THe beginning of Nations, those excep­ted of whom sacred Books have spok'n, is to this day unknown. Nor only the beginning, but the deeds also of many succeeding Ages, yea periods of Ages, either wholly unknown, or obscur'd and blemisht with Fables. Whether it were that the use of Letters came in long after, or were it the vio­lence of barbarous inundations, or they themselves at certain revolutions of time, fatally decaying, and [Page 2] degenerating into Sloth and Ignorance; wherby the monuments of more ancient civility have bin som destroy'd, som lost. Perhaps dis-esteem and contempt of the public affairs then present, as not worth recording, might partly be in cause. Cer­tainly oft-times we see that wise men, and of best abilitie have forborn to write the Acts of thir own daies, while they beheld with a just loathing and disdain, not only how unworthy, how pervers, how corrupt, but often how ignoble, how petty, how below all History the persons and thir actions were; who either by fortune, or som rude election had at­tain'd as a sore judgment, and ignominie upon the Land, to have cheif sway in managing the Common-wealth. But that any law, or superstition of our old Philosophers the Druids forbad the Britains to write thir memorable deeds, I know not why any out of Caesar should allege: he indeed saith, that thir do­ctrine they thought not lawful to commit to Letters; Cas. l. 6. but in most matters else, both privat, and public, among which well may History be reck'nd, they us'd the Greek Tongue: and that the British Druids who taught those in Gaule would be ignorant of any Language known and us'd by thir Disciples, or so frequently writing other things, and so inquisitive into highest, would for want of recording be ever Children in the Knowledge of Times and Ages, is not likely. What ever might be the reason, this we find, that of British affairs, from the first peopling of the Iland to the coming of Julius Caesar, nothing certain, either by Tradition, History, or Ancient Fame hath hitherto bin left us. That which we have of oldest seeming, hath by the greater part of judici­ous Antiquaries bin long rejected for a modern Fable.

[Page 3] Nevertheless there being others besides the first suppos'd Author, men not unread, nor unlerned in Antiquitie, who admitt that for approved story, which the former explode for fiction, and seeing that oft-times relations heertofore accounted fabulous have bin after found to contain in them many foot­steps, and reliques of somthing true, as what we read in Poets of the Flood, and Giants little be­leev'd, till undoubted witnesses taught us, that all was not fain'd; I have therfore determin'd to bestow the telling over ev'n of these reputed Tales; be it for nothing else but in favour of our English Poets, and Rhetoricians, who by thir Art will know, how to use them judiciously.

I might also produce example, as Diodorus among the Greeks, Livie and others of the Latines, Polydore and Virunnius accounted among our own Writers. But I intend not with controversies and quotations to delay or interrupt the smooth course of History; much less to argue and debate long who were the first Inhabitants, with what probabilities, what au­thorities each opinion hath bin upheld, but shall en­devor that which hitherto hath bin needed most, with plain, and lightsom brevity, to relate well and orderly things worth the nothing, so as may best in­struct and benefit them that read. Which, implo­ring divine assistance, that it may redound to his glory, and the good of the British Nation, I now begin.

That the whole Earth was inhabited before the Flood, and to the utmost point of habitable ground, from those effectual words of God in the Creation, may be more then conjectur'd. Hence that this Iland also had her dwellers, her affairs, and perhaps her stories, eev'n in that old World those many hun­derd [Page 4] years, with much reason we may inferr. After the Flood, and the dispersing of Nations, as they journey'd leasurely from the East, Gomer the eldest Son of Japhet, and his off-spring, as by Authorities, Arguments, and Affinitie of divers names is generally beleev'd, were the first that peopl'd all these West and Northren Climes. But they of our own Wri­ters, who thought they had don nothing, unless with all circumstance they tell us when, and who first set foot upon this Iland, presume to name out of fabulous and counterfet Authors a certain Samothes or Dis, a fowrth or sixt Son of Japhet, whom they make about 200 years after the Flood, to have planted with Colonies; first the Continent of Cel­tica, or Gaule, and next this Iland; Thence to have nam'd it Samothea, to have reign'd heer, and after him lineally fowr Kings, Magus, Saron, Druis, and Bardus. But the forg'd Berosus, whom only they have to cite, no where mentions that either hee, or any of those whom they bring, did ever pass into Britain, or send thir people hither. So that this out-landish figment may easily excuse our not allow­ing it the room heer so much as of a British Fable.

That which follows, perhaps as wide from truth, though seeming less impertinent, is, that these Samo­theans under the Reign of Bardus were subdu'd by Albion a Giant, Son of Neptune: who call'd the Iland after his own name, and rul'd it 44 years. Till at length passing over into Gaul, in aid of his Brother Lestrygon, against whom Hercules was hasting out of Spain into Italy, he was there slain in fight, and Ber­gion also his Brother.

Sure anough we are, that Britan hath bin ancient­ly term'd Albion, both by the Greeks and Romans. [Page 5] And Mela the Geographer makes mention of a stonie shoar in Languedoc, where by report such a Battel was fought. The rest, as his giving name to the Ile, or ever landing heer, depends altogether upon late surmises. But too absurd, and too unconscionably gross is that fond invention that wafted hither the fifty daughters of a strange Dioclesian King of Syria; brought in doubtles by som illiterat pretender to somthing mistak'n in the Common Poetical Story of Danaus King of Argos, while his vanity, not pleas'd with the obscure beginning which truest Antiquity affords the Nation, labour'd to contrive us a Pedi­gree, as he thought, more noble. These Daughters by appointment of Danaus on the mariage-night ha­ving murder'd all thir Husbands, except Linceus, whom his Wives loialty sav'd, were by him at the suit of his Wife thir Sister, not put to death, but turn'd out to Sea in a Ship unmann'd; of which whole Sex they had incurr'd the hate: and as the Tale goes, were driv'n on this Iland. Where the Inhabitants, none but Devils, as som write, or as others, a lawless crew left heer by Albion without Head or Governour, both entertain'd them, and had issue by them a second breed of Giants, who ty­ranniz'd the Ile, till Brutus came.

The Eldest of these Dames in thir Legend they call Albina; and from thence, for which cause the whole scene was fram'd, will have the name Albion deriv'd. Incredible it may seem so sluggish a conceit should prove so ancient, as to be authoriz'd by the El­der Ninnius, reputed to have liv'd above a thousand years agoe. This I find not in him; but that Histion Holinshed. sprung of Japhet, had four Sons; Francus, Romanus, Alemannus, and Britto, of whom the Britans; as true, I beleeve, as that those other Nations whose names [Page 6] are resembl'd, came of the other three; if these Dreams give not just occasion to call in doubt the Book it self, which bears that title.

Hitherto the things themselves have giv'n us a warrantable dispatch to run them soon over. But now of Brutus and his Line, with the whole Progeny of Kings, to the entrance of Julius Caesar, we can­not so easily be discharg'd; Descents of Ancestry, long continu'd, laws and exploits not plainly seeming to be borrow'd, or devis'd, which on the common beleif have wrought no small impression: defended by many, deny'd utterly by few. For what though Brutus, and the whole Trojan pretence were yeelded up, seeing they who first devis'd to bring us from som noble Ancestor were content at first with Brutus the Consul; till better invention, although not willing to forgoe the name, taught them to remove it higher into a more fabulous Age, by the same remove light­ing on the Trojan Tales in affectation to make the Britan of one Original with the Roman, pitch'd there, yet those old and inborn names of successive Kings, never any to have bin real persons, or don in thir lives at least som part of what so long hath bin remember'd, cannot be thought without too strict an incredulity.

For these, and those causes above mention'd, that which hath receav'd approbation from so many, I have chos'n not to omitt. Certain or uncertain, be that upon the credit of those whom I must follow; so far as keeps alooff from impossible and absurd, at­tested by ancient Writers from Books more ancient I refuse not, as the due and proper subject of Story. The principal Author is well know'n to be Geoffrey of Monmouth; what he was, and whence his authority, who in his age or before him have deliver'd the same [Page 7] matter, and such like general discourses, will better stand in a Treatise by themselvs. All of them agree Henry of Hunting don. Matthew of Westminster. in this, that Brutus was the Son of Silvius; he of Ascanius; whose Father was Aeneas a Trojan Prince, who at the burning of that City, with his Son Asca­nius, and a collected number that escap'd, after long wandring on the Sea, arriv'd in Italy. Where at length by the assistance of Latinus King of Latium, who had giv'n him his Daughter Lavinia, he obtain'd to succeed in that Kingdom, and left it to Ascanius, whose Son Silvius (though Roman Histories deny Silvius to be Son of Ascanius) had maried secretly a Neece of Lavinia.

She being with Child, the matter became known to Ascanius. Who commanding his Magicians to enquire by Art, what sex the Maid had conceiv'd, had answer, that it was one who should be the death of both his Parents; and banish'd for the fact, should after all in a farr Country attain to highest honour. The pre­diction fail'd not, for intravel the Mother di'd. And Brutus (the Child was so call'd) at fifteen years of Age, attending his Father to the Chace, with an ar­row unfortunately kill'd him.

Banish'd therefore by his kindred he retires into Greece. Where meeting with the race of Helenus King Priams Son, held there in servile condition by Pandrasus then King, with them he abides. For Pirrhus in revenge of his Father slain at Troy had brought thither with him Helenus, and many others into servitude. There Brutus among his own stock so thrives in vertue and in Arms, as renders him be­lov'd to Kings, and great Captains above all the Youth of that Land. Wherby the Trojans not only beginn to hope, but secretly to move him, that he would lead them the way to liberty. They allege [Page 8] their numbers, and the promis'd help of Assaracus a Noble Greekish Youth, by the Mothers side a Trojan; whom for that cause his Brother went about to dis­possess of certain Castles bequeath'd him by his Fa­ther. Brutus considering both the Forces offer'd him, and the strength of those Holds, not unwillingly consents.

First therfore having fortifi'd those Castles, he with Assaracus and the whole multitude betake them to the Woods and Hills; as the safest place from whence to expostulate; and in the name of all sends to Pandrasus this Message; That the Trojans holding it unworthy thir Ancestors to serv in a Foren Kingdom, had retreated to the Woods; choosing rather a Savage life then a slavish; If that displeas'd him, that then with his leave they might depart to some other soil.

As this may pass with good allowance, that the Trojans might be many in these parts, for Helenus was by Pirrhus made King of the Chaouians, and the Sons of Pirrhus by Andromache Hectors Wise could not but be powerful through all Epirus, so much the more it may be doubted, how these Trojans could be thus in bondage, where they had Freinds and Country-men so Potent. But to examin these things with dili­gence, were but to confute the Fables of Britan with the Fables of Greece or Italy; for of this Age, what we have to say, as well concerning most other Coun­tries, as this Iland, is equally under Question. Bee't how it will, Pandrasus not expecting so bold a mes­sage from the Sons of Captives, gathers an Army. And marching toward the Woods, Brutus who had no­tice of his approach nigh to a Town call'd Sparatinum, (I know not what Towne, but certaine of no Greek name) over night planting himself there with good part of his men, suddenly sets upon him, and with [Page 9] slaughter of the Greeks pursues him to the passage of a River, which mine Author names Akalon, meaning perhaps Achelous, or Acheron: where at the Ford he overlaies them afresh. This victory obtain'd, and a sufficient strength left in Sparatinum, Bru­tus with Antigonus, the Kings Brother and his Freind Anacletus, whom he had tak'n in the fight, returns to the residue of his freinds in the thick Woods. While Pandrasus with all speed re­collecting, beseiges the Town. Brutus to releive his men beseig'd, who earnestly call'd him, distrusting the sufficiency of his force, bethinks himself of this Policy. Calls to him Anacletus, and threatning in­stant death else, both to him and his freind Antigonus, enjoyns him, that he should goe at the second howr of night to the Greekish Leagre, and tell the Guards he had brought Antigonus by stealth out of Prison to a certain woody Vale; unable through the waight of his Fetters to move furder: entreating them to come speedily and fetch him in. Anacletus to save both himself and his freind Antigonus, swears this; and at fit howr setts on alone toward the Camp: is mett, examin'd, and at last unquestionably known. To whom, great profession of fidelity first made, he frames his Tale, as had bin taught him: and they now fully assur'd, with a credulous rashness leaving thir Stations, far'd accordingly by the ambush that there awaited them. Forthwith Brutus dividing his men into three parts, leads on in silence to the Camp; commanding first each part at a several place to en­ter, and forbear Execution, till he with his Squadron posses'd of the Kings Tent, gave Signal to them by Trumpet. The sound whereof no sooner heard, but huge havock begins upon the sleeping, and un­guarded Enemy; whom the beseiged also now sally­ing [Page 10] forth, on the other side assaile. Brutus the while had special care to seise and secure the Kings Person; whose life still within his Custody, he knew was the surest pledge to obtain what he should demand. Day appearing, he enters the Town, there distributes the Kings Treasury, and leaving the place better fortify'd, returns with the King his Prisner to the Woods. Strait the ancient and grave men he summons to Counsell, what they should now demand of the King.

After long debate Mempricius, one of the gravest, utterly dissuading them from thought of longer stay in Greece, unlesse they meant to be deluded with a suttle peace, and the awaited revenge of those whose freinds they had slain, advises them to demand first the Kings Eldest Daughter Innogen in mariage to thir Leader Brutus, with a rich dowry, next shipping, mo­ny, and fitt provision for them all to depart the Land.

This resolution pleasing best, the King now brought in, and plac'd in a high Seat, is breifly told, that on these conditions granted, he might be free, not granted, he must prepare to die.

Prest with fear of death the King readily yeelds: especially to bestow his Daughter on whom he con­fess'd so Noble and so Valiant: offers them also the third part of his Kingdom, if they like to stay; if not, to be thir Hostage himself, till he had made good his word.

The Mariage therfore solemniz'd, and shipping from all parts got together, the Trojans in a Fleet, no less writt'n then three hunderd fowr and twenty Sail, betake them to the wide Sea; where with a prospe­rous course two daies and a night bring them on a certain Iland long before dispeopl'd and left wast by Sea-Roavers; the name wherof was then Leogecia, now unknow'n. They who were sent out to disco­ver, [Page 11] came at length to a ruin'd City; where was a Temple and Image of Diana that gave Oracles: but not meeting first or last save wild Beasts, they return with this notice to thir Ships: Wishing thir General would enquire of that Oracle what voiage to pursue.

Consultation had, Brutus taking with him Geriou his Diviner, and twely of the ancientest, with won­ted Ceremonies before the inward shrine of the Goddess, in Verse, as it seems the manner was, utters his request, Diva potens nemorum, &c.

To whom sleeping before the Altar, Diana in a Vision that night thus answer'd, Brute sub occasum Solis, &c.

These Verses Originally Greek, were put in La­tin, saith Virunnius, by Gildas a British Poet, and him to have liv'd under Claudius. Which granted true, [Page 12] adds much to the Antiquitie of this Fable; and in­deed the Latin Verses are much better, then for the Age of Geoffrey ap- Arthur, unless perhaps Joseph of Exeter, the only smooth Poet of those times, be­freinded him; in this Diana overshot her Oracle thus ending, Ipsis totiusterrae subditus orbis erit, That to the race of Brute Kings of this Iland, the whole Earth shall be subject.

But Brutus guided now, as he thought, by divine conduct, speeds him towards the West; and after som encounters on the Afric side, arrives at a place on the Tyrrhen Sea; where he happ'ns to find the Race of those Trojans who with Antenor came into Italy; and Corineus a man much fam'd, was thir Cheif: though by surer Authors it be reported, that those Trojans with Antenor, were seated on the other side of Italie, on the Adriatic, not the Tyrrhen shoar. But these joyning Company, and past the Herculean Pillars, at the mouth of Ligeris in Aquitania cast Anchor, Where after som disco­very made of the place, Corineus Hunting nigh the shoar with his Men, is by Messengers of the King Goffarius Pictus mett, and question'd about his Er­rand there. Who not answering to thir mind, Im­bertus, one of them, lets fly an Arrow at Corineus, which he avoiding, slaies him: and the Pictavian himself heerupon levying his whole Force, is over-thrown by Brutus, and Corineus; who with the Bat­tell Ax which he was wont to manage against the Tyrrhen Giants is said to have done marvells. But Goffarius having draw'n to his aid the whole Coun­try of Gaul, at that time govern'd by twelv Kings, puts his Fortune to a second Trial, Wherin the Trojans over-born by multitude, are driv'n back, and beseigd in thir own Camp, which by good foresight [Page 13] was strongly situate. Whence Brutus unexpectedly issuing out, and Corineus in the mean while, whose device it was, assaulting them behind from a Wood, where he had convayd his men the night before: The Trojans are again Victors, but with the loss of Turon a Valiant Nefew of Brutus; whose Ashes left in that place, gave name to the City of Tours, built there by the Trojans. Brutus finding now his pow­ers much lessn'd, and this yet not the place foretold him, leavs Aquitain, and with an easie course, arri­ving at Totness in Dev'nshire, quickly perceivs heer to be the promis'd end of his labours.

The Iland not yet Britain but Albion, was in a manner desert and inhospitable; kept only by a rem­nant of Giants; whose excessive Force and Tyranie had consum'd the rest. Them Brutus destroies, and to his people divides the Land, which with som re­ference to his own name he thenceforth calls Britain. To Corineus, Cornwal, as now we call it, fell by Lot; the rather by him lik't, for that the hugest Giants, in Rocks and Caves were said to lurk still there; which kind of Monsters to deal with was his old ex­ercise.

And heer, with leave be-spok'n to recite a grand Fable, though dignify'd by our best Poets; while Bru­tus on a certain Festival day solemnly kept on that shoar, where he first landed, was with the people in great jollity and mirth, a crew of these Savages breaking in upon them, began on the suddain another sort of Game then at such a meeting was expected. But at length by many hands overcome, Goëmagog the hugest, in higth twelv Cubits, is reserv'd alive; that with him Corineus, who desir'd nothing more, might try his strength; Whom in a Wrestle the Giant catching aloft, with a terrible hugg broke three [Page 14] of his Ribs: nevertheless Corineus enrag'd, heaving him up by main force, and on his Shoulders bearing him to the next high Rock, threw him headlong all shatter'd into the Sea, and left his name on the Cliff, call'd ever since Langoëmagog, which is to say, the Giants leap.

After this, Brutus in a chosen place builds Troia nova, chang'd in time to Trinovantum, now London: and began to enact Laws; Heli beeing then high Preist in Judaea: and having govern'd the whole Ile 24 Years, dy'd, and was buried in his new Troy. His three Sons Locrine, Albanact, and Camber divide the Land by consent. Locrine had the middle part Loëgria; Camber possess'd Cambria or Wales; Albanact Albania, now Scotland. But he in the end by Hum­ber King of the Hunns, who with a Fleet invaded that Land, was slain in fight, and his people driv'n back into Loëgria. Locrine and his Brother goe out against Humber; who now marching onward, was by them defeated, and in a River drown'd, which to this day retains his name. Among the spoils of his Camp and Navy, were found certain young Maids, and Estrildis, above the rest, passing fair; the Daugh­ter of a King in Germany; from whence Humber, as he went wasting the Sea-Coast, had led her Captive: whom Locrine, though before contracted to the Daughter of Corineus, resolvs to marry. But beeing forc'd and threatn'd by Corineus, whose Autority, and power he fear'd, Guendolen the Daughter he yeelds to marry, but in secret loves the other: and oft-times retiring as to som privat Sacrifice, through Vaults and passages made under ground; and seven years thus enjoying her, had by her a Daughter equally fair, whose name was Sabra. But when once his fear was off by the Death of Corineus, not [Page 15] content with secret enjoyment, divorcing Guendolen, he makes Estrildis now his Queen. Guendolen all in rage departs into Cornwall; where Madan, the Son she had by Locrine, was hitherto brought up by Cori­neus his Grandfather. And gathering an Army of her Fathers Friends and Subjects, gives Battail to her Husband by the River Sture; wherein Locrine shot with an Arrow ends his life. But not so ends the fury of Guendolen; for Estrildis and her Daughter Sabra, she throws into a River: and to leave a Mo­nument of revenge, proclaims, that the stream be thenceforth call'd after the Damsels name; which by length of time is chang'd now to Sabrina, or Severn.

Fifteen Years she governs in behalf of her Son; then resigning to him at Age, retires to her Fathers Dominion. This saith my Author, was in the daies of Samuel. Madan hath the praise to have well and peacefully rul'd the space of 40 years; leaving be­hind him two Sons, Memprioius, and Malim. Mem­pricius had first to doe with the ambition of his Bro­ther, aspiring to share with him in the Kingdom; whom therfore at a meeting to compose matters, with a treachery which his cause needed not, he slew.

Nor was he better in the sole possession, wherof so ill he could endure a Partner, killing his Nobles, and those especially next to succeed him; till lastly giv'n over to unnaturall lust, in the twentith of his Reigne, hunting in a Forest, he was devowr'd by Wolves.

His Son Ebranc a man of mighty strength and sta­ture, Reign'd 40 Years. He first after Brutus wa­sted Gaul; and returning rich and prosperous, build­ed Caerebranc, now York; in Albania Alclud, Mount [Page 16] Agned, or the Castle of Maydens, now Edinburgh. He had 20 Sons and 30 Daughters by 20 Wives. His Daughters he sent to Silvius Alba into Italy, who be­stow'd them on his Peers of the Trojan Line. His Sons under the leading of Assaracus thir Brother, won them Lands and Signories in Germany; thence call'd, from these Brethren Germania: a derivation too hastily suppos'd, perhaps before the word Ger­mannus or the Latin Tongue was in use. Som who have describ'd Henault, as Jacobus [...]ergomas, and Lessabeus, are cited to affirm that Ebr [...] [...] his Warre there, was by Brunchildis Lord of [...] put to the worse.

Brutus therfore surnamed Greenshield succeeding, to repair his Fathers losses, as the sam, Lessabeus re­ports, fought a second Battail in Henault with Brun­child at the mouth of Scaldis, and Encamp'd on the River Hania. Of which our Spencer also thus Sings.

But Henault, and Brunchild, and Greenesheild, seeme newer names then for a Story pretended thus Antient.

Him succeeded Leil, a maintainer of Peace and Equity; but slackn'd in his latter end, whence arose som civil discord. He built in the North Cairleil; and in the daies of Solomon.

Rudhuddibras, or Hudibras appeasing the commo­tions which his Father could not, fownded Caerkeynt or Canturbury, Caerguent, or Winchester, and Mount [Page 17] Paladur, now Septonia or Shaftsbury: but this by others is contradicted.

Bladud his Son built Caerbadus or Bathe, and those medcinable Waters he dedicated to Minerva, in whose Temple there he kept fire continually burn­ing. He was a man of great invention, and taught Necromancie: till having made him Wings to fly, he fell down upon the Temple of Apollo in Trinovant, and so dy'd after twenty years Reigne.

Hitherto from Father to Son the direct Line hath run on: but Leir who next Reign'd, had only three Daughters, and no Male Issue: govern'd laudably, and built Caer-Leir, now Leicestre, on the Bank of Sora. But at last, failing through Age, he deter­mines to bestow his Daughters, and so among them to divide his Kingdom. Yet first to try which of them lov'd him best (a Trial that might have made him, had he known as wisely how to try, as he seem'd to know how much the trying behoov'd him) he re­solves a simple resolution, to ask them solemly in or­der; and which of them should profess largest, her to beleev. Gonorill th' Eldest apprehending too well her Fathers weakness, makes answer invoking Heav'n, That she lov'd him above her Soul. Ther­fore, quoth the old man overjoy'd, since thou so ho­nourst my declin'd Age, to thee and the Husband whom thou shalt choose, I give the third part of my Realm. So fair a speeding for a few words soon utter'd, was to Regan the second, ample instruction what to say. She on the same demand spares no protesting, and the Gods must witness, that otherwise to express her thoughts she knew not, but that she lov'd him above all Creatures; and so receavs an equal reward with her Sister. But Cordelia the youngest, though hi­therto best belov'd, and now before her Eyes the [Page 18] rich and present hire of a little easie soothing, the danger also, and the loss likely to betide plain deal­ing, yet moves not from the solid purpose of a sin­cere and vertuous answer. Father, saith she, my love towards you, is as my duty bids; what should a Father seek, what can a Child promise more? they who pretend beyond this, flatter. When the old man, sorry to hear this, and wishing her to recall those words, persisted asking, with a loiall sadness at her Fathers infirmity, but somthing on the sudden, harsh, and glancing rather at her Sisters, then speaking her own mind, Two waies only, saith she, I have to answer what you require mee; the former, Your command is, I should recant; ac­cept then this other which is lest mee; look how much you have, so much is your value, and so much I love you. Then hear thou, quoth Leir now all in passion, what thy ingratitude hath gain'd thee; because thou hast not reverenc'd thy aged Father equall to thy Sisters, part in my Kingdom, or what else is mine reck'n to have none. And without de­lay gives in mariage his other Daughters, Gonorill to Maglaunus Duke of Albania, Regan to Henni­nus Duke of Cornwall; with them in present half his Kingdom; the rest to follow at his Death. In the mean while Fame was not sparing to divulge the wisdom, and other Graces of Cordeilla, inso­much that Aganippus a great King in Gaul (however he came by his Greek name) seeks her to Wife, and nothing alter'd at the loss of her Dowry, receavs her gladly in such manner as she was sent him. Af­ter this King Leir, more and more drooping with Years, became an easy prey to his Daughters and thir Husbands; who now by dayly encroachment had feis'd the whole Kingdom into thir hands: and the [Page 19] old King is put to sojorn with his Eldest Daughter, attended only by threescore Knights. But they in a short while grudg'd at, as too numerous and disor­derly for continuall Guests, are reduc'd to thirty. Not brooking that affront, the old King betakes him to his second Daughter: but there also discord soon arising between the Servants of differing Masters in one Family, five only are suffer'd to attend him. Then back again he returns to the other; hoping that she his Eldest could not but have more pity on his Gray Hairs: but she now refuses to admitt him, unless he be content with one only of his followers. At last the remembrance of his youngest Cordeilla comes to his thoughts; and now acknowledging how true her words had bin, though with little hope from whom he had so injur'd, be it but to pay her the last recompence she can have from him, his confession of her wise forewarning, that so perhaps his misery, the prooff and experiment of her Wisdom, might somthing soft'n her, he takes his Journey into France. Now might be seen a difference between the si­lent, or down-right spok'n affection of som Children to thir Parents, and the talkative obsequiousness of others; while the hope of Inheritance over-acts them, and on the Tongues end enlarges thir duty. Cordeilla out of meer love, without the suspicion of expected reward, at the message only of her Father in distress, powrs forth true filial tears. And not en­during either that her own, or any other Eye should see him in such forlorn condition as his Messenger de­clar'd, discreetly appoints one of her trusted Ser­vants, first to convay him privately toward som good Sea Town, there to array him, bathe him, cherish him, furnish him with such Attendance and State, as [Page 20] beseemd his Dignity. That then, as from his first Landing, he might send word of his Arrival to her Husband Aganippus. Which don with all mature, and requisite contrivance, Cordelia with the King her Husband, and all the Barony of his Realm, who then first had news of his passing the Sea, goe out to meet him; and after all honourable and joy­full entertainment, Aganippus, as to his Wives Fa­ther, and his Royall Guest, surrenders him, during his abode there, the power, and disposal of his whole Dominion: permitting his Wife Cordeilla to go with an Army, and set her Father upon his Throne. Wherin her piety so prosper'd, as that she vanquish'd her impious Sisters with those Dukes, and Leir again, as saith the story, three years obtain'd the Crown. To whom dying, Cordeilla with all regal Solemnities gave Burial in the Town of Leicestre. And then as right Heir succeeding, and her Husband dead, rul'd the Land five years in Peace. Untill Marganus and Cunedagius her two Sisters Sons, not bearing that a Kingdom should be govern'd by a Woman, in the un­seasonablest time to raise that quarrel against a Wo­man so worthy, make War against her, depose her, and imprison her; of which impatient, and now long unexercis'd to suffer, she there, as is related, killd her self. The Victors between them part the Land: but Marganus the Eldest Sisters Son, who held by agreement from the North-side of Humber to Cath­ness, incited by those about him, to invade all as his own right, warres on Cunedagius; who soon met him, overcame, and overtook him in a Town of Wales, where he left his life, and ever since his name to the place.

Cuncdagius was now sole King, and govern'd with [Page 21] much praise many years; about the time when Rome was built.

Him succeeded Rivallo his Son, wise also and for­tunat; save what they tell us of three daies raining blood, and swarmes of stinging Flies, whereof men dy'd. In order then Gurgustius, Jago or Lago, his Nefew; Sisillius, Kinmarcus. Then Gorbogudo, whom others name Gorbodego, and Gorbodion, who had two Sons, Ferrex, and Porrex. They in the old Age of thir Father falling to contend who should succeed, Porrex attempting by treachery his Brothers life, drives him into France; and in his return though aided with the force of that Country, defeats and slaies him. But by his Mother Videna who less lov'd him, is himself, with the assistance of her Women, soon after slain in his Bed: With whom ended, as is thought, the Line of Brutus. Whereupon, the whole Land with civil broils was rent into five Kingdoms, long time waging Warr each on other; and som say 50 Years. At length Dunwallo Molmutius the Son of Cloten King of Cornwall, one of the foresaid five, excelling in valour, and goodliness of person, after his Fa­thers decease found means to reduce again the whole Iland into a Monarchy: subduing the rest at oppor­tunities. First Y [...]ner King of Loegria whom he slew; then Rudaucus of Cambria, Staterius of Alba­nia, confederat together. In which fight Dunwallo is reported, while the Victory hung doubtfull, to have us'd this Art. He takes with him 600 Stout men, bids them put on the Armour of thir slain Enemies; and so unexpectedly approaching the Squadron, where those two Kings had plac'd themselvs in fight, from that part which they thought securest, assaults, and dispatches them. Then displaying his own Ensignes which before he had conceal'd, and sending notice [Page 22] to the other part of his Army what was don, adds to them new courage, and gains a final Victory. This Dunwallo was the first in Britain that wore a Crown of Gold; and therfore by som reputed the first King. He established the Molmutine Laws, famous among the English to this day; writt'n long after in Latine by Gildas, and in Saxon by King Alfred: so saith Geofrey, but Gildas denies to have known aught of the Britans before Caesar; much less knew Alfred. These Laws, whoever made them, bestow'd on Temples the privilege of Sanctuary; to Cities also, and the waies thether leading, yea to Plows granted a kind of like refuge: and made such rid­dance of Theeves and Robbers, that all passages were safe. Forty Years he Govern'd alone, and was buried nigh to the Temple of Concord; which he, to the memory of peace restor'd, had built in Trinovant.

His two Sons Belinus and Brennus contending about the Crown, by decision of Freinds came at length to an accord; Brennus to have the North of Humber, Belinus the Sovrantie of all. But the young­er not long so contented, that he, as they whisper'd to him, whose valour had so oft repell'd the invasi­ons of Ceulphus the Morine Duke, should now be sub­ject to his Brother, upon new Designe fails into Nor­way; enters League and Affinitie with Elsing that King; which Belinus perceaving, in his absence dis­posseses him of all the North. Brennus with a Fleet of Norwegians makes toward Britain; but encoun­ter'd by Guithlac the Danish King, who laying claim to his Bride, pursu'd him on the Sea, his hast was retarded, and he berest of his Spouse: who from the fight by a sudden Tempest, was by the Danish King driv'n on Northumberland, and brought to [Page 23] Belinus. Brennus nevertheless recollecting his Navy, lands in Albania, and gives Battell to his Brother in the Wood Calaterium; but loosing the day, escapes with one single Ship into Gaul. Mean while the Dane upon his own offer to be­come tributary, sent home with his new prise, Beli­nus returns his thoughts to the administring of Ju­stice, and the perfeting of his Fathers Laws; and to explain what High-waies might enjoy the foresaid privileges, he caus'd to be drawn out and pav'd fowr main Roades to the utmost length and bredth of the Iland; and two others athwart; which are since attributed to the Romans. Bren-Brennus on the other side solliciting to his aid the Kings of Gaul, happ'ns at last on Seginus Duke of the Allobreges; where his worth, and comliness of person wan him the Dukes Daughter and Heir. In whose right he shortly succeeding, and by obtain'd leave passing with a great Host through the length of Gaul, gets footing once again in Britain. Nor was Belinus unprepar'd, and now the Battell ready to joyn, Conuvenna the Mother of them both all in a fright, throws her self between; and calling ear­nestly to Brennus her Son, whose absence had so long depriv'd her of his sight, after imbracements and teares, assails him with such a motherly power, and the mention of things so dear and reverend, as irre­sistibly wrung from him all his enmity against Belinus.

Then are hands joyn'd, reconciliation made firm, and Counsel held to turn thir united preparations on Foren parts. Thence that by these two all Gallia was overrun, the story tells; and what they did in Italy, and at Rome, if these be they, and not Gauls, who took that City, the Roman Authors can best re­late. [Page 24] So far from home I undertake not for the Mon­mouth Chronicle; which heer against the stream of Hi­story carries up and down these Brethren, now into Germany, then again to Rome, pursuing Gabius and Porsena, two unheard of Consuls. Thus much is more generally beleev'd, that both this Brennus, and ano­ther famous Captain, Britomarus, whom the Epito­mist Florus and others mention, were not Gauls but Britans; the name of the first in that Tongue sig­nifying a King, and of the other a Great Britan. However Belinus after a while returning home, the rest of his daies rul'd in Peace, Wealth, and Ho­nour above all his Predecessors; building som Cities, of which one was Caerose upon Osca, since Caerlegion; beautifying others, as Trinovant with a Gate, a Hav'n, and a Towr, on the Thames, retain­ing yet his name; on the top wherof his Ashes are said to have bin laid up in a Golden Urne.

After him Gurguntius Barbirus was King, mild and just, but yet inheriting his Fathers Courage, he subdu'd the Dacian, or Dane, who refus'd to pay the Tribute Covnanted to Belinus for his enlargement. In his return finding about the Orkneies 30 Ships of Spain, or Biscay, fraught with Men and Women for a Plantation, whose Captain also Bartholinus wrong­fully banish't, as he pleaded, besaught him that som part of his Territory might be assign'd them to dwell in, he sent with them certain of his own men to Ireland, which then lay unpeopl'd; and gave them that Iland to hold of him as in Homage. He was bu­ried in Caerlegion, a City which he had wall'd about.

Guitheline his Son, is also remember'd, as a just and good Prince, and his Wife Martia to have ex­cell'd so much in wisdom, as to venture upon a new [Page 25] Institution of Laws. Which King Alfred transla­ting call'd Marchen Leage, but more truly therby is meant, the Mertian Law; not translated by Alfred, but digested or incorporated with the West-Saxon. In the minority of her Son she had the rule, and then, as may be suppos'd, brought forth these Laws, not her self, for Laws are Masculin Births, but by the advice of her sagest Counselors; and therin she might doe vertuously, since it befell her to supply the nonage of her Son: else nothing more awry from the Law of God and Nature, then that a Woman should give Laws to Men.

Hir Son Sisilius comming to Yeares receav'd the Rule; then in order Kimarus, then Danius or Ela­nius his Brother. Then Morindus, his Son by Tanguestela a Concubine, who is recorded a man of excessive Strength, Valiant, Liberal, and fair of Aspect, but immanely Cruell; not spa­ring in his Anger, Enemy, or Freind, if any Weapon were in his hand. A certain King of the Morines, or Picards invaded Northumberland; whose Army this King, though not wanting sufficient numbers, cheifly by his own prowess overcame: But dishonour'd his Victory by the cruel usage of his Prisners, whom his own hands, or others in his pre­sence put all to several Deaths: well fitted to such a bestiall Cruelty was his end; for hearing of a huge Monster that from the Irish Sea infested the Coast, and in the Pride of his Strength foolishly attempt­ing to set manly valour against a Brute vastness, when his Weapons were all in vain, by that horrible mouth he was catch't up and devour'd.

Gorbonian the Eldest of his five Sons, then whom a Juster man liv'd not in his Age, was a great builder [Page 26] of Temples, and gave to all what was thir due; to his Gods devout Worship, to men of desert honour and preferment, to the Commons encouragement in thir Labours, and Trades, defence and protection from injuries and oppressions, so that the Land flo­rish'd above her Neighbours, Violence and Wrong seldom was heard of: his Death was a general loss: he was buried in Trinovant.

Archigallo the second Brother follow'd not his Example; but depress'd the ancient Nobility, and by peeling the wealthier sort, stuff'd his Treasury, and took the right way to be depos'd.

