Of our Voiage from London to Archangel.

THere were two Vessels appointed for this Voiage: One, a Man of war of 50. pieces of Ordnance, The other a Merchants ship; which last set sayle before the other with twenty two of his Lordships Domesticks, of which number I was one. A great part of his baggage, and of the Presents his Majesty sent to the great Duke, were disposed in this Vessel also, besides eight Coach horses. In this manner we embarked from London for Gravesend, where our ship lay at anchor in [Page 7] the Thames, with the Man of war, in which the Ambassador was to come after us very shortly.

But after we were embarked, there was an unlucky accident befel one of our Company, who fell down upon the hatches, and hurt himself in several places of his body; so that we thought fit to get him carried immediately ashore into Gravesend, where he found him­self so ill, that we concluded his journey would be at an end before it was well begun. This person was of the number of them to whom the generosity of the Ambassador had given leave to transport themselves for Mos­covie, and to cross those Countries with his Train. His Excellence being arrived at Graves­end in order to his embarkment, received him into his Vessel, where in a short time he reco­vered so well, that he made a match with one of the Maid-servants, and so gave us af­terwards the entertainment of a Marriage at Mosco. However this fall proved to be but a happy fall, forasmuch as by that means he leapt out of a Merchants ship into one of the King's Men of war well provided, and much happier in this Voiage than ours. There they were entertained all the way with the sound of Trumpets, and the melody of Musick, whilst we (Strangers to all these divertise­ments) had no other harmony than what is ordinarily concomitant with the sickness of [Page 8] the Sea; in which the most of us bore our parts.

On the 15 ^th. of July we set sayle from Gravesend, with a favourable gale to fall down the River. But shortly after the wind turned so cross and violent, that for the space of seven or eight days we were all in a very sad and dismal consternation, and those chiefly who were but strangers to these confusions as yet. It is true we had now and then a little calm weather, and chiefly the 21. which gave us the opportunity of entertaining our selves with the sight of a Porpoise of an exceeding bigness, for a full quarter of an hour. She gave us great diversion with her constant plungings and leapings in the water, on each side of our Ship, as if she had come on purpose to make us that Recreati­on. But, as if all that had been but so many presages of a grievous Storm, and a Progno­stication of crosses impending us, presently after the wind was at North-East, which was directly contrary and continued there four days with a very great violence. And so that Sea, which in the calm appeared like an azure field, wherein the fishes sported themselves with the wanton expressions of their joy, on a sudden became a place of horror, of mountains, and abysses, combating one ano­ther by the violence of the winds, the foaming waves tossing up our Vessel to the clouds, [Page 9] and in an instant re-plunging it in the bottom of the Sea; and the Ocean after so pleasant a calm bellowing and roaring with incredible fury so long a time together.

At last we came in sight of Norway, and here we sollicited the Master to go to an harbour which was in sight of us, and stay there till the wind served. But he refused it, alledging in his excuse, that he came out very late from England to make so long a Voiage, that it was unseasonable to divert our selves with recre­ations ashore, that he was obliged to keep himself at Sea as much as was possible, so that he might be ready to make his advantage of the first favourable wind. By all which we quickly discerned that we had not to do with an Acessaeus, who was alwaies coyning of pretences to delay his voiage, and quarrel­ling the Moon that she was no more propi­tious to his Navigation. Our Master on the contrary would anticipate his oppotunities, and resolved however to manage his Vessel in spight of the inclemency of the Heavens. He was an old Sea-man, so accustomed to the air of the Sea, that he scarce subsisted but on Shipboord, and never lived but by compul­sion on shore. Which made one say, That he feared lest the Master being become by custom an Amphibium already, should at last degene­rate into some Sea-monster; and that if he had lived in the time of the antient Pagans, [Page 10] when the Gods transformed Men and Women into Stones, Trees, and Birds, it would have been no hard matter to have Metamorphised him at least into a Man-fish, his disposition contributing so much thereunto.

The 26. the wind increased with such fury, that it blew down and brake in pieces the scuttle of our main Mast, tore our main Sayle, and sprung one of our masts, so that it hung loose among the Tackling. At first this dis­aster was very dreadful, but we turned it presently into an occasion of joy: intermin­gling with the common apprehension of ex­traordinary danger, a secret hope of being for some time delivered from the importunity of the Sea. And indeed the Master himself whose great refractoriness had carried us into so many extremities, disposed himself at last to strike sayl to the tempest, and turning to the West, we stood in for Newcastle, to repair our Ship which the storm had reduced to a very ill condition. Upon which nothing was to be seen amongst us but transportation and joy, every body blessing God for the conso­lation we had drawn out of this accident, and in a moment forgetting our sorrows that were past, we pleased our selves as much that we were making for Newcastle, though it was sixty leagues backward, as if we had been arriving at Archangel, and ready to put an end to a terrible and a tedious Voiage. But,

[Page 11]About noon the next day the wind having done its worst, left us as it were standing still, a calm, after we had discovered the moun­tains of Cheviot in Scotland. At length about the Evening we had a South-West wind, which served only to inveigle us further into the fury of the same wind that had so per­plexed us already, and expose us afresh to the same dangers we had almost overcome. For though it was but a little gale, yet the Master and Pilot puft up with insignificant hope, thought it best to make advantage of so rare an occasion, perswading themselves by the opinion of their Carpenters, that their scuttle and mast might be mended well enough at Sea, to hold out to Archangel. Insomuch as they peremptorily resolved, to turn their backs upon Newcastle, and address themselves once more to their Voiage to Moscovy. So that having made near sixty leagues in less than four and twenty houres, and being come within six or seven leagues of the shore, here we saw by a sad disappointment the end of our joy, and the fruit of our expectations. And

