ALthough since the writing of this treatise, the face of things hath had som change, writs for new electi­ons have bin recall'd, and the members at first chosen, re­admitted from exclusion, yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar'd the resolution of those who are in power, tending to the establishment of a free Commonwealth, and to re­move, if it be possible, this [Page 4] noxious humor of returning to bondage, instilld of late by som deceivers, and nourishd from bad principles and fals apprehensions among too ma­ny of the people, I thought best not to suppress what I had written, hoping that it may now be of much more use and concernment to be freely pub­lishd, in the midst of our Elections to a free Parlament, or their sitting to consider freely of the Government; whom it behoves to have all things represented to them that may direct thir judg­ment therin; and I never read of any State, scarce of any tyrant grown so incurable as to refuse counsel from [Page 5] any in a time of public deli­beration; much less to be offended. If thir absolute de­termination be to enthrall us, before so long a Lent of Ser­vitude, they may permitt us a little Shroving-time first, wherin to speak freely, and take our leaves of Libertie. And because in the former edi­tion through haste, many faults escap'd, and many books were suddenly dispersd, ere the note to mend them could be sent, I took the opportunitie from this occasion to revise and somwhat to enlarge the whole discourse, especially that part which argues for a perpetual Senat. The treatise thus revis'd and enlarg'd, is as follows.

[Page 6] The Parliament of Eng­land, assisted by a great num­ber of the people who appeerd and stuck to them faithfullest in defence of religion and thir civil liberties, judging king­ship by long experience a go­vernment unnecessarie, bur­densom and dangerous, justly and magnanimously abolishd it; turning regal bondage into a free Commonwealth, to the admiration and terrour of our emulous neighbours. They took themselves not bound by the light of nature or religion, to any former covnant, from which the King himself by many forfeitures of a latter date or discoverie, and our [Page 7] own longer consideration ther­on had more & more unbound us, both to himself and his posteritie; as hath bin ever the justice and the prudence of all wise nations that have ejected tyrannie. They covnanted to preserve the Kings person and autoritie in the preservation of the true religion and our liberties; not in his endeavoring to bring in upon our consciences a Po­pish religion, upon our li­berties thraldom, upon our lives destruction, by his occa­sioning, if not complotting, as was after discoverd, the Irish massacre, his fomenting and arming the rebellion, his co­vert leaguing with the rebels against us, his refusing more [Page 8] then seaven times, propositi­ons most just and necessarie to the true religion and our liberties, tenderd him by the Parlament both of England and Scotland. They made not thir covnant concerning him with no difference between a king and a god, or promisd him as Job did to the Al­mightie, to trust in him, though he slay us: they understood that the solemn ingagement, wherin we all forswore king­ship, was no more a breach of the covant, then the covnant was of the protestation before, but a faithful and prudent go­ing on both in the words, well weighd, and in the true sense of the covnant, without respect [Page 9] of persons, when we could not serve two contrary maisters, God and the king, or the king and that more supreme law, sworn in the first place to main­tain, our safetie and our liber­tie. They knew the people of England to be a free people, themselves the representers of that freedom; & although ma­ny were excluded, & as many fled (so they pretended) from tumults to Oxford, yet they were left a sufficient number to act in Parlament; therefor not bound by any statute of pre­ceding Parlaments; but by the law of nature only, which is the only law of laws truly and properly to all mankinde fun­damental; the beginning and [Page 10] the end of all Government; to which no Parlament or peo­ple that will throughly re­forme, but may and must have recourse; as they had and must yet have in church reformati­on (if they throughly intend it) to evangelic rules; not to ecclesiastical canons, though never so ancient, so ratifi'd and establishd in the land by Sta­tutes, which for the most part are meer positive laws, neither natural nor moral, & so by any Parlament for just and serious considerations, without scruple to be at any time repeal'd. If others of thir number, in these things were under force, they were not, but under free conscience; if others were [Page 11] excluded by a power which they could not resist, they were not therefore to leave the helm of government in no hands, to discontinue thir care of the public peace and safetie, to desert the people in anarchie and confusion; no more then when so many of thir members left them, as made up in outward formalitie a more legal Parlament of three estates against them. The best affected also and best principl'd of the people, stood not numbring or computing on which side were most voices in Parlament, but on which side appeerd to them most reason, most safetie, when the house divided upon [Page 12] main matters: what was well motiond and advis'd, they examind not whether fear or perswasion carried it in the vote; neither did they measure votes and counsels by the in­tentions of them that voted; knowing that intentions either are but guessd at, or not soon anough known; and although good, can neither make the deed such, nor prevent the consequence from being bad: suppose bad intentions in things otherwise welldon; what was welldon, was by them who so thought, not the less obey'd or followd in the state; since in the church, who had not rather follow Iscariot or Simon the magician, [Page 13] though to covetous ends, preaching, then Saul, though in the uprightness of his heart persecuting the gospell? Safer they therefor judgd what they thought the better counsels, though carried on by some perhaps to bad ends, then the wors, by others, though en­devord with best intentions: and yet they were not to learn that a greater number might be corrupt within the walls of a Parlament as well as of a citie; wherof in matters of neerest concernment all men will be judges; nor easily per­mitt, that the odds of voices in thir greatest councel, shall more endanger them by cor­rupt or credulous votes, then [Page 14] the odds of enemies by open assaults; judging that most voices ought not alwaies to prevail where main matters are in question; if others hence will pretend to disturb all counsels, what is that to them who pretend not, but are in real danger; not they only so judging, but a great though not the greatest, number of thir chosen Patriots, who might be more in waight, then the others in number; there being in number little vertue, but by weight and measure wisdom working all things: and the dangers on either side they seriously thus waighd: from the treatie, short fruits of long labours and seaven [Page 15] years warr; securitie for twen­ty years, if we can hold it; re­formation in the church for three years: then put to shift again with our vanquishd mai­ster. His justice, his honour, his conscience declar'd quite con­trarie to ours; which would have furnishd him with many such evasions, as in a book entitl'd an inquisition for blood, soon after were not conceald: bishops not totally remov'd, but left as it were in ambush, a reserve, with ordination in thir sole power; thir lands alreadie sold, not to be alie­nated, but rented, and the sale of them call'd sacrilege; delinquents few of many brought to condigne punish­ment; [Page 16] accessories punishd; the chief author, above pardon, though after utmost resistance, vanquish'd; not to give, but to receive laws; yet besought, treated with, and to be thankd for his gratious concessions, to be honourd, worshipd, glorifi'd. If this we swore to do, with what righteousness in the sight of God, with what assurance that we bring not by such an oath the whole sea of blood­guiltiness upon our own heads? If on the other side we preferr a free government, though for the present not obtaind, yet all those suggest­ed fears and difficulties, as the event will prove, easily [Page 17] overcome, we remain finally secure from the exasperated regal power, and out of snares; shall retain the best part of our libertie, which is our religion, and the civil part will be from these who deferr us, much more easily recoverd, being neither so suttle nor so awefull as a King