Elidure the next Brother, surnam'd the Pious, was set up in his place; a mind so noble, and so moderat, as almost is incredible to have bin ever found. For having held the Scepter five Years, hunting one day in the Forest of Calater, he chanc'd to meet his depo­sed Brother, wandring in mean condition: who had bin long in vain beyond the Seas, importuning Foren aides to his Restorement: and was now in a poor Habit, with only ten followers, privatly return'd to find subsistence among his secret freinds. At the unexpected sight of him, Elidure himself also then but thinly accompanied, runns to him with open Arms; and after many dear and sincere welcomings, convaines him to the Citty Alclud; there hides him in his own Bed-Chamber. Afterwards faining himself sick, summons all his Peers as about greatest affairs; where admitting them one by one, as if his weakness endur'd not the disturbance of more at once, causes them willing, or unwilling, once more to swear Alle­giance to Archigallo. Whom after reconciliation made on all sides, he leads to York; and from his own Head, places the Crown on the Head of his Brother. [Page 27] Who thenceforth, Vice it self dissolving in him, and forgetting her firmest hold with the admiration of a deed so Heroic, became a true converted man; rul'd worthily 10 Years; dy'd, and was Buried in Caerleir. Thus was a Brother sav'd by a Brother, to whom love of a Crown, the thing that so often da­zles, and vitiats mortal men, for which, thousands of neerest blood have destroy'd each other, was in respect of Brotherly dearness, a contemptible thing.

Elidure now in his own behalf re-assumes the Go­vernment, and did as was worthy such a man to doe. When providence, that so great vertue might want no sort of trial to make it more illustrious, stirs up Vigenius, and Peredure his youngest Brethren, against him who had deserv'd so nobly of that relation, as lest of all by a Brother to be injur'd. Yet him they defeat, him they Imprison in the Towr of Trinovant, and divide his Kingdom; the North to Peredure, the South to Vigenius. After whose Death Peredure ob­taining all, so much the better us'd his power, by how much the worse he got it. So that Elidure now is hardly miss't. But yet in all right owing to his El­der the due place wherof he had depriv'd him, Fate would that he should die first: and Elidure after many years Imprisonment, is now the third time seated on the Throne; which at last he enjoy'd long in Peace; finishing the interrupted course of his mild, and just Reign, as full of vertuous deeds, as daies to his end.

After these five Sons of Morindus, succeeded also thir Sons in Order. Matthew Westmin. Regin of Gorbonian, Marga­nus of Archigallo, both good Kings. But Enniaunus his Brother taking other courses, was after six years de­pos'd. Then Idwallo taught by a neer Example, [Page 28] Govern'd soberly. Then Runno, then Geruntius, He of Peredure, this last the Son of Elidure. From whose Loyns (for that likely is the durable, and sur­viving Race that springs of just Progenitors) issu'd a long descent of Kings, whose names only for many successions without other memory stand thus regi­ster'd, Catellus, Coillus, Porrex, Cherin, and his three Sons, Fulgenius, Eldadus, and Andragius, his Son Ʋrianus; Eliud, Eledaueus, Clotenus, Gurguntius, Me­rianus, Bleduno, Capis, Oënus, Sisillius, twentie Kings in a continu'd row, that either did nothing, or liv'd in Ages that wrote nothing, at least a foul pretermission in the Author of this, whether Story or Fable; himself wearie, as seems, of his own tedious Tale.

But to make amends for this Silence, Blega­bredus next succeeding, is recorded to have ex­cell'd all before him in the Art of Music; opper­tunely, had he but left us one Song of his 20 Pre­decessors doings.

Yet after him nine more succeeded in name; His Brother Archimailus, Eldol, Redion, Reder­chius, Samulius, Penissel, Pir, Capoirus, but Cli­guellius, with the addition of Modest, Wise, and Just.

His Son Heli Reign'd 40 Years, and had three Sons, Lud, Cassibelaun, and Nennius. This Heli seems to be the same whom Ninnius in his fragment calls Minocan; for him he writes to be the Father of Cassibelan. Lud was he that enlarg'd, and wall'd about Trinovant, there kept his Court, made it the prime City, and call'd it from his own name Caer-lud, or Luds Town, now London. Which, as is alledg'd out of [Page 29] Gildas, became matter of great dissention betwixt him, and his Brother Nennius; who took it hainously that the name of Troy thir ancient Country should be abolish'd for any new one. Lud was hardy, and bold in Warr, in Peace a jolly Feaster. He con­quer'd many Ilands of the Sea, saith Huntingdon, and Huntingd. L. 1. was buried by the Gate which from thence wee call Ludgate. His two Sons Androgeus, and Tenuantius, were left unto the tuition of Cassibelan; whose bounty, and high demeanor so wraught with the com­mon people, as got him easily the Kingdom trans­ferr'd upon himself. He nevertheless continuing to favour and support his Nefews, conferrs freely upon Androgeus, London with Kent, upon Tenuantius, Cornwall: reserving a superiority both over them, and all the other Princes to himself; till the Romans for a while circumscrib'd his power. Thus farr, though leaning only on the cre [...]t of Geffrey Mon­mouth, and his assertors, I yet for the specify'd cau­ses have thought it not beneath my purpose, to re­late what I found. Wherto I neither oblige the be­leif of other person, nor over-hastily subscribe mine own. Nor have I stood with others computing, or collating years and Chronologies, lest I should be vainly curious about the time and circumstance of things wherof the substance is so much in doubt. By this time, like one who had set out on his way by night, and travail'd through a Region of smooth or idle Dreams, our History now arrivs on the Confines, where day-light and truth meet us with a cleer dawn, repre­senting to our view, though at a farr distance, true co­lours and shapes. For albeit, Caesar, whose Autority we are now first to follow, wanted not who tax'd him of mis-reporting in his Commentaries, yea in his [Page 30] Civil Warrs against Pompey, much more, may wee think, in the British affairs, of whose little skill in writing he did not easily hope to be contradicted, yet now in such variety of good Authors, we hardly can miss from one hand or other to be sufficiently in­form'd as of things past so long agoe. But this will better be referr'd to a second discourse.

I Am now to write of what befell the Britans from fifty and three years before the Birth of our Saviour, when first the Romans came in, till the decay and ceasing of that Empire; a story of much truth, and for the first hunderd years and somwhat more, collected without much la­bour. So many and so prudent were the Writers, which those two, the civilest, and the wisest of Euro­pean Nations, both Italy and Greece, afforded to the actions of that Puissant Citty. For worthy deeds are not often destitute of worthy relaters: as by a certain Fate great Acts and great Eloquence have most commonly gon hand in hand, equalling and ho­nouring [Page 32] each other in the same Ages. 'Tis true that in obscurest times, by shallow and unskilfull Wri­ters, the indistinct noise of many Battels, and de­vastations, of many Kingdoms over-run and lost, hath come to our Eares. For what wonder, if in all Ages, Ambition and the love of rapine hath stirr'd up greedy and violent men to bold attempts in wasting and ruining Warrs, which to posterity have left the work of Wild Beasts and Destroyers, rather then the Deeds and Monuments of men and Conquerours. But he whose just and true valour uses the necessity of Warr and Dominion, not to de­stroy but to prevent destruction, to bring in liberty against Tyrants, Law and Civility among barbarous Nations, knowing that when he Conquers all things else, he cannot Conquer Time, or Detraction, wise­ly conscious of this his want as well as of his worth not to be forgott'n or conceal'd, honours and hath recourse to the aid of Eloquence, his freindliest and best supply; by whose immortal Record his noble deeds, which else were transitory, becoming fixt and durable against the force of Yeares and Generati­ons, he fails not to continue through all Posterity, over Envy, Death, and Time, also victorious. Ther­fore when the esteem of Science, and liberal study waxes low in the Common-wealth, wee may presume that also there all civil Vertue, and worthy action is grown as low to a decline: and then Eloquence, as it were consorted in the same destiny, with the de­crease and fall of vertue corrupts also and fades; at least resignes her office of relating to illiterat and frivolous Historians; such as the persons themselvs both deserv, and are best pleas'd with; whilst they want either the understanding to choose better, or the innocence to dare invite the examining, and [Page 33] searching stile of an intelligent, and faithfull Writer to the survay of thir unsound exploits, better be­freinded by obscurity then Fame. As for these, the only Authors wee have of Brittish matters, while the power of Rome reach'd hither, (for Gildas affirms that of the Roman times noe Brittish Writer was in his daies extant, or if any ever were, either burnt by Enemies, or transported with such as fled the Pictish and Saxon invasions) these therfore only Roman Au­thors there bee who in the English Tongue have laid together, as much, and perhaps more then was requisite to a History of Britain. So that were it not for leaving an unsightly gap so neer to the be­ginning, I should have judg'd this labour, wherin so little seems to be requir'd above transcription, almost superfluous. Notwithstanding since I must through it, if ought by diligence may bee added, or omitted, or by other disposing may be more explain'd, or more express'd, I shall assay.

Julius Caesar (of whom, and of the Roman Free State, more then what appertains, is not here to be discours'd) having subdu'd most part of Gallia, which by a potent faction, he had obtain'd of the Senat as his Province for many years, stirr'd up with a desire of adding still more glory to his name, and the whole Roman Empire to his ambition, som say, with a farr Suetonius vit. Caes. meaner and ignobler, the desire of Brittish Pearls, whose bigness he delighted to ballance in his hand, determins, and that upon no unjust pretended occa­sion, to trie his Force in the Conquest also of Bri­tain. For he understood that the Britans in most of his Gallian Warrs had sent supplies against him, had receiv'd fugitives of the Bellovaci his Enemies, and were call'd over to aid the Citties of Armorica, which had the year before conspir'd all in a new Rebellion. [Page 34] Therfore Caesar, though now the Summer well nigh Year before Christ, 53 ending, and the season unagreeable to transport a Warr, yet judg'd it would be great advantage, only to get entrance into the Ile, knowledge of the men, the places, the ports, the accesses; which then, it seems, were eev'n to the Gauls thir Neighbours al­most unknown. For except Merchants and Tra­ders, it is not oft, saith he, that any use to Travel the­ther; and to those that doe, besides the Sea Coast, and the Ports next to Gallia, nothing else is known. But heer I must require, as Pollio did, the diligence, Suetonius. Caesar Com. L. 1. at least the memory of Caesar: for if it were true, as they of Rhemes told him, that Divitiacus, not long before, a Puissant King of the Soissons, had Britain also under his Command, besides the Belgian Colo­nies which he affirms to have nam'd and peopl'd ma­ny Provinces there, if also the Britans had so fre­quently giv'n them aid in all thir Warrs, if lastly the Druid learning honour'd so much among them, were at first taught them out of Britain, and they who soonest would attain that Discipline, sent hether to learn; it appears not how Britain at that time should be so utterly unknow'n in Gallia, or only Caesar Com. L. 4. know'n to Merchants, yea to them so little, that beeing call'd together from all parts, none could be found to inform Caesar of what bigness the Ile, what Nations, how great, what use of Warr they had, what Laws, or so much as what commodious Havens for bigger Vessels. Of all which things as it were then first to make discovery, he sends Caius Volusenus, in a long Galley, with command to return assoon as this could be effected. Hee in the mean time with his whole power draws nigh to the Morine Coast, whence the shortest passage was into Britain. He­ther his Navy which he us'd against the Armoricans, [Page 35] and what else of Shipping can be provided, he draws together. This known in Britain, Embassadors are sent from many of the States there, who promise Hostages, and Obedience to the Roman Empire. Them, after Audience giv'n, Caesar as largely promi­sing, and exhorting to continue in that mind, sends home, and with them Comius of Arras, whom he had made King of that Country, and now secretly em­ploy'd to gain a Roman party among the Britans, in as many Citties as he found inclinable, and to tell them, that he himself was speeding thether. Volu­senus with what discovery of the Iland he could make from aboard his Ship, not daring to venture on the shoar, within five daies returns to Caesar. Who soon after, with two Legions, ordnarily amounting, of Romans and thir Allies, to about 25000 Foot, and 4500 Horse, the Foot in 80 Ships of burden, the Horse in 18, besides what Gallies were appointed for his chief Commanders, setts off about the third watch of night with a good Gale to Sea; leaving behind him Sulpitius Rufus to make good the Port with a sufficient strength. But the Horse whose ap­pointed Shipping lay Wind-bound 8 mile upward in another Hav'n, had much trouble to Imbark. Caesar now within sight of Britain beholds on every Hill multitudes of armed men, ready to forbid his landing; and Cicero writes to his friend Atticus, that Cic. Att. L. 4. Ep. 17. the accesses of the Iland were wondrously fortify'd with strong workes or moles. Heer from the fowrth to the ninth hour of day he awaits at Anchor the coming up of his whole Fleet. Mean while with his Legatts and Tribuns consulting, and giving order to fitt all things for what might happ'n in such a vari­ous, and floating water-fight as was to be expected. This place, which was a narrow Bay-close, environ'd [Page 36] with Hills, appearing no way commodious, he re­moves to a plain and open shoar 8 Mile distant; com­monly suppos'd about Deal in Kent. Which when Camden. the Britans perceav'd, thir Horse and Chariots, as then they us'din fight, scowring before, thir main powr speeding after, som thick upon the shoar, others not tarrying to be assail'd, ride in among the Waves to encounter, and assault the Romans eev'n under thir Ships; with such a bold, and free hardihood, that Caesar himself between confessing and excusing that his Souldiers were to come down from thir Ships, to stand in water heavy arm'd, and to fight at once, de­nies not but that the terrour of such new and reso­lute opposition made them forget thir wonted valour. To succour which, he commands his Gallies, a sight unusual to the Britans, and more apt for motion, drawn from the bigger Vessels, to row against the op'n side of the Enemy, and thence with Slings, En­gines, and Darts, to beat them back. But neither yet, though amaz'd at the strangeness of those new Sea Castles, bearing up so neer, and so swiftly as almost to overwhelm them, the hurtling of Oares, the battring of feirce Engines against thir bodies barely expos'd, did the Britans give much ground, or the Romans gain; till he who bore the Eagle of the Tenth Legion, yet in the Gallies, first beseeching his gods, said thus alowd, leap down Souldiers, unless ye mean to betray your Ensigne; I for my part will perform what I ow to the Commonwealth and my General. This utter'd, over-board he leaps, and with his Eagle feircly advanc'd runs upon the Enemy; the rest hart­ning one another not to admit the dishonour of so nigh loosing thir cheif Standard, follow him reso­lutely. Now was fought eagerly on both sides. Ours who well knew thir own advantages, and ex­pertly [Page 37] us'd them, now in the shallows, now on the Sand, still as the Romans went trooping to their En­signes, receav'd them, dispatch'd them, and with the help of thir Horse, put them every where to great disorder. But Caesar causing all his Boats and Shal­lops to be fill'd with Souldiers, commanded to ply up and down continually with releif where they saw need; Whereby at length all the Foot now dis-im­bark't, and got together in som order on firm ground, with a more steddy charge put the Britans to flight: but wanting all thir Horse, whom the winds yet with held from Sailing, they were not able to make poursuit. In this confused fight Scaeva a Valer. Max. Plutarch. Roman Souldier, having press'd too farr among the Britans, and besett round, after incredible valour shewn, single against a multitude, swom back safe to his General; and in the place that rung with his praises, earnestly besought pardon for his rash ad­venture against Discipline: which modest con­fessing after no bad event, for such a deed wherin valour, and ingenuity so much out-weigh'd trans­gression, easily made amends and preferr'd him to be a Centurion. Caesar also is brought in by Julian, In Caesarib. attributing to himself the honour (if it were at all an honour to that person which he sustain'd) of be­ing the first that left his Ship, and took Land: but this were to make Caesar less understand what be­came him then Scaeva. The Britans finding themselvs maister'd in fight, forthwith send Em­bassadors to treat of peace; promising to give Ho­stages, and to be at command. With them Comius of Arras also return'd; whom hitherto since his first coming from Caesar, they had detain'd in Prison as a spy: the blame wherof they lay on the common people; for whose violence, and thir own impru­dence [Page 38] they crave pardon. Caesar complaining they had first sought peace, and then without cause had begun War, yet content to pardon them, commands Hostages: wherof part they bring in strait, others farr up in the Country to be sent for, they promise in a few daies. Mean while the people disbanded and sent home, many Princes, and cheif men from all parts of the Ile submit themselves and thir Citties to the dispose of Caesar, who lay then encamp'd, as is thought, on Baram down. Thus had the Britans made thir peace; when suddenly an accident un­look'd for put new counsels into thir minds. Fowr daies after the coming of Caesar, those 18 Ships of burden, which from the upper hav'n had tak'n in all the Roman Horse, born with a soft wind to the very Coast, in sight of the Roman Camp, were by a sudden tempest scatter'd, and driv'n back, some to the Port from whence they loos'd, others down in­to the West Country; who finding there no safety either to land, or to cast Anchor, chose rather to com­mit themselvs again to the troubl'd Sea; and as Oro­sius reports, were most of them cast away. The same night, it being full Moon, the Gallies left upon dry Land, were unaware to the Romans, co­ver'd with a Spring-tide, and the greater Ships that lay off at Anchor, torn and beat'n with Waves, to the great perplexity of Caesar, and his whole Army; who now had neither Shipping left to convay them back, nor any provision made to stay heer, intending to have winter'd in Gallia. All this the Britans well perceaving, and by the compass of his Camp, which without baggage appear'd the smaller, guessing at his numbers, consult together, and one by one slily withdrawing from the Camp, where they were wait­ing the conclusion of a peace, resolve to stop all pro­visions, [Page 39] and to draw out the business till Winter. Cae­sar though ignorant of what they intended, yet from the condition wherin he was, and thir other hostages not sent, suspecting what was likely, begins to provide apace, all that might be, against what might happ'n: laies in Corn, and with materials fetch'd from the Continent, and what was left of those Ships which were past help, he repairs the rest. So that now by the incessant labour of his Souldiers, all but twelv were again made serviceable. While these things are doing, one of the Legions being sent out to forrage, as was accustom'd, and no suspicion of Warr, while som of the Britans were remaining in the Country about, others also going and com­ing freely to the Roman Quarters, they who were in station at the Camp Gates sent speedy word to Caesar, that from that part of the Country, to which the Legion went, a greater dust then usual was seen to rise. Caesar guessing the matter, commands the Cohorts of Guard to follow him thether, two others to succeed in thir stead, the rest all to arm and follow. They had not march'd long, when Caesar discerns his Legion sore overcharg'd: for the Britans not doubt­ing but that thir Enemies on the morrow, would be in that place which only they had left unreap'd of all thir Harvest, had plac'd an Ambush; and while they were disperst and busiest at thir labour, set upon them, kill'd som, and routed the rest. The manner of thir fight was from a kind of Chariots; wherin riding about, and throwing Darts, with the clutter of thir Horse, and of thir Wheels, they oft-times broke the rank of thir Enemies; then retreating among the Horse, and quitting thir Chariots, they fought on Foot. The Charioters in the mean while somwhat aside from the Battell, set themselvs in such order, [Page 40] that thir Maisters at any time oppress'd with odds, might retire safely thether, having perform'd with one person both the nimble service of a Horse-man, and the stedfast duty of a Foot Souldier. So much they could with thir Chariots by use, and exercise, as riding on the speed down a steep Hill, to stop sud­denly, and with a short rein turn swiftly, now run­ing on the beam, now on the Yoke, then in the Seat. With this sort of new skirmishing, the Romans now overmatch'd, and terrify'd, Caesar with opportune aid appears; for then the Britans make a stand: but he considering that now was not fitt time to offer Battell, while his men were scarce recover'd of so late a fear, only keeps his ground, and soon after leads back his Legions to the Camp. Furder action for many days following was hinder'd on both sides by foul weather; in which time the Britans dispatch­ing Messengers round about, to how few the Romans were reduc'd, what hope of prise and booty, and now if ever of freeing themselvs from the fear of like invasions heerafter by making these an example, if they could but now uncamp thir Enemies, at this intimation multitudes of Horse and Foot coming down from all parts make towards the Romans. Caesar foreseeing that the Britans though beat'n and put to flight would easily evade his Foot, yet with no more than 30 Horse, which Comius had brought over, draws out his men to Battell, puts again the Britans to flight, poursues with slaughter, and re­turning burns and laies waste all about. Whereup­on Embassadors the same day being sent from the Britans to desire peace, Caesar, as his affairs at pre­sent stood, for so great a breach of Faith, only im­poses on them double the former hostages, to be sent after him into Gallia: And because September was [Page 41] nigh half spent, a season not fit to tempt the Sea with his weather-beat'n Fleet, the same night with a fair wind he departs towards Belgia; whether two only of the Britan Citties sent Hostages, as they promis'd, the rest neglected. But at Rome when the news came of Caesars acts here, whether it were esteem'd a Conquest, or a fair Escape, supplication of 20 days is decreed by the Senate, as either for an exploit done, or a discovery made, wherin both Caesar and the Romans gloried not a little, though it brought no benefit either to him, or the Common-wealth.

The Winter following, Caesar, as his custom was, Dion. going into Italy, when as he saw that most of the Britans regarded not to send thir Hostages, appoints Caesar Com. 5. his Legats whom he left in Belgia, to provide what possible Shipping they could either build, or repair. Low built they were to bee, as therby easier both to fraught, and to hale ashoar; nor needed to be higher, because the Tyde so often changing, was ob­serv'd to make the Billows less in our Sea then those in the Mediterranean: broader likewise they were made, for the better transporting of Horses, and all other fraughtage, being intended cheifly to that end. These all about 600. in a readiness, with 28 Ships of burden, and what with adventurers, and other hulks above 200, Cotta one of the Legates wrote them, as Athaeneus affirms, in all 1000, Caesar from Port Iccius, a passage of som 30 mile over, leaving behind him Labienus to guard the hav'n, and for other supply at need, with five Legions, though but 2000 Horse, about sun sett hoysing saile with a slack South-West, at midnight was becalm'd. And finding when it was light, that the whole Navy lying on the current, had fal'n of from the Ile, which now they could [Page 42] descry on thir left hand, by the unwearied labour of his Souldiers, who refus'd not to tugg the Oare, and kept course with Ships under sayl, he bore up as neer as might bee, to the same place where he had landed the yeer before; where about noon arriving, Before the Birth of Christ, 52 no Enemy could be seen. For the Britans, which in great number, as was after know'n, had bin there, at sight of so huge a Fleet durst not abide. Caesar forthwith landing his Army, and encamping to his best advantage, som notice being giv'n him by those he took, where to find the Enemy, with his whole power, save only ten cohorts, and 300 Horse, left to Quintus Atrius for the guard of his Ships, about the third watch of the same night marches up twelv mile into the Country. And at length by a River commonly thought the Stowre in Kent, espies embat­tail'd the British Forces. They with thir Horses and Chariots advancing to the higher Banks, oppose the Romans in thir March, and begin the fight; but re­puls't by the Roman Cavalrie give back into the Woods to a place notably made strong both by Art and Nature; which, it seems, had bin a Fort, or Hold of strength rays'd heertofore in time of Warrs among themselvs. For entrance, and access on all sides, by the felling of huge Trees overthwart one another, was quite barr'd up; and within these the Britans did thir utmost to keep out the Enemy. But the Souldiers of the seventh Legion locking all thir Sheilds together like a rooff close over head, and others raysing a Mount, without much loss of blood took the place, and drove them all to forsake the Woods. Pursuit they made not long, as beeing through ways unknow'n; and now ev'ning came on, which they more wisely spent, in choosing out where to pitch and fortify thir Camp that night. The next [Page 43] Morning Caesar had but newly sent out his men in three bodies to poursue, and the last no furder gon then yet in sight, when Horsemen all in Poste from Quintus Artrius bring word to Caesar, that almost all his Ships in a Tempest that night had suffer'd wrack, and lay brok'n upon the shoar. Caesar at this news recalls his Legions, himself in all hast riding back to the Sea-side, beheld with his own Eyes the ruinous prospect. About forty Vessels were sunk and lost, the residue so torn, and shak'n as not to be new rigg'd without much labour. Strait he assembles what number of Ship-wrights either in his own Le­gions or from beyond Sea, could be summon'd; ap­points Labienus on the Belgian side to build more; and with a dreadful industry of ten days, not respiting his Souldiers day or night, drew up all his Ships, and entrench'd them round within the circuit of his Camp. This don, and leaving to thir defence the same strength as before, he returns with his whole Forces to the same Wood, where he had defeated the Britans: who preventing him with greater powers then before, had now repossess'd themselvs of that place, under Cassibelan thir cheif Leader. Whose Territory from the States bordering on the Sea was divided by the River Thames about 80 mile in­ward. With him formerly other Citties had conti­nual Warr; but now in the common danger had all made choise of him to be thir Generall. Heer the British Horse and Charioters meeting with the Ro­man Cavalrie fought stoutly; and at first, somthing overmatch'd they retreat to the neer advantage of thir Woods and Hills, but still follow'd by the Ro­mans, make head again, cut of the forwardest a­mong them, and after some pause, while Caesar, who thought the days work had bin don, was busied [Page 44] about the entrenching of his Camp, march out again, give feirce assault to the very Stations of his Guards and Senteries, and while the main cohorts of two Legions that were sent to the Alarme, stood within a small distance of each other terrify'd at the new­ness and the boldness of thir fight, charg'd back again through the midst, without loss of a man. Of the Romans that day was slain Quintus Laberius Du­rus a Tribune: the Britans having fought thir fill at the very entrance of Caesars Camp, and sustain'd the resistance of his whole Army entrench'd, gave over the assault. Caesar heer acknowledges that the Ro­man way both of arming, and of fighting, was not so well fitted against this kind of Enemy; for that the Foot in heavy Armour could not follow thir cunning flight, and durst not by ancient Discipline stirr from thir Ensigne; and the Horse alone, dis­joyn'd from the Legions, against a foe that turn'd suddenly upon them with a mixt encounter both of Horse and Foot, were in equall danger both follow­ing and retiring. Besides thir fashion was, not in great bodies, and close order, but in small divisions, and open distances to make thir onset; appointing others at certain spaces, now to releev and bring of the weary, now to succeed and renew the conflict; which argu'd no small experience, and use of Armes. Next day the Britans afarr off upon the Hills begin to shew themselves heer and there, and though less boldly then before, to skirmish with the Roman Horse. But at Noon Caesar having sent out 3 Legi­ons, and all his Horse with Trebonius the Legat, to seek fodder, suddenly on all sides they set upon the Forragers, and charge up after them to the very Le­gions, and thir Standards. The Romans with great courage beat them back, and in the chace, beeing [Page 45] well seconded by the Legions, not giving them time either to rally, to stand, or to descend from thir Chariots as they were wont, slew many. From this overthrow, the Britans, that dwelt farder off, be­took them home; and came no more after that time with so great a power against Caesar. Whereof ad­vertis'd he marches onward to the Frontiers of Cassi­belan, which on this side were bounded by the Thames, not passable except in one place and that Camden. difficult, about Coway stakes neer Oatlands, as is con­jectur'd. Hither coming he descries on the other side great Forces of the Enemy, plac'd in good Array; the bank sett all with sharp stakes, others in the bottom, cover'd with water; whereof the marks in Beda's time, were to be seene, as he relates. This having learnt by such as were tak'n, or had run to him, he first commands his Horse to pass over; then his Foot, who wadeing up to the neck went on so resolutely, and so fast, that they on the furder side not enduring the violence, retreated and fled. Cassi­belan noe more now in hope to contend for Victorie, dismissing all but 4000. of those Charioters, through Woods, and intricate waies attends thir motion; where the Romans are to pass, drives all before him; and with continuall sallies upon the Horse, where they least expected, cutting off some and terrifying others, compells them soe close together, as gave them no leave to fetch in prey or bootie without ill success. Whereupon Caesar strictly commanding all not to part from the Legions, had nothing left him in his way but empty Fields and Houses, which he spoil'd and burnt. Meane while the Trinobantes a State, or Kingdome, and perhaps the greatest then among the Britans, less favouring Cassibelan send Embassadors, and yeild to Caesar upon this reason. [Page 46] Immanuentius had bin thir King: him Cassibelan had slaine, and purpos'd the like to Mandubratius his Son, whom Orosius calls Androgorius, Beda Androgius; but the youth escaping by flight into Gallia, put him­self under the protection of Caesar. These entreat that Mandubratius may be still defended; and sent home to succeed in his Fathers right. Caesar sends him, demands 40 Hostages and provision for his Ar­mie, which they immediately bring in, and have thir Confines protected from the Souldier. By their ex­ample the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, Cassi (so I write them for the modern names are but guess'd) on like terms make thir peace. By them he learns that the Town of Cassibelan, suppos'd to be Verulam, was not farr distant; fenc't about with Woods and Marshes, well stuff't with men and much Cattel. For Towns then in Britain were only Wooddy places Ditch't round and with a Mud Wall encompass'd against the inrodes of Enemies. The­ther goes Caesar with his Legions, and though a place of great strength both by art and nature, assaults it in two places. The Britans after some defence fled out all at another end of the Town; in the flight many were taken, many slain, and great store of Cattel found there. Cassibelan for all these losses yet deserts not himself; nor was yet his authoritie so much impair'd, but that in Kent, though in a manner possest by the Enemie, his Messengers and com­mands finde obedience anough to raise all the peo­ple. By his direction Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taxima­gulus and Segonax, fowr Kings Reigning in those Countries which ly upon the Sea, lead them on to assault that Camp wherein the Romans had en­trench'd thir Shipping: but they whom Caesar left there, issuing out slew many, and took Prisners Cin­getorix [Page 47] a noted Leader, without loss of thir own. Cassibelan after so many defeats, mov'd especially by revolt of the Citties from him, thir inconstancie and falshood one to another, uses mediation by Co­mius of Arras to send Embassadors about treatie of yeilding. Caesar who had determin'd to Winter in the Continent, by reason that Gallia was unsettl'd and not much of the Summer now behind, com­mands him only Hostages, and what yearly Tribute the Iland should pay to Rome, forbidds him to mo­lest the Trinobants, or Mandubratius; and with his Hostages, and great number of Captives he puts to Sea, haveing at twise embark't his whole Armie. At his return to Rome, as from a glorious enterprise, he Pliny. offers to Venus the Patroness of his Family, a Corslet of British Pearles.

Howbeit other antient writers have spok'n more doubtfully of Caesars Victories heer; and that in plaine termes he fled from hence; for which the common verse in Lucan with divers passages heer and there in Tacitus is alleg'd. Paulus Orofius, who took Oros. Lib. 6. c. 7. & 9. what he wrote from a Historie of Suetonius now lost, writes that Caesar in his first journey entertain'd with a sharp fight lost no small number of his Foot, and by tempest nigh all his Horse. Dion affirms that once in the second expedition all his Foot were routed, Oro­sius that another time all his Horse. The British Au­thor, whom I use only then when others are all silent, hath many trivial discourses of Caesars beeing heer, which are best omitted. Nor have wee more of Cassibelan, then what the same storie tells, how he warr'd soon after with Androgeus, about his Nefew slain by Evelinus Nefew to the other; which busi­ness at length compos'd, Cassibelan dies and was bu­ried in Yorke, if the Monmouth Booke Fable not. But [Page 48] at Caesars coming hither, such likeliest were the Bri­tans, as the Writers of those times, and thir own actions represent them; in courage and warlike rea­diness to take advantage by ambush or sudden onset, not inferiour to the Romans, nor Cassibelan to Caesar, in Weapons, Armes, and the skill of Encamping, Dion. Embattailing, Fortifying, overmatch't; thir Wea­pons Mela. Caesar. were a short Speare and light Target, a Sword also by thir side, thir fight sometimes in Chariots phang'd at the Axle with Iron Sithes, thir bodies most part naked, only painted with woad in sundrie figures to seeme terrible as they thought, but poursu'd by Herodian. Enemies, not nice of thir painting to run into Bogs, worse then wild Irish up to the Neck, and there to stay many daies holding a certain morsel in thir mouths no bigger then a bean, to suffice hunger; but Dion. that receit, and the temperance it taught, is long since unknown among us: thir Towns and strong holds were spaces of ground fenc't about with a Ditch and great Trees fell'd overthwart each other, Caesar. Strabo. thir buildings within were thatch't Houses for them­selves and thir Cattell: in peace the Upland Inhabi­tants besides hunting tended thir flocks and heards, Dion. but with little skill of Countrie affaires; the make­ing of Cheese they commonly knew not, Woole or Flax they spun not, gard'ning and planting many of Strabo. them knew not; clothing they had none, but what the skins of Beasts afforded them, and that not al­waies; Herodian. yet gallantrie they had, painting thir own skins with severall Portratures of Beast, Bird, or Solinus. Flower, a Vanitie which hath not yet left us, remov'd only from the skin to the skirt behung now with as many colour'd Ribands and gewgawes; towards the Sea side they till'd the ground and liv'd much after Caesar. the manner of Caules thir Neighbours, or first Plan­ters: [Page 49] thir money was brazen pieces or Iron Rings, Tacitus, Dio­dor. Strabo. thir best Merchandise Tin, the rest trifles of Glass, Ivorie and such like; yet Gemms and Pearles they had, saith Mela, in some Rivers: thir Ships of light Lucan. timber wickerd with Oysier betweene, and coverd over with Leather, serv'd not therefore to trance­port them farr, and thir commodities were fetch't away by Foren Merchants: thir dealing, saith Dio­dorus, plaine and simple without fraude; thir civil Government under many Princes and States, not Tacitus. confederate or consulting in common, but mistrust­full, and oft-times warring one with the other, which Mela. gave them up one by one an easie Conquest to the Romans: thir Religion was governd by a sort of Priests or Magicians call'd Druides from the Greek name of an Oke, which Tree they had in greate re­verence, and the Missleto especially growing theron; Plinie writes them skill'd in Magic no less then those of Persia: by thir abstaining from a Hen, a Hare, and Dion. a Goose, from Fish also, saith Dion, and thir opinion of the Soules passing after Death into other Bo­dies, Caesar. they may be thought to have studied Pythago­ras; yet Philosophers I cannot call them, reported men factious and ambitious, contending somtimes about the archpriesthood not without civil Warr Caesar. and slaughter; nor restrein'd they the people under them from a lew'd adulterous and incestuous life, ten or twelve men absurdly against nature, possessing one woman as thir common Wife, though of neer­est Kin, Mother, Daughter, or Sister; Progenitors not to be glori'd in. But the Gospel, not long after preach't heer, abolish'd such impurities, and of the Romans we have cause not to say much worse, then that they beate us into some civilitie; likely else to have continu'd longer in a barbarous and savage [Page 50] manner of life. After Julius (for Julius before his Death tyrannously had made himself Emperor of the Roman Common-wealth, and was slaine in the Senate for so doeing) he who next obtain'd the Empire, Octavianus Caesar Augustus, either contemning the Strabo L. 2. Iland, as Strabo would have us think, whose neither benefit was worth the having, nor enmitie worth the fearing; or out of a wholsome state maxim, as some say, to moderate and bound the Empire from growing vast and unweildie, made no attempt against the Britans. But the truer cause was partly civil Warr among the Romans, partly other affairs more Year before the Birth of Christ, 32 urging. For about 20 Years after, all which time the Britans had liv'd at thir own dispose, Augustus in imitation of his Uncle Julius, either intending or Dion. L. 49. Year before the Birth of Christ, 25. seeming to intend an expedition hither, was com in­to Gallia, when the news of a revolt in Pannonia diverted him: about 7 year after in the same reso­lution, what with the unsettl'dness of Gallia, and Dion. L. 53. 24. what with Embassadors from Britain which met him there, he proceeded not. The next year, difference arrising about Covnants, he was again prevented by other new commotions in Spaine. Nevertheless som of the British Potentates omitted not to seek his friendship by guifts offerd in the Capitol, and other obsequious addresses. Insomuch that the whole Iland became eev'n in those daies well known to the Strabo L. 4. Romans; too well perhaps for them, who from the knowledge of us were so like to prove Enemies. But as for Tribute, the Britans paid none to Augustus, except what easie customes were levied on the slight commodities wherewith they traded into Gallia.

After Cassibelan, Tenantius the younger Son of Lud, according to the Monmouth Storie was made [Page 51] King. For Androgeus the Elder, conceaving himself generally hated, for sideing with the Romans, for­sook his claime heer, and follow'd Caesars Fortune. This King is recorded Just and Warlike.