The next morning the wind turned North-East again, with its old impetuosity and rage, as if it had retreated only to redouble its force. The Master, far from looking out any refuge, imployed his Carpenters all this while about his scuttle and mast. Whereupon, being [Page 12] all very impatient of our condition, and find­ing our selves slaves to the brutality of an insupportable person, that delighted himself as it were, to make us a sport to the winds, exposing altogether to the mercy of the storms in a shattered bruised Vessel our lives, His Majesties and his Ambassadors goods, two of his Excellencies Gentlemen amongst the rest of our Company expostulated with him boldly, and protested his rude proceeding should not go unpunished. But all this would not move him, Rigour having no better an effect upon him than good Nature. This son of the Sea forbore not still for some time to exercise our patience by the enraged Ocean, that seemed to threaten the very Heavens themselves. At last, on the 29. the weather befriended us with as favourable an accident as befel us before, for the Bolt-sprit being loose, the Master made presently what sayle he could for Newcastle, which was then some fifty leagues from us. But the wind constrai­ned us twenty leagues further, and we were glad the next day to put into Burlington, a Harbour in the County of York. There we were no sooner come to an anchor, but we went immediately on shore to refresh and take some necessary repose after so great incommodities at Sea.

In the mean time, while we staid in this Harbour till our Ship was repaired, Mr. Wat­son, [Page 17] a Gentleman who had the direction of our Company, was commanded away by General Monck upon occasion of a new Mutiny of Fanaticks in Yorkeshire, which was soon after happily suppressed, several of the Mutineers having been executed. This Re­bellion we heard of assoon as we came to the Harbour; and Mr. Watson, who had a mili­tary Command in his Majesties Guards, was therefore advised by a friend of his Sir Thomas Gower, then High Sherif of Yorkeshire (whom he met with) to acquaint speedily General Monck with his being at Burlington, that in case the General should have had occasion for him in that conjuncture he might receive his commands. Mr. Watson followed this ad­vice, and writ accordingly to the General, though indeed he was very loth to break off his Voiage, and to undergo after so many troubles the frustration of the desire he had to see particularly the Country of Russia, whereunto nothing had engaged him but his own curiosity. At length having received no answer at the return of the Post, the wind being turned fair, and our Ship being suffici­ently repaired, he prepared himself for his embarkment with us, rather than wait any longer for an answer to the prejudice of the Ambassadors affaires. But just as he was put­ting his foot, as it were, into the boat, he re­ceived Orders from General Monck to return [Page 18] immediately to London about his military Office. Whereupon he came aboard our Ship, and having writ an account of the business to the Ambassador he was reconveyed on shore, to the great dissatisfaction of all our Company. And so, having staid nine whole days at Bur­lington,

The 8. of August we sailed away for Arch­angel, reduced to a lesser number by three or four persons. From thence the weather was so favourable, that whereas before we had spent three weeks and three days making but four­score leagues, we finished our Voiage within a small matter in the same proportion of time.

It is true we had not above eight or nine days of fair wind, but it was so propitious, that in five days (from the 11. of August to the 16.) we made near four hundred leagues. The 12. we left Shetland to the leeward, and the next day we had so great a storm, that one of our Yards was broken in the middle, and we compelled to slacken our sailes. How­ever we reckoned this tempest benign, as long as it did contribute to the good expe­dition of our Voiage.

The 20. and 21. were so foggy that we could scarce discern one another upon the Decks; whereas, when the weather was cleer, we had so little darkness, that from Sun setting to Sun rising it seemed a continual Twy-light. Nevertheless, about this time we began to be [Page 19] very much incommoded with cold, which brought our strong-waters into very great re­quest among us, especially after we had on the 22. discovered the Isles of Rust and Gromsond all covered over with snow.

The 26. sayling South-East, we past on to­wards the North-Cape, having left several Mountainous Islands to the windward of us, and coasting for some time along Capland, we came in few days upon the Coast of Lap­land.

The second of September we had the diver­tisement to see our selves surrounded by great numbers of Fish, solacing and sporting in the calm; and though according to the judge­ment of our Sea-men, and the experience we had often had, it was ordinarily a presage of [...]ll weather, yet to us it appeared that we were not capable of a more acceptable entertain­ment amidst the delays of a calm: and here it was we discovered a great Whale, playing in the Sea some two or three leagues off us. About noon we had a gentle gale that gave us a sight of the Embassadors Frigat, by which we un­derstood his Excellence was long since arrived at Archangel, that he was perswaded we were cast away, and resolved, if he had no news of [...]s before, to begin his journey for Vologda the 8. of September.

As this news (which we received but by the [...]y, as the Frigat was returning into England) [Page 20] gave us no small joy on the one side, so on the other, it was a great trouble to find our selves sixty leagues from our Port, exposed to the fury of a wind, that was already rallying its for­ces to beat us back, and did effectually repel us, so as

The next day we were obliged to cast anchor towards the point of Orlogones, for the more certain evasion of the Rocks and Sand-banks that encompast us. In the mean time, five or six of our men, and as many Seamen, made a a party to go on shore, and see how that coun­try was inhabited, and expecting to meet store of wild beasts, amongst other weapons they took their fire Arms also. They stayed on shore about five or six hours, but so incommo­ded with the coldness of the wind, that they were constrained to cut down a wooden cross, (they found newly erected near the sea side) to make a fire therewith to warm themselves: the remainder of which they brought along with them aboard to do as much for us; for we had already consumed almost all our seacoals. They brought us also a Bottle of fresh water, as sweet as liquorice, which they had from a Rock near the sea side, which the Master lik'd so well, he resolved the next day to fill two or three Tun with it, for that most of our water was corrupted.