reinthron'd. Nor were thir actions less both at home and abroad then might become the hopes of a glori­ous rising Commonwealth: nor were the expressions both of armie and people, whether in thir publick declarations or several writings other then such as testifi'd a spirit in this nation no less noble and well fitted to the liberty of a Com­monwealth, [Page 18] then in the an­cient Greeks or Romans. Nor was the heroic cause unsucces­fully defended to all Christen­dom against the tongue of a famous and thought invincible adversarie; nor the constancie and fortitude that so nobly vindicated our liberty, our victory at once against two the most prevailing usurpers over mankinde, superstition and tyrannie unpraisd or unce­lebrated in a written monu­ment, likely to outlive de­traction, as it hath hitherto covinc'd or silenc'd not a few of our detractors, especially in parts abroad. After our liberty and religion thus pros­perously fought for, gaind [Page 19] and many years possessd, ex­cept in those unhappie inter­ruptions, which God hath remov'd, now that nothing remains, but in all reason the certain hopes of a speedie and immediat settlement for ever in a firm and free Common­wealth, for this extolld and magnifi'd nation, regardless both of honour wonn or de­liverances voutsaf't from heaven, to fall back or rather to creep back so poorly as it seems the multitude would to thir once abjur'd and detested thraldom of Kingship, to be our selves the slanderers of our own just and religious deeds, though don by som to co­vetous and ambitious ends, [Page 20] yet not therefor to be staind with their infamie, or they to asperse the integritie of others, and yet these now by revol­ting from the conscience of deeds welldon both in church and state, to throw away and forsake, or rather to betray a just and noble cause for the mixture of bad men who have ill manag'd and abus'd it (which had our fathers don heretofore, and on the same pretence deserted true religi­on, what had long ere this become of our gospel and all protestant reformation so much intermixt with the avarice and ambition of som reformers?) and by thus re­lapsing, to verifie all the [Page 21] bitter predictions of our trium­phing enemies, who will now think they wisely discernd and justly censur'd both us and all our actions as rash, rebellious, hypocritical and impious, not only argues a strange degene­rate contagion suddenly spread among us fitted and prepar'd for new slaverie, but will ren­der us a scorn and derision to all our neighbours. And what will they at best say of us and of the whole English name, but scoffingly as of that foolish builder, mentiond by our Saviour, who began to build a tower, and was not able to finish it. Where is this goodly tower of a Commonwealth, which the English boasted [Page 22] they would build to overshad­dow kings, and be another Rome in the west? The foun­dation indeed they laid gal­lantly; but fell into a wors confusion, not of tongues, but of factions, then those at the tower of Babel; and have left no memorial of thir work behinde them remaining, but in the common laughter of Europ. Which must needs re­dound the more to our shame, if we but look on our neigh­bours the United Provinces, to us inferior in all outward advantages; who notwith­standing, in the midst of greater difficulties, courage­ously, wisely, constantly went through with the same work, [Page 23] and are setl'd in all the happie enjoiments of a potent and flourishing Republic to this day.

Besides this, if we returne to Kingship, and soon repent, as undoubtedly we shall, when we begin to finde the old en­croachments coming on by little and little upon our con­sciences, which must neces­sarily proceed from king and bishop united inseparably in one interest, we may be forc'd perhaps to fight over again all that we have fought, and spend over again all that we have spent, but are never like to attain thus far as we are now advanc'd to the recoverie of our freedom, never to have [Page 24] it in possession as we now have it, never to be voutsaf't heer­after the like mercies and sig­nal assistances from heaven in our cause, if by our ingrate­full backsliding we make these fruitless; flying now to regal concessions from his divine condescensions and gratious answers to our once importu­ning praiers against the tyran­nie which we then groand un­der: making vain and viler then dirt the blood of so many thousand faithfull and valiant English men, who left us in this libertie, bought with thir lives; losing by a strange after game of folly, all the battels we have wonn, together with all Scotland as to our conquest, [Page 25] hereby lost, which never any of our kings could conquer, all the treasure we have spent, not that corruptible treasure only, but that far more precious of all our late miraculous deliver­ances; treading back again with lost labour all our happie steps in the progress of refor­mation; and most pittifully depriving our selves the instant fruition of that free govern­ment which we have so dearly purchasd, a free Common­wealth, not only held by wi­sest men in all ages the noblest, the manliest, the equallest, the justest government, the most agreeable to all due liber­tie and proportiond equalitie, both human, civil, and [Page 26] Christian, most cherishing to vertue and true religion, but also (I may say it with greatest probabilitie) planely com­mended, or rather enjoind by our Saviour himself, to all Christians, not without re­markable disallowance, and the brand of gentilism upon kingship. God in much dis­pleasure gave a king to the Israelites, and imputed it a sin to them that they sought one: but Christ apparently forbids his disciples to admitt of any such heathenish government: the kings of the gentiles, saith he, exercise lordship over them; and they that exercise authoritie upon them, are call'd benefactors: but ye shall not be so; but he that [Page 27] is greatest among you, let him be as the younger; and he that is chief, as he that serveth. The occasion of these his words was the ambitious desire of Zebede's two sons, to be ex­alted above thir brethren in his kingdom, which they thought was to be ere long upon earth. That he speaks of civil go­vernment, is manifest by the former part of the comparison, which inferrs the other part to be alwaies in the same kinde. And what government coms neerer to this precept of Christ, then a free Common­wealth; wherin they who are greatest, are perpetual servants and drudges to the public at thir own cost and [Page 28] charges, neglect thir own af­fairs; yet are not elevated a­bove thir brethren; live so­berly in thir families, walk the streets as other men, may be spoken to freely, familiarly, friendly, without adoration. Wheras a king must be ador'd like a Demigod, with a disso­lute and haughtie court about him, of vast expence and luxurie, masks and revels, to the debaushing of our prime gentry both male and female; not in thir passetimes only, but in earnest, by the loos im­ploiments of court service, which will be then thought honorable. There will be a queen also of no less charge; in most likelihood outlandish [Page 29] and a Papist; besides a queen mother such alreadie; to­gether with both thir courts and numerous train: then a royal issue, and ere long seve­rally thir sumptuous courts; to the multiplying of a servile crew, not of servants only, but of nobility and gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of public, but of court offi­ces; to be stewards, chamber­lains, ushers, grooms, even of the close-stool; and the lower thir mindes debas'd with court opinions, contrarie to all ver­tue and reformation, the haughtier will be thir pride and profuseness: we may well remember this not long since at home; or need but [Page 30] look at present into the French court, where entice­ments and preferments daily draw away and pervert the Protestant Nobilitie. As to the burden of expence, to our cost we shall soon know it; for any good to us, deser­ving to be termd no better then the vast and lavish price of our subjection and their debausherie; which we are now so greedily cheapning, and would so fain be paying most inconsideratly to a single person; who for any thing wherin the public really needs him, will have little els to do, but to bestow the eating and drinking of excessive dainties, to set a pompous [Page 31] face upon the superficial actings of State, to pageant himself up and down in progress a­mong the perpetual bowings and cringings of an abject peo­ple, on either side deifying and adoring him for nothing don that can deserve it. For what can hee more then ano­ther man? who even in the expression of a late