His Son Kymbeline or Cunobeline succeeding, was brought up, as is said, in the Court of Augustus, and with him held friendly correspondences to the end; was a warlike Prince; his chief seat Camalodunum, or Maldon, as by certain of his coines, yet to be seen, appears. Tiberius the next Emperor, adhering al­waies to the advice of Augustus, and of himself less careing to extend the bounds of his Empire, sought not the Britans; and they as little to incite him, sent home courteously the Souldiers of Germanicus, that by Shipwrack had bin cast on the Britan shoar. But Tacit. an. L. 2. Year after the Birth of Christ, 16. Caligula his Successor, a wild and dissolute Tyrant, haveing past the Alpes with intent to rob and spoile those Provinces, and stirr'd up by Adminius the Son of Cunobeline; who by his Father banish'd, with a small number fled thether to him, he made semblance Dion. Sue­ton. Cal. of marching toward Britain; but beeing come to the Ocean, and there behaveing himself madly, and ri­diculously, An. Dom. 40 went back the same way: yet sent before him boasting letters to the Senate, as if all Britain had bin yeilded him. Cunobeline now dead, Admi­nius the Eldest by his Father banish'd from his Country, and by his own practice against it, from the Crown, though by an old coine seeming to have also reign'd; Togodumnus, and Caractacus the two younger, uncertaine whether equal or subordinat in power, were advanc'd into his place. But through Dion. civil discord, Bericus (what he was furder, is not known) with others of his party flying to Rome, persuaded Claudius the Emperor to an invasion. Claudius now Consul the third time, and desirous to An. Dom. 43 [Page 52] do something, whence he might gain the honour of a Triumph, at the persuasion of these fugitives, Sueton. whom the Britans demanding, he had deny'd to ren­der, and they for that cause had deny'd furder amity with Rome, makes choise of this Iland for his Pro­vince: and sends before him Aulus Plautius the Prae­tor, with this command, if the business grew diffi­cult to give him notice. Plautius with much ado persuaded the Legions to move out of Gallia, mur­muring that now they must be put to make Warr be­yond the Worlds End; for so they counted Britain; and what welcom Julius the Dictator found there, doubtless they had heard. At last prevail'd with, and hoyssing saile from three several Ports, lest thir landing should in any one place be resisted, meeting cross winds, they were cast back and disheartn'd: till in the night a meteor shooting flames from the East, and, as they fansi'd, directing thir course, they took heart againe to try the Sea, and without oppo­sition landed. For the Britans haveing heard of thir unwillingness to come, had bin negligent to provide against them; and retireing to the Woods and Moares, intended to frustrate, and wear them out with delaies, as they had serv'd Caesar before. Plau­tius after much trouble to find them out, encoun­tring first with Caractacus, then with Togodumnus, overthrew them; and receaving into conditions part of the Boduni, who then were subject to the Catuellani, and leaving there a Garrison, went on toward a River; where the Britans not imagining that Plautius without a bridge could pass, lay on the furder side careless and secure. But he sending first the Germans, whose custome was, arm'd as they were, to swim with ease the strongest current, com­mands them to strike especially at the Horses, [Page 53] whereby the Chariots, wherein consisted thir chief art of fight, became unserviceable. To second them he sent Vespatian, who in his later daies obtain'd the Empire, and Sabinus his Brother; who unexpectedly assailing those who were least aware, did much exe­cution. Yet not for this were the Britans dismaid; but reuniteing the next day fought with such a cou­rage, as made it hard to decide which way hung the Victorie: till Caius Sidius Geta, at point to have bin tak'n, recover'd himself so valiantly, as brought the day on his side; for which at Rome he receav'd high honours. After this the Britans drew back toward the mouth of Thames, and acquainted with those places, cross'd over; where the Romans following them through bogs and dangerous flats, hazarded the loss of all. Yet the Germans getting over, and others by a bridge at some place above, fell on them again with sundry Alarmes and great slaughter; but in the heat of pursuit running themselves again into Bogs and Mires, lost as many of thir own. Upon which ill success, and seeing the Britans more enrag'd at the Death of Togodumnus, who in one of these Battels had bin slain, Plautius fearing the worst, and glad that he could hold what he held, as was en­joyn'd him, sends to Claudius. He who waited ready with a huge preparation, as if not safe anough amidst the flowr of all his Romans, like a great Eastern King, with armed Elephants marches through Gallia. So full of perill was this enterprise esteem'd, as not without all this Equipage, and stranger ter­rors then Roman Armies to meet the native and the naked British valour defending their Country. Joyn'd with Plautius who encamping on the Bank of Thames attended him, he passes the River. The Britans, who had the courage, but not the wise con­duct [Page 54] of old Cassibelan, laying all Stratagem aside, in down right manhood scrupl'd not to affront in op'n field almost the whole power of the Roman Empire. But overcome and vanquish'd, part by force, others by treatie com in and yeild. Claudius therfore who took Camalodunum, the Royal Seat of Canobeline, was oft'n by his Armie saluted Imperator; a Mili­tarie Title which usually they gave thir Generall after any notable exploit; but to others not above once in the same Warr; as if Claudius by these acts had deservd more then the Laws of Rome had pro­vided honour to reward. Haveing therefore dis­arm'd the Britans, Dion. L. 62. but remitted the confiscation of thir goods, for which they worship'd him with Sa­crifice and Temple as a God, Tacit. an. 14.leaving Plautius to sub­due what remain'd; An. Dom. 44 he returnes to Rome, from whence he had bin absent only six moneths, and in Britain but 16 daies; sending the news before him of his Victories, though in a small part of the Iland. To whom the Senate, as for atchievments of highest merit, decree'd excessive honours; Arches, Triumphs, annual Solemnities, and the Sirname of Britannicus both to him and his Son.