The 4. the wind turned, but we escapt very narrowly being wreckt. For, a little after mid­night, [Page 21] as we were weighing anchor, in the midst of the tempest and rain, we found our selves violently forced among the Rocks by the fury of the Sea, and the Tide driving us inevitably on ground; insomuch, as the Master dispairing to get the ship off, with a most lamentable voice cryed out, All is lost. His rocky heart at last melted at the sight of those Rocks that en­vironed us, and he whom the most outragious surges of the Sea could not terrifie, trembled then at the sight of a Rock; insomuch, as to have seen him then, one would have thought no body had been in danger but he, so strange­ly was he surprised with amazement and des­pair. And now it was, every one put his af­fairs into order, and he being in expectation every moment of dashing in pieces, and give­ing us the alarm, most of us prepared our selves to swim, if we could to Land, which was not far from us. For my part, I took up Ʋlysses Re­solution, who being almost in the same condi­tion, thought it best to keep in his ship, till it was broke in pieces, & then (said he) when the Waves have destroyed my Vessel, will be the best time for me to swim, for then a man has nothing else to mind. But God Almighty de­livered us from this desperate extremity, so that having with much labour weighed An­chor, we cleered our selves beyond all expe­ctation, & doubling the point of Orlogones, we made forty leagues that day upon the white [Page 22] sea, and that evening we came up as high as Catsnose, which we left to the lee-ward.

The 5. of Septemb. was the day whereon we arrived happily at Archangel; but before we got in, we ran a great hazard at the Bar of Arch­angel, where the Duina dis-imbogues it self: and where we saw a Holland Merchant man that was newly wreckt there. The reason was, the sea was so shallow, that we had not above a foot or two water to spare, so that when we en­tred into the River, we were brought to that extremity, that our ship ran on ground; where we were constrained to continue till evening, when the Tide came in. During which time, the master with another Gentleman went on shore to Archangel, to give his Excellence no­tice of our arrivall. The tide coming in, the ship that lay but lightly upon the ground, was dis-ingaged in that manner, that we all arrived at Archangel in three hours, where we were recived by our companions with all imaginable joy: so that it was no easie matter to determine which side thought it self most happy, we, who were arrived, or they, that we were so.

Of the Ambassadors Voyage, and of his Entry into the Town of Archangel.

IF our Voyage was full of troubles and dis­asters, I dare on the other side affirm, there was scarce ever any so happy as the Ambas­sadors. For without mentioning the advan­tage and convenience of his ship, I shall only relate, that whereas we spent seven compleat weeks betwixt London and Archangel, his Excellencie made the whole Voyage of seven hundred and fifty leagues, in less than a moneth: for, having set saile from Gravesend the 22. of July which was eight daies after us, he arrived the 19. of August at the Barr of Archangel, which was seventeen daies be­fore us. And there it was his Frigat came first to an anchor, in expectation of Orders for his Entry, for which reason he sent Mr. Marvel his Secretary into the Town. Of whose land­ing, the Governour having notice, ordered him to be conducted by six Gentlemen to the Castle, through a Regiment of six hundred men, and the next day he sent sixteen boats, guarded by several hundreds of men, under the command of a Collonel, to receive his Ex­cellence, and bring him ashore.

The Ambassadors Entry into Archangel was made the 23. in a remarkable manner: [Page 24] For, besides the sixteen boats which were sent to attend upon the Ambassador, there was a Barque particularly trim'd for his Ex­cellence, besides [...]veral others drest up with Tapestry, that came to meet him, and accom­pany him to the Town above halfe a league, whilst several ships, men of War and Mer­chant-men, both of England and Holland, for­bore not to congratulate his Entry with the noise of their Canon, which is not much in use amongst the Muscovites, unless in their wars. And just as his Excellence was landing, upon a wooden bridg, he was prevented by a certain Collonel, called Bogdan, who came to complement him, according to their mode, and to declare himself deputed to attend him as Pristaffe (which is the Title they give such as are appointed to receive foreign Ambassa­dors, and to take care of their passage and provisions) The Ambassador having replied to him very handsomely, began to advance towards the lodging which was prepared for him: but as he was setting the first step, the Pristaff took the upper hand of him. And this was an instance of the great rudeness and insolence of the Muscovites (of which we shall have future occasion to speak more largely) which is the ordinary method they use to those Ambassadors, upon whom they design any advantage: so as they beleeve, they do their Prince a manifest injurie, if they do [Page 25] not in his name treat them uncivilly. But his Excellence being resolved to teach them the dignity of his Character, stopt himself imme­diately, and turning to the Pristaff, remon­strated to him the incivility of his carri­age, telling him in these words, That he had received great civilities till then, but that he could by no means give him that advantage, which was due to himself, That he was sent from his Majestie of Great Britain to the Emperour, to do him all possible honour, but it was without derogating from himself, and much less from the King his Master. Thereupon Bogdan, in some perplexitie, ex­cused himself, by alledging the Orders he had received from the Governour to that purpose, and entreated his Excellence to make a little stay: In the mean time, he dispatched away a Messenger to the Governour, to give him notice how unluckily his Design had succeed­ed, and continued bare-headed all the while (till the messenger returned) though his Excellence was covered. At length the dif­ference was decided, to the advantage of the Ambassador, who was immediately conduct­ed to his Lodging, where the Pristaff with great Apology, made him a liberal offer of all things necessary for his family.

And this is all I have to say concerning the manner of our Entry. However, before I de­scribe [Page 26] the Circumstances of our abode at Archangel, and the success of our journey cross the Country to Mosco, I think it not impertinent to give a Relation of the Coun­try it self, and the Inhabitants; to the end that the Readers, being pre-instructed in these two points, the manner of our Voyage may be more easily comprehended.

The description of Moscovie.

Moscovie is properly but the name of a Province so called, of which Mosco is the chief City. But as France communicates its name to all the Provinces under that Do­minion, so by Moscovie are ordinarily under­stood all the Provinces united under the Obedience of the Czar. This Country is a part of the Europaean Sarmatia, whereof the Antients make mention; which is otherwise called Russia or Roxolania, and from thence comes the name of Russians, which is given to the Moscovites.