court­poet, sits only like a great cypher set to no purpose be­fore a long row of other sig­nificant figures. Nay it is well and happy for the peo­ple if thir King be but a cy­pher, being oft times a mis­chief, a pest, a scourge of the nation, and which is wors, not to be remov'd, not [Page 32] to be controul'd, much less ac­cus'd or brought to punish­ment, without the danger of a common ruin, without the shaking and almost subversi­on of the whole land. Wheras in a free Commonwealth, any governor or chief counselor offending, may be remov'd and punishd without the least com­motion. Certainly then that people must needs be madd or strangely infatuated, that build the chief hope of thir common happiness or safetie on a single person: who if he happen to be good, can do no more then another man, if to be bad, hath in his hands to do more evil without check, then millions of other [Page 33] men. The happiness of a nation must nee [...]s be firmest and certainest in a full and free Councel of thir own electing, where no single person, but reason only swa [...]es. And what madness is it, for them who might manage no­bly thir own affairs them­selves, sluggishly and weakly to devolve all on a single person; and more like boyes under age then men, to com­mitt all to his patronage and disposal, who neither can per­forme what he undertakes, and yet for undertaking it, though royally paid, will not be thir servant, but thir lord? how unmanly must it needs be, to count such [Page 34] a one the breath of our nostrils, to hang all our feli­city on him, all our safetie, our well-being, for which it we were aught els but slug­gards or babies, we need de­pend on none but God and our own counsels, our own active vertue and industrie; Go to the Ant, thou sluggard, saith Solomon; consider her waies, and be wise; which having no prince, ruler, or lord, provides her meat in the summer, and gathers her food in the harvest. which evidenly shews us, that they who think the nation undon without a king, though they look grave or haughtie, have not so much true spi­rit and understanding in them [Page 35] as a pismire: neither are these diligent creatures hence con­cluded to live in lawless anar­chie, or that commended, but are set the examples to imprudent and ungovernd men, of a frugal and self­governing democratie or Com­monwealth; safer and more thriving in the joint provi­dence and counsel of many industrious equals, then under the single domination of one imperious Lord. It may be well wonderd that any Na­tion styling themselves free, can suffer any man to pre­tend hereditarie right over them as thir lord; when as by acknowledging that right, they conclude themselves his [Page 36] servants and his vassals, and so renounce thir own free­dom. Which how a people and thir leaders especially can do, who have fought so glo­riously for liberty, how they can change thir noble words and actions, heretofore so becoming the majesty of a free people, into the base ne­cessitie of court flatteries and prostrations, is not only strange and admirable, but lamenta­ble to think on. That a nati­on should be so valorous and courageous to winn thir li­berty in the field, and when they have wonn it, should be so heartless and unwise in thir counsels, as not to know how to use it, value it, what to do withit [Page 37] or with themselves; but after ten or twelve years prosperous warr and contestation with ty­rannie, basely and besottedly to run their necks again into the yoke which they have broken, and prostrate all the fruits of thir victorie for naught at the feet of the vanquishd, besides our loss of glorie, and such an example as kings or tyrants never yet had the like to boast of, will be an ignomine if it befall us, that never yet befell any nation possessd of thir libertie; wor­thie indeed themselves, what­soever they be, to be for ever slaves: but that part of the nation which consents not with them, as I perswade me [Page 38] of a great number, far wor­thier then by their means to be brought into the same bon­dage. Considering these things so plane, so rational, I cannot but yet furder admire on the other side, how any man who hath the true principles of justice and religion in him, can presume or take upon him to be a king and lord over his brethren, whom he cannot but know whether as men or Christians, to be for the most part every way e­qual or superior to himself: how he can display with such vanitie and ostentation his re­gal splendor so supereminent­ly above other mortal men; or being a Christian, can as­sume [Page 39] such extraordinarie ho­nour and worship to himself, while the kingdom of Christ our common King and Lord, is hid to this world, and such gentilish imitation forbid in ex­press words by himself to all his disciples. All Protestants hold that Christ in his church hath left no vicegerent of his power, but himself without deputie, is the only head ther­of, governing it from heaven: how then can any Christian­man derive his kingship from Christ, but with wors usur­pation then the Pope his head­ship over the church, since Christ not only hath not left the least shaddow of a command for any such vice­gerence [Page 40] from him in the State, as the Pope pretends for his in the Church, but hath ex­pressly declar'd, that such re­gal dominion is from the gen­tiles, not from him, and hath strictly charg'd us, not to imitate them therin.

I doubt not but all ingenuous and knowing men will easily agree with me, that a free Commonwealth without sin­gle person or house of lords, is by far the best government, if it can be had; but we have all this while say they bin expect­ing it, and cannot yet attain it. Tis true indeed, when monar­chie was dissolvd, the form of a Commonwealth should have forthwith bin fram'd; and the [Page 41] practice therof immediatly be­gun; that the people might have soon bin satisfi'd and delighted with the decent order, ease and benefit therof: we had bin then by this time firmly rooted, past fear of commotions or mutati­ons, & now flourishing: this care of timely setling a new govern­ment instead of y ^e old, too much neglected, hath bin our mischief. Yet the cause therof may be ascrib'd with most reason to the frequent disturbances, in­terruptions and dissolutions which the Parlament hath had partly from the impatient or disaffected people, partly from som ambitious leaders in the Armie; much contrarie, I beleeve, to the mind and [Page 42] approbation of the Armie it self and thir other Comman­ders, once undeceivd, or in thir own power. Now is the opportunitie, now the very season wherein we may obtain a free Commonwealth and es­tablish it for ever in the land, without difficulty or much de­lay. Writs are sent out for ele­ctions, and which is worth observing in the name, not of any king, but of the keepers of our libertie, to summon a free Parlament: which then only will indeed be free, and deserve the true honor of that supreme title, if they preserve us a free people. Which never Parlament was more free to do; being now call'd, not as here­tofore, [Page 43] by the summons of a king, but by the voice of li­bertie: and if the people, lay­ing afide prejudice and impa­tience, will seriously and calm­ly now consider thir own good both religious and civil, thir own libertie and the only means thereof, as shall be heer laid before them, and will elect thir Knights and Burgesses able men, and according to the just and necessarie qualifi­cations (which for aught I hear, remain yet in force unrepeald, as they were formerly decreed in Parlament) men not ad­dicted to a single person or house of lords, the work is don; at least the foundation firmly laid of a free Common­wealth, [Page 44] and good part also erected of the main structure. For the ground and basis of every just and free government (since men have smarted so oft for commiting all to one person) is a general councel of ablest men, chosen by the people to consult of public af­fairs from time to time for the common good. In this Grand Councel must the sovrantie, not transferrd, but delegated only, and as it were deposited, reside; with this caution they must have the forces by sea and land committed to them for preservation of the common peace and libertie; must raise and manage the public re­venue, at least with som in­spectors [Page 45] deputed for satisfacti­on of the people, how it is imploid; must make or pro­pose, as more expressly shall be said anon, civil laws; treat of commerce, peace, or warr with forein nations, and for the carrying on som particular affairs with more secrecie and expedition, must elect, as they have alreadie out of thir own number and others, a Councel of State.