Suetonius writes that Claudius found heer no re­sistance, and that all was done without stroke: but this seems not probable. The Monmouth Writer names these two Sones of Cunobeline, Guiderius, and Arvi­ragus; that Guiderius beeing slaine in fight, Arvira­gus to conceale it, put on his Brothers Habillements, and in his person held up the Battel to a Victorie; the rest, as of Hamo the Roman Captaine, Genuissa the Emperors Daughter, and such like stuff, is too pal­pably untrue to be worth rehersing in the midst of Truth. Plautius after this, employing his fresh For­ces to Conquer on, and quiet the rebelling Coun­tries, [Page 55] found worke anough to deserve at his returne a kind of Tryumphant riding into the Capitol side by side with the Emperour. Sueton. Claud. 5. 24. Vespatian also under Plautius had thirtie conflicts with the Enemie; in one of which encompass'd and in great danger, Sueton. Vesp. Dio. L. 60. he was valiantly and piously rescu'd by his Son Titus: two powerfull Nations he subdu'd heer, An. Dom. 47 above 20 Townes and the Ile of Wight; for which he receav'd at Rome Tryumphal Ornaments, and other great dignities. For that Cittie in reward of vertue was ever magnificent: and long after when true merit was ceas't among them, lest any thing resembling vertue should want honour, the same rewards were yet allow'd to the very shadow and ostentation of merit. An. Dom. 50 Ostorius in the room of Plautius Vice-praetor, Tacit. an. 12.met with turbulent affaires; the Britans not ceasing to vex with inrodes all those Countries that, were yeilded to the Ro­mans; and now the more eagerly, supposing that the new Generall unacquainted with his Armie, and on the edge of Winter, would not hastily oppose them. But he waighing that first events were most available to breed fear or contempt, with such co­horts as were next at hand sets out against them: whome having routed, so close he followes, as one who meant not to be everie day molested with the cavils of a slight peace, or an emboldn'd Enemie. Lest they should make head againe, he disarmes whom he suspects; and to surround them, places many Garrisons upon the Rivers of Antona and Sa­brina. But the Icenians, a stout people untouch'd yet by these Warrs, as haveing before sought alliance with the Romans, were the first that brook'd not this. By their example others rise; and in a chosen place, fenc't with high Banks of Earth, and narrow Lanes to prevent the Horse, warily Encampe. Osto­rius, [Page 56] though yet not strengthn'd with his Legions, causes the auxiliar Bands, his Troops also allight­ing, to assault the rampart. They within though pester'd with thir own number, stood to it like men resolv'd, and in a narrow compass did remarkable deeds. But overpowerd at last, and others by thir success quieted, who till then waverd, Ostorius next bends his Force upon the Cangians, wasting all eeven to the Sea of Ireland, without foe in his way, or them, who durst, ill handl'd; when the Brigantes at­tempting new matters, drew him back to settle first what was unsecure behind him. They, of whome the chief were punish'd, the rest forgiv'n, soon gave over, but the Silures no way tractable were not to be repress'd without a set Warr. To furder this, Cama­lodunum was planted with a Colony of Veteran Soul­diers; to be a firme and readie aid against revolts, and a means to teach the Natives Roman Law and Civilitie. Cogidunus also a British King, thir fast friend, had to the same intent certain Citties giv'n Tacit. vit. Agric. him: a haughtie craft, which the Romans us'd, to make Kings also the servile agents of enslaving others. But the Silures hardie of themselves, rely'd more on the valour of Caractacus; whome many doubtfull, many prosperous successes had made eminent above all that rul'd in Britain. He adding to his courage Policie, and knowing himself to be of strength infe­rior, in other advantages the better; makes the Seat of his Warr among the Ordovices; a Country where­in all the odds were to his own partie, all the diffi­culties to his Enemie. The Hills and every access he fortifi'd with heapes of Stones, and guards of men; to com at whom a River of unsafe passage must be first waded. The place, as Camden con­jectures, had thence the name of Caer-Caradcc on the [Page 57] West edge of Shropshire. He himself continually went up and down, animating his Officers and Lea­ders, that this was the day, this the field either to de­fend thir Libertie, or to die free; calling to mind the names of his glorious Ancestors, who drove Caesar the Dictator out of Britain, whose valour hitherto had preserv'd them from bondage, thir Wives and Children from dishonour. Inflam'd with these words, they all vow thir utmost, with such undaun­ted resolution as amaz'd the Roman Generall; but the Souldier less waighing, because less knowing, cla­mourd to be led on against any danger. Ostorius after wary circumspection bidds them pass the Ri­ver: the Britans no sooner had them within reach of thir Arrowes, Darts, and Stones, but slew and wound­ed largly of the Romans. They on the other side closeing thir ranks, and over head closeing thir Tar­getts, threw down the loose rampires of the Britans, and persue them up the Hills both light arm'd and Le­gions; till what with gauling Darts and heavie strokes, the Britans who wore neither Helmet nor Cuirass to defend them, were at last overcome. This the Romans thought a famous Victorie; wherein the Wife and Daughter of Caractacus were tak'n, his Brothers also reduc'd to obedience; himself escape­ing to Cartismandua Queene of the Brigantes, against faith giv'n was to the Victors deliverd bound: ha­ving held out against the Romans nine year, saith Ta­citus, but by truer computation, Seaven. Where­by his name was up through all the adjoyning Pro­vinces, eev'n to Italy and Rome: many desiring to see who he was, that could withstand so many years the Roman Puissance: and Caesar to extoll his own Victorie, extoll'd the man whom he had van­quish'd. Beeing brought to Rome, the people as to a [Page 58] Solemn spectacle were call'd together, the Empe­rors Guard stood in Armes. In order came first the Kings Servants, bearing his Trophies won in other Warrs, next, his Brothers, Wife, and Daughter, last himself. The behaviour of others through fear was low and degenerate: he only neither in coun­tenance, word, or action, submissive standing at the Tribunal of Claudius, briefly spake to this purpose. If my mind, Caesar, had bin as moderate in the highth of Fortune, as my Birth and Dignitie was eminent, I might have come a friend rather then a Captive into this Cittie. Nor couldst thou have dislik'd him for a confederate, so noble of descent, and ruling so many Nations. My present estate to me disgracefull, to thee is glorious. I had Riches, Horses, Armes, and men; no wonder then if I contended, not to loose them. But if by Fate, yours only must be Empire, then of ne­cessitie ours among the rest must be subjection. If I sooner had bin brought to yeild, my misfortune had bin less notorious, your Conquest had bin less renown'd; and in your severest determining of me, both will be soon forgott'n. But if you grant that I shall live, by me will live to you for ever that praise which is so neer divine, the clemency of a Conquerour. Caesar mov'd at such a spectacle of Fortune, but especially at the nobleness of his bearing it, gave him pardon, and to all the rest. They all unbound, submissely thank him, and did like reverence to Agrippina the Emperors Wife, who sat by in State: a new and dis­dained sight to the manly Eyes of Romans, a Woe­man sitting public in her Female pride among En­signes and Armed Cohorts. To Ostorius Tryumph is decreed; and his acts esteem'd equall to theirs, that brought in Bonds to Rome famousest Kings. But the same prosperitie attended not his later [Page 59] actions heer. For the Silures, whether to reveng thir loss of Caractacus, or that they saw Ostorius, as if now all were done, less earnest to restrain them, besett the Prefect of his Camp, left there with Legionarie Bands to appoint Garrisons: and had not speedie aid com in from the neighbouring Holds and Castles, had cutt them all off; notwithstand­ing which, the Praefect with 8 Centurions, and many thir stoubtest men were slaine: and upon the neck of this, meeting first with Roman Forragers, then with other Troops hasting to thir relief, utterly foyl'd and broke them also. Ostorius sending more after, could hardly stay thir flight; till the waighty Legions coming on, at first poys'd the Battel, at length turn'd the Scale: to the Britans without much loss; for by that time it grew night. Then was the Warr shi­verd as it were into small frayes and bickerings; not unlike sometimes to so many robberies, in Woods, at Waters, as chance or valour, advice or rashness led them on, commanded or without command. That which most exasperated the Silures, was a re­port of certaine words cast out by the Emperor, that he would root them out to the verie name. Therefore two Cohorts more of Auxiliars, by the avarice of thir Leaders too securely pillageing, they quite inter­cepted: and bestowing liberally the Spoils and Cap­tives, whereof they took plentie; drew other Countries to joyne with them. These losses falling so thick upon the Romans, Ostorius with the thought, and anguish thereof ended his daies: the Britans rejoycing, although no Battel, that yet adverse Warr had worne out so great a Souldier. Caesar in his place ordaines Aulus Didius: but ere his coming, though much hastn'd, that the Province might not want a Governour; the Silures had giv'n an over-throw [Page 60] to Manlius Valens with his Legion, rumor'd on both sides greater then was true, by the Silures to amate the new Generall; by him in a double respect, of the more praise if he queld them, or the more excuse if he fail'd. Meane time the Si­lures forgett not to infest the Roman pale with wide excursions; till Didius marching out, kept them somwhat more within bounds. Nor were they long to seek, who after Caractacus should lead them; for next to him in worth and skill of Warr, Venutius a Prince of the Brigantes merited to be thir chief. He at first faithfull to the Romans, and by them pro­tected, was the Husband of Cartismandua Q. of the Brigantes, himself perhaps reigning elsewhere. She who had betray'd Caractacus and her Countrie to adorne the Tryumph of Claudius, thereby grown powerfull and gratious with the Romans, presuming on the hire of her treason, deserted her Husband; and marrying Vellocatus one of his Squires, con­ferrs on him the Kingdome also. This deed so odi­ous and full of infamie, disturb'd the whole State: Venutius with other Forces, and the help of her own Subjects, who detested the example of so foule a fact, and with all the uncomeliness of thir Subjection to the Monarchie of a Woeman, a peece of manhood not every day to be found among Britans, though shee had got by suttle train his Brother with many of his kindred into her hands, brought her soon below the confidence of beeing able to resist longer. When imploring the Roman aid, with much adoe, and after many a hard encounter she escap'd the pu­nishment which was readie to have seis'd her. Ve­nutius thus debar'd the authority of ruling his own Houshold, justly turnes his anger against the Romans themselves; whose magnanimitie not wont to un­dertake [Page 61] dishonorable causes, had arrogantly inter­meddl'd in his domestic affaires, to uphold the Re­belion of an adultress against her Husband. And the Kingdome he retain'd against thir utmost oppo­sition; and of Warr gave them thir fill: first in a sharpe conflict of uncertaine event, then against the Legion of Caesius Nasica. Insomuch that Didius growing old and mannageing the Warr by Depu­ties, had worke anough to stand on his defence, with the gaining now and then of a small Castle. And Tacit. vit. Agrio. Tacit. Hist. 3. Sueton. Nero (for in that part of the Ile things continu'd in the same plight to the Reigne of Vespatian) was minded but for shame to have withdrawn the Ro­man Forces out of Britain: In other parts whereof, about the same time, other things befell. Verannius, whom Nero sent hither to succeed Didius, dying in his first Year, save a few inrodes upon the Silures, left only a great boast behind him, that in two years, had he liv'd, he would have Conquerd all. But Sueto­nius Paulinus, who next was sent hither, esteem'd a Souldier equall to the best in that age, for two years together went on prosperously; both confirming what was got, and subdueing onward. At last over-confident of his present actions, and aemulating o­thers, of whose deeds he heard from abroad, marches up as farr as Mona, the Ile of Anglesey, a po­pulous place. For they it seemes had both enter­tain'd fugitives, and giv'n good assistance to the rest that withstood him. He makes him Boates with flat bottoms, fitted to the Shallows which he ex­pected in that narrow frith: his Foot so pass'd over, his Horse waded or swom. Thick upon the shoar stood several gross bands of men well weapn'd ma­ny women like furies running to and fro in dismal habit with hair loose about thir shoulders, held [Page 62] Torches in thir hands. The Druids, those were thir Priests, of whome more in another place, with hands lift up to Heav'n uttering direfull praiers, astonish'd the Romans; who at so strange a sight stood in a-maze though wounded: at length a­wak'd and encourag'd by thir Generall, not to feare a barbarous and lunatic rout, fall on, and beat them down scorch't and rouling in thir own fire. Then were they yoak'd with Garrisons, and the places consecrate to thir bloodie superstitions destroi'd. For whom they took in Warr they held it lawfull to Sa­crifice; and by the entrails of men us'd divination. While thus Paulinus had his thought still fix'd be­fore, to goe on winning, his back lay broad op'n to occasion of loosing more behind. For the Britans urg'd and oppress'd with many unsufferable injuries, had all banded themselves to a generall revolt. The particular causes are not all writt'n by one Author; Tacitus who liv'd next those times of any to us ex­tant, writes that Prasutagus King of the Icenians abounding in wealth had left Caesar Coheir with his two Daughters; thereby hopeing to have secur'd from all wrong both his Kingdom and his House; which fell out farr otherwise. For under colour to oversee and take possession of the Emperors new In­heritance, his Kingdome became a prey to Centu­rions, his House to rav'ning Officers, his Wife Boa­dicea violated with stripes, his Daughters with Rape, the wealthiest of his Subjects, as it were by the will and testament of thir King thrown out of thir Estates, his kindred made little better then slaves. The new Colony also at Camalodunum took House or Land from whome they pleas'd; terming them Slaves and Vassals; the Souldiers complying with the Colony, out of hope hereafter to use the same [Page 63] licence themselves. Moreover the Temple erected to Claudius as a badge of thir eternal slaverie, stood a great Eye sore; the Priests whereof under pretext of what was due to the religious service, wasted and imbezl'd each mans substance upon themselves. And Catus Decianus the Procurator endeavour'd to Dion. bring all thir goods within the compass of a new con­fiscation, by disavowing the remittment of Claudius. Lastly, Seneca in his Books a Philosopher, having drawn the Britans unwillingly to borrow of him vast summs upon faire promises of easy loan, and for re­payment to take thir own time, on a sudden com­pells them to pay in all at once with great extortion. Thus provock't by heaviest sufferings, and thus in­vited by opportunities in the absence of Paulinus, the Icenians, and by their Example the Trinobantes, and as many else as hated servitude, rise up in Armes. Of these ensueing troubles many foregoing signes appear'd: the image of Victorie at Camalodunum fell down of it self with her face turn'd as it were to the Britans; certaine women in a kind of ecstasie foretold of calamities to come; in the Counsel-House were heard by night barbarous noises, in the Theater hideous howlings, in the Creek horrid sights betok'ning the destruction of that Colony; heerto the Ocean seeming of a bloody hew, and human shapes at a low ebb, left imprinted on the sand, wrought in the Britans new courage, in the Ro­mans unwonted feares. Camalodunum, where the Romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly, rather then defensively, was not fortifi'd: against that therefore the Britans make first assault. The Souldiers with in were not very many. Decianus the Procurator could send them but 200, those ill arm'd: and through the treachery of some among them, [Page 64] who secretly favour'd the insurrection, they had de­ferr'd both to entrench, and to send out such as bore not Armes; such as did, flying to the Temple, which on the second day was forcibly tak'n, were put all to the Sword, the Temple made a heap, the [...]est rifl'd and burnt. Petilius Cerealis coming to his succour, is in his way met, and overthrown, his whole Le­gion cut to peeces; he with his Horse hardly esca­ping to the Roman Camp. Decianus, whose rapine was the cause of all this, fled into Callia. But Sueto­nius at these tideings not dismay'd, through the midst of his Enemies Countrie marches to London (though not term'd a Colony, yet full of Roman Inhabitants, and for the frequency of trade and other commo­dities, a Town eev'n then of principal note) with purpose to have made there the seat of Warr. But considering the smallness of his numbers, and the late rashness of Petilius, he chooses rather with the loss of one Town to save the rest. Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that besought him to tarry there; but taking with him such as were wil­ling, gave signal to depart; they who through weak­ness of Sex or Age, or love of the place went not along, perish'd by the Enemie; so did Verulam a Ro­man free Town. For the Britans omitting Forts and Castles, flew thether first where richest bootie, and the hope of pillageing toald them on. In this massa­cre, about 70 thousand Romans and thir associats in the places above-mention'd, of a certaine, lost thir lives. None might be spar'd, none ransom'd, but tasted all either a present or a lingring Death; no crueltie that either outrage or the insolence of suc­cess put into thir heads, was left unacted. The Dion. L. 62. Roman Wives and Virgins hang'd up all naked, had thir Breasts cut off, and sow'd to thir mouthes; that [Page 65] in the grimness of Death they might seem to eat thir own flesh; while the Britans fell to feasting and carousing in the Temple of Andate thir Goddess of Victorie. Suetonius adding to his Legion other old Officers, and Souldiers thereabout, which gatherd to him, were neer upon ten thousand; and purposing with those not to deferr Battel, had chos'n a place narrow, and not to be overwing'd, on his rear a Wood; being well inform'd that his Enemies were all in Front on a plain unapt for ambush: the Legio­naries stood thic in order, impal'd with light armed; the Horse on either Wing. The Britans in Com­panies and Squadrons were every where shouting and swarming, such a multitude as at other time never; no less reckon'd then 200 and 30 thousand, so feirce and confident of Victorie, that thir Wives also came in Waggons to sit and behold the sport, as they made full account, of killing Romans: a folly doubtless for the serious Romans to smile at, as a sure tok'n of prospering that day: a Woeman also was thir Commander in Chief. For Boadicea and her Daughters ride about in a Chariot, telling the tall Champions as a great encouragement, that with the Britans it was usual for Woemen to be thir Leaders. A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth, not worth recital; how she was lash'd, how her Daughters were handl'd, things worthier silence, re­tirment, and a Vail, then for a Woeman to repeat, as don to hir own person, or to hear repeated before an host of men. The Greek Historian setts her in the Dion. field on a high heap of Turves, in a loose-bodied Gown declaming, a Spear in her hand, a Hare in her bosome, which after a long circumlocution she was to let slip among them for lucks sake, then praying to Andate the British Goddess, to talk again as fondly as [Page 66] before. And this they do out of a vanity, hoping to embellish and set out thir Historie with the strang­ness of our manners, not careing in the mean while to brand us with the rankest note of Barbarism, as if in Britain Woemen were Men, and Men Woemen. I affect not set speeches in a Historie, unless known for certain to have bin so spok'n in effect as they are writ'n, nor then, unless worth rehearsal; and to in­vent such, though eloquently, as some Historians have done, is an abuse of posteritie, raising, in them that read, other conceptions of those times and per­sons then were true. Much less therefore do I pur­pose heer or elsewhere to Copie out tedious Orati­ons without decorum, though in thir Authors com­pos'd ready to my hand. Hitherto what we have heard of Cassibelan, Togadumnus, Venusius, and Ca­ractacus hath bin full of magnanimitie, soberness, and martial skill: but the truth is, that in this Battel, and whole business, the Britans never more plainly manifested themselves to be right Barbarians; no rule, no foresight, no forecast, experience or estima­tion, either of themselves or of thir Enemies; such confusion, such impotence, as seem'd likest not to a Warr, but to the wild hurrey of a distracted Woe­man, with as mad a Crew at her heeles. Therefore Suetonius contemning thir unruly noises, and fierce looks, heart'ns his men but to stand close a while, and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood neer­est, the rest would be a purchase, rather then a toil. And so it fell out; for the Legion, when they saw thir time, bursting out like a violent wedge, quickly broke and dissipated what oppos'd them; all else held only out thir necks to the slayer, for thir own Carts and Waggons were so plac'd by themselves, as left them but little room to escape between. The [Page 67] Roman slew all; men, women, and the very drawing Horses lay heap'd along the Field in a gory mixture of slaughter. About fowrscore thousand Britans are said to have bin slain on the place; of the Enemy scarse 400 and not many more wounded. Boadicea poysond her self, or, as others say, sick'n'd and dy'd. She was of Stature big and tall, of visage grim and Dion. stern, harsh of voice, her hair of bright colour flowing down to her hipps; she wore a plighted Garment of divers colours, with a great gold'n Chain; button'd over all a thick robe. Gildas calls her the craftie lioness, and leaves an ill fame upon her doeings. Dion sets down otherwise the order of this fight, and that the field was not won without much difficultie, nor without intention of the Britans to give another Battel, had not the Death of Boadicea come betweene. Howbeit Sue­tonius to preserve Discipline, and to dispatch the re­liques of Warr, lodg'd with all his Armie in the op'n field; which was supply'd out of Germany with 1000 Horse, and 10000 Foot; thence dispers'd to Winter, and with incursions to wast those Countries that stood out. But to the Britans famin was a worse affliction; having left off dureing this uproar, to till the ground, and made reck'ning to serve themselves on the provisions of thir Enemie. Nevertheless those Nations that were yet untaimd, hearing of some discord ris'n betweene Suetonius, and the new Pro­curator Classicianus, were brought but slowly to terms of peace; and the rigor us'd by Suetonius on them that yeilded, taught them the better course to stand on thir defence. For it is certaine, that Sue­tonius, Tacit. vit. Agric. though else a worthieman, over-proud of his Victorie, gave too much way to his anger against the Britans. Classician therefore sending such word to [Page 68] Rome, that these severe proceedings would beget an endless Warr, Polycletus, no Roman but a Courtier, was sent by Nero to examin how things went. He ad­monishing Suetonius to use more mildness, aw'd the Armie, and to the Britans gave matter of Laughter. Who so much eeven till then were nurs'd up in thir native libertie, as to wonder that so great a Generall with his whole Armie should be at the rebuke and ordering of a Court Servitor. An. Dom. 62 But Suetonius a while after having lost a few Gallies on the shoar, was bid resigne his command to Petronius Turpilia­nus, who not provoking the Britans, nor by them provok'd, was thought to have pretended the love of peace to what indeed was his love of ease and sloth. Trebellius Maximus follow'd his steps, usurp­ing the name of gentle Goverment to any remisness or neglect of Discipline; which brought in first li­cence, next disobedience into his Camp; incens'd against him partly for his covetousness, partly by the incitement of Roscius Caelius Legat of a Legion; with whom formerly disagreeing, now that civil Warr began in the Empire, he fell to op'n discord; Tacit. Hist. 8. 1. & vit. Agric. charging him with disorder, and sedition, and him Caelius with peeling and defrauding the Legions of thir pay; insomuch that Trebellius hated, and de­serted of the Souldiers, was content a while to go­vern by base entreaty, and forc'd at length to flie the Land. Which notwithstanding remain'd in good quiet, govern'd by Caelius and the other Legate of a Legion, both faithfull to Vitellius then Emperour; who sent hither Vectius Bolanus; An. Dom. 69 under whose lenity, though not tainted with other fault, Tacit. Hist. 2. & vit. Agric. against the Bri­tans nothing was done, nor in thir own Discipline reform'd. Petilius Cerealis by appointment of Ves­pasian succeeding, An. Dom. 70 had to doe with the populous Bri­gantes [Page 69] in many Battails, and som of those, not un­bloodie. An. Dom. 74 For as we heard before, it was Venusius who eeven to these times held them tack, Calvis. Tacit. Hist. 3. & vit. A­gric. both him­self remaining to the end unvanquish'd, and some part of his Countrie not so much as reach't. It ap­peares also by several passages in the Histories of Tacitus, that no small number of British Forces were commanded over Sea the year before to serve in those bloodie Warrs betweene Otho and Vitellius, Vitellius and Vespasian contending for the Empire. To Cerealis succeeded Julius Frontinus in the Govern­ment of Britain, who by tameing the Silures, a people warlike and strongly inhabiting, augmented much his reputation. An. Dom. 79 But Julius Agricola, whom Vespatiau in his last year sent hither, train'd up from his youth in the British Warrs, extended with victories the Ro­man Limit beyond all his Predecessors. His coming was in the midst of Summer; and the Ordovices to welcome the new General, had hew'n in peeces a whole Squadron of Horse, which lay upon thir bounds, few escapeing. Agricola, who perceav'd that the noise of this defeat had also in the Province desirous of novelty, stirr'd up new expectations, re­solves to be before-hand with the danger: and draw­ing together the choice of his Legions with a com­petent number of Auxiliars, not beeing met by the Ordovices, who kept the Hills, himself in the head of his men hunts them up and down through difficult places, almost to the final extirpating of that whole Nation. With the same current of success, what Paulinus had left unfinish'd he Conquers in the Ile of Mona: for the Ilanders altogether fearless of his approach, whom they knew to have no Shipping, when they saw themselves invaded on a sudden by the Auxiliars, whose Countrie use had taught them [Page 70] to swimm over with Horse and Armes, were com­pel'd to yeild. This gain'd Agricola much opinion; who at his verie entrance, a time which others be­stow'd of course in hearing complements and gratu­lations, had made such early progress into labori­ous and hardest enterprises. But by farr not so fa­mous was Agricola in bringing Warr to a speedie end, as in cutting off the causes from whence Warr arises. For he knowing that the end of Warr was not to make way for injuries in peace, began reformation from his own house; permitted not his attendants and followers to sway, or have to doe at all in public affairs: laies on with equallitie the proportions of corn and tribute that were impos'd; takes off ex­actions, and the Fees of encroaching Officers, hea­vier then the tribute it self. For the Countries had bin compell'd before, to sitt and wait the op'ning of public Granaries, and both to sell and to buy thir Corn at what rate the Publicans thought fitt; the Pourveyers also commanding when they pleas'd to bring it in, not to the neerest, but still to the remo­test places, either by the compounding of such as would be excus'd, or by causing a Dearth, where none was, made a particular gain. These greevan­ces and the like, he in the time of peace removing, brought peace into some credit; which before, since the Romans coming, had as ill a name as Warr. An. Dom. 80 The Summer following, Titus then Emperor, he so conti­nually with inroads disquieted the Enemie over all the Ile, and after terror so allur'd them with his gen­tle demeanour, that many Citties which till that time would not bend, gave Hostages, admitted Gar­risons, and came in voluntarily. The Winter he spent all in worthie actions; teaching and promo­ting like a public Father the institutes and customes [Page 71] of civil life. The Inhabitants rude and scatter'd, and by that the proner to Warr, he so perswaded as to build Houses, Temples, and Seats of Justice; and by praysing the forward, quick'ning the slow, assist­ing all, turn'd the name of necessitie into an emula­tion. He caus'd moreover the Noblemens Sons to be bred up in liberal Arts; and by preferring the Witts of Britain, before the Studies of Gallia, brought them to affect the Latine Eloquence, who before hated the Language. Then were the Roman fashions imitated, and the Gown; after a while the incitements also and materials of Vice, and volup­tuous life, proud Buildings, Baths, and the elegance of Banqueting; which the foolisher sort call'd civi­litie, but was indeed a secret Art to prepare them for bondage. An. Dom. 81 Spring appearing, he took the Field, and with a prosperous expedition wasted as farr North­ward as the Frith of Taus all that obey'd not; with such a terror, as he went, that the Roman Army, though much hinderd by tempestuous weather, had the leasure to build Forts and Castles where they pleas'd, none dareing to oppose them. Besides, Agri­cola had this excellence in him, so providently to choose his places where to fortifie, as not another General then alive. No sconce, or fortress of his raising was ever known either to have bin forc'd, or yeilded up, or quitted. Out of these impregnable by seige, or in that case duely releev'd, with conti­nual irruptions he so prevail'd, that the Enemie, whose manner was in Winter to regain, what in Summer he had lost, was now alike in both seasons kept short, and streit'n'd. For these exploits then ex'steem'd so great, and honourable, Titus in whose Dion. L. 66. Reign they were atcheev'd, was the fifteenth time saluted Imperator; and of him Agricola receav'd [Page 72] triumphal honours. An. Dom. 82 The fourth Summer, Domitian then ruleing the Empire, he spent in settling and confirming what the year before he had travail'd over with a running Conquest. And had the valour of his Souldiers bin answerable, he had reach'd that year, as was thought, the utmost bounds of Britain. For Glota, and Bodotria, now Dunbritton, and the Frith of Edinburrow; two opposite Armes of the Sea, divided only by a neck of Land, and all the Creeks and Inlets on this side, were held by the Ro­mans, and the Enemie driv'n as it were into another Iland. An. Dom. 83 In his fift year he pass'd over into the Orca­des, as we may probably guess, and other Scotch Iles; discovering and subdueing Nations till then unknown. He gain'd also with his Forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland, as aiming also to con­quer that Iland; where one of the Irish Kings driv'n out by civil Warrs, comming to him, he both gladly receav'd, and retain'd him as against a fitt time. An. Dom. 84 The Summer ensueing, on mistrust that the Nations be­yond Bodotria would generally rise, and forelay the passages by land, he caus'd his Fleet, makeing a great shew, to bear along the Coast, and up the Friths and Harbours; joyning most commonly at night on the same shoar both Land and Sea Forces, with mutual shouts and loud greetings. At sight whereof the Britans, not wont to see thir Sea so ridd'n, were much daunted. Howbeit the Caledonians with great preparation, and by rumor, as of things unknown much greater, taking Armes, and of thir own accord begining Warr by the assault of sundry Castles, sent back some of thir fear to the Romans themselves: and there were of the Commanders, who cloaking thir fear under shew of sage advice, counsel'd the General to retreat back on this side Bodotria. He [Page 73] in the mean while having intelligence, that the Ene­mie would fall on in many Bodies, devided also his Armie into three parts. Which advantage the Bri­tans quickly spying, and on a sudden uniting what before they had disjoyn'd, assaile by night with all thir Forces that part of the Roman Armie, which they knew to be the weakest; and breaking in upon the Camp surpris'd between sleep and fear, had be­gun some Execution. When Agricola, who had learnt what way the Enemies took, and follow'd them with all speed, sending before him the lightest of his Horse and Foot to charge them behind, the rest as they came on to affright them with clamour, so ply'd them without respite, that by approach of day the Roman Ensigns glittering all about, had encompass'd the Bri­tans: who now after a sharp fight in the very Ports of the Camp, betook them to thir wonted refuge, the Woods and Fens, poursu'd a while by the Romans, that day else in all appearance had ended the Warr. The Legions reincourag'd by this event, they also now boasting, who but lately trembl'd, cry all to be led on as farr as there was British ground. The Bri­tans also not acknowledging the loss of that day to Roman valour, but to the policy of their Captaine, abated nothing of their stoutness; but arming thir youth, conveying thir Wives and Children to pla­ces of safty, in frequent assemblies, and by solemn covnants bound themselves to mutual assistance a­gainst the common Enemy. About the same time a Cohort of Germans having slain thir Centurion with other Roman Officers in a mutiny, and for fear of punishment fled a Shipboard, launch'd forth in three light Gallies without Pilot: and by tide or weather Dion. L. 66. carried round about the Coast, using Piracy where they landed, while their Ships held out, and as thir [Page 74] skill serv'd them, with various fortune, were the first discoverers to the Romans that Britain was an Iland. An. Dom. 85 The following Summer, Agricola having be­fore sent his Navie to hover on the Coast, and with sundrie and uncertaine landings to divert and dis­unite the Britans, himself with a power best appoint­ed for expedition, wherein also were many Britans, whom he had long try'd both valiant and faithful, marches onward to the Mountaine Grampius, where the British, above 30 thousand, were now lodg'd, and still encreasing: for neither would thir old men, so many as were yet vigorous and lusty, be left at home, long practis'd in Warr, and every one adorn'd with some badge, or cognisance of his warlike deeds long agoe. Of whom Galgacus, both by birth and merit the prime Leader, to thir courage, though of it self hot and violent, is by his rough Oratory, in detesta­tion of servitude and the Roman yoke, said to have added much more eagerness of fight; testifi'd by thir shouts and barbarous applauses. As much did on the others side Agricola exhort his Souldiers to Victo­rie and Glorie; as much the Souldiers by his firm and well grounded Exhortations were all on a fire to the onset. But first he orders them in this sort. Of 8000 Auxiliar Foot he makes his middle ward, on the wings 3000 Horse, the Legions as a reserve, stood in array before the Camp; either to seise the Victorie won without their own hazard, or to keep up the Battaile if it should need. The British pow­ers on the Hill side, as might best serve for shew and terrour, stood in thir Battalions; the first on eeven ground, the next rising behind, as the Hill ascend­ed. The field between rung with the noise of Horse-men and Chariots ranging up and down. Agricola doubting to be over wing'd, stretches out his front, [Page 75] though somwhat with the thinest, insomuch that many advis'd to bring up the Legions: yet he not altering, a­lights from his Horse, and stands on foot before the Ensignes. The fight began aloof, and the Britans had a certain skill with their broad swashing Swords and short Bucklers either to strike aside, or to bear off the Darts of thir Enemies; and withall to send back showers of thir own. Until Agricola discern­ing that those little Targets and unweildie Glaves ill pointed, would soon become ridiculous against the thrust and close, commanded three Batavian Co­horts, and two of the Tungrians exercis'd and arm'd for close fight, to draw up, and come to handy­strokes. The Batavians, as they were commanded, running in upon them, now with their long Tucks thrusting at the face, now with their piked Targets bearing them down, had made good riddance of them that stood below; and for hast omitting furder Execution, began apace to advance up Hill, second­ed now by all the other Cohorts. Mean while the Horse-men fly, the Charioters mixe themselves to fight among the Foot; where many of thir Horse also fall'n in disorderly, were now more a mischief to thir own, then before a terrour to thir Enemies. The Battaile was a confus'd heap; the ground unequal; men, horses, Chariots crowded pelmel; sometimes in little roome, by and by in large, fighting, rush­ing, felling, over-bearing, over-turning. They on the Hill, which were not yet come to blows, perceav­ing the fewness of thir Enemies, came down amain; and had enclos'd the Romans unawares behind, but that Agricola with a strong Body of Horse, which he reserv'd for such a purpose, repell'd them back as fast: and others drawn off the front, were command­ed to wheel about and charge them on the backs. [Page 76] Then were the Romans clearly Maisters; they fol­low, they wound, they take, and to take more, kill whom they take: the Britans in whole Troops with weapons in thir hands, one while flying the pursuer, anon without weapons desperately running upon the slayer. But all of them, when once they got the Woods to thir shelter, with fresh boldness made head again, and the forwardest on a sudden they turn'd and slew, the rest so hamper'd, as had not Agricola, who was every where at hand, sent out his readiest Cohorts, with part of his Horse to alight and scowr the Woods, they had receiv'd a foyle in the midst of Victorie; but following with a close and orderly poursuit, the Britans fled again, and were totally scatter'd; till night and weariness ended the chase. And of them that day 10 thousand fell; of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atti [...]us the Leader of a Cohort; carried with heat of youth and the firceness of his Horse too far on. The Ro­mans jocond of this Victorie, and the spoile they got, spent the night; the vanquished wandring about the field, both men and women, some lamenting, some calling thir lost friends, or carrying off their wound­ed; others forsaking, some burning thir own Houses; and it was certain enough, that there were who with a stern compassion laid violent hands on thir Wives and Children to prevent the more violent hands of hostile injurie. Next day appearing manifested more plainly the greatness of thir loss receav'd; every where silence, desolation, houses burning afar off, not a man seen, all fled, and doubtful whether: such word the scouts bringing in from all parts, and the Summer now spent, no fit season to disperse a Warr, the Roman General leads his Armie among the Ho­restians; by whom Hostages being giv'n, he com­mands [Page 77] his Admiral with a sufficient Navie to saile round the Coast of Britain: himself with slow marches, that his delay in passing might serve to awe those new conquer'd Nations, bestowes his Armie in their Winter-quarters. The Fleet also having fetch't a prosperous and speedy compass about the Ile, put in at the Haven Trutulensis, now Richborrow neer Camden. Juvenal, sat. 2. Sandwich, from whence it first set out: and now likeliest, if not two years before, as was mention'd, the Romans might discover and subdue the Iles of of Orkney; which others with less reason following Eutrop. L. 7. Eusebius and Orosius, attribute to the deeds of Clau­dius. These perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame; with Domitian, under whom great vir­tue was as punishable as op'n crime, won him hatred. Dion. L. 66. For he maligning the renown of these his acts, in shew decreed him honours, in secret devis'd his ruin. An. Dom. 86 A­gricola therefore commanded home for doeing too much, of what he was sent to doe, left the Province to his Successor quiet and secure. Whether he, as is conjectured, were Salustius Lucullus, or before him some other, for Suetonius only names him Legat of Britain under Domitian; but furder of him, or ought else done here until the time of Hadrian, is no where plainly to be found. Some gather by a Preface in Tacitus to the Book of his Histories, that what Agri­cola won here, was soon after by Domitian either through want of valour lost, or through envy neg­lected. And Juvenal the Poet speaks of Arviragus in these days, and not before, King of Britain: who stood so well in his resistance, as not only to be talk'd of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious Tri­umph, if Domitian could take him Captive, or overcome him. Then also Claudia Rufina the Daugh­ter of a Britain, and Wife of Pudence a Roman Se­nator, [Page 78] liv'd at Rome; famous by the Verse of Mar­tial for beauty, wit, and learning. The next we hear of Britain, is that when Trajan was Emperor, it revolted, and was subdued. Under Adrian, Juli­us Severus, saith Dion, govern'd the Iland, a prime Spartianus in vit. Hi­drian. Souldier of that Age, but he being call'd away to suppress the Jews then in tumult, left things at such pass, as caus'd the Emperor in person to take a jour­ney hither; An. Dom. 122 where many things he reform'd, and, as Augustus, and Tiberius counsel'd to gird the Empire Spartianus ibid. within moderate bounds; he rais'd a Wall with great stakes driv'n in deep, and fastn'd together, in manner of a strong mound, fourscore mile in length, to devide what was Roman from Barbarian: no anti­ent Author names the place, but old inscriptions, and ruin it self yet testifies where it went along be­tween Solway Frith by Carlile, and the mouth of Tine. Hadrian having quieted the Iland, took it for honour Camden. to be titl'd on his Coine, the Restorer of Britain. In his time also Prisous Licinius, as appears by an old in­scription, was Lieutenant heer. Antoninus Pius reigning, the Brigantes ever least patient of Foren Pausan ar­chad. servitude, breaking in upon Genounia (which Cam­den guesses to be Guinethia or North-Wales) part of the Roman Province, were with the loss of much ter­ritory driv'n back by Lollius Ʋrbious, who drew ano­ther Capitolin. vit. Anton. Wall of Turves; in likelihood much beyond the former, An. Dom. 144 and as Camden proves, between the Frith of Dunbritton, Capitolin. Marc. Ant. Philos. and of Edinborrow; to hedge out in­cursions from the North. And Seius Saturninus, as is collected from the digests, An. Dom. 162 had charge heer of the Roman Navie. Digest. L. 36. With like success did Marcus Aure­lius next Emperor by his Legate Calphurnius Agricola finish heer a new Warr: Commodus after him ob­teining the Empire. In his time, as among so many [Page 79] different accounts may seem most probable, Lucius a suppos'd King in some part of Britain, the first of Beda. any King in Europe, that we read of, receav'd the Christian Faith, and this Nation the first by publick Authority profess'd it: a high and singular grace from above, if sinceritie and perseverance went a­long, otherwise an empty boast, and to be fear'd the verifying of that true sentence, the first shall be last. And indeed the praise of this action is more proper to King Lucius than common to the Nation; whose first professing by publick Authority was no real commendation of their true faith; which had ap­pear'd more sincere and praise-worthy, whether in this or other Nation, first profess'd without publick Authority or against it, might else have bin but out­ward conformity. Lucius in our Monmouth Storie is made the second by descent from Marius, Marius the Son of Arviragus is there said to have overthrown the Picts then first coming out of Scythia, slain Roderic their King; and in sign of Victorie to have set up a monument of Stone in the Country since call'd Westmaria; but these things have no founda­tion. Coilus the Son of Marius, all his reign, which was just and peaceable, holding great amity with the Romans, left it hereditary to Lucius. He (if Beda err not, living neer 500 years after, yet our antient­est Author of this report) sent to Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome, an improbable Letter, as some of the Contents discover, An. Dom. 181 desiring that by his appointment he and his people might receave Christianitie. From whome two religious Doctors, nam'd in our Chroni­cles Faganus and Deruvianus, forthwith sent, are said to have converted and baptiz'd well nigh the whole Nation: Nennius. thence Lucius to have had the sirname of Levermaur, that is to say, great light. Nor yet then [Page 80] first was the Christian Faith heer known, but eev'n from the later daies of Tiberius, as Gildas confident­ly affirms, taught and propagated, and that as some say by Simon Zelotes, as others by Joseph of Arima­thaea, Barnabas, Paul, Peter, and thir prime Disciples. But of these matters, variously written and believ'd, Ecclesiastic Historians can best determin: as the best of them do, with little credit giv'n to the particulars of such uncertain relations. As for Lucius, they write, that after a long reigne he was buried at Gloster; but dying without issue left the Kingdom in great com­motion. Geff. Mon. By truer testimony we find that the great­est Warr which in those days busy'd Commodus, Dion. L. 72. was in this Iland. For the Nations Northward, notwith­standing the Wall rais'd to keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman Province, wasted wide; and both the Army and the Leader that came against them wholly routed, and destroy'd; which put the Emperor in such a fear, as to dispatch hither one of his best Commanders, Ʋlpius Marcellus. He a man endu'd with all nobleness of mind, frugal, tempe­rate, mild, and magnanimous, An. Dom. 183 in Warr bold and watchful, invincible against lucre, and the assault of bribes, what with his valour, and these his other virtues, quickly ended this Warr that look'd so dan­gerous, and had himself like to have been ended by the peace which he brought home, for presuming to be so worthy and so good under the envy of so worthless and so bad an Emperor. After whose de­parture the Roman Legions fell to sedition among themselves; Lamprid. in comm. 15 hundred of them went to Rome in name of the rest, An. Dom. 186 and were so terrible to Commodus himself, as that to please them he put to death Perennis the Captain of his Guard. Notwithstanding which compliance they endeavour'd heer to set up another [Page 81] Emperor against him; and Helvius Pertinax who suc­ceeded Governour, found it a work so difficult to appease them, that once in a mutiny he was left for dead among many slain; Capitolin. in Pert. and was fain at length to seek a dismission from his charge. After him Clo­dius Albinus took the Government; Capitolin. is Alb. but he, for ha­ving to the Souldiers made an Oration against Mo­narchie, by the appointment of Commodus was bid resign to Junius Severus. An. Dom. 193 But Albinus in those trou­blesome times ensuing under the short reign of Per­tinax and Didius Julianus, Dion. Did. Jul. Spartian. in Sever. Herod. L. 3. found means to keep in his hands the Government of Britain; although Septi­mius Severus who next held the Empire, sent hither Heraclitus to displace him; but in vain, for Albinus with all the British powers and those of Gallia met Severus about Lyons in France, and fought a bloody Battail with him for the Empire, Herod. L. 3. though at last van­quish'd and slain. The Government of Britain, Se­verus divided between two Deputies; Digest. L. 28. tit. 6. till then one Legat was thought sufficient; the North he com­mitted to Virius Lupus. Where the Meatae rising in Arms, and the Caledonians, though they had pro­mis'd the contrary to Lupus, Dion. preparing to defend them, so hard beset, he was compell'd to buy his peace, and a few of Pris'ners with great Sums of money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to an end his other Warrs, Herod. L. 3. he writes him plainly the state of things heer, that the Britans of the North made Warr upon him, broke into the Province, and harrass'd all the Countries nigh them, that there needed suddenly either more aid, or himself in per­son. Severus though now much weak'nd with Age and the Gout, yet desirous to leav som memorial of his warlike acheevements heer, as he had don in o­ther places, and besides to withdraw by this means [Page 82] his two Sons from the pleasures of Rome, and his Souldiers from idleness, with a mighty power far sooner than could be expected, arrives in Britain. An. Dom. 208 The Northern people much daunted with the report of so great Forces brought over with him, and yet more preparing, send Embassadors to treat of peace, and to excuse thir former doings. The Emperor now loath to returne home without some memora­ble thing don, whereby he might assume to his other titles the addition of Britannicus, delays his answer and quick'ns his preparations; till in the end, when all things were in readiness to follow them, they are dismiss't without effect. His principal care was to have many Bridges laid over Bogs and rott'n Moars, that his Souldiers might have to fight on sure footing. For it seems through lack of tillage, the Northern parts were then, as Ireland is at this day; and the inhabitants in like manner wonted to retire, and de­fend themselves in such watrie places half naked. An. Dom. 209 He also being past Adrians wall, cut down Woods, made way through Hills, fast'nd and fill'd up un­sound and plashy Fens. Notwithstanding all this in­dustrie us'd, the Enemie kept himself so cunningly within his best advantages, and seldom appearing, so opportunely found his times to make irruption upon the Romans, when they were most in straits and difficulties, sometimes training them on with a few Cattel turn'dout, and drawn within ambush cruelly handling them, that many a time enclos'd in the midst of sloughs and quagmires, Dion. they chose rather themselves to kill such as were faint and could not shift away, than leave them there a prey to the Cale­donians. Thus lost Severus, and by sickness in those noisome places, no less than 50 thousand men: and yet desisted not, though for weakness carried in a [Page 83] Litter, till he had march't through with his Armie to the utmost Northern verge of the Ile: and the Britans offring peace were compell'd to lose much of thir Country not before subject to the Romans. An. Dom. 210 Severus on the Frontiers of what he had firmly con­quer'd builds a Wall cross the Iland from Sea to Sea; Spartianus in Sever. which one Author judges the most magnificent of all his other deeds; and that he thence receav'd the stile of Britannicus; in length 132 Miles. Eutropii Pe­an. Oros. l. 7. Cassidor. chro. Buchanan. Orosius adds it fortify'd with a deep Trench, and between certain spaces many Towers, or Battlements. The place whereof som will have to be in Scotland, the same which Lollius Ʋrbicus had wall'd before. O­thers affirm it only Hadrians work re-edifi'd; both plead Authorities and the ancient tract yet visible: but this I leave among the studious of these Antiqui­ties to be discuss't more at large. While Peace held, the Empress Julia meeting on a time certain British Ladies, and discoursing with the Wife of Argento­coxus a Caledonian, cast out a scoff against the loose­ness of our Iland Women; whose manner then was to use promiscuously the company of divers men. Whom straight the British Woman boldly thus answer'd: Much better do we Britans fulfill the work of Nature than you Romans; we with the best men accustom op'nly; you with the basest commit private adulteries. Whether she thought this answer might serve to justifie the practice of her Countrie, as when vices are compar'd, the greater seems to justifie the less, or whether the law and custom wherein she was bred, had wip't out of her conscience the better dictate of Nature, and not convinc't her of the shame; certain it is that whereas other Nations us'd a liberty not unnatural for one man to have many Wives, the Britans alto­gether as licentious, Caesar. but more absurd and preposte­rous [Page 84] in thir licence, had one or many Wives in com­mon among ten or twelve Husbands; and those for the most part incestuously. But no sooner was Se­verus return'd into the Province, then the Britans take Arms again. Against whom Severus worn out with labours and infirmity, sends Antoninus his eldest Son; expresly commanding him to spare neither Sex nor Age. But Antoninus who had his wicked thoughts tak'n up with the contriving of his Fathers death, a safer Enemie then a Son, did the Britans not much detriment. Whereat Severus more over­com with grief than any other maladie, ended his life at York. An. Dom. 211 After whose decease Antoninus Cara­calla his impious Son concluding peace with the Bri­tans, Spartianus in Sever. took Hostages and departed to Rome. The Conductor of all this Northern Warr Scottish Wri­ters name Donaldus, he of Monmouth Fulgenius, in the rest of his relation nothing worth. From hence the Roman Empire declining apace, good Histori­ans growing scarce, or lost, have left us little else but fragments for many years ensuing. An. Dom. 242 Under Gordian the Emperour we find by the Inscription of an Altar stone, Camd. Cum­ber. that Nonius Philippus govern'd heer. Under Galienus we read there was a strong and general re­volt from the Roman Legat. An. Dom. 259 Eumen. Pa­neg. Const. Of the 30 Tyrants which not long after took upon them the style of Emperor, An. Dom. 267 by many Coins found among us, Lollianus, Victorinus, Posthumus, Camden. the Tetrici and Marius are conjectured to have ris'n or born great sway in this Iland. Whence Porphyrius a Philosopher then liv­ing, Gildas. said that Britain was a soil fruitful of Tyrants; Hieronym. and is noted to be the first Author that makes men­tion of the Scottish Nation. An. Dom. 282 While Frobus was Em­peror, Bonosus the Son of a Rhetorician, Vapisc. in Bonos. bred up a Spanyard, though by descent a Britan, and a match­less [Page 85] drinker, nor much to be blamed, if, as they write, he were still wisest in his cups, having attained in warfare to high honours, and lastly in his charge o­ver the German shipping, willingly, as was thought, miscarried, trusting on his power with the Western Armies, and join'd with Proculus, bore himself a while for Emperor; but after a long and bloodie fight at Cullen, vanquish't by Probus he hang'd him­self, and gave occasion of a ready jest made on him for his much drinking; Heer hangs a Tankard, not a man. Zozim. l. 1. After this, Probus with much wisdom prevented a new rising heer in Britain by the severe loyaltie of Victorinus a Moor, at whose entreatie he had plac't heer that Governour which rebell'd. For the Emperor upbraiding him with the disloyaltie of whom he had commended, Victorinus undertaking to set all right again, hastes hither, and finding in­deed the Governour to intend sedition, by som con­trivance not mention'd in the storie, shew him, whose name som imagin to be Cornelius Lelianus. Camd. They write also that Probus gave leave to the Spanyards, Gauls, and Britans to plant Vines, and to make Wine; and having subdu'd the Vandals, and Bur­gundians in a great Battail, Zozimus. sent over many of them hither to inhabit, where they did good service to the Romans when any insurrection happen'd in the Ile. An. Dom. 283 After whom Carus Emperor going against the Persians, Vopisc. in Carin. left Carinus one of his Sons to govern a­mong other Western Provinces this Iland with im­perial authority; but him Dioclesian saluted Empe­ror by the Eastern Armies overcame and slew. An. Dom. 284 A­bout which time Carausius a man of low parentage, born in Menapia, Aurel. victor. de Caesar. about the parts of Cleves and Juli­ers, who through all militarie degrees was made at length Admiral of the Belgi [...] ▪ and Armoric Seas, then [Page 86] much infested by the Franks and Saxons, An. Dom. 285 what he took from the Pyrats, neither restoring to the owners, Eutrop. Oros. nor accounting to the Publick, but enriching himself, and yet not scowring the Seas, but conniving rather at those Sea Robbers, was grown at length too great a Delinquent to be less than an Emperor: for fear and guiltiness in those days made Emperors ofter than merit: And understanding that Maximianus Hercu­lius, Dioclesians adopted Son, was com against him into Gallia, pass'd over with the Navie which he had made his own, Eumen. Pa­neg. 2. into Britain, and possess'd the Iland. An. Dom. 286 Where he built a new Fleet after the Roman fashion, got into his power the Legion that was left heer in Garrison, other outlandish Cohorts detain'd, listed the very Merchants and Factors of Gallia, and with the allurement of spoile invited great numbers of other barbarous Nations to his part, and train'd them to Sea service, wherein the Romans at that time were grown so out of skill, that Carausius with his Navie did at Sea what he listed, robbing on every Coast; whereby Maximian, able to come no neerer than the shoar of Boloigne, was forc't to conclude a Peace with Carausius, Victor. Eu­trop. and yeild him Britain; as one fittest to guard the Province there against inroads from the North. An. Dom. 291 But not long after having assum'd Constantius Chlorus to the dignity of Caesar, sent him against Carausius; who in the mean while had made himself strong both within the Land and without. Buchanan. Galfred of Monmouth writes that he made the Ticts his confederates; to whom lately com out of Scy­thia he gave Albany to dwell in: and it is observ'd that before his time the Picts are not known to have bin any where mentioned, and then first by Eumenius a Rhetorician. Paneg. 2. He repair'd and fortifi'd the Wall of Severus with 7 Castles, and a round House of smooth [Page 87] stone on the Bank of Carron, which River, saith Nin­nius, was of his Name so call'd; he built also a Tri­umphal Arch in remembrance of some Victory there obtain'd. In France he held Gessoriacum, or Boloigne; and all the Franks which had by his permission seat­ed themselves in Belgia, were at his devotion. Paneg. Si­gonius. But Constantius hasting into Gallia, besieges Boloigne, and with Stones and Timber obstructing the Port, keeps out all relief that could be sent in by Carausius. Who ere Constantius with the great Fleet which he had prepar'd, could arrive hither, was slain treacherously by Alectus one of his Friends, who long'd to step in­to his place; An. Dom. 292 when he 7 years, and worthily, as som say, as others, tyrannically, had rul'd the Iland. So much the more did Constantius prosecute that op­portunity, Camd. ex Nin. Eumen. Pan. 3. before Alectus could well strengthen his Affairs: and though in ill weather, putting to Sea with all urgency from several Hav'ns to spread the terror of his landing, and the doubt where to expect him, in a Mist passing the British Fleet unseen, that lay scouting neer the Ile of Wight, no sooner got a shoar, but fires his own Ships, to leave no hope of re­fuge but in Victory. Alectus also, though now much dismaid, transfers his fortune to a Battel on the shoar; but encountred by Asclepiodotus Captain of the Prae­torian Bands, and desperately rushing on, unmind­ful both of ordering his men, or bringing them all to fight, save the accessories of his Treason, and his outlandish hirelings, is overthrown, and slain with little or no loss to the Romans, but great execution on the Franks. His Body was found almost naked in the field, for his Purple Robe he had thrown aside, lest it should descry him, unwilling to be found. The rest taking flight to London, and purposing with the pillage of that City to escape by Sea, are met by a­nother [Page 88] part of the Roman Armie, whom the Mist at Sea disjoining had by chance brought thither, and with a new slaughter chas'd through all the Streets. The Britans, thir Wives also and Children, with great joy go out to meet Constantius, as one whom they acknowledge their deliverer from bondage and insolence. All this seems by Eumenius, who then liv'd, and was of Constantius houshold, to have bin don in the course of one continu'd action; so also thinks Sigonius a learned Writer: though all others allow three years to the tyranny of Alectus. Eumen. In these days were great store of Workmen, and excellent Builders in this Iland, whom after the alteration of things heer, the Aeduans in Burgundie entertain'd to build thir Temples and publick Edifices. Dioclesian having hitherto successfully us'd his valour against the Enemies of his Empire, uses now his rage in a bloodie persecution against his obedient and harmless Christian Subjects: Gildas. from the feeling whereof neither was this Iland, though most remote, far anough re­mov'd. Among them heer who suffer'd gloriously, Aron, and Julius of Caer leon upon Ʋsk, but chiefly Alban of Verulam, were most renown'd: The sto­ry of whose Martyrdom soil'd, and worse mar­tyr'd with the fabling zeal of some idle fancies, more fond of Miracles, than apprehensive of Truth, deserves not longer digression. Constantius after Dioclesian, dividing the Empire with Galerius, had Britain among his other Provinces; where either preparing or returning with victorie from an expedi­tion against the Caledonians, he di'd at York. Author ig­not-post Mar­cellin. vales [...]i His Son Constantine, who happily came Post from Rome to Boloigne just about the time, An. Dom. 306 saith Eumenius, that his Father was setting sail his last time hither, Eutrop. Eu­men. idem Auth. ignot. and not long before his death, was by him on his death­bed [Page 89] nam'd, and after his Funeral, by the whole Ar­my saluted Emperor. There goes a fame, and that seconded by most of our own Historians, though not those the ancientest, that Constantine was born in this Iland, his Mother Helena the Daughter of Coilus a British Prince, not sure the Father of King Lucius, whose Sister she must then be, for that would detect her too old by an hunderd years to be the Mother of Constantine. But to salve this incoherence, another Coilus is feign'd to be then Earl of Colchester. To this therefore the Roman Authors give no testimony, except a passage or two in the Panegyrics, about the sense whereof much is argu'd: others neerest to those times clear the doubt, and write him certain­ly Idem vit. Auth. ignot. Euseb. Const. born of Helena, a mean Woman at Naisus in Dar­dania. Howbeit, ere his departure hence he seems to have had some bickerings in the North, which by reason of more urgent affairs compos'd, he passes into Gallia; An. Dom. 307 Sigon. and after 4 years returns either to settle or to alter the state of things heer; An. Dom. 311 until a new Warr against Maxentius call'd him back, Camd. leaving Pa­catianus his Vicegerent. He deceasing, Constan­tine his eldest Son enjoy'd for his part of the Empire, with all the Provinces that lay on this side the Alpes, this Iland also. Ammian. L. 20. & in eum Valesius. But falling to Civil Warr with Con­stans his Brother, was by him slain; who with his third Brother Constantius coming into Britain, seis'd it as Victor. An. Dom. 340 Against him rose Magnentius, Libanius in Basilico. one of his chief Commanders, by som affirm'd the Son of a Bri­tan, An. Dom. 343 he having gain'd on his side great Forces, Camd. ex Firmico. con­tested with Constantius in many Battels for the sole Empire; but vanquish't, in the end slew himself. Somwhat before this time Gratianus Funarius, An. Dom. 350 the Fa­ther of Valentinian, Camden. afterwards Emperor, An. Dom. 353 had chief [Page 90] command of those Armies which the Romans kept heer. Ammian. And the Arrian Doctrine which then divided Christendom, wrought also in this Iland no small di­sturbance: a Land, saith Gildas, greedy of every thing new, stedfast in nothing. An. Dom. 359 At last Constantius appointeda Synod of more than 400 Bishops to assem­ble at Ariminum on the Emperors charges, which the rest all refusing, three only of the British, po­verty constreining them, accepted; though the o­ther Bishops among them offer'd to have born thir charges: esteeming it more honourable to live on the publick, than to be obnoxious to any private Purse. Doubtless an ingenuous mind, and far above the Presbyters of our Age; who like well to sit in Assembly on the publick stipend, but lik'd not the poverty that caus'd these to do so. After this Mar­tinus was Deputy of the Province; who being of­fended with the cruelty which Paulus, an inquisitor sent from Constantius, exercis'd in his enquiry after those Military Officers who had conspir'd with Mag­nentius, was himself laid hold on as an accessory; at which enrag'd he runs at Paulus with his drawnSword; but failing to kill him, turns it on himself. Next to whom, as may be guess'd, Alipius was made Depu­ty. In the mean time Julian, whom Constantius had made Caesar, having recover'd much Territory about Rhine, where the German inrodes before had long insulted, to releeve those Countries almost ruin'd, Liban. Orat. 10. Zozim. L. 3. Marcel. l. 18 causes 800 Pinaces to be built; and with them by frequent Voyages, plenty of Corn to be fetch'd in from Britain; which eev'n then was the usual boun­ty of this Soil to those parts, Amm. l. 23. as oft as French and Saxon Pirats hinderd not the transportation. An. Dom. 360 While Constantius yet reign'd, the Scots and Picts breaking [Page 91] in upon the Northern confines, Julian, being at Paris, sends over Lupicinus, a well try'd Souldier, but a Amm. L. 20. proud and covetous man; who with a power of light arm'd Herulians, Batavians, and Maesians, in the midst of Winter sailing from Boloigne, arrives at Rutupiae seated on the opposite shoar, and comes to London, to consult there about the Warr; but soon after was recall'd by Julian then chosen Emperor. Under whom we read not of ought happing heer; only that Palladius one of his great Officers was hi­ther banish'd. This year Valentinian being Empe­ror, An. Dom. 364 the Attacots, Picts, Amm. L. 26. 27. and Scots roaving up and down, and last the Saxons with perpetual landings and invasions harryed the South Coast of Britain; slew Nectaridius who govern'd the Sea Borders, and Bulchobaudes with his Forces by an ambush. With which news Valentinian not a little perplext, sends first Severus high Steward of his House, and soon re­calls him, then Jovinus, who intimating the neces­sity of greater supplies, he sends at length Theodo­sius, a man of try'd valour, and experience, father to the first Emperor of that Name. He with selected numbers out of the Legions, and Cohorts, An. Dom. 367 crosses the Sea from Boloigne to Rutupiae; from whence with the Batavians, Herulians, and other Legions that arriv'd soon after, he marches to London; and dividing his Forces into several Bodies, sets upon the dispers'd and plundring Enemie, lad'n with spoile; from whom recovering the booty which they led away, and were forc'd to leave there with thir lives, herestores all to the right owners, save a small portion to his wearied Souldiers, and enters London victoriously; which before in many straits and difficulties, was now reviv'd as with a great deliverance. The numerous [Page 92] Enemy with whom he had to deal, was of different Nations, and the Warr scatter'd: which Theodosius, getting daily som intelligence from fugitives and pri­soners, resolves to carry on by sudden parties and sur­prisals rather than set Battels; nor omits he to pro­claim indemnity to such as would lay down Arms, and accept of peace, which brought in many. Yet all this not ending the work, he requires that Civilis, a man of much uprightness, might be sent him, to be as Deputy of the Iland, and Dulcitius a famous Cap­tain. Thus was Theodosius busy'd, besetting with ambushes the roaving Enemy, repressing his Rodes, restoring Cities and Castles to thir former safety and defence, laying every where the firm foundation of a long peace, An. Dom. 368 when Valentinus a Pannonian for some great offence banish'd into Britain, Amm. L. 28. Zozim. L. 4. conspiring with certain Exiles and Souldiers against Theodosius, whose worth he dreaded as the only obstacle to his greater design of gaining the Ile into his power, is discover'd, and with his chief accomplices deliver'd over to con­dign punishment: against the rest, Theodosius with a wise lenity suffer'd not inquisition to proceed too ri­gorously, lest the fear thereof appertaining to so many, occasion might arise of new trouble in a time so unsettl'd. This don, he applies himself to reform things out of order, raises on the confines many strong holds; and in them appoints due and diligent watches; and so reduc'd all things out of danger, that the Province which but lately was under com­mand of the Enemy, became now wholly Roman, new nam'd Valentia of Valentinian, and the City of London Augusta. Thus Theodosius nobly acquitting himself in all Affairs, with general applause of the whole Province, accompanied to the Sea-side, returns [Page 93] to Valentinian. Who about 5 years after sent hither Fraomarius, An. Dom. 373 a King of the Almans, with authority of a Tribune over his own Country Forces, Amm. L. 29. which then both for number and good service were in high esteem. Against Gratian who succeeded in the Western Empire, Maximus a Spanyard, and one who had serv'd in the British Warrs with younger Theodosius (for hee also, Zozim. L. 4. Sigon. either with his Father, or not long after him, seems to have done somthing in this Iland) and now General of the Roman Armies heer, either discontented that Theodosius was preferr'd be­fore him to the Empire, or constrain'd by the Soul­diers who hated Gratian, assumes the imperial Pur­ple, Prosper. A­quitanic. chron. and having attain'd Victorie against the Scots and Picts, with the flowr and strength of Britain, passes into France; there slays Gratian, An. Dom. 383 and with­out much difficultie, the space of 5 years, obtains his part of the Empire, Gildas. overthrown at length and slain by Theodosius. An. Dom. 388 With whom perishing most of his followers, Beda. Ninn. or not returning out of Armorioa, which Maximus had giv'n them to possess, the South of Britain by this means exhausted of her youth, and what there was of Roman Souldiers on the Confines drawn off, became a prey to savage Invasions; An. Dom. 389 of Scots from the Irish Seas, of Saxons from the Ger­man, of Picts from the North. Against them, first Chrysanthus the Son of Marcian a Bishop, Soerat. L. 7. made De­puty of Britain by Theodosius, demean'd himself wor­thily: then Stilicho a man of great power, whom Theodosius, dying, left Protector of his Son Honorius, either came in person, or sending over sufficient aid, Claudian. de land. stil. l. 2. & de bello Get. repress'd them, and as it seems new fortifi'd the Wall against them. But that Legion being call'd a­way, when the Roman Armies from all parts hasted [Page 94] to releive Honorius then besieg'd in Asta of Piemont, An. Dom. 402 by Alaric the Goth, Britain was left expos'd as be­fore, to those Barbarous Robbers. Lest any won­der how the Scots came to infest Britain from the Irish Sea, it must be understood, that the Scots not many years before had been driv'n all out of Bri­tain by Maximus; and thir King Eugenius slain in fight; as thir own Annals report: whereby, it seems, wandring up and down, without certain seat, they liv'd by scumming those Seas and shoars as Pyrats. But more authentic Writers confirm us Ethelwerd. Sax. an. Bede Epit. in the year 565 and Bede, L. 2. c. 4. , that the Scots, whoever they be originally, came first into Ireland, and dwelt there, and nam'd it Scotia long before the North of Britain took that name. About this time, though troublesom, Pelagius a Britan found the leasure to bring new and dangerous Opi­nions into the Church, An. Dom. 405 and is largely writ against by St. Austin. But the Roman powers which were call'd into Italy, when once the fear of Alaric was over, made return into several Provinces: and per­haps Victorinus of Tolosa, whom Rutilius the Poet much commends, might be then Prefect of the Iland: if it were not he whom Stilicho sent hither. Bucha­nan writes, that endeavouring to reduce the Picts into a Province, he gave the occasion of thir calling back Fergusins and the Scots, whom Maximus with thir help had quite driv'n out of the Iland: and indeed the Verses of that Poet speak him to have bin active in those parts. But the time which is assign'd him later by Buchanan after Gratianus Municeps, by Camden, after Constantine the Tyrant, accords not with that which follows in the plain course of Histo­rie. An. Dom. 407 For the Vandals having broke in and wasted all Belgia, Zozim. L. 6. eev'n to those places from whence easiest pas­sage [Page 95] is into Britain, the Roman Forces heer, doubt­ing to be suddenly invaded, were all in uproar, and in tumultuous manner set up Marcus, who it may seem was then Deputy. Sozom. L. 9. But him not found agreeable to thir heady courses, they as hastily kill: for the giddy favour of a mutining rout is as dangerous as thir furie. The like they do by Gratian a British Roman, in four Months advanc't, ador'd, and destroy'd. Oros. L. 7. There was among them a common Souldier whose name was Constantine, with him on a sudden so ta­ken they are, upon the conceit put in them of a lucki­ness in his name, as without other visible merit to create him Emperor. It fortun'd that the man had not his name for nought; so well he knew to lay hold, and make good use of an unexpected offer. He therefore with a wak'n'd spirit, to the extent of his Fortune dilating his mind, which in his mean condition before lay contracted and shrunk up, or­ders with good advice his military affairs: and with the whole force of the Province, and what of British was able to bear Arms, he passes into France, aspi­ring at least to an equal share with Honorius in the Empire. Where by the valour of Edobecus a Frank, and Gerontius a Britan, and partly by perswasion gaining all in his way, he comes to Arles. An. Dom. 408 With like felicity by his Son Constans, whom of a Monk he had made a Caesar, and by the conduct of Gerontius he reduces all Spain to his obedience. But Constans af­ter this displacing Gerontius, the affairs of Constan­tine soon went to wrack: for he by this means alie­nated, An. Dom. 409 set up Miximus one of his friends against him in Spain; and passing into France, took Vienna by as­sault, and having slain Constans in that City, calls on the Vandals against Constantine; who by him in­cited, [Page 96] as by him before they had bin repress't, break­ing forward, over-run most part of France. But when Constantius Comes, the Emperors General, with a strong power came out of Italy, Sozom. L. 9. Gerontius desert­ed by his own Forces, retires into Spain; where al­so growing into contempt with the Souldiers, after his flight out of France, Olympiodor­apud Pho­tium. by whom his House in the night was beset, having first with a few of his Ser­vants defended himself valiantly, and slain above 300, though when his Darts and other Weapons were spent, he might have scap'd at a private dore, as all his Servants did, not enduring to leave his Wife Nonnichia, whom he lov'd, to the violence of an enraged crew, he first cuts off the head of his friend Alanus, as was agreed; next his Wife, though loth and delaying, yet by her entreated and impor­tun'd, refusing to outlive her Husband, he dispatches: for which her resolution Sozomenus an Ecclesiastic Writer gives her high praise, both as a Wife, and as a Christian. Last of all against himself he turns his Sword; but missing the mortal place, with his poin­ard finishes the work. Thus farr is poursu'd the story of a famous Britan, related negligently by our other Historians. As for Constantinc, his ending was not answerable to his setting out: for he with his o­ther Son Julian beseig'd by Constantius in Arles, and mistrusting the change of his wonted success, to save his head, poorly turns Priest; but that not availing him, is carried into Italy, and there put to death; having 4 years acted the Emperor. While these things were doing, the Britans at home destitute of Roman aid, Gildas. Beda. and the cheif strength of their own youth, that went first with Maximus, then with Constantine, not returning home, vext, and harras'd [Page 97] by thir wonted Enemies, had sent messages to Hono­rius; Zozim. L. 6. but he at that time not being able to defend Rome it self, which the same year was taken by Ala­ric, advises them by his Letter to consult how best they might for their own safety, and acquits them of the Roman jurisdiction. They therefore thus re­linquish't, Procopius vandalic. and by all right the Government re­lapsing into thir own hands, thenceforth betook themselves to live after thir own Laws, defending thir bounds as well as they were able, and the Armo­ricans, who not long after were call'd the Britans of France, follow'd thir Example. Thus expir'd this great Empire of the Romans; first in Britain, soon after in Italy it self: having born chief sway in this Iland, though never throughly subdu'd, or all at once in subjection, if we reck'n from the coming in of Julius to the taking of Rome by Alaric, in which year Honorius wrote those Letters of discharge into Britain, the space of 462 years. Calvis. Sigon. And with the Em­pire fell also what before in this Western World was cheifly Roman; Learning, Valour, Eloquence, History, Civility, and eev'n Language it self, all these together, as it were, with equal pace diminish­ing, and decaying. Henceforth we are to stear by another sort of Authors; neer anough to the things they write, as in thir own Countrie, if that would serve; in time not much belated, some of equal age; in expression barbarous; and to say how judicious, I suspend a while: this we must expect; in civil matters to find them dubious Relaters, and still to the best advantage of what they term holy Church, meaning indeed themselves: in most o­ther matters of Religion, blind, astonish'd, and strook with superstition as with a Planet; in one [Page 98] word, Monks. Yet these Guides, where can be had no better, must be follow'd; in gross, it may be true anough; in circumstance each man as his judgment gives him, may reserve his Faith, or be­stow it. But so different a state of things requires a several relation.