This Empire which is doubtless the great­est of all Europe, extends it self Northward to the frozen Sea, beyond the Artique Circle; Eastward it is terminated by the River Oby; Southwards by the Crim Tartars and Precopia; And on the West by Livonia, Poland, and Swedland. So that in its whole extent, as well [Page 27] in Asia as Europe, it comprehends thirty de­grees, which is near six hundred leagues; and in its Latitude sixteen, which is above three hundred.

This Country is generally flat, in which Nature has taken delight, as it were, to put the Trees in aray, and to beautifie it with seve­ral Lakes and Rivers. And in truth, Moscovie from one end to the other, is in a manner no­thing but a continual Forest, irrigated by several Lakes and Rivers, which render it incomparably pleasant and beautiful. Amongst others, there is Volga, sometimes called Rha, and which the Tartars at present call Edel, without exception the finest River in Europe. It takes its source in the Province of Roscovie, from a Lake called Fronow, and passing some few leagues beyond into another called Vol­go, it takes its name from that Lake, and dis­imbogues near Astracan into the Caspian Sea, Where it divides Europe and Asia. So as from its head, to the place where it falls into the Caspian, is a tract of a thousand leagues at least, receiving most of the Rivers in Moscovie, as it goes along, which inlarge it so, that, as Olearius mentions in his Relation, it is not far from Nice, four thousand six hundred Geome­trical feet broad.

The Boristhenes also, which parts Lituania and Moscovie, is very considerable; which riseth in Roscovie also, and dischargeth it self [Page 28] into the Euxin Sea. Besides these, there is Duina which receiveth the Conslans, Jagel, and Sucagna, and casts it self into the White Sea, some six or seaven leagues from Archangel. There is another Duina also, which riseth some leagues off of the Nieper or Boristhenes, in a Lake that gives it its name, and falls into the Baltique about four leagues from Riga. The Oby, which discharges it self into the Frozen Sea, and takes its source from the Lake Cataisco, is so broad at the mouth, they must have a very good wind that cross it in a day. I could speak also of Mosca and Occa, considerable Rivers, and of several others this Country is well provided with; but it shall be sufficient at present to say, that for the most part they lose themselves in the Rivers above-named. Besides these, there is so great a number of Brooks, Pools, and Lakes, one can scarce pass four or five leagues without seeing some great collection of Water.

Moscovie being scituat in so cold a Climat, no wonder if the Winters be very long there, and the Frosts exceeding violent, especially in the most Northerly Provinces. About Mosco, where the weather is more temperate, the Winter takes not up above six or seven moneths in the year: but on the Eastern, and Northern sides of the Country, particu­larly in the Province of Petzora, that runs [Page 29] along by the Frozen Sea, their Winters are so long, that their Rivers which begin to thaw but in May, freez again before August is past. And although those Provinces towards the South should seem in reason to be more mild, they are notwithstanding so subject to violent Cold, that one shall meet with men upon the Road benum'd ordinarily, who (though their whole body perhaps be not stupified) yet there is nothing more common, if they have not extraordinary care, than to have their Eares, their Lips, their Hands, or their Noses frozen. In short, the Colds there are great to that degree, that they many times become insuperable by any exercise of the body, and cleave the very Earth as much as a Drought. The Rivers, the Lakes, the Sea it felt is frozen, and as at that time they seem to have changed their Natures, they change also their Customes. One may see there a River so frozen in four and twenty hours, that one may pass over dry foot, and without doubt the abundance of Water that contri­butes to the Frost, must needs make the Aire more bitter, and the Winter more fierce.

From thence it comes to pass, that Moscovie is exempt from Epidemical diseases, their bodies being more robust, and more vigorous than in the hot Countries, where they are more subject to distempers. True it is, the Heats in the Summer are so excessive, that [Page 30] (as it is commonly reported in that Country) even the Fir-trees are sometimes set on fire by the Sun. Nevertheless, the Nights are so fresh and coole, that in the moneth of July, we had Frosts, though the Days had been sweltry and insupportable. But that which is much more troublesome than the Heat, is the Clouds of Insects, of Wasps, and other Flies, ingendred by the Sun in the Pooles and Marshes, which give a perpetual persecu­tion to them that travel.