And although it may seem strange at first hearing, by reason that mens mindes are prepossed with the notion of successive Parlaments, I affirme that the Grand or General Councel being well chosen, should be perpetual: for so [Page 46] thir business is or may be, and oft times urgent; the oppor­tunitie of affairs gaind or lost in a moment. The day of coun­sel cannot be set as the day of a festival; but must be readie alwaies to prevent or answer all occasions. By this continu­ance they will become everie way skilfullest, best provided of intelligence from abroad, best acquainted with the people at home, and the people with them. The ship of the Commonwealth is al­waies under sail; they sit at the stern; and if they stear well, what need is ther to change them; it being rather dan­gerous? And to this, that the Grand Councel is both [Page 47] foundation and main pillar of the whole State; and to move pillars and foundations, not faultie, cannot be safe for the building. I see not there­for, how we can be advantag'd by successive and transitorie Parlaments; but that they are much likelier continually to unsettle rather then to settle a free government; to breed com­motions, changes, novelties and uncertainties; to bring neg­lect upon present affairs and opportunities, while all mindes are suspense with expectation of a new assemblie, and the assemblie for a good space taken up with the new setling of it self. After which, if they finde no great work to do, [Page 48] they will make it, by altering or repealing former acts, or making and multiplying new; that they may seem to see what thir predecessors saw not, and not to have assembld for nothing: till all law be lost in the multitude of clashing statutes. But if the ambition of such as think themselves in­jur'd that they also partake not of the government, and are im­patient till they be chosen, cannot brook the perpetuitie of others chosen before them, or if it be feard that long con­tinuance of power may cor­rupt sincerest men, the known expedient is, and by som lately propounded, that annu­ally (or if the space be lon­ger, [Page 49] so much perhaps the bet­ter) the third part of Senators may go out according to the precedence of thir electi­on, and the like number be chosen in thir places, to pre­vent the setling of too abso­lute a power, if it should be perpetual: and this they call partial rotation. But I could wish that this wheel or partial wheel in State, if it be pos­sible, might be avoided; as having too much affinitie with the wheel of fortune. For it appeers not how this can be don, without danger and mischance of putting out a great number of the best and ablest: in whose stead new elections may bring in [Page 50] as many raw, unexperienc'd and otherwise affected, to the weakning and much altering for the wors of public trans­actions▪ Neither do I think a perpetual Senat, especially chosen and entrusted by the people, much in this land to be feard, where the well-af­fected either in a standing ar­mie, or in a setled militia have thir arms in thir own hands. Safest therefor to me it seems and of least hazard or inter­ruption to affairs, that none of the Grand Councel be mov'd, unless by death or just con­viction of som crime: for what can be expected firm or stedfast from a floating foun­dation? however, I forejudge [Page 51] not any probable expedient, any temperament that can be found in things of this nature so disputable on either side. Yet least this which I affirme, be thought my single opini­on, I shall add sufficient testi­monie. Kingship it self is there­for counted the more safe and durable, because the king and, for the most part, his councel, is not chang'd during life: but a Commonwealth is held immortal; and therin firmest, safest and most above fortune: for the death of a king, cau­seth ofttimes many dangerous alterations; but the death now and then of a Senator is not felt; the main bodie of them still continuing perma­nent [Page 52] in greatest and noblest Commonwealths, and as it were eternal. Therefor among the Jews, the supreme coun­cel of seaventie, call'd the Sanhedrim, founded by Moses, in Athens, that of Areopagus, in Sparta, that of the Ancients, in Rome, the Senat, consisted of members chosen for term of life; and by that means re­maind as it were still the same to generations. In Venice they change indeed ofter then every year som particular councels of State, as that of six, or such other; but the true Se­nat, which upholds and sustains the government, is the whole aristocracie immovable. So in the United Provinces, the [Page 53] States General, which are in­deed but a councel of st te deputed by the whole union, are not usually the same per­sons for above three or six years; but the States of every citie, in whom the sovrantie hath bin plac'd time out of minde, are a standing Senat, without succession, and ac­counted chiefly in that regard the main prop of thir liberty. And why they should be so in every well orderd Common­wealth, they who write of po­licie, give these reasons; "That to make the Senat successive, not only impairs the dignitie and lustre of the Senat, but weakens the whole Commonwealth, and [Page 54] brings it into manifest dan­ger; while by this means the secrets of State are fre­quently divulgd, and mat­ters of greatest consequence committed to inexpert and novice counselors, utterly to seek in the full and inti­mate knowledge of affairs past." I know not therefor what should be peculiar in England to make successive Parlaments thought safest, or convenient here more then in other nations, unless it be the fickl'ness which is attributed to us as we are Ilanders: but good education and acqui­sit wisdom ought to correct the fluxible fault, if any such be, of our watry situation. It [Page 55] will be objected, that in those places where they had perpe­tual Senats, they had also po­pular remedies against thir growing too imperious: as in Athens, besides Areopagus, a­nother Senat of four or five hunderd; in Sparta, the Epho­rs; in Rome, the Tribunes of the people. But the event tels us, that these remedies either little availd the people, or brought them to such a licen­tious and unbridl'd democra­tie, as in fine ruind themselves with thir own excessive pow­er. So that the main reason urg'd why popular assemblies are to be trusted with the peo­ples libertie, rather then a Se­nat of principal men, because [Page 56] great men will be still endea­voring to inlarge thir power, but the common sort will be contented to maintain thir own libertie, is by ex­perience found false; none be­ing more immoderat and ambi­tious to amplifie thir power, then such popularities; which was seen in the people of Rome; who at first contented to have thir Tribunes, at length contended with the Se­nat that one Consul, then both; soon after, that the Censors and Praetors also should be cre­ated Plebeian, and the whole empire put into their hands; adoring