THis third Book having to tell of acci­dents as various and exemplary, as the intermission or change of Government hath any where brought forth, may deserve attention more than common, and repay it with like benefit to them who can judi­ciously read: considering especially that the late ci­vil broils had cast us into a condition not much un­like to what the Britans then were in, when the im­perial jurisdiction departing hence left them to the sway of thir own Councils; which times by com­paring seriously with these later, and that confused Anarchy with this intereign, we may be able from [Page 100] two such remarkable turns of State, producing like events among us, to raise a knowledg of our selves both great and weighty, by judging hence what kind of men the Britans generally are in matters of so high enterprise, how by nature, industry, or custom fitted to attempt or undergoe matters of so main consequence: for if it be a high point of wis­dom in every private man, much more is it in a Na­tion to know it self; rather than puft up with vulgar flatteries, and encomiums, for want of self know­ledge, to enterprise rashly and come off miserably in great undertakings. The Britans thus as we heard being left without protection from the Empire, and the Land in a manner emptied of all her youth, consumed in Warrs abroad, or not caring to return home, themselves through long subjection, servile in mind, Gild. Bede. Malins. sloathful of body, and with the use of Arms unacquainted, sustain'd but ill for many years the violence of those barbarous Invaders, who now daily grew upon them. For although at first greedy of change, Zozim. L. 6. and to be thought the leading Nation to freedom from the Empire, they seem'd a while to bestirr them with a shew of diligence in thir new af­fairs, som secretly aspiring to rule, others adoring the name of liberty, yet so soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themselves, and what was wanting within them, not stomach or the love of licence, but the wisdom, the virtue, the labour, to use and maintain true libertie, they soon remitted thir heat, and shrunk more wretchedly un­der the burden of thir own libertie, than before un­der a foren yoke. Insomuch that the residue of those Romans which had planted themselves heer, despair­ing of thir ill deportment at home, and weak resi­stance in the field by those few who had the courage, [Page 101] or the strength to bear Arms, nine years after the sack­ing of Rome remov'd out of Britain into France, An. Dom. 418 hid­ing for haste great part of thir treasure, Ethelwerd. annal. Sax. which was never after found. And now again the Britans, no longer able to support themselves against the pre­vailing Enemy, sollicit Honorius to thir aid, with mournful Letters, Gildas. Embassages and vows of perpe­tual subjection to Rome if the Northern Foe were but repuls't. An. Dom. 422 He at thir request spares them one Legi­on, Diaconus. L. 14. which with great slaughter of the Scots and Picts drove them beyond the Borders, rescu'd the Britans, and advis'd them to build a Wall cross the Iland, between Sea and Sea, from the place where Edinburg now stands to the Frith of Dunbritton, Bede. L. 1. c. 2. by the City Alcluith. But the material being only Turf, and by the rude multitude unartificially built up without better direction, avail'd them little. For no sooner was the Legion departed, Gildas. but the greedy spoilers returning, land in great numbers from thir Boats and Pinaces, wasting, slaying, and treading down all before them. Then are messen­gers again posted to Rome in lamentable sort, beseech­ing that they would not suffer a whole Province to be destroy'd, and the Roman name, so honourable yet among them, to become the subject of barbarian scorn and insolence. An. Dom. 423 The Emperor, at thir sad com­plaint, with what speed was possible sends to thir succour. Who coming suddenly on those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil, surprise them with a terrible slaughter. They who escap'd, fled back to those Seas, from whence yearly they were wont to arrive, and return lad'n with booties. But the Ro­mans who came not now to rule, but charitably to aid, declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of thir Affairs to make such labourious voyages in [Page 102] pursuit of so base and vagabond robbers, of whom neither glory was to be got, nor gain, exhorted them to manage thir own warfare; and to defend like men thir Country, thir Wives, thir Children, and what was to be dearer than life, thir liberty, against an Enemy not stronger than themselves, if thir own sloth and cowardise had not made them so; if they would but only find hands to grasp defensive Arms, rather than basely stretch them out to receave bonds. Bede ibid. They gave them also thir help to build a new Wall, not of earth as the former, but of stone (both at the public cost, Gildas. and by particular contributions) tra­versing the Ile in direct line from East to West be­tween certain Cities plac'd there as Frontiers to bear off the Enemy, where Severus had wall'd once be­fore. They rais'd it 12 Foot high, 8 broad. Along the South shoar, because from thence also like hosti­lity was fear'd, they place Towers by the Sea side at certain distances, for safety of the Coast. Withall they instruct them in the art of Warr, leaving Pat­terns of thir Arms and Weapons behind them; and with animating words, and many lessons of valour to a faint-hearted audience, bid them finally fare­well, without purpose to return. And these two friendly Expeditions, the last of any hither by the Romans, were perform'd, as may be gather'd out of Beda, and Diaconus, the two last years of Honorius. Thir Leader, as som modernly write, was Gallio of Ravenna; Blond. Buchanan, who departs not much from the Fables of his Predecessor Boethius, Sabellic. names him Maximianus, and brings against him to this Battel Fergus first King of Scots after thir second suppos'd coming into Scotland, Dursius King of Picts, both there slain, and Dioneth an imaginary King of Bri­tain, or Duke of Cornwall, who improbablie sided. [Page 103] with them against his own Countrie, hardlie escaping. With no less exactness of particular circumstances, Buch. L. 5. he takes upon him to relate all those tumultuarie in­rodes of the Scots and Picts into Britain, as if they had but yesterday happen'd, thir order of Battel, manner of fight, number of slain, Articles of Peace, things whereof Gildas and Beda are utterly silent, Au­thors to whom the Scotch Writers have none to cite comparable in Antiquity; no more therefore to be believ'd for bare assertions, however quaintlie drest, than our Geofry of Monmouth when he varies most from authentick storie. But either the inbred va­nity of some, in that respect unworthily call'd Histo­rians, or the fond zeal of praising thir Nations a­bove truth hath so far transported them, that where they find nothing faithfully to relate, they fall con­fidently to invent what they think may either best set off thir Historie, or magnifie thir Countrie.

The Scots and Picts in manners differing somwhat from each other, but still unanimous to rob and spoile, hearing that the Romans intended not to re­turn, from thir Gorroghs, or Leathern Frigats pour out themselves in swarms upon the Land, Gildas. Bede. more con­fident than ever: and from the North end of the Ile to the very wall side, then first took possession as inhabitants; while the Britans with idle Weapons in thir hands stand trembling on the Battlements, till the half-naked Barbarians with thir long and formi­dable Iron hooks pull them down headlong. The rest not only quitting the Wall but Towns and Ci­ties, leave them to the bloodie pursuer, who follows killing, wasting, and destroying all in his way. From these confusions arose a Famin, and from thence dis­cord and civil commotion among the Britans: each man living by what he rob'd or took violently from [Page 104] his Neighbour. When all stores were consum'd and spent where men inhabited, they betook them to the Woods, and liv'd by hunting, which was thir only sustainment. Bede. Constantius. To the heaps of these evils from with­out, were added new divisions within the Church. For Agricola the Son of Severianus a Pelagian Bishop had spread his Doctrine wide among the Britans not uninfected before. The sounder part neither wil­ling to embrace his opinion to the overthrow of di­vine grace, nor able to refute him, crave assistance from the Churches of France: who send them Ger­manus Bishop of Auxerre, An. Dom. 429 and Lupus of Troyes. They by continual preaching in Churches, Prosp. Aquit. in Streets, in Fields, and not without miracles, as is writt'n, confirm'd som, regain'd others, Math. West. ad ann. 446. and at Ve­rulam in a public disputation put to silence thir chief adversaries. This reformation in the Church was beleev'd to be the cause of thir success a while after in the field. An. Dom. 430 For the Saxons and Picts with joint force, which was no new thing before the Saxons at least had any dwelling in this Iland, during the a­bode of Germanus heer, had made a strong impressi­on from the North. Constant. vit. German. The Britans marching out a­gainst them, and mistrusting thir own power, send to Germanus and his Collegue, reposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men, than in thir own thousands arm'd. They came, and thir presence in the Camp was not less than if a whole Army had com to second them. It was then the time of Lent, and the people instructed by the daily Sermons of these two Pastors, came flocking to receave Bap­tism. There was a place in the Camp set apart as a Church, and trick'd up with boughs upon Easter-day. The Enemy understanding this, and that the Britans were tak'n up with Religions more than with feats of [Page 105] Arms, advances, after the Paschal Feast, as to a certain Victorie. German who also had intelligence of thir approach, undertakes to be Captain that day; and riding out with selected Troops to disco­ver what advantages the place might offer, lights on a Valley compass't about with Hills, by which the Enemy was to pass. And placing there his ambush, warns them that what word they heard him pro­nounce aloud, the same they should repeat with u­niversal shout. The Enemy passes on securely, and German thrice aloud cries Halleluia; which answer­ed by the Souldiers with a sudd'n burst of clamour, is from the Hills and Valleys redoubled. The Sax­ons and Picts on a sudden supposing it the noise of a huge Hoast, throw themselves into flight, casting down thir Arms, and great numbers of them are drown'd in the River which they had newly pass'd. This Victory, thus won without hands, left to the Britans plenty of spoile, and to the person and the preaching of German greater authority and reve­rence than before. And the exploit might pass for current, if Constantius, the Writer of his life in the next age, had resolv'd us how the British Army came to want baptizing; for of any Paganism at that time, or long before, in the Land we read not, or that Pe­lagianism was re-baptiz'd. The place of this Victo­ry, as is reported, Ʋsser. Pri­mord p. 333. was in Flintshire by a Town call'd Guid-cruc, and the River Allen, where a field retains the name of Maes German to this day. An. Dom. 431 But so soon as German was return'd home, the Scots and Picts, Prosp. Aquit. though now so many of them Christians, that Palla­dius a Deacon was ordain'd and sent by Celestine the Pope to be a Bishop over them, were not so well re­claim'd, Ethelwerd. Florent. Gild. Bede. or not so many of them as to cease from do­ing mischief to thir Neighbours, where they found [Page 106] no impeachment to fall in yearly as they were wont. They therefore of the Britans who perhaps were not yet wholly ruin'd, in the strongest and South-west parts of the Ile, send Letters to Aetius, then third time Consul of Rome, with this superscription; Malmsbury L. 1. c. 1. p. 8. To Aetius thrice Consul, the groanes of the Britans. And after a few words thus: An. Dom. 446 The barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea drives us back to the barbarians; thus bandi­ed up and down between two deaths we perish, either by the Sword or by the Sea. But the Empire at that time overspread with Hunns and Vandals, was not in con­dition to lend them aid. Thus rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place, but more afflicted with Famine, which then grew outra­geous among them, many for hunger yielded to the Enemy, others either more resolute, or less expos'd to wants, keeping within Woods, and Mountainous places, not only defended themselves, but sallying out at length gave a stop to the insulting Foe with many seasonable defeats; led by some eminent per­son, as may be thought, who exhorted them not to trust in thir own strength, but in Divine assistance. And perhaps no other heer is meant than the foresaid deliverance by German, if computation would per­mit, which Gildas either not much regarded, or might mistake; but that he tarried so long heer, the Writers of his life assent not. Gildas. Finding therefore such opposition, the Scots or Irish Robbers, for so they are indifferently term'd, without delay get them home. The Picts, as before was mentioned, then first began to settle in the utmost parts of the Iland, using now and then to make inrodes upon the Britans. But they in the mean while thus ridd of thir Enemies, begin afresh to till the ground; which after cessa­tion yields her fruit in such abundance, as had not [Page 107] formerly bin known for many Ages. But wantonness and luxury, the wonted companions of plenty, grow up as fast, and with them, if Gildas deserve belief, all other vices incident to human corruption. That which he notes especially to be the chief perverting of all good in the Land, and so continued in his days, was the hatred of truth, and all such as durst appear to vindicate and maintain it. Against them, as against the only disturbers, all the malice of the Land was bent. Lies and falsities, and such as could best invent them, were only in request. Evil was embrac'd for good, wickedness honour'd and e­steem'd as virtue. And this quality thir valour had, against a foren Enemy to be ever backward and heartless; to civil broils eager and prompt. In matters of Government, and the search of truth, weak and shallow, in falshood and wicked deeds pregnant and industrious. Pleasing to God, or not pleasing, with them weighed alike; and the worse most an end was the weightier. All things were done contrary to public welfare and safety; nor on­ly by secular men, for the Clergy also, whose Ex­ample should have guided others, were as vitious and corrupt. Many of them besotted with conti­nual drunkenness; or swoln with pride and willful­ness, full of contention, full of envy, indiscreet, in­competent Judges to determine what in the practice of life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful. Thus furnish'd with judgment, and for manners thus qualifi'd both Priest and Lay, they agree to chuse them several Kings of thir own; as neer as might be, likest themselves; and the words of my Author im­port as much. Kings were anointed, saith he, not of Gods anointing, but such as were cruellest, and soon after as inconsiderately, without examining [Page 108] the truth, put to death by thir anointers, to set up others more fierce and proud. As for the election of thir Kings (and that they had not all one Monarch, appears both in Ages past and by the sequel) it began, as nigh as may be guess'd, either this Year or the fol­lowing, An. Dom. 447 when they saw the Romans had quite desert­ed thir claim. Constant. Bede. About which time also Pelagianism again prevailing by means of some few, the British Clergie too weak, it seems, at dispute, entreat the second time German to thir assistance. Who com­ing with Severus a Disciple of Lupus that was his for­mer associate, stands not now to argue, for the peo­ple generally continu'd right; but enquiring those Authors of new disturbance, adjudges them to ba­nishment. They therefore by consent of all were deliver'd to German; An. Dom. 448 who carrying them over with him, Sigon. Gildas. dispos'd of them in such place where neither they could infect others, and were themselves under cure of better instruction. But Germanus the same year dy'd in Italy; and the Britans not long after found themselves again in much perplexity, with no slight rumour that thir old troublers the Scots and Picts had prepar'd a strong invasion, purposing to kill all and dwell themselves in the Land from end to end. But ere thir coming in, as if the instruments of Divine justice had bin at strife, which of them first should destroy a wicked Nation, the Pestilence forestalling the Sword left scarce alive whom to bu­ry the dead; and for that time, as one extremity keeps off another, preserv'd the Land from a worse incumbrance of those barbarous dispossessors, whom the Contagion gave not leave now to enter farr. Malms. L. 1. And yet the Britans nothing better'd by these heavy judg­ments, the one threatn'd, the other felt, instead of ac­knowledging the hand of Heaven, run to the Palace [Page 109] of thir King Vortigern with complaints and cries of what they suddenly fear'd, from the Pictish invasion. Vortigern, who at that time was chief rather than sole King, unless the rest had perhaps left thir Domini­ons to the common Enemy, is said by him of Mon­mouth to have procur'd the death first of Constantine, then of Constance his Son, who of a Monk was made King, and by that means to have usurp'd the Crown. But they who can remember how Constantine with his Son Constance the Monk, the one made Emperor, the other Caesar, perish'd in France, may discern the simple fraud of this Fable. But Vortigern how­ever coming to reign, is decipher'd by truer stories a proud unfortunate Tyrant, and yet of the people much belov'd, because his vices sorted so well with theirs. For neither was he skill'd in Warr, nor wise in Counsel, but covetous, lustful, luxurious, and prone to all vice; wasting the public Treasure in gluttony and riot, careless of the common dan­ger, and through a haughty ignorance, unapprehen­sive of his own. Nevertheless importun'd and a­wak'd at length by unusual clamours of the people, he summons a general Council, to provide some bet­ter means than heertofore had been us'd against these continual annoyances from the North. Wherein by advice of all it was determin'd, that the Saxons be invited into Britain against the Scots and Picts; whose breaking in they either shortly expected, or already found they had not strength anough to op­pose. The Saxons were a barbarous and heathen Nation, famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties done to all thir Neighbours both by Sea and Land; in particular to this Iland, witness that military force which the Roman Emperors maintain'd heer purposely against them, under a special Com­mander, [Page 110] whose title, as is found, on good record, Notitiae im­perii. was Count of the Saxon shoar in Britain; and the many mischiefs done by thir landing heer, both alone and with the Picts, as above hath bin related, witness as much. They were a people thought by good Wri­ters, Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 370. to be descended of the Sacae, a kind of Scythian in the North of Asia, thence call'd Sacasons, or Sons of Sacae, who with a Flood of other Northern Na­tions came into Europe, toward the declining of the Roman Empire; and using Pyracy from Denmark all along these Seas, Ethelwerd. possess'd at length by intrusion all that Coast of Germany and the Nether-lands, which took thence the name of old Saxony, lying between the Rhene and Flve, and from thence North as far as Eidora, the River bounding Holsatia, though not so firmly, or so largely, but that thir multitude wan­der'd yet uncertain of habitation. Such guests as these the Britans resolve now to send for, and en­treat into thir houses and possessions, at whose very name heertofore they trembl'd afar off. So much do men through impatience count ever that the heaviest which they bear at present, and to remove the evil which they suffer, care not to pull on a greater: as if variety and change in evil also were acceptable. Or whether it be that men in the despair of better, ima­gine fondly a kind of refuge from one misery to another.

The Britans therefore, with Vortigern, who was then accounted King over them all, Ethelwerd. Malmsb. Witichind. gest. Sax. L. 1. p. 3. resolve in full Council to send Embassadors of thir choicest men with great gifts, and saith a Saxon Writer in these words, desiring thir aid. Worthy Saxons, hearing the fame of your prowess, the distressed Britans wearied out, and overprest by a continual invading Enemy, have sent us to beseech your aid. They have a Land fertile [Page 111] and spatious, which to your commands they bid us sur­render. Heertofore we have liv'd with freedom, under the obedience and protection of the Roman Empire. Next to them we know none worthier than your selves; and therefore become suppliants to your valour. Leave us not below our present Enemies, and to ought by you impos'd, willingly we shall submit. Yet Ethelwerd writes not that they promis'd subjection, but only a­mity and league. Malms. They therefore who had chief rule among them, hearing themselves entreated by the Britans, to that which gladly they would have wish't to obtain of them by entreating, to the Bri­tish Embassy return this answer. Witichind. Be assur'd hence­forth of the Saxons, as of faithful friends to the Bri­tans, no less ready to stand by them in thir need, than in thir best of fortune. The Embassadors re­turn joyful, and with news as welcome to thir Coun­trie, whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction. Gildas. The Saxons, consulting first thir Gods (for they had answer, that the Land whereto they went, they should hold 300 years, half that time con­quering, and half quietly possessing) furnish out three long Gallies, or Kyules, Bede. with a chos'n compa­ny of warlike youth, under the conduct of two Bro­thers, Hengist and Horsa, descended in the fourth de­gree from Woden; of whom, deify'd for the fame of his acts, most Kings of those Nations derive thir pe­digree. These, and either mixt with these, or soon after by themselves, two other Tribes, or neigh­bouring people, Jutes and Angles, the one from Jut­land, the other from Anglen by the City of Sleswich, both Provinces of Denmark, An. Dom. 450 arrive in the first year of Martian the Greek Emperor, Nennius. Malms. from the birth of Christ 450, receav'd with much good will of the people first, then of the King, who after some assu­rances [Page 112] giv'n and tak'n, bestows on them the Ile of Tanet, where they first landed, hoping they might be made heerby more eager against the Picts, when they fought as for thir own Countrie, and more loyal to the Britans, from whom they had receav'd a place to dwell in, which before they wanted. The Bri­tish Nennius writes that these Brethren were driv'n into exile out of Germany, and to Vortigern who reigned in much fear, one while of the Picts, then of the Romans, and Ambrosius, came opportunely into the Hav'n. Malmsb. For it was the custom in old Saxony, when thir numerous off-spring overflow'd the narrowness of thir bounds, to send them out by lot into new dwellings, wherever they found room, either vacant or to be forc't. But whether sought, or unsought, they dwelt not heer long without employment. Henry Hun­tingd. For the Scots and Picts, were now come down, som say, as far as Stamsord in Lincoln-shire, whom, perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition, Ethelwerd. the Saxons, though not till after a sharp encounter, put to flight; and that more than once: Bed. Nin. slaying in fight, as some Scotch Writers affirm, thir King Eugenius the Son of Fergus. Nenn. Hengist percaeving the Iland to be rich and fruitful, but her Princes and other inhabitants giv'n to vicious ease, sends word home, inviting others to a share of his good success. Who returning with 17 Ships, were grown up now to a sufficient Army, and entertain'd without suspicion on these terms, that they should bear the brunt of War against the Picts, receaving stipend and some place to inhabit. With these was brought over the Daughter of Hengist, a Virgin wondrous fair, as is reported, Rowen the Bri­tish call her: she by commandment of her Father, who had invited the King to a Banquet, coming in presence with a Bowle of Wine to welcome him, and [Page 113] to attend on his Cup till the Feast ended, won so much upon his fancy, though already wiv'd, as to de­mand her in mariage upon any conditions. Hengist at first, though it fell out perhaps according to his drift, held off, excusiing his meanness; then ob­scurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity, by reason of his augmented numbers, to have his narrow bounds of Tanet enlarg'd to the Circuit of Kent, had it streit by donation: though Guorangonus till then was King of that place: and so, as it were over­come by the great munificence of Vortiger, gave his Daughter. And still encroaching on the Kings fa­vour, got furder leave to call over Octa and Ebissa, his own and his Brothers Son; pretending that they, if the North were giv'n them, would sit there as a continual defence against the Scots, while himself guarded the East. They therfore sayling with forty Ships eev'n to the Orcades, and every way curbing the Scots and Picts, possess'd that part of the Ile which is now Northumberland. Gildas. Bed. Ninn. Notwithstanding this they complain that thir monthly pay was grown much into arrear; which when the Britans found means to satisfie, though alleging withall that they to whom promise was made of wages, were nothing so many in number, quieted with this a while, but still seek­ing occasion to fall off, they find fault next, that thir pay is too small for the danger they undergo, threat­ning op'n Warr unless it be augmented. Guortimer the Kings Son perceaving his Father and the King­dom thus betray'd, from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive them out. They on the other side making League with the Picts and Scots, and issu­ing out of Kent, wasted without resistance almost the whole Land eev'n to the Western Sea, with such a horrid devastation, that Towns and Colonies over­turn'd, [Page 114] Preists and people slain; Temples, and Pala­ces, what with fire and Sword lay alltogether heap'd in one mixt ruin. Of all which multitude, so great was the sinfullness that brought this upon them, Gildas adds that few or none were likely to be other then lew'd and wicked persons. The residue of these, part overtak'n in the Mountains were slain; others subdu'd with hunger preferr'd slavery be­fore instant death; som getting to Rocks, Hills, and Woods inaccessible, preferr'd the fear and danger of any Death before the shame of a secure slavery; ma­ny fled over Sea into other Countries; some into Primord. pag. 418. Holland, where yet remain the ruins of Brittenburgh, an old Castle on the Sea, to be seen at low water not far from Leiden; either built, as Writers of thir own affirm, or seis'd on by those Britans in thir escape from Hengist: Others into Armorica, peopl'd, as som Malms. L. 1. c. 1. think, with Britans long before; either by guift of Constantine the Great, or else of Maximus to those British Forces which had serv'd them in Forein Wars; to whom those also that miscarried not with the lat­ter Constantine at Arles; and lastly, these exiles driv'n out by Saxons, fled for refuge. But the an­tient Chronicles of those Provinces attest thir com­ing thether to be then first when they fled the Sax­ons, and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till after that time. Yet how a sort of fugi­tives who had quitted without stroke thir own Coun­try, should so soon win another, appears not; unless joyn'd to som party of thir own settl'd there before. Vortiger nothing better'd by these calamities, grew at Ninn. Malmsb. last so obdurat as to commit incest with his daughter, tempted or tempting him out of an ambition to the Crown. For which beeing censur'd and condemn'd in a great Synod of Clercs, and Laics, and partly for [Page 115] fear of the Saxons, according to the Counsel of his Peers he retir'd into Wales, and built him there a strong Castle in Radnorshire by the advice of Ambro­sius Ninn. a young prophet, whom others call Merlin. Ne­vertheless Faustus, who was the Son thus incestuously begott'n under the instructions of German, or some of his Disciples, for German was dead before, prov'd a religious man, and liv'd in devotion by the River Remnis in Clamorganshire. But the Saxons, though Gildas. finding it so easy to subdue the Ile, with most of thir Forces, uncertain for what cause, return'd home: when as the easiness of thir Conquest might seem ra­ther likely to have call'd in more. Which makes more probable that which the British write of Guor­temir. For he coming to Reigne, instead of his Fa­ther Ninn. depos'd for incest, is said to have thrice driv'n and beseig'd the Saxons in the Ile of Taneth; and when they issu'd out with powerful supplies sent from Saxony, to have fought with them fowr other Battells, wherof three are nam'd; the first on the River Dar­went, the second at Episford, wherin Horsa the Bro­ther of Hengist fell, and on the British part Catigern the other Son of Vortiger. The third in a Feild by Stonar then call'd Lapis tituli in Tanct, where he beat them into thir Ships that bore them home, glad to have so scap'd and not venturing to land again for 5 years after. In the space wherof Guortemir dying, commanded they should bury him in the Port of Stonar; perswaded that his bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the Saxons from ever land­ing in that place: they, saith Ninnius, neglecting his command, buried him in Lincoln. But concerning these times, antientest annals of the Saxons relate in this manner. An. Dom. 455 In the year 455. Hengist and Horsa fought against Vortigern, Bede. Ethelwerd. in a place called Eglesthrip, [Page 116] now Ailsford in Kent; where Horsa lost his life, of Florent. Annal. Sax. whom Horsted, the place of his burial, took name.

After this first Battel and the Death of his Bro­ther, The King­dome of Kent. Hengist with his Son Esca took on him Kingly Title, and peopl'd Kent with Jutes; who also then or not long after possess'd the Ile of Wight, and part of Hamshire lying opposite. An. Dom. 457 Two years after in a fight at Creganford, or Craford, Hengist and his Son slew of the Britans four Cheif Commanders, and as many thousand men: the rest in great disorder fly­ing to London, with the total loss of Kent. An. Dom. 465 And 8 years passing between, he made new Warr on the Britans; of whom in a Battel at Wippeds-fleot, 12 Princes were slain, and Wipped the Saxon Earl, who left his name to that place, though not sufficient to di­rect us where it now stands. An. Dom. 473 His last encounter was at a place not mention'd, where he gave them such an overthrow, that flying in great fear they left the spoil of all to thir Enemies. And these perhaps are the 4 Battells, according to Nennius, fought by Guorte­mir, though by these Writers far differently related; and happ'ning besides many other bickerings, in the space of 20 years, as Malmsbury reck'ns. Never­theless it plainly appears that the Saxons, by whom­soever, were put to hard shifts, being all this while fought withall in Kent, thir own allotted dwelling, and somtimes on the very edge of the Sea, which the word Wippeds-fleot seems to intimat. But Guortemir now dead, and none of courage left to defend the Land, Nennius. Vortigern either by the power of his faction, or by consent of all, reassumes the Government: and Hengist thus rid of his grand opposer, hearing gladly the restorement of his old favourer, returns again with great Forces; but to Vortigern whom he well knew how to handle without warring, as to his Son [Page 117] in Law, now that the only Author of dissention be­tween them was remov'd by Death, offers nothing but all terms of new league and amity. The King both for his Wives sake and his own sottishness, con­sulting also with his Peers not unlike himself, readily yeilds; and the place of parly is agree'd on; to which either side was to repair without Weapons. Hengist, whose meaning was not peace, but treachery, appointed his men to be secretly arm'd, and acquaint­ed them to what intent. The watch-word was Malms. Nemet eour Saxes, that is, Draw your Daggers; which they observing, when the Britans were throughly heated with Wine (for the Treaty it seems was not without Cups) and provok'd, as was plotted, by som affront, dispatch'd with those Poniards every one his next man, to the number of 300. the cheif of those that could do ought against him either in Coun­sel or in Field. Vortigern they only bound and kept in Custody, untill he granted them for his ransome three Provinces, which were called afterward Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Who thus dismist, retiring again to his solitary abode in the Country of Guor­thigirniaun, so call'd by his name, from thence to the Castle of his own building in North-Wales, by the River Tiebi; and living there obscurely among his Wives, was at length burnt in his Towre by fire from Heav'n at the Praier, as some say, of German, but that Nin. ex le­gend St. Ger. Galfrid. Monmouth. coheres not; as others, by Ambrosius Aurelian; of whom as we have heard at first, he stood in great fear, and partly for that cause invited in the Saxons. Who whether by constraint or of thir own accord after much mischeif don, most of them returning back into thir own Country, left a fair opportunity to the Britans of avenging themselves the easier on those that staid behinde. Repenting therefore, and [Page 118] with earnest supplication imploring divine help to prevent thir final rooting out, they gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrosius Aurelianus, a vertuous and modest man, the last heer of Roman stock, advancing now onward against the late Vi­ctors, defeat them in a memorable Battell. Com­mon opinion, but grounded cheifly on the British Fables, makes this Ambrosius to be a younger Son of that Constantine, whose eldest, as we heard, was Con­stance the Monk: who both lost thir lives abroad usurping the Empire. But the express words both of Gildas and Bede, assures us that the Parents of this Ambrosius having heer born regal dignity, were slain in these Pictish Wars and commotions in the Iland. And if the fear of Ambrose induc'd Vorti­gern to call in the Saxons, it seems Vortigern usurp'd his right. I perceave not that Nennius makes any difference between him and Merlin: for that Child without Father that propheci'd to Vortigern, he names not Merlin but Ambrose, makes him the Son of a Roman Consul; but conceal'd by his mother, as fearing that the King therfore sought his life; yet the youth no sooner had confess'd his parentage, but Vor­tigern either in reward of his predictions, or as his right, bestow'd upon him all the West of Britain; himself retiring to a solitary life. Whose ever Son he was, he was the first, according to surest Authors, Gildas. Bed. that led against the Saxons, and overthrew them; but whether before this time or after, none have writt'n. This is certain, that in a time when most of the Saxon Forces were departed home, the Bri­tans gather'd strength; and either against those who were left remaining, or against thir whole powers, the second time returning obtain'd this Victory. Thus Ambrose as cheif Monarch of the Ile succeeded [Page 119] Vortigern; to whose third Son Pascentius he permitted the rule of two Regions in Wales, Buelth, and Guor­thigirniaun. In his daies, saith Nennius, the Saxons Ninn. prevail'd not much: against whom Arthur, as beeing then Cheif General for the British Kings, made great War; but more renown'd in Songs and Romances, then in true stories. And the sequel it self declares as much. An. Dom. 477 For in the year 477. Ella the Saxon, Sax. an. Ethelw. Florent. with his three Sons, Cymen, Pleting, and Cissa, at a place in Suffex call'd Cymenshore, arrive in three Ships, kill many of the Britans, chasing them that remain'd into the Wood Andreds League. An. Dom. 485 Ano­ther Battell was fought at Mercreds-Burnamsted, Florent. Huntingd. wherin Ella had by far the Victory; but Huntingdon makes it so doubtful, that the Saxons were con­strain'd to send home for supplies. An. Dom. 489 Four year after dy'd Hengist the first Saxon King of Kent; noted to have attain'd that dignity by craft, as much as va­lour, Malms. and giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather then proceeding by mildness or civility. His Son Bed. L. 2. c. 5. Oeric surnam'd Oisc, of whom the Kentish Kings were call'd Oiscings, succeeded him, and sate content with his Fathers winnings; more desirous to settle and de­fend, then to enlarge his bounds: he reign'd 24 years. By this time Ella and his Son Cissa, beseiging Andred­chester, An. Dom. 492 Camden. suppos'd now to be Newenden in Kent, take it by force, and all within it put to the Sword.

Thus Ella 3 years after the death of Hengist, be­gan The King­dome of South-Sax­ons. Bed. L. 1. c. 15. & L. 2. c. 5. his Kingdome of the South-Saxons; peopling it with new inhabitants, from the Country which was then old Saxony, at this day Holstein in Denmark, and had besides at his command all those Provinces which the Saxons had won on this side Humber. Ani­mated with these good successes, as if Britain were become now the field of Fortune, Kerdic another [Page 120] Saxon Prince, the tenth by Linage from Woden an Sax. an. omn. old and practis'd Souldier, who in many prosperous conflicts against the Enemy in those parts, An. Dom. 495 had nurs'd up a Spirit too big to live at home with equals, com­ing to a certain place which from thence took the name of Kerdic-shoar, with 5 Ships, and Kenric his Son, the very same day overthrew the Britans that oppos'd him; and so effectually, that smaller skir­mishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still furder off, leaving him a large territory. An. Dom. 501 After him Porta another Saxon with his two Sons Bida and Sax. an. omn. Huntingd. Megla, in two Ships arrive at Portsmouth thence call'd; and at thir landing slew a young British Nobleman, with many others who unadvisedly set upon them. An. Dom. 508 The Britans to recover what they had lost, draw to­gether Annal. omn. Huntingd. Camden. all thir Forces led by Natanleod, or Nazaleod, a certain King in Britain, and the greatest saith one; but him with 5000 of his men Kerdic puts to rout and slaies. From whence the place in Hantshire, as far as Kerdicsford, now Chardford, was call'd of old Nazaleod. Who this King should be, hath bred much question; som think it to be the British name of Am­brose; Camd. Ʋss. primord. others to be the right name of his Brother, who for the terror of his eagerness in fight, became more known by the Sirname of Ʋther, which in the Welch Tongue signifies Dreadful. And if ever such a King in Britain there were as Ʋther Pendragon, for so also the Monmouth Book surnames him, this in all likelyhood must be he. Kerdic by so great a blow giv'n to the Britans had made large room about him; not only for the men he brought with him, but for such also of his friends, as he desir'd to make great; for which cause, and withall the more to strengthen himself, An. Dom. 514 his two Nefews Stuf, and Withgar, An. omn. in 3 Vessels bring him new levies to Kerdic shoar. Who [Page 121] that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them, either by thir own seeking, or by appointment, are set in place where they could not but at thir first coming give a proof of themselves upon the Enemy: and so well they did it, that the Britans after a hard encounter left them Maisters of the field. And about the same time, Ella the first Huntingdon. South-Saxon King dy'd; whom Cissa his youngest succeeded; the other two failing before him.

Nor can it be much more or less then about this The King­dom of East-Angles. time, for it was before the West-Saxon Kingdome, that Ʋffa the 8th. from Woden made himself King of the East-Angles; who by thir name testifie the Country above mention'd; from whence they came Malms. L. 1. c. 5. Bed. L. 1. c. 15. Huntingd. L. 2. p. 313. 315. Bede L. 2. c. 15. Malms. L. 1. c. 6. in such multitudes, that thir native soil is said to have remain'd in the daies of Beda uninhabited. Hun­tingdon deferrs the time of thir coming in, to the ninth year of Kerdic's Reigne: for saith he, at first many of them strove for principality, seising every one his Province, and for som while so continu'd ma­king petty Warrs among themselves; till in the end Ʋffa, of whom those Kings were call'd Ʋffings, over­top'd them all in the year 571, then Titilus his Son, the Father of Redwald, who became potent.

And not much after the East-Angles, began also the The King­dom of East-Saxons. East-Saxons to erect a Kingdom under Sleda the tenth from Woden. But Huntingdon, as before, will have it later by 11 years, and Erchenwin to be the first King.