For Aliment, necessary for the subsistence of Man, Moscovie produces so good, and in that quantity, that it yeelds not to the best country in Europe. They have Grass and Corn in that abundance, that they know not which way to consume it, for which cause here it is the Hollander makes his provision of corn yearly. Their Seed time is not before May, though about Mosco and the Provinces adjacent, the fields are open ordinarily in April, or the end of March: The great Frosts they have in the Winter, make them give the Earth more leisure to thaw, yet that hinders not but they have their Harvest before August. For the great heat of the Day, which is eighteen hours long, and the freshness of the Night, which with plentiful dews waters the Corn, thrusts it up immediately, and in a short time brings it to maturity. They have very good Beef, but their Mutton (especially about Arch­angel) [Page 31] is but indifferent. They have great store of Deer, Wild-bores, and Elkes, but principally of Hares, which are gray all Sum­mer, and in Winter as white as Snow: Phe­sants, Partridges, Wood-pigeons, Wood-cocks, Duck, and Mallard, Geese, Quailes, and Pigeons are very plentiful, and by con­sequence cheap. Their Forrests are well furnished with small Birds also, as Thrushes, Larkes, and Feldifere; but having enough of others, they do not spend their time in taking of them. There are also about Arch­angel some Birds of prey white all over. And if the Forrests befriend them with such vari­ety of Game, their Rivers, Lakes, and Pools are no less bountiful in their Fish: In the Volga, they have a kind of Sturgeon, of whose Eggs they make an excellent Ragout, which they call Ikari, and the Italians Cavayar, which affords a considerable Trade in those Parts, and the Czar keeps it to himself: They put their Eggs into Paste, and (having prepared them with Salt ten or twelve days) they eat them like a Sallad with Vinegar, oyl of Olives, Pepper, and Onions, They have all kind of Pulse, and Pot-hearbs, yet it is not long since Sallades and Asparagas were in fashion in Mosco; and since Flowers and strong Hearbs were transplanted thither. Onions and Garlick are so common amongst them, especially in their Lents, that one needs [Page 32] go no further than his Nose for information. They have great quantities of Melons, Cucum­bers, and Gourds, and we were assured, that (like those which Olearius mentions of the figure of a Lamb) they change their place as they grow, that they dry up the Grass which way soever they turn, and that when ripe, the stock dies, and that the fruit being covered with a certain velvet on the rinde, the same with a little preparation is made ser­viceable as Furrs. And these kind of Gourds are frequently had near Samara, betwixt the Volga and the Doa. They have no want of Apples, Plums, or Cherries, but they have no Walnut-trees, or such Fruit as require a long­er and more moderate heat. They have good store of fair Straw-berries, and in Autumn a certain red Goos-berry, that grows flat upon the ground. They have Mulberries also, and Rasberries, and Honey in that abundance, that they gather it as they pass along the Woods. All which being considered together, with their vast numbers of Cattle, one may well say, That this also is a Countrey flowing with Milk and Honey. Of this Honey they make a great proportion of Wax, so as beside what they consume in their Torches, Candles, and Lamps, they utter yearly near twenty thousand Quintals to Strangers. Of this Honey it is they make their Mead, which they call Mioude, a very common drink amongst them. They [Page 33] make it of raw Honey, beaten in warm water, which, when they have stirred up and down a long time with a stick, they cover, and let it stand twelve hours: then boyling and scum­ing it, they strain it thorow a cloath, and it is made. They have also another sort that is red, which is excellent with Straw-berries, Cherries, Mulberries, or Rasps, and is pre­pared with more curiositie and ingredients. Besides this, the Ordinary People drink Quaz, which is a kind of small Beer, and not unpleasant. The better Sort make themselves a kind of strong Beer, which they keep in their Snow-houses all the Summer. True it is, they have no Vines, yet by the Courtesie of the English and Hollander, they are every year so well provided with Wine and strong Wa­ters, that they have no want either of the one or the other.

Stone being a Rarity in Moscovie, and Wood so plentiful, there are few Houses but what are built of Wood; which I observed to have two conveniences: One is, that they are warmer than Stone, the Other, that they are cheaper. But withal, they have this dis­advantage, that they are more obnoxious to the Element of Fire, which is so outragious sometimes, that it devoures a whole Town at a blow. And hence it is their Houses are very rude, without any fashion or art, being only so many pieces of Firr piled up one a­bove [Page 34] another, and Moss stuft in betwixt them, their Windows very small, and their Roofs of bark of Trees, covered over sometimes with Turf. So that (their Stoves excepted, which they use to warm their Chambers with, in the severity of the Winter) they do almost follow the Discipline of Lycurgus, who would have the Lacedaemonians build with no other Instruments, than the Hatchet and Saw. They are generally low, and those of the Pesants, not of above one or two Rooms at the most, in which the Father, Mother, Chil­dren, Hogs, and Hens lie all together. They have for the most part no Chimneys, insomuch as when they make use of their Stoves, the smoak goes out still at the Windows. Ano­ther Remedy the Muscovits have against the mischief of fire, is the miserable furniture of their Houses, which is so contemptible, that in any such accident, they can lose nothing with their Lodgings, but their Dishes and Spoons, which are made of Earth or Wood; so that they comfort themselves in their losses, by the facility of their Reparations.

For their Garments, which are very neces­sary for the resistance of the Winter, Nature must be acknowledged to have dealt very prudently in providing their Forests, so re­plete with Beasts of prey, with whose Skins they protect themselves against the injuries of the Weather. For, besides Furs of Otters, [Page 35] Martins, common Foxes, and Hares; they have some more precious, as your black Fox, Sa­bles, Beaver, Ermines, and gray Squirrels. They have white Bears also, whose Skin is of great value, and much used by great Per­sons to hang behind the back of their Sledges, as an Ornament, when they travel or pass thorow the Town. The Skins of the common Bears are of much use to the same purpose, which beasts are there in so great numbers, that they do not only infest the High-waies in Winter and make them dan­gerous, but trooping together in Companies, they sometimes fall upon a whole Village, and destroy it. Their Wolves are no less fierce, and sometimes they have much ado to de­fend themselves against them; They have white Wolves too, but not so frequent. They have a water Rat, whose skin is of a pleasant Smell, and very proper to lay amongst cloaths.

They have Hemp and Flax in that abun­dance in Moscovie, that notwithstanding all that is exported from Archangel, linnen a­mongst them is very cheap. It is not neces­sary that I mention the Leather of Russia, being a thing so well known already in Europe by the means of the English and Hollander, who transport it dayly from Archangel. Cloth is the only thing that is defective to the Muscovits, what they make there being course and thick, and for the use only of the [Page 36] Peasants; which gives occasion to the English and Dutch to drive a great Trade there every year with that Commodity.