lastly those, who most were advers to the Senat, till Marius by fulfilling thir inor­dinat [Page 57] desires, quite lost them all the power for which they had so long bin striving, and left them under the tyrannie of Sylla: the ballance therefor must be ex­actly so set, as to preserve and keep up due autoritie on either side, as well in the Senat as in the people. And this annual rotation of a Senat to consist of three hunderd, as is late­ly propounded, requires also another popular assembly up­ward of a thousand, with an answerable rotation. Which besides that it will be liable to all those inconveniencies found in the foresaid remedies, cannot but be troublesom and chargeable, both in thir moti­on and thir session, to the whole land; unweildie with [Page 58] thir own bulk, unable in so great a number to mature thir consultations as they ought, if any be allotted them, and that they meet not from so many parts remote to sit a whole year lieger in one place, only now and then to hold up a forrest of fingers, or to convey each man his bean or ballot into the box, without reason shewn or common de­liberation; incontinent of se­crets, if any be imparted to them, emulous and always jarring with the other Senat. The much better way doubt­less will be in this wavering condition of our affairs, to deferr the changing or circum­scribing of our Senat, more then may be done with ease, [Page 59] till the Commonwealth be throughly setl'd in peace and safetie, and they themselves give us the occasion. Milita­rie men hold it dangerous to change the form of battel in view of an enemie: neither did the people of Rome bandie with thir Senat while any of the Tarquins livd, the enemies of thir libertie, nor sought by creating Tribunes to defend themselves against the fear of thir Patricians, till sixteen years after the expulsion of thir kings, and in full securi­tie of thir state, they had or thought they had just cause given them by the Senat. Another way will be, to wel­qualifie and refine elections: [Page 60] not committing all to the noise and shouting of a rude multitude, but permitting on­ly those of them who are rightly qualifi'd, to nominat as many as they will; and out of that number others of a bet­ter breeding, to chuse a less number more judiciously, till after a third or fourth sifting and refining of exactest choice, they only be left chosen who are the due number, and seem by most voices the worthiest. To make the people fittest to chuse, and the chosen fittest to govern, will be to mend our corrupt and faulty education, to teach the people faith not without vertue, temperance, modestie, sobrietie, parsi­monie, [Page 61] justice; not to admire wealth or honour; to hate turbulence and ambition; to place every one his privat welfare and happiness in the public peace, libertie and safetie. They shall not then need to be much mistrustfull of thir chosen Patriots in the Grand Councel; who will be then rightly call'd the true keepers of our libertie, though the most of thir business will be in forein affairs. But to prevent all mistrust, the people then will have thir several ordinarie assemblies (which will hence­forth quite annihilate the odi­ous power and name of Com­mitties) in the chief towns of every countie, without the [Page 62] trouble, charge, or time lost of summoning and assembling from far in so great a number, and so long residing from thir own houses, or removing of thir families, to do as much at home in thir several shires, entire or subdivided, toward the securing of thir libertie, as a numerous assembly of them all formd and conven'd on pur­pose with the wariest rota­tion. Wher of I shall speak more ere the end of this dis­course: for it may be referrd to time, so we be still going on by degrees to perfection. The people well weighing and performing these things, I sup­pose would have no cause to fear, though the Parlament, [Page 63] abolishing that name, as ori­ginally signifying but the parlie of our Lords and Commons with thir Norman king when he pleasd to call them, should, with certain limitations of thir power, sit perpetual, if thir ends be faithfull and for a free Commonwealth, under the name of a Grand or General Councel. Till this be don, I am in doubt whether our State will be ever certainly and throughly setl'd; never likely till then to see an end of our troubles and continual changes or at least never the true settle­ment and assurance of our li­bertie. The Grand Councel being thus firmly constituted to perpetuitie, and still, upon [Page 64] the death or default of any member, suppli'd and kept in full number, ther can be no cause alleag'd why peace, ju­stice, plentifull trade and all prosperitie should not there­upon ensue throughout the whole land; with as much assurance as can be of human things, that they shall so con­tinue (if God favour us, and our wilfull sins provoke him not) even to the coming of our true and rightfull and only to be expected King, only worthie as he is our only Savi­our, the Messiah, the Christ, the only heir of his eternal father, the only by him anoin­ted and ordaind since the work of our redemption finishd, [Page 65] Vniversal Lord of all man­kinde. The way propounded is plane, easie and open be­fore us; without intricacies, without the introducement of new or obsolete forms, or terms, or exotic models; idea's that would effect nothing, but with a number of new injuncti­ons to manacle the native li­berty of mankinde; turning all vertue into prescription, servitude, and necessitie, to the great impairing and fru­strating of Christian liber­tie: I say again, this way lies free and smooth before us; is not tangl'd with inconveniencies; invents no new incumbrances; requires no perilous, no in­jurious alteration or circum­scription [Page 66] of mens lands and proprieties; secure, that in this Commonwealth, tem­poral and spiritual lords remov'd, no man or number of men can attain to such wealth or vast possession, as will need the hedge of an Agrarian law (never succesful, but the cause rather of sedition, save only where it began sea­sonably with first possession) to confine them from endan­gering our public libertie; to conclude, it can have no con­siderable objection made a­gainst it, that it is not pra­cticable: least it be said hereaf­ter, that we gave up our libertie for want of a readie way or distinct form propos'd of a free [Page 67] Commonwealth. And this facilitie we shall have above our next neighbouring Com­monwealth (if we can keep us from the fond conceit of som­thing like a duke of Venice, put lately into many mens heads, by som one or other sutly driving on under that notion his own ambitious ends to lurch a crown) that our li­berty shall not be hamperd or hoverd over by any ingage­ment to such a potent familie as the house of Nassaw of whom to stand in perpetual doubt and suspicion, but we shall live the cleerest and abso­lutest free nation in the world.