An. Dom. 519 Kerdic the same in power, though not so fond of The King­dom of West-Sax­ons. title, forbore the name 24 Years after his arrival; but then founded so firmly the Kingdome of West-Saxons, that it subjected all the rest at length, and be­came the sole Monarchie of England. The same year he had a Victory against the Britans at Kerdics-Ford Sax. an. omn. [Page 122] Ford, by the River Aven: An. Dom. 527 and after 8 years, ano­ther great fight at Kerdics Leage, but which won the day is not by any set down. Hitherto hath bin col­lected what there is of certainty with circumstance of time and place to be found register'd, and no more then barely register'd in annals of best note; without describing after Huntingdon the manner of those Battels and Encounters, which they who com­pare, and can judge of Books, may be confident he never found in any current Author whom he had to follow. But this disease hath bin incident to many more Historians: and the age wherof we now write, hath had the ill hap, more then any since the first fa­bulous times, to be surcharg'd with all the idle fan­cies of posterity. Yet that we may not rely altoge­ther on Saxon relaters, Gildas, in Antiquity far be­fore these, and every way more credible, speaks of these Wars in such a manner, though nothing con­ceited of the British valour, as declares the Saxons in his time and before to have bin foyl'd not seldom­er then the Britans. For besides that first Victory of Ambrose, and the interchangeable success long after, he tells that the last overthrow which they receav'd at Badon Hill, was not the least; which they in thir oldest annals mention not at all. And because the time of this Battell, by any who could do more then guess, is not set down, or any foundation giv'n from whence to draw a solid compute, it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place. For such Authors as we have to follow, give the conduct and praise of this exploit to Arthur; and that this was the last of 12 great Battells which he fought victoriously against the Saxons. The several places writt'n by Nennius Ninn. in thir Welch names, were many hunder'd years ago unknown, and so heer omitted. But who Arthur was, [Page 123] and whether every any such reign'd in Britain, hath bin doubted heertofore, and may again with good reason. For the Monk of Malmsbury, and others whose credit hath sway'd most with the learneder sort, we may well perceave to have known no more of this Arthur 500 years past, nor of his doeings, then we now living; And what they had to say, transcrib'd out of Nennius, a very trivial writer yet extant, which hath already bin related. Or out of a British Book, the same which he of Monmouth set forth, utterly unknown to the World, till more then 600 years after the dayes of Arthur, of whom (as Sigebert in his Chronicle confesses) all other Histo­ries were silent, both Foren and Domestic, except only that fabulous Book. Others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and Cathedrall regests. But he who can accept of Legends for good story, may quickly swell a volume with trash, and had need be furnish'd with two only necessaries, lea­sure, and beleif, whether it be the writer, or he that shall read. As to Artur, no less is in doubt who was his Father; for if it be true as Nennius or his notist avers, that Artur was call'd Mab-Ʋther, that is to say, a cruel Son, for the fierseness that men saw in him of a Child, and the intent of his name Arturus imports as much, it might well be that som in after ages who sought to turn him into a Fable, wrested the word Ʋther into a proper name, and so fain'd him the Son of Ʋther; since we read not in any certain story, that ever such person liv'd, till Geffry of Monmouth set him off with the sirname of Pendragon. And as we doubted of his parentage, so may we also of his puissance; for whether that Victory at Badon Hill were his or no, is uncertain; Gildas not naming him, as he did Ambrose in the former. Next, if it be true [Page 124] as Caradoc relates, Caradoc. Llancarvon. vit. Gild. that Melvas King of that Coun­try which is now Summerset, kept from him Gueni­ver his Wife a whole year in the Town of Glaston, and restor'd her at the entreaty of Gildas, rather then for any enforcement, that Artur with all his Chivalry could make against a small Town defen­ded only by a moory situation; had either his know­ledge in War, or the force he had to make, bin ans­werable to the fame they bear, that petty King had neither dar'd such an affront, nor he bin so long, and at last without effect, in revenging it. Consi­dering lastly how the Saxons gain'd upon him every where all the time of his suppos'd reign, which be­gan, as som write, in the tenth year of Kerdic, who Malms. An­tiquit. Gla­ston. wrung from him by long Warr the Countries of Summerset, and Hamshire; there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story, An. Dom. 529 which may admini­ster any likelyhood of those great Acts that are as­crib'd Primord. p. 468. Polychronic. L. 5. c. 6. him. This only is alleg'd by Nennius in Ar­turs behalf, that the Saxons, though vanquish't never so oft, grew still more numerous upon him by conti­nual supplies out of Germany. And the truth is, that valour may be over-toil'd, and overcom at last with endless overcoming. But as for this Battell of Mount Badon where the Saxons were hemm'd in, or beseig'd, whether by Artur won, or whensoever, it seems indeed to have giv'n a most undoubted and important blow to the Saxons, and to have stop'd thir proceedings for a good while after. Gildas himself witnessing that the Britans having thus compel'd them to sit down with peace, fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves. Which words may seem to let in som light toward the searching out when this Battell was fought. And we shall find no time since the first Saxon War, from whence a longer peace en­su'd, [Page 125] then from the fight at Kerdics Leage in the year 527. which all the Chronicles mention, without Victory to Kerdic; and give us argument from the custome they have of magnifying thir own deeds upon all occasions, to presume heer his ill speeding. And if we look still onward, eev'n to the 44th year after, wherin Gildas wrote, if his obscureutterance be understood, we shall meet with very little War between the Britans and Saxons. This only re­mains Gildas. difficult, that the Victory first won by Ambrose, was not so long before this at Badon Seige, but that the same men living might be eye-witnesses of both; and by this rate hardly can the latter be thought won by Artur, unless we reck'n him a grown youth at least in the daies of Ambrose, and much more then a youth, if Malmsbury be heard, who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose, to have bin don cheifly by Artur as his General, which will add much unbeleif to the com­mon assertion of his reigning after Ambrose and Ʋther, especially the fight at Badon, being the last of his twelve Battels. But to prove by that which fol­lows, that the fight at Kerdics Leage, though it differ in name from that of Badon, may be thought the same by all effects; Kerdic 3 years after, An. Dom. 530 not pro­ceeding Sax. an. omn. onward, as his manner was, on the continent, turns back his Forces on the Ile of Wight; which with the slaying of a few only in Withgarburgh, he soon maisters; and not long surviving, left it to his Nefews by the Mothers side, Stuff and Withgar; An. Dom. 534 the rest of what he had subdu'd, Kenric his Son held; An. Dom. 544 and reign'd 26 years, in whose tenth year Withgar was buried in the Town of that Iland which bore his name. Notwithstanding all these unlikelyhoods of Artur's Reign and great acheivments, in a narrati­on crept in I know not how among the Laws of [Page 126] Edward the Confessor, Artur the famous King of Bri­tans, is said not only to have expell'd hence the Sa­racens, who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquer'd Freesland, and all the North East Iles as far as Russia, to have made Lapland the Eastern bound of his Empire, and Norway the Chamber of Britain. When should this be done? from the Sax­ons, till after twelve Battells, he had no rest at home; after those, the Britans contented with the quiet they had from thir Saxon Enemies, were so far from seek­ing Conquests abroad, that, by report of Gildas above cited, they fell to civil Wars at home. Sure­ly Artur much better had made War in old Saxony, to repress thir flowing hither, then to have won Kingdoms as far as Russia, scarce able heer to defend his own. Buchanan our Neighbour Historian re­prehends him of Monmouth and others for fabling in the deeds of Arms, yet what he writes thereof him­self, as of better credit, shews not whence he had but from those Fables; which he seems content to be­lieve in part, on condition that the Scots and Picts may be thought to have assisted Arthur in all his Wars, and atchievments; whereof appears as little grownd by any credible story, as of that which he most counts Fabulous. But not furder to contest about such uncertainties.

An. Dom. 547 In the year 547. Ida the Saxon, sprung also from Woden in the tenth degree, The King­dome of Northum­berland. Annal omn. Bed. Epit. Malmsb. began the Kingdome of Bernicia in Northumberland; built the Town Beb­banburg, which was after wall'd; and had 12 Sons, half by Wives, and half by Concubines. Hengist by leave of Vortigern, we may remember, had sent Octa and Ebissa to seek them seats in the North, and there by warring on the Picts, to secure the Southern parts. Which they so prudently effected, that what [Page 127] by force and fair proceeding, they well quioted those Countries; and though so far distant from Kent, nor without power in thir hands, yet kept themselves nigh 180 years within moderation; and as infe­riour Governors, they and their off-spring gave obe­dience to the Kings of Kent, as to the elder Family. Till at length following the example of that Age; when no less then Kingdoms were the prize of every fortunat Commander, they thought it but reason, as well as others of thir Nation, to assume Royalty. Of whom Ida was the first, a man in the prime of his Malmsb. years, and of Parentage as we heard; but how he came to wear the Crown, aspiring or by free choise, is not said. Certain enough it is, that his vertues, made him not less noble then his birth, in War un­daunted, and unfoil'd; in peace tempring the aw of Magistracy, with a naturall mildness he raign'd about 12 years. An. Dom. 552 In the mean while Kenric in a fight at Searesbirig, Annal omn. now Salsbury, kil'd and put to flight many of the Britans; An. Dom. 556 and the fourth year after at Beranvirig, now Banbury, Camden. as some think, with Keaulin his son put them again to flight. Keaulin shortly after succeeded his father in the West-Saxons. And Alla descended also of Woden, An. Dom. 560 but by another Annal. Florent. line, set up a second Kingdom in Deira the South part of Northumberland, and held it 30 years; while Adda the son of Ida, and five more after him reign'd without other memory in Bernicia: and in Kent, Ethelbert the next year began. An. Dom. 561 For Esca the son of Hengist had left Otha, and he Emeric to rule after him; both which without adding to their bounds, kept what they had in peace 53 years. But Ethelbert in length of reign equal'd both his progenitors, and as Beda counts, 3 years exceeded. Malms. Young at his first entrance, and unexperienc'd, he was the first raiser of [Page 128] civill War among the Saxons; claiming from the priority of time wherin Hengist took possession here, a kind of right over the later Kingdomes; and thereupon was troublesome to thir Confines: but by them twise defeated, he who but now thought to seem dreadfull, became almost contemptible. An. omn. For Keaulin and Cutha his Son, An. Dom. 568 persuing him into his own Territory, slew there in Battel, at Wibbandun 2 of his Earls, Oslac, and Cnebban. By this means the Bri­tans, but cheifly by this Victory at Badon, for the space of 44 years ending in 571, receav'd no great annoyance from the Saxons: but the peace they en­joy'd, by ill using it, prov'd more destructive to them then War. For being rais'd on a sudden by two such eminent successes, from the lowest condition of thraldome, they whose Eyes had beheld both those deliverances, that by Ambrose, and this at Badon, were taught by the experience of either Fortune, both Kings, Magistrates, Priests, and privat men, to live orderly. Gildas. But when the next Age, unacquainted with past Evils, and only sensible of thir present ease and quiet, succeeded, strait follow'd the appa­rent subversion of all truth, and justice, in the minds of most men: scarse the lest footstep, or impression of goodness left remaining through all ranks and de­grees in the Land; except in some so very few, as to be hardly visible in a general corruption: which grew in short space not only manifest, but odious to all the Neighbour Nations. And first thir Kings, among whom also, the Sons or Grand-Children of Ambrose, were fouly degenerated to all Tyranny and vitious life. Wherof to hear som particulars out of Gildas will not be impertinent. They avenge, saith he, and they protect; not the innocent, but the guilty: they swear oft, but perjure; they wage War, [Page 129] but civil and unjust War. They punish rigorously them that rob by the high way; but those grand Robbers that sit with them at Table, they honour and reward. They give alms largly, but in the face of thir Alms-deeds, pile up wickedness to a far higher heap. They sit in the seat of Judgment, but goe seldome by the rule of right; neglecting and proud­ly overlooking the modest and harmless; but coun­tenancing the audacious, though guilty of abomina­blest crimes; they stuff thir Prisons, but with men committed rather by circumvention, then any just cause. Nothing better were the Clergy, but at the same pass or rather worse, then when the Saxons came first in; Unlerned, Unapprehensive, yet im­pudent; suttle Prowlers, Pastors in Name, but in­deed Wolves; intent upon all occasions, not to feed the Flock, but to pamper and well line themselves: not call'd, but seising on the Ministry as a Trade, not as a Spiritual Charge: teaching the people, not by sound Doctrin, but by evil Example: usurping the Chair of Peter, but through the blindness of thir own worldly lusts, they stumble upon the Seat of Judas: deadly haters of truth, broachers of lies: looking on the poor Christian with Eyes of Pride and Contempt; but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame: great promoters of other mens Alms with thir set exhortations; but themselves con­tributing ever least; slightly touching the many vi­ces of the Age, but preaching without end thir own greivances, as don to Christ; seeking after prefer­ments and degrees in the Church more then after Heav'n; and so gain'd, make it thir whole study how to keep them by any Tyranny. Yet lest they should be thought things of no use in thir eminent places, they have thir niceties and trivial points to [Page 130] keep in aw the superstitious multitude; but in true saving knowledge leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves; bunglers at the Scripture, nay forbidding and silencing them that know; but in worldly matters, practis'd and cunning Shifters; in that only art and symony, great Clercs and Maisters, bearing thir heads high, but thir thoughts abject and low. He taxes them also as gluttonous, incontinent, and daily Drunkards. And what shouldst thou ex­pect from these, poor Laity, so he goes on, these beasts, all belly? shall these amend thee, who are themselves laborious in evil doings? shalt thou see with their Eyes, who see right forward nothing but gain? Leave them rather, as bids our Saviour, lest ye fall both blind-fold into the same perdition. Are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not so grosly. But what avail'd it Eli to be himself blameless, while he con­niv'd at others that were abominable? who of them hath bin envi'd for his better life? who of them hath hated to consort with these, or withstood thir entring the Ministry, or endeavour'd zealously thir casting out? Yet som of these perhaps by others are legen­ded for great Saints. This was the state of Gover­ment, this of Religion among the Britans, in that long calm of peace, which the fight at Badon Hill had brought forth. Wherby it came to pass, that so fair a Victory came to nothing. Towns and Citties were not reinhabited, but lay ruin'd and wast; nor was it long ere domestic War breaking out, wasted them more. For Britain, as at other times, had then also several Kings. Primord. p. 444. Five of whom Gildas living then in Armorica, at a safe distance, boldly reproves by name; First Constantine (fabl'd the Son of Cador, Duke of Cornwall, Arturs half Brother by the Mo­thers side) who then reign'd in Cornwall and Devon, a [Page 131] Tyrannical and bloody King, polluted also with ma­ny Adulteries: he got into his power, two young Princes of the Blood Royal, uncertain whether be­fore him in right, or otherwise suspected: and after solemn Oath giv'n of thir safety the year that Gildas wrote, slew them with thir two Governours in the Church, and in thir Mothers Arms, through the Ab­bots Coap, which he had thrown over them, think­ing by the revernce of his vesture to have withheld the murderer. These are commonly suppos'd to be the Sons of Mordred, Arturs Nefew, said to have re­volted from his Uncle, giv'n him in a Battel his Deaths wound, and by him after to have bin slain. Which things were they true, would much diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine, revenging Artur on the Sons of so false a Mordred. In another part, but not express'd where, Aurelius Conanus was King: him he charges also with Adulteries, and Parricide; cruelties worse then the former; to be a hater of his Countries Peace, thirsting after civil War and Prey. His condition it seems was not very prosperous; for Gildas wishes him, being now left alone, like a Tree withering in the midst of a barren field, to remem­ber the vanity, and arrogance of his Father, and elder Brethren, who came all to untimely Death in thir youth. The third reigning in Demetia, or South Wales, was Vortipor, the Son of a good Father; he was when Gildas wrote, grown old, not in years only, but in Adulteries, and in governing full of falshood, and cruel Actions. In his latter dales, putting away his Wife, who dy'd in divorce, he became, if we mistake not Gildas, incestuous with his Daughter. The fourth was Cuneglas, imbru'd in civil War; he also had divorc'd his Wife, and tak'n her Sister, who had vow'd Widdowhood: he was a great Enemy to [Page 132] the Clergy, high-minded, and trusting to his wealth. The last, but greatest of all in power, was Maglocune, and greatest also in wickedness; he had driv'n out or slain many other Kings, or Tyrants; and was cal­led the Island Dragon, perhaps having his seat in Anglesey; a profuse giver, a great Warrior, and of a goodly stature. While he was yet young, he over-threw his Uncle, though in the head of a compleat Army, and took from him the Kingdom: then touch't with remorse of his doings, not without de­liberation took upon him the profession of a Monk; but soon forsook his vow, and his wife also, which for that vow he had left, making love to the wife of his Brothers Son then living. Who not refusing the offer, if she were not rather the first that entic'd, found means both to dispatch her own Husband, and the former wife of Maglocune, to make her marriage with him the more unquestionable. Neither did he this for want of better instructions, having had the learnedest and wisest man reputed of all Britain, the instituter of his youth. Thus much, the utmost that can be learnt by truer story, of what past among the Britans from the time of their useless Victory at Ba­don, to the time that Gildas wrote, that is to say, as may be guess't, from 527 to 571, is here set down altogether; not to be reduc't under any certainty of years. But now the Saxons, who for the most part all this while had bin still, unless among them­selves, began afresh to assault them, and ere long to drive them out of all which they yet maintain'd on this side Wales. An. Dom. 571 For Cuthulf the Brother of Reaulin, by a Victory obtain'd at Bedanford, now Bedford, Camden. Annal omn. took from them 4 good Towns, Liganburgh, Eglesburh, Besington, now Benson in Oxfordshire, and Ignesham; but outliv'd not many months his good success. And [Page 133] after 6 years more, Keaulin, and Cuthwin his Son, An. Dom. 577 gave them a great overthrow at Deorrham in Gloster­shire, slew three of thir Kings, Comail, Condidan, and Farinmaile, and took three of thir Cheif Citties; Glocester, Cirencester, and Badencester. An. Dom. 584 The Britans notwithstanding, after some space of time, judging to have out-grown thir losses, gather to a head, and en­counter Keaulin with Cutha his Son, at Fethanleage; whom valiantly fighting, they slew among the thick­est, and as is said, forc'd the Saxons to retire. Huntingd. But Keaulin reinforcing the fight, put them to a main rout, and following his advantage, took many Towns, and return'd lad'n with rich booty.

The last of those Saxons who rais'd thir own acheivments to a Monarchy, The King­dome of Mercia. was Crida, much about this time, first founder of the Mercian Kingdom, drawing also his Pedigree from Woden. Of whom Huntingd. Mat. Westm. all to write the several Genealogies, though it might be done without long search, were, in my opinion, to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names, to little purpose. This may suffice, that of Wodens 3 Sons, from the Eldest issu'd Hengist, and his suc­cession; from the second, the Kings of Mercia; from Malmsb. L. 1. c. 3. the third, all that reign'd in West-Saxon, and most of the Northumbers, of whom Alla was one, the first King of Deira; which, after his death, the race of Ida seis'd, and made it one Kingdom, with Berni­cia, Florent. ad ann. usurping on the Childhood of Edwin, Alla's Son. Whom Ethelric the Son of Ida expel'd. An. Dom. 559 Notwith­standing others write of him; that from a poor life, and beyond hope in his old Age, coming to the Crown, he could hardly by the access of a Kingdom, have overcome his former obscurity, had not the fame of his Son preserv'd him. An. Dom. 588 Once more the Bri­tans, [Page 134] ere they quitted all on this side the Mountains, forgot not to shew some manhood; for meeting Annal. omn. Keaulin at Wodens Beorth, An. Dom. 592 that is to say, Wodens Florent. Mount in Wiltshire, whether it were by thir own Forces, or assisted by the Angles, whose hatred Keaulin had incurr'd, they ruin'd his whole Army, Bed. l. 2. c. 3. Malms. Florent. Sax. an. and chas'd him out of his Kingdom, from whence flying, he dy'd the next year in poverty; Who a little before, was the most potent and indeed sole King of all the Saxons on this side Humber. But who was cheif among the Britans in this exploit, had bin worth remembring, whether it were Ma­glocune, of whose prowess hath bin spok'n, or Tendric King of Glamorgan, whom the regest of Landaff re­counts to have bin alwaies victorious in fight; to have reign'd about this time, and at length to have exchang'd his Crown for a Hermitage; till in the aid of his Son Mouric, whom the Saxons had re­duc'd to extremes, taking armes again, he defeated them at Tinterne by the River Wye; but himself receav'd a mortal wound. The same year with Keaulin, whom Keola the Son of Cuthulf, Keaulins Brother succeeded, An. Dom. 593 Crida also the Mercian King de­ceas'd, in whose room Wibba succeeded; and in Northumberland, Ethelfrid, in the room of Ethelric; reigning 24 years. Thus omitting Fables, we have the veiw of what with reason can be rely'd on for truth, don in Britain, since the Romans forsook it. Wherin we have heard the many miseries and deso­lations, brought by divine hand on a perverse Na­tion; driv'n, when nothing else would reform them, out of a fair Country, into a Mountanous and Barren Corner, by Strangers and Pagans. So much more tolerable in the Eye of Heav'n is In­fidelity [Page 135] profess't, then Christian Faith and Reli­gion dishonoured by unchristian works. Yet they also at length renounc'd thir Heathenism; which how it came to pass, will be the matter next related.

THE Saxons grown up now to 7 abso­lute Kingdoms, and the latest of them establish'd by succession, finding thir power arrive well nigh at the utmost of what was to be gain'd upon the Bri­tans, and as little fearing to be displanted by them, had time now to survey at leasure one anothers greatness. Which quickly bred among them, either envy, or mutual jealousies; till the West Kingdom at length grown over powerful, put an end to all the rest. Mean while, above others, Ethelbert of Kent, who by this time had well rip'nd his young ambition, Bed. Malms. with more ability of years and experience in War, [Page 137] what before he attempted to his loss, now success­fully attains; and by degrees brought all the other Monarchies between Kent and Humber, to be at his devotion. To which design the Kingdom of West-Saxons, being the firmest of them all, at that time sore shak'n by thir over-throw at Wodens-beorth, and the Death of Keaulin, gave him no doubt a main advantage; the rest yeilded not subjection, but as he earn'd it by continual Victories. And to win him Bed. l. 1. c. 25. the more regard abroad, he marries Bertha the French Kings Daughter, though a Christian, and with this condition, to have the free exercise of her Faith, under the care and instruction of Letardus a Bishop, sent by her Parents along with her; the King notwithstanding and his people retaining thir own Religion. Beda out of Gildas laies it sadly to the Bed. l. 1. c. 22. Britans charge, that they never would voutsafe thir Saxon Neighbours the means of conversion: but how far to blame they were, and what hope there was of converting in the midst of so much hostility, Bed. l. 2. c. 1. at least falshood from thir first arrival, is not now ea­sie to determin. Howbeit not long after, they had the Christian Faith preach't to them by a Nation Malms. l. 1. c. 3. more remote, and (as a report went, accounted old in Bedas time) upon this occasion.