As for Travailing, they have great advan­tages (especially in the Winter) by their Sledges. For the Country being flat and ex­ceeding Cold, and the ground at that time covered constantly with Snow, their Sledges which are drawn with horses glide easily away upon the surface of it, and pass with incredible swiftness. These Sledges are made of the Bark of the Linden-tree, about the length of a man, in which one lies along. They line them commonly with some thick Felt to make them warm, and because the top is open, they cover and wrap themselves up in good Furs, as well as they can. They travail under the conduct of a Carter, who sits on one side, and sometimes by fits will endeavour to warm himself with running by, but most commonly with good full draughts of strong Water, which is his principal Pre­servative in his Travels. And if at any time he happens to overturn upon any Bank or Declivity, the Sledge being built low, the fall is the less dangerous. The Ladies Sledges, that are covered above and on all sides like Coaches, are built much higher, and by consequence much heavier, and are there­fore more dangerous, otherwise they slide along upon the Snow like the rest. This [Page 37] manner of Travailing in Sledges, is not only convenient (seeing one may in three dayes time travail in them from Vologda to Mosco, which is at least an hundred leagues distance) but pleasant also in so plain a Country. And (pro­vided a man be well covered) he may sleep with ease, his motion is light and insensible, and favours rather, than disturbs ones repose: besides the Advantage of Travailing by nights, as well as by days, according to the importance of occasions. In Summer they have two waies of Travailing, by Land, and by water, whereas in Winter they Travail but only by Land. On the first, one may tra­vail on Horse-back, by Coach, or by Waggon, the Ways being very broad, beautiful, and generally easie for Travail all Moscovie tho­row. In the other way of Travailing, they make use of certain little Boats, made all of one piece, of the trunk of a Tree made hol­low, in which they stand right up, and row over Lakes and Rivers. So, these Boats being very light, a man with small care can travail a great way in a very short time. But there is this dangerous inconvenience in them, if there be not an exact counterpoise observed, they totter from one side to another, till at last they turn quite over. They make use also of certain floting Bridges, made of pieces of Firr joined and tyed together, which bear themselves up upon the Water. Further­more, [Page 38] they have this great incommodity in all sorts of Travailing, that they have no Inns or Houses of Reception to retire to, or where one may be accommodated, as in other Countries of Europe, so that one must carry both his Bed and Provision along with him. And for this reason the Merchants that traffique from Archangel to Mosco have their houses at Vologda and Mosco, and being well known and accommodated, it is a great con­venience to travail with them. Another great incommodity in the Summer is the violence of the Heat, and the importunity of the Flies, buzzing perpetually about ones Face, and interrupting the pleasure one might take in the beauty of the Forests, and the grateful confusion of Light, and Shadow that is made in the Woods.

Thus far we have represented the Condi­tion of the Country, we will now consider the Genius of the People succinctly; and that First, In respect of their Origine, their Stature, their Habits, and Language; Se­condly, Of their Humour, and Nature, and Disposition; Thirdly, Of their Managery, and manner of Living; Fourthly, Of their Policy; and Last of all, Of their Religion.

The Moscovits, or Russians, are those [Page 39] whom the Antients called Rhoxalani, they boast themselves descended from the Greeks, whom in many things they zealously imitate. But this I dare undertake, they are not de­scended from the Lacedaemonians; If they be, they have left all their Vertue behind them. I should rather deduce them from those, who were called Sibarites, who had the Reputation of good Drinkers above all others.

Their Shape and Proportion is much the same with the Germans, being for the most part Corpulent, and of a strong Complexion. The Boyars (for so their principal Nobility are termed) are very ambitious to have their bellies stick out, as if they esteemed it a mark of their Nobility. Great Beards (as in Ger­many) are in great request here also, and lookt upon as tokens of Virility, and he that hath the greater Beard, is the bravest man amongst them. But though they wear their Beards so long, yet they please themselves as much in the shortness of their Hair, which they cut very close, notwithstanding the Coldness of the Country. Ecclesiastical per­sons only wear long Hair, except such Lords of the Court as are in disgrace with the Czar, who as a testimony of their affliction do suffer it carelesly to hang down over their Shoulders; Not unlike the antient Custome among the Greeks, upon any publique or ex­traordinary [Page 40] Calamity. For then the Women shaved their Heads, and the Men wore their Hair at length; whereas commonly they did the contrary. The Women in Moscovie are of a midling Stature, and well proportioned, they are for the most part handsom, and well featured; but painting is amongst them so common, they never think themselves beauti­ful without it. And whereas other Women use it as a concealment of their deformity, these for the most part do use it (how gross or bad soever it be) as a Veil to their beau­ty. The married Women have a Custome of putting up their Haires in a Coyfe, whereas their Virgins suffer it to hang down in two Tresses upon their Backs.