On the contrarie, if ther be a king, which the incon­siderate [Page 68] multitude are now so madd upon, mark how far short we are like to com of all those happinesses, which in a free state we shall immediatly be possessd of. First, the Grand Councel, which, as I shewd before, should sit per­petually (unless thir leisure give them now and then som intermissions or vacations, ea­silie manageable by the Coun­cel of State left sitting) shall be call'd, by the kings good will and utmost endeavor, as seldom as may be. For it is only the king's right, he will say, to call a parlament; and this he will do most commonly about his own affairs rather then the kingdom's, as will [Page 69] appeer planely so soon as they are call'd. For what will thir business then be and the chief expence of thir time, but an endless tugging between peti­tion of right and and royal pre­rogative, especially about the negative voice, militia, or subsidies, demanded and oft times extorted without rea­sonable cause appeering to the Commons, who are the only true representatives of the people, and thir libertie, but will be then mingl'd with a court-faction; besides which within thir own walls, the sincere part of them who stand faithfull to the people, will again have to deal with two troublesom counter-working [Page 70] adversaries from without, meer creatures of the king, spiritual, and the greater part, as is like­liest, of temporal lords, no­thing concernd with the peo­ples libertie. If these prevail not in what they please, though never so much against the peo­ples interest, the Parlament shall be soon dissolvd, or sit and do nothing; not sufferd to remedie the least greevance, or enact aught advantageous to the people. Next, the Councel of State shall not be chosen by the Parlament, but by the king, still his own creatures, courtiers and favo­rites; who will be sure in all thir counsels to set thir mai­ster's grandure and absolute [Page 71] power, in what they are able, far above the peoples libertie. I denie not but that ther may be such a king, who may re­gard the common good before his own, may have no vitious favorite, may hearken only to the wisest and incorruptest of his Parlament: but this rarely happens in a monarchie not elective; and it behoves not a wise nation to committ the summ of thir welbeing, the whole state of thir safetie to fortune. What need they; and how absurd would it be, when as they themselves to whom his chief vertue will be but to hearken, may with much better management and dispatch, with much more [Page 72] commendation of thir own worth and magnanimitie go­vern without a maister. Can the folly be paralleld, to adore and be the slaves of a single person for doing that which it is ten thousand to one whether he can or will do, and we without him might do more easily, more effectually, more laudably our selves? Shall we never grow old anough to be wise to make seasonable use of gravest autorities, experiences, examples? Is it such an un­speakable joy to serve, such felicitie to wear a yoke? to clink our shackles, lockt on by pretended law of subjection more intolerable and hopeless to be ever shaken off, then [Page 73] those which are knockt on by illegal injurie and violence? Aristotle, our chief instructer in the Universities, least this doctrine be thought Sectarian, as the royalist would have it thought, tels us in the third of his Politics, that certain men at first, for the matchless excellence of thir vertue above others, or som great public benifit, were created kings by the people; in small cities and territories, and in the scarci­tie of others to be found like them: but when they abus'd thir power and governments grew larger, and the number of prudent men increasd, that then the people soon deposing thir tyrants, betook them, in [Page 74] all civilest places, to the form of a free Commonwealth. And why should we thus disparage and prejudicate our own nati­on, as to fear a scarcitie of able and worthie men united in counsel to govern us, if we will but use diligence and im­partiality to finde them out and chuse them, rather yoking our selves to a single person, the natural adversarie and op­pressor of libertie, though good, yet far easier corrupt­ible by the excess of his singu­lar power and exaltation, or at best, not comparably suffi­cient to bear the weight of go­vernment, nor equally dis­pos'd to make us happie in the enjoyment of our libertie un­der him.

[Page 75] But admitt, that monarchie of it self may be convenient to som nations; yet to us who have thrown it out, receivd back again, it cannot but prove pernicious. For kings to com, never forgetting thir former ejection, will be sure to fortifie and arm them­selves sufficiently for the fu­ture against all such attempts hereafter from the people: who shall be then so narrowly watchd and kep so low, that though they would never so fain and at the same rate of thir blood and treasure, they never shall be able to regain what they now have purchasd and may enjoy, or to free them­selves from any yoke impos'd [Page 76] upon them: nor will they dare to go about it; utterly disheartn'd for the future, if these thir highest attempts prove unsuccesfull; which will be the triumph of all tyrants heerafter over any people that shall resist oppression; and thir song will then be, to o­thers, how sped the rebelli­ous English? to our posteritie, how sped the rebells your fa­thers? This is not my con­jecture, but drawn from God's known denouncement against the gentilizing Israelites; who though they were governd in a Commouwealth of God's own ordaining, he only thir king, they his peculiar peo­ple, yet affecting rather to [Page 77] resemble heathen, but pre­tending the misgovernment of Samuel's sons, no more a rea­son to dislike thir Common­wealth, then the violence of Eli's sons was imputable to that priesthood or religion, clamourd for a king. They had thir longing; but with this testimonie of God's wrath; ye shall cry out in that day be­cause of your king whom ye shall have chosen, and the Lord will not hear you in that day. Us if he shall hear now, how much less will he hear when we cry heerafter, who once deliverd by him from a king, and not without wondrous acts of his providence, insensible and un­worthie of those high m [...]ies, [Page 78] are returning precipitantly, if he withold us not, back to the captivitie from whence he freed us. Yet neither shall we obtain or buy at an easie rate this new guilded yoke which thus transports us: a new roy­al-revenue must be found, a new episcopal; for those are individual: both which being wholy dissipated or bought by privat persons or assign'd for service don, and especially to the Armie, cannot be reco­verd without a general detri­ment and confusion to mens estates, or a heavie imposition on all mens purses; benifit to none, but to the worst and ignoblest sort of men, whose hope is to be either the mini­sters [Page 79] of court riot and excess, or the gainers by it: But not to speak more of losses and ex­traordinarie levies on our esta­tes, what will then be the re­venges and offences remem­berd and returnd, not only by the chief person, but by all his adherents; accounts and reparations that will be re­quir'd, suites, incitements, inquities, discoveries, com­plaints, informations, who knows against whom or how many, though perhaps neu­ters, if not to utmost infli­ction, yet to imprisonment, fines, banishment, or mo­lestation; if not these, yet dis­favor, discountnance, disre­gard and contempt on all but [Page 80] the known royalist or whom he favors, will be plenteous: nor let the new royaliz'd pres­byterians perswade themselves that thir old doings, though now recanted, will be forgot­ten; what ever conditions be contriv'd or trusted on. Will they not beleeve this; nor re­member the pacification, how it was kept to the Scots; how other solemn promises many a time to us? Let