But the King had occasion for the Revennes; so that now [Page 235] it is desolate, and in its stead only a small Grammar-shool erected.

The Provisions for the Poor are very inconsiderable; formerly there was a pretty store of Hospitals scatter'd up and down the Country, but at present the Re­venues of most of these are diverted to other uses, and those not Publick ones.

To conclude; I never knew any Coun­try where the Minds of the People were more of one calibre and pitch than here; you shall meet with none of extraordina­ry Parts or Qualifications, or excellent in particular Studies and Trades; you see no Enthusiasts, Mad-men, Natural Fools, or fanciful Folks; but a certain equality of Understanding reigns among them: eve­ry one keeps the ordinary beaten road of sense, which in this Country is neitherthe fairest nor the foulest, without deviating to the right or left; yet I will add this one Remark to their praise, that the Com­mon People do generally write and read.