As to their Habits, the Men wear long great Robes down to their Feet, not much unlike the Greeks, with sleeves of the same length, but very strait, in so much as when they dress themselves, they must turn them up in several plates upon their Armes, and in that multitude of folds they fancy there is great comliness. They have two conve­niences by the length of their sleeves; one, that in the Winter time they do the office of a Muff, whilst having no imployment for their hands, they let them hang down at their full length. The other is, that when they have any design to rob, or take revenge upon any body, they let them hang down as for [Page 41] warmth; and under that pretence they carry their cudgels, stones, or daggers in them. They ordinarily wear them as low as their knucles, and so they have but one half of their hands at liberty. The most considerable Persons amongst them make their robes of Sattin, Damask, or cloth of Gold: The Ci­tizens, of cloth of a dusky, violet, or dark green colour, and sometimes of red: The People of the lowest Condition have theirs of a dark-coloured course Cloth, made in their own Country. In Winter every one lines them with Fur, according to their se­veral qualities, the poor People generally lining theirs with Sheep skins, which though they be very useful against the Extremity of the weather, yet in this they are inconveni­ent, that they cast an ill smell, and are in perpetual hostility with our Noses. They wear Juste-au-corps or Vests also, which are made close to their Body, and come down to the Calf of their Legs, open before, and set to the bottom with Gold or Silver buttons, and having Collars very large. Under them, they have strait Breeches, and Wast-coats (which they call Caftan) that come down to their knees, whose Collars are made after the fashion of the Jesuits, only these are much higher, so that they go round about the hin­der part of their Heads. They are generally made of Sattin, Damask, or Taffaty, and be­cause [Page 42] these Collars, by reason of their heighth, are very conspicuous, they line them many times with Velvet, or cloth of Gold, and sometimes adorn them with Pearls and pre­cious Stones. Nor doth this vanity rest here, it goes even to their Shirts, which the richest sort Embroider at the Collar, Wrists, and Breast, with several coloured Silk, and some­times with Jewels or Gold. They wear no Hats, only a Bonnet of cloth, with a little snip open before and behind, which hath some­thing of the form of a Pyramide. The Nobi­lity have them of Scarlet cloth, or Velvet embroidered with Pearl on the sides, and in Winter time lined with the preciousest Furs; but the common Sort wear nothing but white Felt or cloth Caps, which they get lined in Winter with the vilest sort of Fur. Cloath is so dear in that Country, that many amongst them make no bones of patching up their Bonnets with pieces and shreds of sundry colours, so that they resemble in some man­ner the disguised Water-men in the Play. These Bonnets I observed to be altogether in­convenient abroad; for having no brims, they give no protection against the Sun, the Wind, the Rain, or the Snow: whereas our Hats are some defence to us in all these cases. The Polonian Bonnets are more commodious than these; for they are made with a brim of past­board, of each side covered over with Fur: [Page 43] and hence it is, that in Winter most Strangers make use of them in Moscovie, as being war­mer than our hats. In stead of Shoes, the Russians wear commonly Boots without stops, which serve them also for Pockets: the Pea­sants wear shoes made of the bark of a Tree wrought very thin, and interwoven and braided, after the manner of Wicker baskets. The most of them have no Stockins, only some peeces of Fur or cloth wrapt about their Legs, and tied fast with a pack-thred. There is no great difference betwixt the Mens Ha­bits and the Womens, saving that the Wo­mens Robes are somewhat larger, and their Sleeves not so fastned to the bodies of their Robes, but that they can either put them on, or let them hang by as they please. They have this onely peculiar in their smock­sleeves, that they are commonly three or four Ells long, plated into so many folds, that they have nothing else from the top of their Arm to their Fingers end. But their greatest dif­ference is in their Bonnets, which for the Women, are made a very fantastical way.

Their Language hath great affinity with the Slavonian, as well as the Polonian, so that he who understands either of these, can­not be at any great loss for the Moscovian, which is pleasant enough, and not very dif­ficult to learn. They have borrowed their Characters from the Greeks, but have since [Page 44] much altered and transformed them, and they abound so much in double Letters, that they have increased their Alphabet to the number of forty. But their Character is that alone wherein they communicate with the Greek; for their Words have very little affinity to it.

And thus I have given an account of their Original, their Stature, their Habits, and their Language; we will now proceed to their Nature and Genius.

The Moscovites (as appears particularly by their Commerce) are a People of great Wit, Cunning, and Dexterity.

They are of a Temper very remarkable in this, that they are so accustomed to the Ex­tremities of Heat and Cold, that the suddenest and most violent alteration that can be, makes no ill impression on their health. There one may see little Children come running out of their warm Stoves in their shirts in the midst of Winter, and having (in the fiercest Cold imaginable) taken two or three frisks upon the Snow, return immediately into their Stoves, and find no inconvenience by the change. Insomuch, that as Agesilaus had but one Habit Winter and Summer; so do these seem to have but one Temper; neither the Heat succeeding the Cold, nor the Cold the [Page 45] Heat, making any alteration in them. In short, they are so hardned and accustomed to both Heat and Cold, that their Custome seems to be turned into Nature. Besides, they be­ing used to very hard fare, and brought up as they are in servitude and slavery, they must unquestionably be very proper for the Wars. And indeed having little comfort or pleasure in their lives, they want rather Conduct than Courage to fight. Nevertheless, Idleness which in other places is reckoned as the Root of all Vices, seems to be peculiar to this Na­tion, so Lazy are they naturally, and of such Antipathy to all kind of Labour. It must be either force or necessity that compels them thereunto, they often preferring a bastinado or whipping before an honest but painful imployment.

From hence it is, that Drunkenness amongst them is so familiar, that there are but few Persons exempt from it. The Clergy are ad­dicted to it, as well as the Laity, the Women as the Men, the Young as the Old, all striving as it were, with a brutish emulation to out­drink one another. Aquavitae is generally the charm by which this Metamorphosis is made, like the liquour of Circe, which turns them into Swine; or like the Mead of Camma which carries death along with it, when they venture so far as to dye upon the spot. Yet I must say, that notwithstanding this liquor [Page 46] is very necessary in this Country, and that there were scarce any living without it, in regard it is a sovereign Remedy against the Cold, and not un-useful in Summer. But the abuse of it is grown so great, that, instead of taking it now and then for the re-inforce­ment of their Spirits, they imploy it to their dissolution; and whereas by a moderate ta­king, it would be a means of refreshment, their debauches pervert its good effects, and turn it to their ruin. Tobacco was formerly also taken with no less extravagancy than their strong Water now, but in the year 1634 the Czar and Patriarch thought good with great rigour to prohibit it, many of them having before that time set their Houses on fire by their negligence, when they were drunk with Tobacco. The poore People in­stead of buying themselves bread, consumed all their Money in Tobacco. Besides (which was the particular disgust of the Patriarch) they presented themselves before their Ima­ges with so reeking and smoaky a breath, that, perhaps he was afraid, they would poi­son their Saints, with the stink of their To­bacco. At this day it is more frequently used than in some years past, the search being not now so strict against the takers, nor the pu­nishment so severely inflicted on them that sell it. Strangers have the liberty to use it, which makes the Moscovites to be the more [Page 47] desirous of it, for some of them would almost worship a man for a pipe of Tobacco.