them but now read the diabolical fore­running libells, the faces, the gestures that now appeer fore­most and briskest in all public places; as the harbingers of those that are in expectation to raign over us; let them but hear the insolencies, the mena­ces, [Page 81] the insultings of our newly animated common ene­mies crept lately out of thir holes, thir hell, I might say, by the language of thir infer­nal pamphlets, the spue of every drunkard, every ribald; nameless, yet not for want of licence, but for very shame of thir own vile persons, not daring to name themselves, while they traduce others by name; and give us to fore­see that they intend to second thir wicked words, if ever they have power, with more wicked deeds. Let our zea­lous backsliders forethink now with themselves, show thir necks yok'd with these ti­gers of Bacchus, these new [Page 82] fanatics of not the preaching but the sweating-tub, inspir'd with nothing holier then the Venereal pox, can draw one way under monarchie to the establishing of church disci­pline with these new-disgorg'd atheismes: yet shall they not have the honor to yoke with these, but shall be yok'd under them; these shall plow on their backs. And do they a­mong them who are so for­ward to bring in the single per­son, think to be by him tru­sted or long regarded? So trusted they shall be and so regarded, as by kings are wont reconcil'd enemies; neglected and soon after dis­carded, if not prosecuted for [Page 83] old traytors; the first inci­ters, beginners, and more then to the third part actors of all that followd; it will be found also, that there must be then as necessarily as now (for the con­trarie part will be still feard) a standing armie; which for cer­tain shall not be this, but of the fiercest Cavaliers, of no less ex­pence, and perhaps again under Rupert: but let this armie be sure they shall be soon dis­banded, and likeliest without a [...]rear or pay; and being dis­banded, not be sure but they may as soon be questiond for being in arms against thir king: the same let them fear, who have contributed monie; [Page 84] which will amount to no small number that must then take thir turn to be made delin­quents and compounders. They who past reason and recoverie are devoted to king­ship, perhaps will answer, that a greater part by far of the Na­tion will have it so; the rest therefor must yield. Not so much to convince these, which I little hope, as to confirm them who yield not, I reply; that this greatest part have both in reason and the trial of just battel, lost the right of their election what the government shall be: of them who have not lost that right, whether they for king­ship be the greater number, [Page 85] who can certainly determin? Suppose they be; yet of free­dom they partake all alike, one main end of government: which if the greater part value, not, but will degeneratly for­goe, is it just or reasonable, that most voices against the the main end of government should enslave the less num­ber that would be free? More just it is doubtless, if it com to force, that a less number com­pell a greater to retain, which can be no wrong to them, thir libertie, then that a greater number for the pleasure of thir baseness, compell a less most injuriously to be thir fellow slaves. They who seek nothing but thir own just libertie, have [Page 86] alwaies right to winn it and to keep it, when ever they have power, be the voices never so numerous that oppose it. And how much we above others are concernd to defend it from kingship, and from them who in pursuance therof so pernici­ously would betray us and themselves to most certain mi­serie and thraldom, will be needless to repeat.

Having thus far shewn with what ease we may now obtain a free Commonwealth, and by it with as much ease all the freedom, peace, justice, plentie that we can desire, on the o­ther side the difficulties, trou­bles, uncertainties, nay rather impossibilities to enjoy these [Page 87] things constantly under a mo­narch, I will now proceed to shew more particularly wherin our freedom and flourishing condition will be more ample and secure to us under a free Commonwealth then under kingship.

The whole freedom of man consists either in spiritual or ci­vil libertie. As for spiritual, who can be at rest, who can enjoy any thing in this world with contentment, who hath not li­bertie to serve God and to save his own soul, according to the best light which God hath planted in him to that purpose, by the reading of his reveal'd will and the guidance of his [Page 88] holy spirit? That this is best pleasing to God, and that the whole Protestant Church allows no supream judge or rule in matters of religion, but the scriptures, and these to be in­terpreted by the the scriptures themselves, which necessarily inferrs liberty of conscience, I have heretofore prov'd at large in another treatise, and might, yet furder by the public decla­rations, confessions and admo­nitions of whole churches and states, obvious in all historie since the Reformation.

This liberty of conscience which above all other things ought to be to all men dea­rest and most precious, no government more inclinable [Page 89] not to favor only but to pro­tect, then a free Common­wealth; as being most mag­nanimous, most fearless and confident of its own fair pro­ceedings. Wheras kingship, though looking big, yet in­deed most pusillanimous, full of fears, full of jealousies, startl'd at every ombrage, as it hath bin observd of old to have ever suspected most and mistrusted them who were in most esteem for vertue and generositie of minde, so it is now known to have most in doubt and suspicion them who are most reputed to be religi­ous. Queen Elizabeth though her self accounted so good a Protestant, so moderate, so [Page 90] confident of her Subjects love would never give way so much as to Presbyterian re­reformation in this land, though once and again be­sought, as Camden relates, but imprisond and persecuted the very proposers therof; allea­ging it as her minde & maxim unalterable, that such refor­mation would diminish regal autoritie. What liberty of conscience can we then ex­pect of others, far wors prin­cipl'd from the cradle, traind up and governd by Popish and Spanish counsels, and on such depending hitherto for sub­sistence? Especially what can this last Parlament expect, who having reviv'd lately and [Page 91] publishd the covnant, have re­ingag'd themselves, never to readmitt Episcopacie: which no son of Charls returning, but will most certainly bring back with him, if he regard the last and strictest charge of his father, to persevere in not the doctrin only, but go­vernment of the church of Eng­land; not to neglect the spee­die and effectual suppressing of errors and schisms; a­mong which he accounted Presbyterie one of the chief: or if notwithstanding that charge of his father, he sub­mitt to the covnant, how will he keep faith to us with diso­bedience to him; or regard that faith given, which must [Page 92] be founded on the breach of that last and solemnest pater­nal charge, and the reluctance, I may say the antipathie which is in all kings against Presby­terian and Independent disci­pline? for they hear the gos­pel speaking much of libertie; a word which monarchie and her bishops both fear and hate, but a free Commonwealth both favors and promotes; and not the word only, but the thing it self. But let our governors beware in time▪ least thir hard measure to libertie of conscience be found the rock wheron they ship wrack themselves as others have now don before them in the cours wherin God was di­recting [Page 93] thir stearage to a free Commonwealth, and the a­bandoning of all those whom they call sectaries, for the de­tected falshood and ambition of som, be a wilfull rejection of thir own chief strength and interest in the freedom of all Protestant religion, under what abusive name soever ca­lumniated.