The Northumbrians had a custom at that time, and many hunder'd yeares after not abolish't, to sell thir Childern for a small value into any Foren Land. Of which number, two comly youths were brought to Rome, whose fair and honest countnances invited Gregory Arch-Deacon of that Citty, among others that beheld them, pittying thir condition, to demand whence they were; it was answer'd by som who stood by, that they were Angli of the Province Deira, subjects to Alla King of Northumberland, and [Page 138] by Religion Pagans. Which last Gregory deploring, fram'd on a sudden this allusion to the three names he heard; that the Angli so like to Angels should be snatch't de ira, that is, from the wrath of God, to sing Haleluia: and forthwith obtaining licence of Benedic the Pope, had come and preach't heer a­mong them, had not the Roman people, whose love endur'd not the absence of so vigilant a Pastor over them, recall'd him then on his journey, though but deferr'd his pious intention. An. Dom. 596 For a while after, suc­ceeding in the Papal Seat, and now in his fourth year, admonisht, saith Beda, by divine instinct, he sent Augustine whom he had design'd for Bishop of the English Nation, and other zealous Monks with him, to preach to them the Gospel. Who being now on thir way, discouraged by some reports, or thir own carnal fear, sent back Austin, in the name of all, to beseech Gregory they might return home, and not be sent a journey so full of hazard, to a fierce and in­fidel Nation, whose tongue they understood not. Gregory with pious and Apostolic perswasions exhorts them not to shrink back frō so good a work, but cheer­fully to go on in the strength of divine assistance. The Letter it self yet extant among our Writers of Ecclesiastic story, I omit heer, as not professing to relate of those matters more then what mixes aptly with civil affairs. The Abbot Austin, for so he was or­dain'd over the rest, reincourag'd by the exhorta­tions of Gregory, and his fellows by the Letter which he brought them, came safe to the Ile of Tanet, An. Dom. 597 in number about 40, besides some of the French Na­tion whom they took along as Interpreters. Ethel­bert the King, to whom Austin at his landing had sent a new and wondrous message, that he came from Rome to proffer Heav'n and eternal happiness in the [Page 139] knowledge of another God then the Saxons knew, appoints them to remain where they landed, and ne­cessaries to be provided them, consulting in the mean time what was to be done. And after certain days coming into the Iland, chose a place to meet them under the open Sky, possest with an old perswasion, that all Spells, if they should use any to deceive him, so it were not within doors, would be unavailable. They on the other side call'd to his presence, advan­cing for thir Standard, a silver cross, and the painted image of our Saviour, came slowly forward singing the solemn Litanies: which wrought in Ethelbert more suspition perhaps that they us'd enchantments; till sitting down as the King will'd them, they there preach'd to him, and all in that assembly, the tidings of Salvation. Whom having heard attentively, the King thus answer'd. Fair indeed and ample are the promises which ye bring, and such things as have the appearance in them of much good; yet such as being new and uncertain, I cannot hastily assent to, quitting the Religion which from my Ancestors, with all the English Nation, so many years I have retain'd. Nevertheless because ye are strangers, and have en­dur'd so long a journey, to impart us the knowledge of things, which I perswade me you believe to be the truest and the best, ye may be sure we shall not recompence you with any molestation, but shall pro­vide rather how we may friendliest entertain ye; nor do we forbid whom ye can by preaching gain to your belief. And accordingly thir residence he al­lotted them in Doroverne or Canturbury his chief Cit­ty, and made provision for thir maintenance, with free leave to preach their doctrine where they plea­sed. By which, and by the example of thir holy life, spent in prayer, fasting, and continual labour in the [Page 140] conversion of Souls, they won many; on whose bounty and the Kings, receiving only what was ne­cessary, they subsisted. There stood without the Citty, on the East-side, an ancient Church built in honour of St. Martin, while yet the Romans remain'd heer: in which Bertha the Queen went out usually to pray: Heer they also began first to preach, ba­ptize, and openly to exercise divine worship. An. Dom. 598 But when the King himself convinc't by thir good life & miracles, became Christian, and was baptized, which came to pass in the very first year of thir arrival, then multitudes daily, conforming to thir Prince, thought it honour to be reckon'd among those of his faith. To whom Ethelbert indeed principally shew­ed his favour, but compell'd none. For so he had bin taught by them who were both the Instructors Bed. l. 2. c. 5. and the Authors of his faith, that Christian Religion ought to be voluntary, not compell'd. About this time Kelwulf the Son of Cutha Keaulins Brother reign'd over the West-Saxons, Sax. an. Malms. after his Brother Keola or Kelric, and had continual War either with English, Welch, Picts, or Scots. An. Dom. 601 But Austin, whom with his fellows, Bed. l. 1. c. 27. Ethelbert now had endow'd with a better place for thir abode in the Citty, and other possessi­ons necessary to livelihood, crossing into France, was by the Archbishop of Arles, at the appointment of Pope Gregory, ordain'd Archbishop of the English: and returning, sent to Rome Laurence and Peter, two of his associates, to acquaint the Pope of his good success in England, and to be resolv'd of certain Theo­logical, or rather Levitical questions: with answers to which, not proper in this place, Gregory sends also to the great work of converting, that went on so hap­pily, a supply of labourers, Mellitus, Justus, Pauli­nus, Rufinian, and many others; who what they [Page 141] were, may be guess't by the stuff which they brought with them, vessels and vestments for the Altar, Coaps, reliques, and for the Archbishop Austin a Pall to say Mass in: to such a rank superstition that Age was grown, though some of them yet retaining an emu­lation of Apostolic zeal: lastly, to Ethelbert they brought a letter with many presents. Austin thus exalted to Archiepiscopal authority, recover'd from the ruins and other profane uses, a Christian Church in Canturbury built of old by the Romans; which he dedicated by the name of Christs Church, and joyn­ing to it built a seat for himself and his successors; a Monastery also neer the Citty Eastward, where Ethelbert at his motion built St. Peters, and enrich't it with great endowments, to be a place of burial for the Archbishops and Kings of Kent: so quickly they step't up into fellowship of pomp with Kings. While thus Ethelbert and his people had thir minds intent, Bed. l. 2. l. 34. Ethelfrid the Northumbrian King, was not less bufied in far different affairs: for being altogether warlike, and covetous of fame, he more wasted the Britans then any Saxon King before him; winning from them large Territories, which either he made tribu­tary, or planted with his own Subjects. An. Dom. 603 Whence Edan King of those Scots that dwelt in Britain, jea­lous of his successes, came against him with a mighty Army, to a place call'd Degsastan; but in the fight loosing most of his men, himself with a few escap'd: only Theobald the Kings brother, and the whole wing which he commanded, unfortunately cut off, made the Victory to Ethelfrid less intire. Yet from that time no King of Scots in hostile manner durst pass into Britain for a hunderd and more years after: and what some years before, Kelwulf the West-Saxon is annal'd to have done against the Scots and Picts, pas­sing [Page 142] through the Land of Ethelfrid a King so potent, unless in his aid and alliance, is not likely. Buchanan writes as if Ethelfrid, assisted by Keaulin whom he mis­titles King of East-Saxons, had before this time a bat­tel with Aidan, wherein Cutha Keaulins son was slain. But Cutha, as is above written from better authority, was slain in fight against the Welch 20 years before. An. Dom. 604 The number of Christians began now to increase so Bed. l. 2. c. 3 fast, that Augustine ordaining Bishops under him, two of his assistants Mellitus and Justus, sent them out both to the work of thir ministry. And Mellitus by preaching converted the East-Saxons, over whom Sebert the son of Sleda, by permission of Ethelbert, being born of his sister Ricula, then reign'd. Whose conversion Ethelbert to gratulate, built them the great Church of St. Paul in London to be their Bishops Ca­thedral; as Justus also had his built at Rochester, and both gifted by the same King with fair possessions. Hitherto Austin laboured well among Infidels, but not with like commendation soon after among Chri­stians. For by means of Ethelbert summoning the Britan Bishops to a place on the edge of Worcester­shire, call'd from that time Augustines Oke, he re­quires them to conform with him in the same day of celebrating Easter, and many other points wherein they differ'd from the rites of Rome: which when they refus'd to do, not prevailing by dispute, he ap­peals to a miracle, restoring to sight a blind man whom the Britans could not cure. At this something mov'd, though not minded to recede from thir own opinions without furder consultation, they request a second meeting: to which came seven Britan Bi­shops, with many other lerned men, especially from the famous Monastery of Bangor, in which were said to be so many Monks, living all by thir own labour, [Page 143] that being divided under seven Rectors, none had fewer then 300. One man there was who staid be­hind, a Hermit by the life he led, who by his wisdom effected more then all the rest who went: being de­manded, for they held him as an Oracle, how they might know Austin to be a man from God, that they might follow him, he answer'd, that if they found him meek and humble, they should be taught by him, for it was likeliest to be the yoke of Christ, both what he bore himself, and would have them bear; but if he bore himself proudly, that they should not regard him, for he was then certainly not of God. They took his advice, and hasted to the place of meeting. Whom Austin being already there before them, neither arose to meet, nor receiv'd in any bro­therly sort, but sat all the while pontifically in his Chair. Whereat the Britans, as they were counsel'd by the holy man, neglected him, and neither hark'­n'd to his proposals of conformity, nor would ac­knowledge him for an Archbishop: And in name Spelman. concil. pag. 108. of the rest, Dinothus then Abbot of Bangor, is said, thus sagely to have answer'd him. As to the sub­jection which you require, be thus perswaded of us, that in the bond of love and charity we are all Sub­jects and Servants to the Church of God, yea to the Pope of Rome, and every good Christian to help them forward, both by word and deed, to be the Childern of God: other obedience then this we know not to be due to him whom you term the Pope; and this obedience we are ready to give both to him and to every Christian continually. Besides, we are govern'd under God by the Bishop of Caer­leon, who is to oversee us in spiritual matters. To which Austin thus presaging, some say menacing, re­plies, since ye refuse to accept of peace with your [Page 144] brethren, ye shall have War from your enemies; and since ye will not with us preach the word of life, to whom ye ought, from their hands ye shall receive death. This, though Writers agree not whether Austin spake it as his prophecy, or as his plot against the Britans, fell out accordingly. Sax. an. Huntingd. For many years were not past, when Ethelfrid, whether of his own accord, An. Dom. 607 or at the request of Ethelbert incens't by Au­stin, with a powerful host came to Westchester, then Caer-legion. Where being met by the British Forces, and both sides in readiness to give the onset, he dis­cernes a company of men, not habited for War, standing together in a place of some safety; and by them a Squadron arm'd. Whom having lernt up­on some enquiry to be Priests and Monks, assem­bl'd thither after three days fasting, to pray for the good success of thir Forces against him, therefore they first, faith he, shall feel our Swords; for they who pray against us, fight heaviest against us by thir prayers, and are our dangerousest enemies. And with that turns his first charge upon the Monks: Brocmail the Captain set to guard them, quickly turns his back, and leaves above 1200 Monks to a sudden massacher, whereof scarse fifty scap'd, but not so easie work found Ethelfrid against another part of Britans that stood in arms, whom though at last he overthrew, yet with slaughter nigh as great to his own souldiers. To excuse Austin of this bloodshed, lest some might think it his revengeful policy, Beda writes that he was dead long before, although if the time of his sitting Archbishop be right computed sixteen years, he must survive this action. Other just ground of charging him with this imputatión Malms. gest. pont. l. 1. appears not, save what evidently we have from Gef­fry Monmouth, whose weight we know. The same [Page 145] year Kelwulf made War on the South-Saxons, bloody, Sax. an. saith Huntingdon, to both sides, but most to them of the South: An. Dom. 611 and four years after dying left the Go­vernment Sax. an. Malms. of West-Saxons to Kinegils and Cuichelm the sons of his brother Keola. Others, as Florent of Worster and Mathew of Westminster, will have Cuichelm son of Kinegils, but admitted to reign with his father, An. Dom. 614 in whose third year they are recorded with joynt Forces or conduct to have fought against the Britans Camd. in Beandune, now Bindon in Dorsetshire, An. Dom. 616 and to have slain of them above two thousand. More memora­ble Sax. an. was the second year following, by the death of Ethelbert the first Christian King of Saxons, and no less a favourer of all civility in that rude age. He gave Laws and Statutes after the example of Roman Emperors, written with the advice of his sagest Counsellors, but in the English tongue, and observ'd long after. Wherein his special care was to punish those who had stoln ought from Church or Church­man, thereby shewing how gratefully he receiv'd at thir hands the Christian Faith. Which, he no sooner dead, but his son Eadbald took the course as fast to extinguish; not only falling back to Heathenism, but that which Heathenism was wont to abhor, mar­rying his fathers second wife. Then soon was per­ceiv'd what multitudes for fear or countenance of the King had profess't Christianity, returning now as eagerly to thir old Religion. Nor staid the Apo­stacy within one Province, but quickly spread over to the East-Saxons; occasion'd there likewise, or set forward by the death of thir Christian King Se­bert: whose three sons, of whom two are nam'd Sexted and Seward, neither in his life time would be Malms. brought to baptism, and after his decease re-esta­blish'd the free exercise of Idolatry; nor so content, [Page 146] they set themselves in despight to do some op'n pro­fanation against the other Sacrament. Coming therfore into the Church, where Mellitus the Bishop was ministring, they requir'd him in abuse and scorn to deliver to them unbaptiz'd the consecrated bread; and him refuseing, drove disgracefully out of their dominion. Who cross'd forthwith into Kent, where things were in the same plight, and thence into France, with Justus Bishop of Rochester. But Di­vine vengeance deferr'd not long the punishment of men so impious; for Eadbald, vext with an evil Spi­rit, fell oft'n into foul fits of distraction; and the Sons of Sebert, in a fight against the West-Saxons pe­rish'd, with their whole Army. But Eadbald, within the year, by an extraordinary means became peni­tent. For when Laurence the Archbishop and suc­cessor of Austin was preparing to ship for France, after Justus and Mellitus, the story goes, if it be worth beleeving, that St. Peter, in whose Church he spent the night before in watching and praying, ap­pear'd to him, and to make the Vision more sensible, gave him many stripes for offering to desert his flock; at sight whereof the King (to whom next morning he shew'd the marks of what he had suffer'd, by whom and for what cause) relenting and in great fear dissolv'd his incestuous marriage, and ap­pli'd himself to the Christian Faith more sincerely then before, with all his people. But the Londoners addicted still to Paganism, would not be perswaded to receave again Mellitus thir Bishop, and to com­pell them was not in his power. An. Dom. 617 Thus much through all the South was troubl'd in Religion, as much were the North parts disquieted through Ambition. For Ethelfrid of Bernicia, as was touch't before, having thrown Edwin out of Deira, and join'd that King­dome [Page 147] to his own, not content to have bereav'd him of his right, whose known vertues and high parts gave cause of suspition to his Enemies, sends Messengers to demand him of Redwald King of East-Angles; under whose protection, after many years wandring obscurely through all the Iland, he had plac'd his safety. Redwald, though having promis'd all defence to Edwin as to his suppliant, yet tempted with continual and large offers of gold, and not con­temning the puissance of Ethelfrid, yeilded at length, either to dispatch him, or to give him into thir hands: but earnestly exhorted by his Wife, not to betray Malmsb. L. 1. c. 3. the Faith and inviolable Law of Hospitality and re­fuge giv'n, preferrs his first promise as the more Religious, nor only resuses to deliver him; but since War was thereupon denounc't, determins to be beforehand with the danger; and with a sudden Army rais'd, surprises Ethelfrid, little dreaming an invasion, and in a fight near to the East-side of the River Idle, on the Mercian border, now Nottingham­shire, Camden. slaies him, dissipating easily those few Forces which he had got to march out over-hastily with him; who yet as a testimony of his Fortune, not his Valour to be blam'd, slew first with his own hands, Reiner the Kings Son. His two Sons Oswald, and Oswi, by Acca, Edwins Sister, escap'd into Scotland. By this Victory, Redwald became so far superior to the other Saxon Kings, that Beda reck'ns him the next after Ella and Ethelbert; who besides this Conquest of the North, had likewise all on the hitherside Hum­ber at his obedience. He had formerly in Kent re­ceav'd Bed. L. 2. c. 15. Baptism, but coming home and perswaded by his Wife, who still it seems, was his Chief Counsel­ler to good or bad alike, relaps'd into his old Reli­gion; yet not willing to forgoe his new, thought it [Page 148] not the worst way, lest perhaps he might err in ei­ther, for more assurance to keep them both; and in the same Temple erected one Altar to Christ, ano­ther to his Idols. But Edwin, as with more delibe­ration he undertook, and with more sincerity re­tain'd the Christian profession, so also in power and extent of dominion far exceeded all before him; sub­dueing all, saith Beda, English or British, eev'n to the Iles, then call'd Mevanian, Anglesey, and Man; setl'd in his Kingdome by Redwald, he sought in mariage Edelburga, whom others call Tate, the Daughter of Ethelbert. To whose Embassadors, Eadbald her Brother made answer, that to wed thir Daughter to a Pagan, was not the Christian Law. Edwin repli'd, that to her Religion he would be no hindrance, which with her whole Houshold she might freely exercise. And moreover, that if examin'd it were found the better, he would imbrace it. An. Dom. 625 These ingenuous offers, op'ning so fair a way to the ad­vancement of truth, are accepted, and Paulinus as a spiritual Guardian sent along with the Virgin. He being to that purpose made Bishop by Justus, omit­ted no occasion to plant the Gospel in those parts, An. Dom. 626 but with small success, till the next year, Cuichelm, at that time one of the two West-Saxon Kings, en­vious of the greatness which he saw Edwin grow­ing up to, sent privily Eumerus a hir'd Sword-man to assassin him; who under pretence of doing a message from his Master, with a poison'd Weapon, stabs at Edwin, conferring with him in his House, by the River Derwent in Yorkeshire, on an Easter-day; which Lilla one of the Kings Attendants, at the in­stant perceaving, with a loyalty that stood not then to deliberate, abandon'd his whole body to the blow; which notwithstanding made passage through to the [Page 149] Kings Person, with a wound not to be slighted. The murderer encompass'd now with Swords, and despe­rate, fore-revenges his own fall with the Death of another, whom his Poinard reach'd home. Paulinus omitting no opportunity to win the King from mis­beleef, obtain'd at length this promise from him; that if Christ, whom he so magnifi'd, would give him to recover of his wound, and victory of his Ene­mies who had thus assaulted him, he would then be­come Christian, in pledge whereof he gave his young Daughter Eanfled to be bred up in Religion; who with 12 others of his Family, on the day of Pente­cost was baptiz'd. And by that time well recover'd of his wound; to punish the Authors of so foul a fact, he went with an Army against the West-Saxons: whom having quell'd by War, and of such as had conspir'd against him, put some to Death, others pardon'd, he return'd home victorious, and from that time worship'd no more his Idols, yet ventur'd not rashly into Baptism, but first took care to be in­structed rightly, what he learnt, examining and still considering with himself and others, whom he held wisest; though Boniface the Pope, by large Letters of exhortation, both to him and his Queen, was not wanting to quicken his beleef. But while he still deferr'd, and his deferring might seem now to have past the maturity of wisedome to a faulty lingring, Paulinus by Revelation, as was beleev'd, coming to the knowledge of a secret, which befell him strangly in the time of his troubles, on a certain day went in boldly to him, and laying his right hand on the head of the King, ask'd him if he rememberd what that sign meant; the King trembling, and in a maze riseing up, strait fell at his Feet. Behold, saith Pau­linus, raising him from the ground; God hath deli­ver'd [Page 150] you from your Enemies, and giv'n you the Kingdome, as you desir'd: perform now what long since you promis'd him, to receave his Doctrine which I now bring you, and the Faith, which if you ac­cept, shall to your temporal felicity, add Eternal. The promise claim'd of him by Paulinus, how and wherefore made, though savouring much of Legend, is thus related. Redwald, as we heard before, dazl'd with the gold of Ethelfrid, or by his threatning over-aw'd, having promis'd to yeild up Edwin, one of his faithfull Companions, of which he had some few with him in the Court of Redwald, that never shrunk from his adversity, about the first howr of night comes in hast to his Chamber, and calling him forth for better secrecy, reveles to him his danger, offers him his aid to make escape; but that course not approv'd, and seeming dishonourable without more manifest cause to begin, distrust towards one who had so long bin his only refuge, the friend departs. Edwin left alone without the Palace Gate, full of sadness and perplext thoughts, discerns about the dead of night, a man neither by countnance nor by habit to him known, approaching towards him. Who after salutation, ask'd him why at this howr, when all others were at rest, he alone so sadly sat waking on a cold Stone? Edwin not a little mis­doubting who he might be, ask'd him again, what his sitting within dores, or without, concern'd him to know? To whom he again, think not that who thou art, or why sitting heer, or what danger hangs over thee, is to me unknown: But what would you pro­mise to that man, who ever would befriend you out of all these troubles, and perswade Redwald to the like? All that I am able answer'd Edwin. And he, what if the same man should promise to make you [Page 151] greater then any English King hath bin before you? I should not doubt, quoth Edwin, to be answerably gratefull. And what if to all this he would inform you, said the other, in a way to happiness, beyond what any of your Ancestors hath known? would you hark'n to his Counsel? Edwin without stopping promis'd he would. And the other laying his right hand on Edwins head, when this sign, saith he, shall next befall yee, remember this time of night, and this discourse, to perform what thou hast promis'd, and with these words disappeering, left Edwin much reviv'd, but not less fill'd with wonder, who this unknown should be. When suddenly the friend who had bin gon all this while to list'n furder what was like to be decree'd of Edwin, comes back and joyfully bids him rise to his repose, for that the Kings mind, though for a while drawn aside, was now fully resolv'd not only not to betray him, but to defend him against all Enemies, as he had pro­mis'd. This was said to be the cause why Edwin ad­monish't by the Bishop of a sign which had befaln him so strangely, and as he thought so secretly, arose to him with that reverence and amazement, as to one sent from Heav'n, to claim that promise of him which he perceav'd well was due to a Divinepower, that had assisted him in his troubles. To Paulinus therefore he makes answer, that the Christian Beleef he himself ought by promise, and intended to re­ceave; but would conferr first with his Cheif Peers and Counsellers, that if they likewise could be won, all at once might be baptiz'd. They therfore being ask'd in Counsel what thir opinion was concerning this new Doctrine, and well perceaving which way the King enclin'd, every one thereafter shap'd his reply. The Cheif-Preist speaking first, discover'd [Page 152] an old grudge he had against his Gods, for advancing others in the Kings Favour above him thir Cheif Preist: another hiding his Court-compliance with a grave sentence, commended the choise of cer­tain before uncertain, upon due examination; to like purpose answer'd all the rest of his Sages, none op'nly dissenting from what was likely to be the Kings Creed: wheras the preaching of Paulinus could work no such effect upon them, toiling till that time without success. Whereupon Edwin renoun­cing Heathenism, became Christian: and the Pagan Preist, offring himself freely to demolish the Altars of his former Gods, made some amends for his teaching to adore them. An. Dom. 627 With Edwin, his two Sons Osfrid and Eanfrid, born to him by Quenburga, Daughter, as saith Beda, of Kearle King of Mercia, in the time of his banishment, and with them most of the people, both Nobles and Commons, easily converted, were baptiz'd; he with his whole Fa­mily at York, in a Church hastily built up of Wood, the multitude most part in Rivers. Northumberland thus christ'nd, Paulinus crossing Humber, converted also the Province of Lindsey, and Blecca the Go­vernour of Lincoln, with his Houshold and most of that City; wherin he built a Church of Stone, cu­riously wrought, but of small continuance; for the Roof in Bedas time, uncertain whether by neglect or Enemies, was down; the Walls only standing. Mean while in Mercia, Kearle a Kinsman of Wibba, saith Huntingdon, not a Son, having long withheld the Kingdome from Penda Wibba's Son, left it now at length to the fiftieth year of his Age: with whom Kinegils and Cuichelm, the West-Saxon Kings, An. Dom. 629 two year after, having by that time it seems recover'd strength, since the Inrode made upon them by Ed­win, Sax. ann. [Page 153] fought at Cirencester, then made Truce. But Edwin seeking every way to propagate the Faith, which with so much deliberation he had receav'd, persuaded Eorpwald the Son of Redwald, King of East-Angles, to imbrace the same beleef; An. Dom. 632 willingly or in aw, is not known, Sax. an. retaining under Edwin the name only of a King. But Eorpwald not long sur­viv'd his conversion, slain in fight by Ricbert a Pa­gan: Florent. Genealog. wherby the people having lightly follow'd the Religion of thir King, as lightly fell back to thir old superstitions for above 3 years after: Edwin in the mean while, to his Faith adding vertue, by the due administration of justice wrought such peace over all his Territories, that from Sea to Sea, man or wo­man might have travail'd in safety. His care also was of Fountains by the way side, to make them fit­test for the use of Travellers. And not unmindful of regal State, whether in War or Peace, he had a Royal Banner carried before him. But having reign'd with much honour 17 years, he was at length by Kedwalla, or Cadwallon, King of the Britans, who with aid of the Mercian Penda, had rebell'd against him, slain in a Battel with his Son Osfrid, at a place call'd Hethseild, and his whole Army overthrown or disperst in the year 633. and the 47th of his Age, An. Dom. 633 in the Eye of man worthy a more peacefull end. His Head brought to York, was there buried in the Church by him begun. Sad was this overthrow, both to Church and State of the Northumbrians: for Penda being a Heathen, and the British King, though in name a Christian, yet in deeds more bloody then the Pagan, nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the slaughter of Sex or Age; Kedwalla threatning to root out the whole Nation, though then newly Christian. For the Britans, and, as Beda [Page 154] saith, eev'n to his dayes, accounted Saxon Christiani­ty no better then Paganism, and with them held as little Communion. From these calamities no re­fuge being left but flight, Paulinus taking with him Ethilburga the Queen and her Children, aided by Bassus, one of Edwins Captains, made escape by Sea to Eadbald King of Kent: who receaving his Sister with all kindness, made Paulinus Bishop of Rochester, where he ended his days. After Edwin, the Kingdom of Northumberland became divided as before, each rightfull Heir seising his part; in Deira Osric, the Son of Elfric, Edwins Uncle, by profession a Christian, and baptiz'd by Paulinus; in Bernicia, Eanfrid, the Son of Ethelfrid; who all the time of Edwin, with his Brother Oswald, and many of the young Nobi­lity, liv'd in Scotland exil'd, and had bin there taught and baptiz'd. No sooner had they gott'n each a Kingdom, but both turn'd recreant, sliding back in­to their old Religion; and both were the same year slain; Osric by a sudden eruption of Kedwalla, whom he in a strong Town had unadvisedly beseig'd; Ean­frid seeking peace, and inconsideratly with a few surrendring himself. Kedwalla now rang'd at will through both those Provinces, useing cruelly his Conquest; when Oswald the Brother of Eanfrid with a small but Christian Army, An. Dom. 634 unexpectedly coming on, defeated and destroy'd both him and his huge Forces, which he boasted to be invincible, by a little River running into Tine, neer the antient Roman Wall then call'd Denisburn, the place afterwards Heav'n field, from the Cross reported miraculous for Cures, which Oswald there erected before the Bat­tail, in tok'n of his Faith against the great number of his Enemies. Obtaining the Kingdom, he took care to instruct again the people in Christianity. [Page 155] Sending therfore to the Scotish Elders, Beda so terms them, among whom he had receav'd Baptism, re­quested of them som faithfull Teacher, who might again settle Religion in his Realm, which the late troubles had impar'd; they as readily hearkning to his request, send Aidan a Scotch Monk and Bishop, but of singular zeal and meekness, with others to assist him, whom at thir own desire he seated in Lin­disfarne, as the Episcopal Seat, now Holy Iland: and being the Son of Ethelfrid, by the Sister of Edwin, as right Heir, others failing, easily reduc'd both Kingdoms of Northumberland as before into one; nor of Edwins Dominion lost any part, but enlarg'd it rather; over all the fowr British Nations, Angles, Britans, Picts and Scots, exerciseing regall Authority. Of his Devotion, Humility, and Almes-deeds, much is spok'n; that he disdain'd not to be the interpreter of Aidan, preaching in Scotch or bad English, to his Nobles and Houshold Servants; and had the poor continually serv'd at his Gate, after the promiscuous manner of those times: his meaning might be up­right, but the manner more antient of privat or of Church contribution, is doubtless more Evangelical. About this time, the West-Saxons, An. Dom. 635 antiently call'd Gevissi, by the preaching of Berinus, Sax. an. a Bishop, whom Pope Honorius had sent, were converted to the Faith with Kinegils thir King: him Oswald receav'd out of the Font, An. Dom. 636 and his Daughter in mariage. The next year Cuichelm was baptiz'd in Dorchester, but liv'd not to the years end. The East-Angles also this year were reclaim'd to the Faith of Christ, which for som years past they had thrown off. But Sig­bert the Brother of Eorpwald now succeeded in that Kingdom, prais'd for a most Christian and Learned Man: who while his Brother yet reign'd, living in [Page 156] France an exile, for some displeasure conceav'd against him by Redwald his Father, lern'd there the Christian Faith; and reigning soon after, in the same instructed his people, by the preaching of Felix a Burgundian Bishop.

An. Dom. 640 In the year 640. Eadbald deceasing, left to Ercom­bert his Son by Emma the French Kings Daughter, the Kingdom of Kent; recorded the first of Eng­lish Kings, who commanded through his limits the destroying of Idols; laudably, if all Idols without exception, and the first to have establisht Lent among us, under strict penalty, not worth remem­bring, but only to inform us, that no Lent was ob­serv'd heer till his time by compulsion: Mat. West. especially being noted by some to have fraudulently usurp'd upon his Elder Brother Ermenred, whose right was precedent to the Crown. An. Dom. 642 Oswald having reign'd 8 years, worthy also as might seem of longer life, fell into the same fate with Edwin, and from the same hand, in a great Battel overcom and slain by Penda, at a place call'd Maserfeild, now Oswestre, in Shrop­shire, miraculous, as saith Beda, after his Death. Camden. His Brother Oswi succeeded him; reigning, though in much trouble, 28 years; oppos'd either by Penda, Bed. L. 3. c. 14. or his own Son Alfred, or his Brothers Son Ethilwald. An. Dom. 643 Next year Kinegils the West-Saxon dying, left his Son Kenwalk in his stead, though as yet unconverted. Sax. an. About this time Sigebert, King of East-Angles, ha­ving lernt in France, ere his coming to Reign, the manner of thir Schools, with the assistance of some Teachers out of Kent, instituted a School heer after the same Discipline, thought to be the University of Cambridge then first founded: and at length weary of his Kingly Office, betook him to a Monastical life; commending the care of Government to his [Page 157] Kinsman Egric, who had sustain'd with him part of that burden before. It happen'd some years after, that Penda made War on the East-Angles: they ex­pecting a sharp encounter, besought Sigebert, whom they esteem'd an expert Leader, with his presence to confirm the Souldiery: and him refuseing carried by force out of the Monastery into the Camp; where acting the Monk rather then the Captain, with a single wand in his hand, he was slain with Egric, and his whole Army put to flight. Anna of the Royal Stock, as next in right, succeeded; and hath the praise of a vertuous and most Christian Prince. An. Dom. 645 But Ken­walk the West-Saxon having maried the Daughter of Penda, Sax. an. and divorc't her, was by him with more appearance of a just cause vanquisht in fight, and de­priv'd of his Crown: whence retiring to Anna King of the East-Angles, after three years abode in his Court, he there became Christian, An. Dom. 648 and afterwards regain'd his Kingdom. Oswi in the former years of his Reign, had sharer with him, Oswin Nephew of Edwin, who rul'd in Deira 7 years, commended much for his zeal in Religion, and for comliness of person, with other princely qualities, belov'd of all. Not­withstanding which, dissentions growing between them, it came to Armes. Oswin seeing himself much exceeded in numbers, thought it more prudence, dismissing his Army, to reserve himself for some better occasion. But committing his person with one faithfull attendant to the Loyalty of Hunwald an Earl, his imagin'd friend, he was by him treache­rously discoverd, and by command of Oswi slain. An. Dom. 651 Af­ter whom within 12 days, Bede. and for greif of him whose death he foretold, dy'd Bishop Aidan, famous for his Charity, meekness, and labour in the Gospel. The fact of Oswi was detestable to all; which ther­fore [Page 158] to expiate, a Monastery was built in the place where it was don, and Prayers there daily offerd up for the Souls of both Kings, the slain and the slayer. Kenwalk by this time reinstall'd in his King­dom, kept it long, but with various Fortune; Bed. l. 3. c. 7. for Beda relates him oft-times afflicted by his Enemies with great losses: An. Dom. 652 and in 652. by the Annals, fought a Battel (Civil War Ethelwerd calls it) at Bradanford by the River Afene; against whom, and for what cause, or who had the Victory, they write not. Cam­den names the place Bradford in Wiltshire, by the River Avon, and Cuthred his neer Kinsman, against whom he fought, but cites no Autority; certain it is, that Kenwalk fowr years before had giv'n large possessions to his Nephew Cuthred, the more unlikely therefore now to have rebell'd. An. Dom. 653 The next year Peada, whom his Father Penda, though a Heathen, had for his Princely Vertues made Prince of Mid­dle-Angles, belonging to the Mercians, was with that people converted to the Faith. For coming to Oswi with request to have in mariage Alf [...]eda his Daughter, he was deni'd her but on condition, that he with all his people should receave Christianity. Heering therefore not unwillingly what was preach't to him of Resurrection and Eternal life, much per­suaded also by Alfrid the Kings Son, who had his Sister Kyniburg to Wife, he easily assented, for the truths sake only as he profess'd, whether he obtain'd the Virgin or no, and was baptiz'd with all his fol­lowers. Returning, he took with him fowr Presby­ters to teach the people of his Province; who by thir daily preaching won many. Neither did Penda, though himself no Beleever, prohibit any in his King­dome to heer to beleeve the Gospel, but rather ha­ted and despis'd those, who professing to beleeve, [Page 159] atested not thir Faith by good works; condemning them for miserable and justly to be despis'd, who obey not that God in whom they choose to beleeve. How well might Penda this Heathen rise up in judg­ment against many pretending Christians, both of his own and these daies! yet being a man bred up to War (as no less were others then reigning, and oft-times one against another, though both Christians) he warr'd on Anna, An. Dom. 654 King of the East-Angles, Sax. an. per­haps without cause, for Anna was esteem'd a just man, and at length slew him. About this time the East-Saxons, who as above hath bin said, had ex­pell'd thir Bishop Mellitus, and renounc'd the Faith, were by the means of Oswi thus reconverted. Sige­bert surnam'd the small, being the Son of Seward, without other memory of his Reign, left his Son King of that Province, after him Sigebert the Se­cond, who coming oft'n to visit Oswi his great friend, was by him at several times fervently disuaded from Idolatry, and convinc't at length to forsake it, was there baptiz'd; on his return home taking with him Kedda a laborious Preacher, afterwards made Bi­shop; by whose teaching with some help of others, the people were again recoverd from misbeleef. But Sigebert some years after, though standing fast in Religion, was by the Conspiracy of two Brethren in place neer about him, wickedly murder'd; who being ask'd what mov'd them to do a deed so hai­nous, gave no other then this barbarous answer; that they were angry with him for being so gentle to his Enemies, as to forgive them thir injuries when­ever they besought him. Yet his Death seems to have happ'nd not without some cause by him giv'n of Divine displeasure. For one of those Earls who slew him, living in unlawfull wedlock, and therfore [Page 160] excommunicated so severely by the Bishop, that no man might presume to enter into his House, much less to sit at meat with him, the King not regarding this Church censure, went to feast with him at his invitation. Whom the Bishop meeting in his re­turn, though penitent for what he had don, and faln at his feet, touch'd with the rod in his hand, and angerly thus foretold: because thou hast neglected to abstain from the House of that Excommunicate, in that House thou shalt die; and so it fell out, perhaps from that prediction, God bearing witness to his Mi­nister in the power of Church Discipline, spiritually executed, not juridically on the contemner therof. An. Dom. 655 This year 655. prov'd fortunate to Oswi, and fatal to Penda, for Oswi by the continual inrodes of Penda, having long endur'd much devastation, to the endan­gering once by assault and fire Bebbanburg, Bed. l. 3. c. 16. Camd. his strong­est City, now Bamborrow Castle, unable to resist him, with many rich presents offerd to buy his Peace. Which not accepted by the Pagan, who intended no­thing but destruction to that King, though more then once in affinity with him, turning guifts into vows, he implores Divine Assistance, devoting, if he were deliverd from his Enemy, a Child of one year old, his Daughter to be a Nun, and 12 portions of land wheron to build Monasteries. His vows, as may be thought, found better success then his profferd guifts; for heerupon with his Son Alfrid, gathering a small power, he encounterd and discomfited the Mercians, Camden. 30 times exceeding his in number, and led on by expert Captains: at a place call'd Loyden, now Leeds in Yorkeshire. Besides this Ethelwald, the Son of Oswald, who rul'd in Deira, took part with the Mercians, but in the fight withdrew his Forces, and in a safe place expected the event: with which un­seasonable [Page 161] retreat, the Mercians perhaps terrifi'd and misdoubting more danger, fled; thir Commanders, with Penda himself, most being slain, among whom Edilhere the Brother of Anna, who rul'd after him the East-Angles, and was the Author of this War; many more flying were drown'd in the River, which Beda calls Winwed, then swoln above her Banks. Mat West. The Death of Penda, who had bin the Death of so many good Kings, made generall rejoicing, as the Song wit­ness'd. At the River Winwed, Anna was aveng'd. To Edelhere succeeded Ethelwald his Brother, in the East-Angles; to Sigebert in the East-Saxons, Suidhelm the Son of Sexbald, saith Bede, the Brother of Sige­bert, Bed. l. 3. c. 22. saith Malmsbury; he was baptiz'd by Kedda, then residing in the East-Angles, and by Ethelwald the King, receav'd out of the Font. But Oswi in the strength of his late Victory, An. Dom. 658 within three years after subdu'd all Mercia, Sax. an. and of the Pictish Nation greatest part, at which time he gave to Peada his Son in Law the Kingdome of South-Mercia, divided from the Northern by Trent. An. Dom. 659 But Peada the Spring follow­ing, as was said, Sax. an.by the Treason of his Wife the Daughter of Oswi, married by him for a special Christian, on the Feast of Faster, not protected by the holy time, was slain. The Mercian Nobles, Im­min, Eaba, and Eadbert, throwing off the Govern­ment of Oswi, set up Wulser the other Son of Penda to be thir King, whom till then they had kept hid, and with him adherd to the Christian Faith. Ken­walk the West-Saxon, now settl'd at home, and desi­rous to enlarge his Dominion, prepares against the Britans, joins Battel with them at Pen in Somerset-shire, and over coming persues them to Pedridan. Another fight he had with them before, at a place call'd Witgeornesburg, barely mention'd by the Monk [Page 162] of Malmsbury. An. Dom. 661 Nor was it long ere he fell at variance with Wulser the Son of Penda, Sax. an. his old Enemy, scarce yet warm in his Throne, fought with him at Possen­tesburg, on the Easter Holy-days, and as Ethelwerd saith, took him Prisner; but the Saxon Annals, quite otherwise, that Wulfer winning the field, wasted the West-Saxon Country as far as Eskesdun; nor staying there, took and wasted the Ile of Wight, but causing the Inhabitants to be baptiz'd, till then unbeleevers, gave the Iland to Ethelwald King of South-Saxons, whom he had receav'd out of the Font. An. Dom. 664 The year 664. a Synod of Scotish and English Bishops, Bed. in the presence of Oswi and Alfred his Son, was held at a Monastery in those parts, to debate on what Day Easter should be kept; a controverfie which long before had disturb'd the Greek and Latin Churches: wherin the Scots not agreeing with the way of Rome, nor yeilding to the disputants on that side, to whom the King most enclin'd, such as were Bishops heer, resign'd, and return'd home with thir Disciples. Another clerical question was there also much con­troverted, not so superstitious in my opinion as ridi­culous, about the right shaving of crowns. The same year was seen an Eclips of the Sun in May, fol­lowed by a sore pestilence beginning in the South, but spreading to the North, and over all Ireland with great mortality. Malms. In which time the East-Saxons after Swithelms Decease, being govern'd by Siger the Son of Sigebert the small, and Sebbi of Seward, though both subject to the Mercians. Siger and his people unstedie of Faith, supposing that this Plague was come upon them for renouncing thir old Reli­gion, fell off the second time to Infidelity. Which the Mercian King Wulfer understanding, sent Jaru­mannus a Faithfull Bishop, who with other his fel­low [Page 163] Labourers, by sound Doctrin and gentle dealing, soon recur'd them of thir second relaps. In Kent, Ercombert expiring, was succeeded by his Son Ec­bert. An. Dom. 668 In whose fowrth year, by means of Theodore, Sax. ann. a learned Greekish Monk of Tarsus, whom Pope Vi­talian had ordain'd Archbishop of Canterbury, the Greek and Latin Tongue, with other liberal Arts, Arithmetic, Music, Astronomie, and the like; began first to flourish among the Saxons; as did also the whole Land, under potent and religious Kings, more then ever before, as Bede affirms, till his own days. An. Dom. 670 Two years after, in Northumberland dy'd Oswi, much Sax. an. addicted to Romish Rites, and resolv'd, had his Di­sease releas'd him, to have ended his days at Rome: Ecfrid the eldest of his Sons begot in Wedlock, Sax. an. suc­ceeded him. An. Dom. 673 After other three years, Ecbert in Kent deceasing, left nothing memorable behind him, but the general suspition to have slain or conniv'd at the slaughter of his Uncles two Sons, Elbert, and Egel­bright. In recompence wherof, Malms. he gave to the Mo­ther of them part of Tanet, wherein to build an Ab­bey; the Kingdom fell to his Brother Lothair. And much about this time, by best account it should be, however plac'd in Beda, that Ecfrid of Northum­berland, Bed. l. 4. c. 12. having War with the Mercian Wulfer, won from him Lindsey, and the Country thereabout. Sebbi having reign'd over the East-Saxons 30 years, not long before his Death, though long before de­sireing, took on him the Habit of a Monk; and drew his Wife at length, though unwilling, to the same Devotion. Kenwalk also dying, left the Go­vernment to Sexburga his Wife, who out-liv'd him in it but one year, driv'n out, saith Mat. West. by the Nobles, disdaining Female Government. An. Dom. 674 After whom several petty Kings, as Beda calls them, for ten [Page 164] years space divided the West-Saxons; Bed. l. 4. c. 12. Sax. an. Malms. others name two, Escwin the Nephew of Kinigils, and Kentwin the Son, not petty by thir deeds: for Escwin fought a Battell with Wulfer, at Bedanhafde, and about year a af­both deceas'd; An. Dom. 676 but Wulfer not without a stain left behind him, of selling the Bishoprick of London, to Wini the first Simonist we read of in this story; Ken­walk had before expell'd him from his Chair at Win­chester; Ethelred the Brother of Wulfer obtaining next the Kingdom of Mercia, not only recoverd Lindsey, and what besides in those parts Wulfer had lost to Ecfrid some years before, but found himself strong enough to extend his Armes another way, as far as Kent, wasting that Country without respect to Church or Monastery, much also endamaging the City of Rochester: Bed. l. 4. c. 12. Notwithstanding what resistance Lothair could make against him. An. Dom. 678 In August 678. was seen a Morning Comet for 3 Months following, in manner of a fiery Pillar. And the South-Saxons about this time were converted to the Christian Faith, upon this occasion. Wilsrid Bishop of the Nor­thumbrians entring into contention with Ecfrid the King, was by him depriv'd of his Bishoprick, and long wandring up and down as far as Rome, An. Dom. 679 return'd at length into England, but not dareing to approach the North, whence he was banish'd, bethought him where he might to best purpose elsewhere exercise his Ministery. The South of all other Saxons remain'd yet Heathen; but Edilwalk thir King not long be­fore had bin baptiz'd in Mercia, persuaded by Wulfer, and by him, as hath bin said, receav'd out of the Font. For which relations sake he had the Ile of Wight, and a Province of the Meannari adjoining, Bed. l. 4. c. 13. Camd. giv'n him on the Continent about Meanesborow in Hantshir, which Wulfer had a little before gott'n from Kenwalk. The­ther [Page 165] Wilfrid takes his journey, and with the help of other Spiritual Labourers about him, in short time planted there the Gospel. It had not rain'd, as is said, of three years before in that Country, whence many of the people daily perish'd by Famin; till on the first day of thir public Baptism, soft and plenti­full showers descending, restor'd all abundance to the Summer following. An. Dom. 681 Two years after this, Sax. an. Kent­win the other West-Saxon King above-nam'd, chac'd the Welch-Britans, as is Chronicl'd without circum­stance, to the very Sea shoar. An. Dom. 683 But in the year, Sax. an. by Beda's reck'ning, 683, Kedwalla a West-Saxon of the Royal Line (whom the Welch will have to be Cad­wallader, last King of the Britans) thrown out by faction, return'd from banishment, and invaded both Kentwin, if then living, or whoever else had divided the succession of Kenwalk, Bed. l. 4. c. 15 slaying in fight Edelwalk the South-Saxon, who oppos'd him in their aid; but soon after was repuls'd by two of his Captains, Ber­tune, and Andune, who for a while held the province in thir power. But Kedwalla gathering new force, Malms. with the slaughter of Ber [...]une, An. Dom. 684 and also of Edric the successor of Edelwalk, won the Kingdome. But re­duc'd the people to heavy thraldome. Bed. l. 4. c. 16 Then ad­dressing to Conquer the Ile of Wight, till that time Pagan, saith Beda (others otherwise, as above hath bin related) made a vow, though himself yet un­baptiz'd, to devote the fowrth part of that Iland, and the spoils therof, to holy uses. Conquest obtain'd, paying his vow as then was the beleef, he gave hi [...] fowrth to Bishop Wilsrid, by chance there present; and he to Bertwin a Priest, his Sisters Son, with com­mission to baptise all the vanquisht, who meant to save thir lives. But the two young Sons of Arwald, King of that Iland, met with much more hostility; [Page 166] for they at the Enemies approach flying out of the Ile, and betray'd where they were hid not far from thence, were led to Kedwalla, who lay then under Cure of some wounds receav'd, and by his appoint­ment, after instruction and Baptism first giv'n them, harshly put to death, which the youths are said above thir Age to have Christianly sufferd. In Kent, Lothair dy'd this year of his wounds receav'd in fight against the South-Saxons, led on by Edric, who descending from Ermenred, it seems challeng'd the Crown; and wore it, though not commendably, one year and a half: An. Dom. 685 but coming to a violent Death, left the land Malms. expos'd a prey either to home-bred usurpers, or neighbouring invaders. Among whom Kedwalla, taking advantage from thir civil distempers, and marching easily through the South-Saxons, whom he had subdu'd, sorely harrass'd the Country, untouch'd of a long time by any hostile incursion. But the Kentish men, all parties uniteing against a common Enemy, with joint power so oppos'd him, that he was constrain'd to retire back; his Brother Mollo in the flight with 12 men of his Company, seeking Sax. an. Malms. shelter in a House, was beset and therin burnt by the persuers: Kedwalla much troubl'd at so great a loss, recalling and soon rallying his disorderd Forces, re­turn'd fiercely upon the chaseing Enemy; An. Dom. 686 nor could be got out of the Province, till both by fire and Sword, he had aveng'd the Death of his Brother. An. Dom. 687 At length Victred the Son of Ecbert, attaining the Kingdome, both settl'd at home all things in peace, and secur'd his Borders from all outward Hostility. While thus Kedwalla disquieted both West and East, after his winning the Crown, Ecfrid the Northum­brian, Bed. and Ethelred the Mercian, fought a sore Battel by the River Trent; wherin Elswin Brother to Ec­frid, [Page 167] a youth of 18 years, much belov'd, was slain; and the accident likely to occasion much more shed­ing of blood, peace was happily made by the grave exhortation of Archbishop Theodore, a pecuniary fine only paid to Ecfrid, as some satisfaction for the loss of his Brothers life. Another adversity befell Ecfrid in his Family, by means of Ethildrith his Wife, King Anna's Daughter, who having tak'n him for hir Husband, and professing to love him above all other men, persisted twelve years in the obstinat re­fusal of his bed, therby thinking to live the purer life. So perversly then was chastity instructed against the Apostles rule. At length obtaining of him with much importunity her departure, she veild her self a Nun, then made Abbess of Ely, dy'd 7 years after the pestilence; and might with better warrant have kept faithfully her undertak'n Wed­lock, though now canoniz'd St. Audrey of Ely. In the mean while Ecfrid had sent Bertus with a power to subdue Ireland, a harmless Nation, saith Beda, and ever friendly to the English; in both which they seem to have left a posterity much unlike them at this day: miserably wasted, without regard had to pla­ces hallow'd or profane, they betook them partly to thir Weapons, partly to implore divine aid; and, as was thought, obtain'd it in thir full avengement upon Ecfrid. For he the next year, against the mind and persuasion of his sagest friends, and especially of Cudbert a famous Bishop of that Age, marching un­advisedly against the Picts, who long before had bin subject to Northumberland, was by them feigning flight, drawn unawares into narrow streights over­topt with Hills, and cut off with most of his Army. From which time, saith Bede, military valour began among the Saxons to decay, nor only the Picts till [Page 168] then peaceable, but some part of the Britans also re­cover'd by Armes thir liberty for many years after. Yet Aldfrid elder, but base Brother to Ecfrid, a man said to be learned in the Scriptures, recall'd from Ire­land, to which place in his Brothers Reign he had re­tir'd, and now succeeding, upheld with much honour, though in narrower bounds, the residue of his King­dome. Kedwalla having now with great distur­bance of his Neighbours reign'd over the West-Sax­ons two years, besides what time he spent in gaining it, wearied perhaps with his own turbulence, went to Rome, desirous there to receave Baptism, which till then his worldly affairs had deferr'd, and according­ly, on Easter Day, 689. he was baptiz'd by Sergius An. Dom. 689 the Pope, and his name chang'd to Peter. All which notwithstanding, surpris'd with a Disease, he out-liv'd not the Ceremony so far sought, much above the space of 5 weeks, in the Thirtieth year of his Age, and in the Church of St. Peter was there buri­ed, with a large Epitaph upon his Tomb. Him suc­ceeded Ina of the Royal Family, and from the time of his coming in, for many years oppress'd the Land with like greevances, as Kedwalla had done before him, insomuch that in those times there was no Bi­shop among them. His first expedition was into Kent, to demand satisfaction for the burning of Mollo: Victred loth to hazard all for the rash act of a few, deliver'd up 30 of those that could be found accesso­ry, or as others say, pacifi'd Ina with a great sum of money. Mean while, at the incitement of Ecbert, a Malms. Sax. an. Ethel­werd. devout Monk, Wilbrod a Priest eminent for learn­ing, past over Sea, having 12 others in Company, with intent to preach the Gospel in Germany. And coming to [...]epin Cheif Regent of the Franks, who An. Dom. 694 a little before had conquer'd the hither Frisia, by his [Page 169] countnance and protection, promise also of many benefits to them who should beleeve, they found the work of conversion much the easier, and Wilbrod the first Bishoprick in that Nation. But two Priests, each of them Hewald by name, and for distinction sur­nam'd from the colour of thir Hair, the black and the white, by his example, piously affected to the Souls of thir Country-men the old Saxons, at thir coming thether to convert them met with much worse entertainment. For in the House of a Farmer who had promis'd to convey them, as they desir'd, to the Governour of that Country, discoverd by thir daily Ceremonies to be Christian Priests, and the cause of thir coming suspected, they were by him and his Heathen Neighbours cruelly butcherd; yet not unaveng'd, for the Governour enrag'd at such violence offerd to his Strangers, sending Armed Men, slew all those Inhabitants, and burnt thir Vil­lage. An. Dom. 697 After three years in Mercia, Ostrid the Queen, Wife to Ethelred, was kill'd by her own No­bles, as Beda's Epitomy records; Florence calls them Southimbrians, negligently omitting the cause of so strange a fact. An. Dom. 698 And the year following, Bertred a Northumbrian General was slain by the Picts. An. Dom. 704 Ethelred 7 years after the violent Death of his Queen, put on the Monk, and resign'd his Kingdome to Kenred the Son of Wulfer his Brother. An. Dom. 705 The next year, Ald­frid in Northumberland dy'd, leaving Osred a Child of 8 years to succeed him. An. Dom. 709 Fowr years after which, Kenred having a while with praise govern'd the Mer­cian Kingdome, went to Rome in the time of Pope Constantine, and shorn a Monk spent there the resi­due of his daies. Kelred succeeded him, the Son of Ethelred, who had reign'd the next before. With Kenred went Offa the Son of Siger, King of East-Saxons, [Page 170] and betook him to the same habit, leaving his Wife and Native Country; a comely Person in the prime of his youth, much desir'd of the people; and such his vertue by report, as might have other­wise bin worthy to have reign'd. An. Dom. 710 Ina the West-Saxon Sax. an. Huntingd. one year after fought a Battell, at first doubt­full, at last successfull, against Gerent King of Wales. An. Dom. 711 The next year Bertfrid, another Northumbrian Cap­tain, fought with the Picts, and slaughterd them, saith Bed. Epit. Huntingdon, to the full avengment of Ecfrids Death. An. Dom. 715 The fowrth year after, Ina had another doubtfull and cruell Battel at Wodnesburg in Wiltshire, Sax. an. Sax. an. Huntingd. with Kelred the Mercian, who dy'd the year following a lamentable Death: for as he sat one day feasting with his Nobles, An. Dom. 716 suddenly possess'd with an evill Spirit, he expir'd in despair, as Boniface Archbishop of Ments, an English man, who taxes him for a de­filer of Nuns, writes by way of caution to Ethel­bald, his next of Kin, who succeeded him. Osred also the young Northumbrian King, slain by his Kindred in the 11. of his Reign, for his vitious life and incest committed with Nuns; was by Kenred fucceeded and aveng'd, he reigning two years left Osric in his room. An. Dom. 718 In whose 7th year, if Beda cal­culate right, Victred King of Kent deceas'd, having reign'd 34 years, and some part of them with Sueb­hard, as Beda testifies, he left behind him three Sons, Ethelbert, Eadbert, and Alric his Heirs. An. Dom. 725 Three years L. 5. c. 9. after which, An. Dom. 728 appear'd two Comets about the Sun, ter­rible to behold, the one before him in the Morning, the other after him in the Evening, for the space of two weeks in January, bending thir blaze toward the North, at which time the Saracens furiously in­vaded France, but were expell'd soon after with great overthrow. The same year in Northumber­land, [Page 171] Osric dying or slain, Bed. l. 5. c. 24. adopted Kelwulf the Bro­ther of Kenred his Successor, to whom Beda dedi­cates his story; but writes this only of him, that the beginning, and the process of his Reign met with many adverse commotions, wherof the event was then doubtfully expected. Mean while Ina7 years before, having slain Kenwuls, to whom Florent gives the addition of Clito, giv'n usually to none but of the blood Royal, and the 4th. year after overthrown and slain Albright another Clito, driv'n from Taun­ton to the South-Saxons for aid, vanquish't also the East-Angles in more then one Battel, as Malmsbury writes, but not the year, whether to expiate so much blood, or infected with the contagious humour of those times, Malmsbury saith, at the persuasion of Ethelburga his Wife, went to Rome, and there ended his dayes; yet this praise left behind him, to have made good Laws, the first of Saxon that remain ex­tant to this day, and to his Kinsman Edelard, be­queath'd the Crown; No less then the whole Mo­narchy of England and Wales. For Ina, if we be­leeve a digression in the Laws of Edward Confessor, was the first King Crown'd of English and British, since the Saxons entrance; of the British by means of his second Wife, some way related to Cadwalla­der last King of Wales, which I had not noted being unlikely, but for the place where I found it. After Bede. Ina, by a surer Author, An. Dom. 731 Ethelbald King of Mercia commanded all the Provinces on this side Humber, with thir Kings: the Picts were in league with the English, the Scots peaceable within thir bounds, and the Britans part were in thir own Goverment, part subject to the English. In which peacefull state of the land, many in Northumberland, both Nobles and Commons, laying aside the exercise of Armes, be­took [Page 172] them to the Cloister: and not content so to do at home, many in the days of Ina, Clerks and Laics, Men and Woemen, hasting to Rome in Herds, thought themselves no where sure of Eternal Life, till they were Cloisterd there. Thus representing the state of things in this Iland, Beda surceas'd to write. Out of whom cheifly hath bin gatherd, since the Saxons arrival, such as hath bin deliverd, a scat­terd story pickt out heer and there, with some trou­ble and tedious work from among his many Le­gends of Visions and Miracles; toward the latter end so bare of civill matters, as what can be thence col­lected may seem a Calendar rather then a History, tak'n up for the most part with succession of Kings, and computation of years, yet those hard to be re­concil'd with the Saxon Annals. Thir actions we read of, were most commonly Wars, but for what cause wag'd, or by what Councells carried on, no care was had to let us know: wherby thir strength and violence we understand, of thir wisedom, rea­son, or justice, little or nothing, the rest superstition and monastical affectation; Kings one after another leaving thir Kingly Charge, to run thir heads fondly into a Monks Cowle: which leaves us uncertain, whether Beda was wanting to his matter, or his mat­ter to him. Yet from hence to the Danish Invasion it will be worse with us, destitute of Beda. Left only to obscure and blockish Chronicles; whom Malmsbury, and Huntingdon, (for neither they then we had better Authors of those times) ambitious to adorn the History, make no scruple oft-times, I doubt to interline with conjectures and surmises of thir own: them rather then imitate, I shall choose to represent the truth naked, though as lean as a plain Journal. Yet William of Malmsbury must be ac­knowledg'd, [Page 173] both for stile and judgment, to be far the best Writer of them all: but what labour is to be endur'd, turning over Volumes of Rubbish in the rest, Florence of Worster, Huntingdon, Simeon of Durham, Hoveden, Mathew of Westminster, and many others of obscurer note, with all thir monachisms, is a penance to think. Yet these are our only Regi­sters, transcribers one after another for the most part, and somtimes worthy enough for the things they re­gister. This travail rather then not know at once what may be known of our antient story, sifted from Fa­bles and impertinences, I voluntarily undergo; and to save others, if they please the like unpleasing la­bour; except those who take pleasure to be all thir life time, rakeing in the Foundations of old Abbies and Cathedrals; but to my task now as it befalls. An. Dom. 733 In the year 733. on the 18th. Kalends of Septem­ber, Sax. an. Ethelwerd. was an Eclipse of the Sun about the third howr of day, obscureing almost his whole Orb as with a black sheild. Ethelbald of Mercia, beseig'd and took the Castle or Town of Somerton: An. Dom. 735 and two years after, Beda our Historian dy'd, some say the year before. An. Dom. 738 Kelwulf in Northumberland three years after became Monk in Lindisfarne, Malms. yet none of the severest, for he brought those Monks from milk and water, to Wine and Ale; in which doctrin no doubt but they were soon docil, and well might, for Kelwulf brought with him good provision, great treasure and revenues of land, recited by Simeon, yet all under pretense of following (I use the Au­thors words) poor Christ, by voluntary poverty: no marvel then if such applause were giv'n by Monkish Writers to Kings turning Monks, and much cunning perhaps us'd to allure them. To Eadbert his Uncle, he left the Kingdom, whose brother Ecbert, [Page 174] Archbishop of York built a Library there. An. Dom. 740 But two years after, while Eadbert was busied in War against the Picts, Ethelbald the Mercian, by foul fraud, assaulted part of Northumberland in his absence, as the supplement of Beda's Epitomy records. In the West-Saxons, Edelard who succeeded Ina, having bin much molested in the beginning of his Reign, with the Rebellion of Oswald his Kinsman, who contended with him for the right of succession, over­coming at last those troubles, dy'd in Peace 741, An. Dom. 741 leaving Cuthred one of the same linage to succeed Malms. Sax. an. him: who at first had much War with Ethelbald the Mercian, and various success, but joyning with him in League two years after, An. Dom. 743 made War on the Welch: Sim. Dun. Huntingdon doubts not to give them a great Victo­ry. An. Dom. 744 And Simeon reports, another Battel fought be­tween Britans and Picts the year ensueing. Hoved. Malms. Now was the Kingdome of East-Saxons drawing to a Pe­riod, for Sigeard and Senfred the Sons of Sebbi ha­ving reign'd a while, and after them young Offa, who soon quitted his Kingdome to go to Rome with Kenred, as hath been said, the Goverment was con­ferr'd Sax. an. on Selred Son of Sigebert the good, who ha­ving rul'd 38 years, came to a violent death; An. Dom. 746 how or wherefore, is not set down. After whom Swithred was the last King, driv'n out by Ecbert the West-Saxon: but London, with the Countries adjacent, obey'd the Mercians till they also were dissolv'd. Cuthred had now reign'd about nine years, An. Dom. 748 when Kuiric his Son a valiant young Prince, was in a mili­tary tumult slain by his own Souldiers. Sax. an. Huntingd. The same year Eadbert dying in Kent, his Brother Edilbert reign'd in his stead. An. Dom. 750 But after two years, the other Eadbert in Northumberland, whose War with the Picts hath bin above-mention'd, made now such Progress [Page 175] there, as to subdue Kyle, so saith the Auctarie of Bede, and other Countries thereabout, to his dominion; While Cuthred the West-Saxon had a fight with Ethel­hun, one of his Nobles, a stout Warrier, envi'd by him in some matter of the Common-wealth, as far as by the Latin of Ethelward can be understood (others Huntingd. interpret it Sedition) and with much ado over­coming, An. Dom. 752 took Ethelhun for his valour into favour, Camden. by whom faithfully serv'd in the twelf or thirteenth of his Reign, he encounter'd in a set Battell with Ethelbald the Mercian at Beorford, now Burford in Oxfordshire; An. Dom. 753 one year after against the Welch, which was the last but one of his life. Huntingdon, as his manner is to comment upon the annal Text, makes a terrible description of that fight between Cuthred and Ethelbald, and the Prowess of Ethelhun, at Beor­ford, but so affectedly, and therfore suspiciously, that I hold it not worth rehersal; and both in that and the latter conflict, gives Victory to Cuthred; Sax. an. af­ter whom Sigebert, uncertain by what right, An. Dom. 754 his Kins­man, saith Florent, step'd into the Throne, Malms. whom hated for his cruelty and other evil doings, Kim­wulf joining with most of the Nobility, dispossess'd of all but Hamshir, that Province he lost also with­in a year, An. Dom. 755 together with the love of all those who till then remain'd his adherents, by slaying Cum­bran, one of his Cheif Captains, who for a long time had faithfully serv'd, and now disuaded him from incensing the people by such Tyrannical practi­ces. Huntingd. Huntingd. Thence flying for safety into Andreds Wood, forsak'n of all, he was at length slain by the Swine-heard of Cumbran in revenge of his Maister, and Kinwulf who had undoubted right to the Crown, joyfully saluted King. An. Dom. 756 The next year Eadbert the Northumbrian joining forces with Ʋnust King of the [Page 176] Picts, as Simeon writes, beseig'd and took by sur­render Camden. the City Alcluith, now Dunbritton in Lennox, from the Britans of Cumberland; and ten days after, the whole Army perishd about Niwanbirig, but to tell us how, he forgetts. In Mercia, Ethelbald was Camd. slain, at a place call'd Secandune, An. Dom. 757 now Seckinton in Warwickshire, the year following, in a bloody fight Sax. an. Epit. Bed. Sim. Dun. against Cuthred, as Huntingdon surmises, but Cuthred was dead two years before; others write him mur­der'd in the night by his own Guard, and the Trea­son, as some say, of Beornred, who succeeded him; but ere many Months, was defeated and slain by Offa. Yet Ethelbald seems not without cause, after a long and prosperous Reign, to have fall'n by a vio­lent Death; not shameing on the vain confidence of his many Alms, to commit uncleaness with consecra­ted Nuns, besides Laic Adulteries, as the Arch-Bishop of Ments in a letter taxes him and his Prede­cessor, and that by his example most of his Peers did the like; which adulterous doings he foretold him were likely to produce a slothfull off-spring, good for nothing but to be the ruin of that Kingdome, as it fell out not long after. An. Dom. 758 The next year Osmund, according to Florence, ruleing the South-Saxons, and Swithred the East, Eadbert in Northumberland, fol­lowing the steps of his Predecessor, got him into a Monks Hood; the more to be wonder'd, that ha­ving Sim. Dun. Eccles. L. 2. reign'd worthily 21 years, with the love and high estimation of all, both at home and abroad, able still to govern, and much entreated by the Kings his Neighbours, not to lay down his charge; with offer on that condition to yeild up to him part of thir own Dominion, he could not be mov'd from his re­solution, but relinquish'd his Royal Office to Oswulf his Son; An. Dom. 759 who at the years end, though without just [Page 177] cause, was slain by his own Servants. And the year after dy'd Ethelbert, Son of Victred, the second of that name in Kent. An. Dom. 762 After Oswulf, Ethelwald, other­wise Sim. Dun. Mat West. call'd Mollo, was set up King; who in his third year had a great Battel at Eldune, by Melros, slew Os­win a great Lord, rebelling, and gain'd the Victory. An. Dom. 765 But the third year after, fell by the treachery of Al­cred, Sim. Dun. who assum'd his place. An. Dom. 769 The fowrth year af­ter which, Cataracta an antient and fair City in Yorkeshire, was burnt by Arnred a certain Tyrant, who the same year came to like end. An. Dom. 774 And after five Sim. Dun. years more, Alfred the King depos'd and forsak'n of all his people, fled with a few, first to Bebba, a strong City of those parts, thence to Kinot King of the Picts. Ethelred the Son of Mollo, was crown'd in his stead. Mean while Offa the Mercian, growing powerfull, had subdu'd a Neighbouring people by Simeon, call'd Hestings; and fought successfully this year with Alric King of Kent, at a place call'd Occan­ford: the Annals also speak of wondrous Serpents then seen in Sussex. Nor had Kinwulf the West-Saxon giv'n small proof of his valour in several Battels against the Welch heretofore; An. Dom. 775 but this year 775. meeting with Offa, at a place call'd Besington, Sax. an. was put to the worse, and Offa won the Town for which they contended. An. Dom. 778 In Northumberland, Ethel­red having caus'd three of his Nobles, Sim. Dun. Aldwulf, Kin­wulf, and Ecca, treacherously to be slain by two other Peers, was himself the next year driv'n into banishment, Elfwald the Son of Oswulf succeeding in his place, yet not without civil broils; An. Dom. 780 for in his se­cond Sim. Dun. year Osbald and Ethelheard, two Noblemen, raising Forces against him, routed Bearne his Gene­ral, and persueing, burnt him at a place call'd Sele­tune. I am sensible how wearisom it may likely be to [Page 178] read of so many bare and reasonless Actions, so ma­ny names of Kings one after another, acting little more then mute persons in a Scene: what would it be to have inserted the long Bead-roll of Archbi­shops, Bishops, Abbots, Abbesses, and thir doeings, neither to Religion profitable, nor to morality, swelling my Authors each to a voluminous body, by me studiously omitted; and left as their pro­priety, who have a mind to write the Ecclesiastical matters of those Ages; neither do I care to wrin­cle the smoothness of History with rugged names of places unknown, better harp'd at in Camden, and other Chorographers. An. Dom. 786 Six years therfore pass'd Ethelwerd. Malms. over in silence, as wholely of such Argument, bring us to relate next the unfortunate end of Kinwulf the West-Saxon; who having laudably reign'd about 31 years, yet suspecting that Kineard Brother of Sige­bert the former King, intended to usurp the Crown after his Decease, or revenge his Brothers expulsi­on, had commanded him into banishment; but he Sax. ann. lurking heer and there on the borders with a small Company, having had intelligence that Kenwulf Camd. was in the Country thereabout, at Merantun, or Mer­ton in Surrey, at the House of a Woeman whom he lov'd, went by night and beset the place. Kenwulf over-confident either of his Royal presence, or per­sonal valour, issuing forth with the few about him, runs feirsly at Kineard, and wounds him sore, but by his followers hem'd in, is kill'd among them. The report of so great an accident soon running to a place not far off, where many more attendants awaited the Kings return, Osric and Wivert, two Earles hasted with a great number to the House, where Kineard and his fellows yet remain'd. He seeing himself surrounded, with fair words and pro­mise [Page 179] of great guifts, attempted to appease them; but those rejected with disdain, fights it out to the last, and is slain with all but one or two of his retinue, which were nigh a hunderd. Kinwulf was succeed­ed by Birthric, being both descended of Kerdic the the Founder of that Kingdome. An. Dom. 788 Not better was Sim. Dun. Malms. the end of Elswald in Northumberland, two years after slain miserably by the conspiracy of Siggan, one of his Nobles, others say of the whole people at Scilcester by the Roman Wall; yet undeservedly, as his Sepulchre at Hagustald, now Hexham upon Camd. Tine, and some miracles there said to be done, are al­leg'd to witness; and Siggan 5 years after laid vio­lent hands on himself. Osred Son of Alcred ad­vanc't Malms. into the room of Elfwald, and within one year driv'n out, left his seat vacant to Ethelred Son of Mollo, who after ten years of banishment (im­pris'nment, saith Alcuin) had the Scepter put again Sim. Dun. into his hand: An. Dom. 789 The third year of Birthric King of West-Saxons, gave beginning from abroad to a new and fatal revolution of calamity on this Land. For three Danish Ships, the first that had bin seen heer of that Nation arriving in the West, to visit these, as was suppos'd, Foren Merchants, the Kings ga­therer of Customes taking Horse from Dorchester, found them Spies and Enemies. For being com­manded to come and give account of thir ladeing at the Kings Custome House, they slew him and all who came with him; as an earnest of the many slaughters, rapines, and hostilities, which they re­turn'd not long after to commit over all the Iland. Pontan. L. 3. Of this Danish first arrival, and on a sudden worse then hostile Aggression, the Danish History far otherwise relates, as if thir landing had bin at the mouth of Humber, and thir spoilfull march far into [Page 180] the Country; though soon repelld by the Inhabitants, they hasted back as fast to thir Ships: But from what cause, what reason of state, what Authority or pub­lick counsell the invasion proceeded, makes not men­tion, and our wonder yet the more, by telling us that Sigefrid then King in Denmarke, and long after, was a man studious more of peace and quiet then of warlike matters. These therefore seem rather Pontan. L. 4. to have bin some wanderers at Sea, who with pub­lick Commission, or without, through love of spoil, or hatred of Christianity, seeking booties on any land of Christians, came by chance or weather on this shore. An. Dom. 790 The next year Osred in Northumber­land, Sim. Dun. who driv'n out by his Nobles had giv'n place to Ethelred, was tak'n and forcibly shav'n a Monk at Yorke. An. Dom. 791 And the year after, Oels, and Oelswin, Sim. Dun. Sons of Elfwald, formerly King, were drawn by fair promises from the principal Church of Yorke, and after by command of Ethelred, cruelly put to Death at Wonwaldremere, a Village by the great Pool in Lancashire, now call'd Winandermere. Nor was the Camden. third year less bloody; An. Dom. 792 for Osred, who not likeing a shav'n Crown, had desir'd banishment and obtain'd Sim. Dun. Sim. Dun. Eccles. L. 2. it, returning from the Ile of Man with small For­ces, at the secret but deceitfull call of certain No­bles, who by Oath had promis'd to assist him, was also tak'n, and by Ethelred dealt with in the same manner; who the better to avouch his Cruelties, therupon married Elfled the Daughter of Offa: for in Offa was found as little Faith or mercy. He the same year having drawn to his Palace Ethelbrite King of East-Angles, with fair invitations to marry his Daughter, caus'd him to be there inhospitably be­headed, and his Kingdome wrongfully seis'd, by the wicked counsel of his Wife, saith Mat. West. an­nexing [Page 181] thereto a long unlikely Tale. For which vio­lence and bloodshed to make attonement, with Fry­ers at lest, he bestows the reliques of St. Alban, in a shrine of Pearl and Gold. An. Dom. 793 Far worse it far'd the Sim. Dun. next year with the reliques in Lindisfarne; where the Danes landing, pillag'd that Monastery, and of Fryers kill'd some, carried away others Captive, sparing neither Preist nor Lay: which many strange thunders and fiery Dragons, with other impressions in the air seen frequently before, were judg'd to foresignifie. This year Alric third Son of Victred ended in Kent his long Reign of 34 years: with him ended the race of Hengist: thenceforth whom­soever wealth or faction advanc'd, took on him the name and state of a King. The Saxon Annals of 784. name Ealmund then reigning in Kent; but that consists not with the time of Alric, and I find him no where else mentiond. An. Dom. 794 The year following was re­markable Malms. for the Death of Offa the Mercian, a stre­nuous and suttle King; he had much intercourse with Charles the Great, at first enmity, to the interdicting of commerce on either side, at length much amity and firm League, as appears by the Letter of Charles himself yet extant, procur'd by Alcuin a learned and prudent man, though a Monk, whom the Kings of England in those days had sent Orator into France, to maintain good correspondence between them and Charles the Great. He granted, saith Huntingdon, a perpetual tribute to the Pope out of every House in his Kingdome; for yeilding perhaps to translate Asser. Men. Sim. Dun. the Primacy of Canterbury to Lichfeild in his own Dominion. He drew a trench of wondrous length between Mercia and the British Confines, from Sea to Sea. Ecferth the Son of Offa, a Prince of great hope, who also had bin Crown'd 9 years before his [Page 182] Fathers Decease, restoring to the Church what his Father had seis'd on: yet within fowr Months by a sickness ended his Reign. And to Kenulf next in right of the same Progeny bequeath'd his King­dome. Mean while the Danish Pirats who still wa­sted Northumberland, ventring on shoar to spoil ano­ther Monastery at the mouth of the River Don, were assail'd by the English, thir Cheif Captain slain on the place; then returning to Sea, were most of them Ship-wrack'd; others driv'n again on shoar, were put all to the Sword. Simeon attributes this thir pu­nishment to the power of St. Cudbert, offended with them for the rifling of his Covent. An. Dom. 796 Two years after Sim. Dun. this, dy'd Ethelred twice King, but not exempted at last from the fate of many his predecessors, miserably slain by his people, some say deservedly as not in­conscious with them who train'd Osred to his ruin. Osbald a Nobleman exalted to the Throne, and in less then a month, deserted and expell'd, was forc'd to fly at last from Lindisfarne by Sea to the Pictish King, and dy'd an Abbot. Eardulf whom Ethelred six years before had commanded to be put to Death at Ripun, before the Abbey-Gate, dead as was sup­pos'd, and with solemn Dirge carried into the Church, after midnight found there alive, I read not how, then banish'd, now recall'd, was in Yorke crea­ted King. In Kent, Ethelbert or Pren, whom the An­nals call Eadbright (so different they often are one from another, both in timeing and in nameing) by some means having usurp'd regal power, after two years Reign contending with Kenulf the Mercian, was by him tak'n Pris'ner, and soon after, out of pi­ous commiseration let go: but not receav'd of his own, what became of him, Malmsbury leaves in doubt. Simeon writes, that Kenulf commanded to [Page 183] put out his Eyes, and lop off his hands; but whether the sentence were executed or not, is left as much in doubt by his want of expression. An. Dom. 798 The second year Sim. Dun. after this, they in Northumberland who had con­spir'd against Ethelred, now also raising War against Eardulf, under Wada thir Cheif Captain, after much havock on either side at Langho, by Whaley in Lan­cashire, the Conspirators at last flying, Eardulf re­turn'd with Victory. The same year London, with a great multitude of her Inhabitants, by a sudden fire was consum'd. An. Dom. 800 The year 800. made way for great alteration in England, uniting her seaven King­doms into one, by Echert the famous West-Saxon; him Birthric dying Childless left next to reign, the only surviver of that linage, descended from Ine­gild the Brother of King Ina. And according to his Malms. Birth liberally bred, he began early from his youth to give signal hopes of more then ordinary worth growing up in him; which Birthric fearing, and with all his juster title to the Crown, secretly sought his life, and Ecbert perceaving, fled to Offa the Mer­cian▪ but he having married Eadburg his Daughter to Birthric, easily gave ear to his Embassadors; com­ing Sax. an. to require Ecbert, he again put to his shifts, es­cap'd thence into France; but after three years ba­nishment there, which perhaps contributed much to his education, Charles the Great then reigning, he was call'd over by the publick voice (for Birthric was newly dead) and with general applause created King of West-Saxons. The same day Ethelmund at Kinneresford, passing over with the Worcestershire men, was met by Weolstan another Nobleman with those of Wiltshire, between whom happ'nd a great fray, wherin the Wiltshire men overcame, but both Dukes were slain, no reason of thir quarrel writ'n; [Page 184] such bickerings to recount, met oft'n in these our Writers, what more worth is it then to Chronicle the Wars of Kites, or Crows, flocking and fighting in the Air? An. Dom. 801 The year following, Eardulf the Northum­brian, Sim. Dun. leading forth an Army against Kenulf the Mercian, for harboring certain of his Enemies, by the diligent mediation of other Princes and Prelats, Armes were laid aside, and amity soon sworn be­tween them. But Eadburga the Wife of Birthric, a Malms. L. 2. Asser. woeman every way wicked, in malice especially cru­el, An. Dom. 802 could not or car'd not to appease the general ha­tred justly conceiv'd against her; Sim. Dun. accustom'd in her Husbands days to accuse any whom she spighted; and not prevailing to his ruin, her practice was by poison secretly to contrive his Death. It fortun'd that the King her Husband, lighting on a Cup which she had temperd, not for him, but for one of his great Favourites, whom she could not harm by accuseing, sip'd therof only, and in a while after still pineing away, ended his days; the favourite drinking deep­er found speedier the operation. She fearing to be questiond for these facts, with what treasure she had, pass'd over-sea to Charles the Great, whom with rich guifts coming to his presence, the Emperour courtly receav'd with this pleasant proposal: Choose Ead­burga, which of us two thou wilt, me or my Son (for his Son stood by him) to be thy Husband. She no dissembler of what she lik'd best, made easie answer. Were it in my choise, I should choose of the two your Son rather, as the younger man. To whom the Emperour between jest and earnest, hadst thou chosen me, I had bestow'd on thee my Son; but since thou hast chos'n him, thou shalt have neither him nor me. Nevertheless he assign'd her a rich Mona­stery to dwell in as Abbess; for that life it may [Page 185] seem, she chose next to profess; but being a while after detected of unchastity, with one of her fol­lowers, she was commanded to depart thence; from that time wandring poorly up and down with one Servant, in Pavia a City of Italy, she finish'd at last in beggery her shamefull life. An. Dom. 805 In the year 805. Cuthred, whom Kenuls the Mercian had, Malms. Sax. ann. instead of Pren, made King in Kent, having obscurely reign'd 8 years, deceas'd. An. Dom. 806 In Northumberland, Eardulf the year following was driv'n out of his Realm by Alf­wold, who Reign'd two years in his room; Huntingd. Sim. Dun. after whom Eandred Son of Eardulf 33 years; An. Dom. 808 but I see not how this can stand with the sequel of story out of better Authors: Mat. West. An. Dom. 809 Much less that which Buchanan relates, the year following, of Acaius King of Scots, who having reign'd 32 years, and dying in 809, had formerly aided (but in what year of his Reign tells not) Hungus King of Picts with 10000 Scots, against Athelstan a Saxon or English-man, then wa­sting the Pictish Borders; that Hungus by the aid of those Scots and the help of St. Andrew thir Patron, in a Vision by night, and the appearance of his cross by day, routed the astonisht English, and slew Athel­stan in fight. Who this Athelstan was, I believe no man knows; Buchanan supposes him to have been some Danish Commander, on whom King Alured, or Alfred, had bestow'd Northumberland; but of this I find no footsteps in our antient Writers; and if any such thing were done in the time of Alfred, it must be little less then 100. years after; this Athelstan therefore, and this great overthrow, seems rather to have bin the fancy of some Legend then any war­rantable Record. Sim. Dun. Mean while Ecbert, having with much Prudence, Justice, and Clemency, An. Dom. 813 a work of more then one year, Sax. an. establisht his Kingdome and [Page 186] himself in the affections of his people, turns his first enterprise against the Britans, both them of Corn­wal and those beyond Seavern, subdueing both. In Mercia, Kenulf the 6th. year after, having reign'd with great praise of his religious mind and vertues both in Peace and War, deceas'd. An. Dom. 819 His Son Kenelm, Sax. an. Malms. a Child of seaven years, was committed to the care of his Elder Sister Quendrid; who with a female ambition aspiring to the Crown, hir'd one who had the charge of his nurture, to murder him, led into a woody place upon pretence of hunting. The mur­der, as is reported, was miraculously reveal'd; but to tell how, by a Dove droping a writt'n note on the Altar at Rome, is a long story, told, though out of order, by Malmsbury; and under the year 821. by Mat. West. where I leave it to be sought by such as are more credulous then I wish my Readers. On­ly the note was to this purpose.

An. Dom. 820 Keolwulf the Brother of Kenulf, after one years Reign was driv'n out by one Bernulf an Usurper: Ingulf. who in his third year, An. Dom. 823 uncertain whether invading or invaded, was by Ecbert, Sax. an. though with great loss on both sides, overthrown and put to flight at Ellandune or Wilton: yet Malmsbury accounts this Battel fought in 806, a wide difference, but frequently found in thir computations. Bernulf thence retire­ing to the East-Angles, as part of his Dominion by the late seisure of Offa, was by them met in the field and slain: but they doubting what the Mercians might do in revenge hereof, forthwith yielded themselves both King and people to the Sovrantie of Ecbert. As for [Page 187] the Kings of East-Angles, our Annals mention them not since Ethelwald; him succeeded his Brothers Florent. Genealog. Bed. L. 2. c. 15. Sons, as we find in Malmsbury, Aldulf (a good King, well acquainted with Bede) and Elwold who left the Kingdome to Beorn, he to Ethelred the Father of Ethelbrite, whom Offa perfidiously put to Death. Simeon and Hoveden, in the year 749. write that Elf­wald King of East-Angles dying, Humbeanna and Albert shar'd the Kingdom between them; but where to insert this among the former successions is not easie, nor much material: after Ethelbrite, none is nam'd of that Kingdom till thir submitting now to Ecbert: he from this Victory against Bernulf sent part of his Army under Ethelwulf his Son, with Al­stan Bishop of Shirburn, and Wulferd a Chief Com­mander, into Kent. Who finding Baldred there reigning in his 18th. year, overcame and drove him over the Thames; whereupon all Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and lastly Essex, with her King Swithred, became subject to the Dominion of Ecbert. Neither were these all his exploits of this year, the first in order set down in Saxon Annals, being his fight against the Devonshire Welch, at a place call'd Gasulford, now Camelford in Cornwal. Camd. An. Dom. 825 Ludiken the Mercian, after two years preparing to avenge Bernulf his Kinsman on the East-Angles, Ingulf. was by them with his five Consuls, as the Annals call them, surpris'd and put to the Sword: and Withlaf his successor first vanquisht, then upon submission with all Mercia, made tribu­tary to Ecbert. Mean while the Northumbrian King­dom of it self was fall'n to shivers; thir Kings one after another so oft'n slain by the people, no man dareing, though never so ambitious, to take up the Scepter which many had found so hot, (the only effectual cure of ambition that I have read) for the [Page 188] space of 33 years, after the Death of Ethelred Son of Mollo, as Malmsbury writes, there was no King: many Noblemen and Prelats were fled the Country. Which mis-rule among them, the Danes having un­derstood, oft-times from thir Ships entring far into the land, infested those parts with wide depopulati­ons, wasting Towns, Churches, and Monasteries, for they were yet Heathen: The Lent before whose coming, on the North-side of St. Peters Church in Yorke, was seen from the roof to rain blood. The causes of these calamities, and the ruin of that King­dom, Alcuin, a learned Monk living in those days, at­tributes in several Epistles, and well may, to the general ignorance and decay of lerning, which crept in among them after the Death of Beda, and of Ec­bert the Archbishop; thir neglect of breeding up youth in the Scriptures, the spruce and gay apparel of thir Preists and Nuns, discovering thir vain and wanton minds, examples are also read, eev'n in Be­da's days, of thir wanton deeds: thence Altars de­fil'd with perjuries, Cloisters violated with Adulte­ries, the Land polluted with blood of thir Princes, civil dissentions among the people, and finally all the same vices which Gildas alledg'd of old to have ruin'd the Britans. In this estate Ecbert, who had now conquerd all the South, finding them in the year 827. An. Dom. 827 (for he was march'd thether with an Ar­my to compleat his Conquest of the whole Iland) no wonder if they submitted themselves to the yoke without resistance, Eandred thir King becoming Tri­butary. An. Dom. 828 Thence turning his forces the year follow­ing, Mat. West. he subdu'd more throughly what remain'd of North-Wales.

THE sum of things in this Iland, or the best part therof, reduc't now un­der the power of one man; and him one of the worthiest, which, as far as can be found in good Authors, was by none attain'd at any time heer before unless in Fa­bles; men might with some reason have expected from such Union, peace and plenty, greatness, and the flourishing of all Estates and Degrees: but far the contrary fell out soon after, Invasion, Spoil, Desolation, slaughter of many, slavery of the rest, by the forcible landing of a fierce Nation; Danes [Page 190] commonly call'd, and somtimes Dacians, by others, the same with Normans; as barbarous as the Saxons themselves were at first reputed, and much more; for the Saxons first invited came hither to dwell; these unsent for, unprovok'd, came only to destroy. Calvisius. But if the Saxons, as is above related, came most of them from Jutland and Anglen, a part of Denmarke, as Danish Writers affirm, and that Danes and Nor­mans are the same; then in this invasion, Danes drove out Danes, thir own posterity. And Normans after­wards, none but antienter Normans. Which inva­sion Pontan. hist. Dan. perhaps, had the Heptarchie stood divided as it was, had either not bin attempted, or not uneasily resisted; while each Prince and people, excited by thir neerest concernments, had more industriously defended thir own bounds, then depending on the neglect of a deputed Governour, sent oft-times from the remote residence of a secure Monarch. Though as it fell out in those troubles, the lesser King­doms revolting from the West-Saxon yoke, and not aiding each other, too much concern'd with thir own safety, it came to no better pass; while severally they sought to repell the danger nigh at hand, rather then jointly to prevent it farre off. But when God hath decreed servitude on a sinful Nation, fitted by thir own vices for no condition but servile, all Estates of Government are alike unable to avoid it. God had purpos'd to punish our instrumental punishers, though now Christians, by other Heathen, according to his Divine retaliation; invasion for invasion, spoil for spoil, destruction for destruction. The Saxons were now full as wicked as the Britans were at their arri­val, brok'n with luxurie and sloth, either secular or superstitious; for laying aside the exercise of Arms, [Page 191] and the study of all vertuous knowledge, some be­took them to over-worldly or vitious practice, others to religious Idleness and Solitude, which brought forth nothing but vain and delusive visions; easily perceav'd such, by thir commanding of things, either not belonging to the Gospel, or utterly for­bidden, Ceremonies, Reliques, Monasteries, Masses, Idols, add to these ostentation of Alms, got oft-times by rapine and oppression, or intermixt with violent and lustfull deeds, sometimes prodigally be­stow'd as the expiation of cruelty and bloodshed. What longer suffering could there be, when Reli­gion it self grew so void of sincerity, and the greatest shews of purity were impur'd?