The other part of our free­dom consists in the civil rights and advancements of every person according to his merit: the enjoyment of those never more certain, and the access to these never more open, then in a free Commonwealth. Both which in my opinion may be best and soonest obtaind, if [Page 94] every countie in the land were made a kinde of subordinate Commonaltie or Common­wealth, and one chief town or more, according as the shire is in circuit, made cities, if they be not so call'd alreadie; where the nobilitie and chief gentry from a proportionable compas of territorie annexd to each citie, may build, hou­ses or palaces, befitting thir qualitie, may bear part in the government, make thir own judicial laws, or use these that are, and execute them by thir own elected judicatures and judges without appeal, in all things of civil government be­tween man and man. so they shall have justice in thir own [Page 95] hands, law executed fully and finally in thir own counties and precincts, long wishd, and spoken of, but never yet ob­taind; they shall have none then to blame but themselves, if it be not well administerd; and fewer laws to expect or fear from the supreme autori­tie; or to those that shall be made, of any great concern­ment to public libertie, they may without much trouble in these commonalties or in more general assemblies call'd to thir cities from the whole ter­ritorie on such occasion, de­clare and publish thir assent or dissent by deputies within a time limited sent to the Grand Councel: yet so as this thir [Page 96] judgment declar'd shal submitt to the greater number of o­ther counties or commonal­ties, and not avail them to any exemption of themselves, or refusal of agreement with the rest, as it may in any of the United Provinces, being so­vran within it self, oft times to the great disadvantage of that union. In these imploiments they may much better then they do now, exercise and fit themselves, till thir lot fall to be chosen into the Grand Councel, according as thir worth and merit shall be taken notice of by the people. As for controversies that shall happen between men of seve­ral counties, they may repair, [Page 97] as they do now, to the ca­pital citie, or any other more commodious, indifferent place and equal judges. And this I finde to have bin practisd in the old Athenian Com­monwealth, reputed the first and ancientest place of civili­tie in all Greece; that they had in thir several cities, a peculiar; in Athens, a common govern­ment; and thir right, as it be­fell them, to the administrati­on of both. They should have heer also schools and acade­mies at thir own choice, wherin thir children may be bred up in thir own sight to all learning and noble educa­tion not in grammar only, but in all liberal ars and exerci­ses. [Page 98] This would soon spread much more knowledge and civilitie, yea religion through all parts of the land, by com­municating the natural heat of government and culture more distributively to all ex­treme parts, which now lie numm and neglected, would soon make the whole nation more industrious, more inge­nuous at home, more potent, more honorable abroad. To this a free Commonwealth will easily assent; (nay the Parlament hath had alreadie som such thing in designe) for of all governments [...] Commonwealth aims most to make the people flourishing, vertuous, noble and high spi­rited. [Page 99] Monarchs will never permitt: whose aim is to make the people, wealthie indeed perhaps and well fleec't, for thir own she [...]ing and the sup­plie of regal prodigalitie; but otherwise softest, basest, viti­ousest, servilest, easiest to be kept under; and not only in fleece, [...]ut in minde also sheepishest; and will have all the benches of judicature an­nexd to the throne, as a gift of royal grace that we have justice don us; when as no­thing can be more essential to the freedom of a people, then to have the administration of justice and all public orna­ments in thir own election and within thir own bounds, with­out [Page 100] long travelling or depend­ing on remote places to obtain thir right or any civil accom­plishment; so it be not su­preme, but subordinate to the general power and union of the whole Republic. In which happy firmness as in the par­ticular above mentiond, we shall also far exce [...] the Uni­ted Provinces, by having, not as they (to the retarding and distracting oft times of thir counsels or urgentest occasi­ons) many Sovranties united in one Commonwealth, but many Commonwealths under one united and entrusted Sovrantie. And when we have our forces by sea and land, either of a faithful Armie [Page 101] or a setl'd Militia, in our own hands to the firm establishing of a free Commonwealth, pub­lick accounts under our own inspection, general laws and taxes with thir causes in our own domestic suffrages, ju­dicial laws, offices and orna­ments at home in our own ordering and administration, all distinction of lords and commoners, that may any way divide or sever the publick in­terest, remov'd, what can a perpetual senat have then wherin to grow corrupt, wher­in to encroach upon us or usurp; or if they do, wherin to be formidable? Yet if all this avail not to remove the fear or envie of a perpetual [Page 102] sitting, it may be easilie pro­vided, to change a third part of them yearly or every two or three years, as was above mentiond; or that it be at those times in the peoples choice, whether they will change them, or renew thir power, as they shall finde cause.

I have no more to say at present: few words will save us, well considerd; few and ea­sie things, now seasonably don. But if the people be so affected, as to prostitute religi­on and libertie to the vain and groundless apprehension, that nothing but kingship can re­store trade, not remembring the frequent plagues and pesti­lences [Page 103] that then wasted this citie, such as through God's mercie we never have felt since, and that trade flourishes no where more then in the free Commonwealths of Italie, Germanie, and the Low-Coun­tries before thir eyes at this day, yet if trade be grown so craving and importunate through the profuse living of tradesmen, that nothing can support it, but the luxurious expences of a nation upon trifles or super­fluities, so as if the people gene­rally should betake them­selves to frugalitie, it might prove a dangerous matter, least tradesmen should mutinie for want of trading, and that therefor we must forgoe & set [Page 104] to sale religion, libertie, honor, safetie, all concernments Di­vine or human to keep up tra­ding, if lastly, after all this light among us, the same rea­son shall pass for current to put our necks again under kingship, as was made use of by the Jews to returne back to Egypt and to the worship of thir idol queen, because they falsly imagind that they then livd in more plentie and pros­peritie, our condition is not sound but rotten, both in re­ligion and all civil prudence; and will bring us soon, the way we are marching, to those calamities which attend al­waies and unavoidably on lu­xurie, all national judgments [Page 105] under forein or domestic slave­rie: so far we shall be from men­ding our condition by monar­chizing our government, what­ever new conceit now possesses us. However with all hazard I have ventur'd what I thought my duty to speak in season, and to forewarne my countrey in time: wherin I doubt not but ther be many wise men in all places and degrees, but am sorrie the effects of wisdom are so little seen among us. Many circumstances and par­ticulars I could have added in those things wherof I have spoken; but a few main mat­ters now put speedily in exe­cution, will suffice to recover us, and set all right: and ther [Page 106] will want at no time who are good at circumstances; but men who set thir mindes on main matters and sufficiently urge them, in these most dif­ficult times I finde not many. What I have spoken, is the language of that which is not call'd amiss the good Old Cause: if it seem strange to any, it will not seem more strange, I hope, then convincing to backsliders. Thus much I should perhaps have said though I were sure I should have spoken only to trees and stones; and had none to cry to, but with the Prophet, O earth, earth, earth! to tell the very soil it self, what her perverse inhabitants are deaf [Page 107] to. Nay though what I have spoke, should happ'n (which Thou suffer not, who didst create mankinde free; nor Thou next, who didst redeem us from being servants of men!) to be the last words of our expiring libertie. But I trust I shall have spoken per­swasion to abundance of sen­sible and ingenuous men: to som perhaps whom God may raise of these stones to become children of reviving libertie; and may reclaim, though they seem now chusing them a cap­tain back for Egypt, to be­think themselves a little and consider whether they are rushing; to exhort this torrent also of the people, not to be [Page 108] so impetuos, but to keep thir due channell; and at length recovering and uniting thir better resolutions, now that they see alreadie how open and unbounded the insolence and rage is of our common enemies, to stay these ruinous proceedings; justly and time­ly fearing to what a precipice of destruction the deluge of this epidemic madness would hurrie us through the general defection of a misguided and abus'd multitude.