But Vice having (as Plutarch observes) many baits and allurements, by the motion and representation of which, it gives the Passions several encroachments to entangle themselves: So may I say of Drunkenness, that it hath its attraction, and draws men into Lasciviousness and Excess. Amongst the rest of the World, the Moscovites do furnish us with experiments of this kind, both the Wo­men and the Men giving themselves over to Ebriety, there is a concomitant addiction to Wantonness. True it is, the Czar permits not any publick Brothels, but the Drunkenness and Idleness wherewith this Country is exces­sively delighted, is the occasion of so great irregularity, that Sodomie it self is no stran­ger to it.

Upon this score the Insolencies they com­mit in their ordinary Quarrels are insuppor­table. Upon all occasions they make no scruple of upbraiding one another with In­cest, Sodomie, and such crimes, as the very thought of them ought to be horrid and abo­minable.

In short, Civility and Complacence amongst them is so rare, tis no wonder if they be very [Page 48] sparing of it before Strangers: to whom if they bear any difference or respect, it is cer­tainly from some advantage they expect to draw from them. And in that case they spare not their Caps, and the greatest reverence they can show, which is commonly expressed by a low declination of their Head towards the ground without moving a Foot. The Women use also the same way of saluting one another, only they bow themselves more gradually, and letting their hands hang loose by their sides, they touch not their Bonnets at all. But when a Citizen or Peasant would show something more than ordinary Respect, then he goes to the very ground, and pro­strates himself, even to the beating the ground with his Forehead; which is the manner of expressing the Reverence which they bear to their Nobility. And this extreme submission is that which makes their Magistrates so in­solent, and so exceeding jealous of their Authoritie, that Strangers let them be of what Quality they will, do very rarely meet with any Kindness or Civility amongst them. And withall, having an opinion of the Gran­deur of their Emperour, that he is incom­parably greater than any King in Europe, from thence it comes to pass, that they use Ambassadors so indifferently, making no scruple to prefer themselves before them; in which regard there is great prudence and [Page 49] circumspection required to the maintaining the Honour of ones Prince amongst them.

And this is in general a true Character of the Humour of the Russians; it remains now that (according to the Order I have pro­posed) I give some Prospect of their manner of Living.

Moscovie is indeed a very fertile and plen­tiful Country, yet the Inhabitants brought up from their Cradles in great Hardship and Austerity, understand not how to improve the advantages it yields. And being born as it were to Slaverie, they easily endure those Incommodities, which without long accusto­mation would have been intolerable. So that what Agesilaus said of the People of Asia, may be very well applyed to them, viz. That they are very good Slaves, but would make the worst Free-men in the World. For their Oeconomie and the affairs of their Houses, it is certain, they are very ill furnisht, that they live very poorely, and that they know no superfluity, but of Drink. Those Persons of Quality that are obliged to live in any Equipage or Heighth, have all their Provisions from their own Farms. The common People have little other chear than Peas, Tur­nops, Cabbages, Coleworts, and fresh Cucum­bers, [Page 50] or pickled with Salt and Vinegar. They have fresh Fish and Salt sometimes: but then they never forget their Onyons and Garlick, which are their principal hautgout. Besides these they have little other fare, especially of Flesh, most of their year being taken up by fasting days, and their Butter and Cheese is so bad, that it is a hard thing for Strangers to make use of them. Those who are rich enough to have Aquavitae of their own, will not sit down at the Table, till they have drank of it, and whilst they are at Meales they drink it, and lest their Digestion should be weak, they must needs have their Dram too afterwards. The common People are alwaies prepared for it, as well drunk as sober, at midnight as at noon-day; and though their Waters are made very strong, yet for fear they should not be hot enough, they clap in now and then a good quantity of Pepper. Their Ordinary drink is Mead and Quaz, as I have intimated before. After Dinner the Russes have a Custome of shutting up their Shops, and going to sleep; and the great Persons amongst them, will scarce speak of affaires with any Body. Nevertheless they use Beds so little, that none but some Persons of quality do lye upon Beds or Quilts. The People of Capua had antiently a Custome to suffer none of their Children to use any Beds, till they were married, because as they al­ledged, [Page 51] Beds were not invented for young beardless Boys, but for antient and decrepit Men. Amongst the Moscovites this Custome is more severe; for they use them neither be­fore, nor after they are married, nor in the very extremity of Age. In Winter time they content themselves to lye along upon a table or a bench of Firr before their Stoves, cove­ring themselves only with their clothes: and for coolness in Summer they make bold with the Ground.

Instead of Candles, the Peasants make use of long and thin chips of Firr, which being very dry presently take fire, and give a great [...]ight. But because they are instantly burnt but, they must have a good store of them to supply, if they want light but for a little time.

One thing there is very commendable a­mongst the Moscovites, and that is, that the Women have great respect generally for their Husbands; for which reason they are ex­ceedingly retired, and appear very seldome [...]n publique. And this is a Custome so confor­mable to Nature, and so religiously observed amongst the Antients, that there is no person [...]naddicted to a carnal sense, but will con­demn the liberty which is at this time taken [...]y most of the Women in Europe. Plutarch [...]ells us, That a discreet Woman should de­ [...]ort her self directly contrary to the Moon, [Page 52] that is, that she should appear when her Hus­band is by, and in his absence keep her self close at home. Phidias making the Image of Venus for the Elians, represented her standing upon a Tortoise; to signifie, that a Woman should by no means be gossipping abroad. It is to be commended also in the Moscovites, that they permit not their Wives to be seen too frequently in the Streets, though in other things their Discipline appears rigid enough, and favouring of too much severity. For they make use of them only as a necessarie evil, they look upon them supercilliously, and with frownes, they beat them often, and handle them as if they were their slaves, and not part of themselves.

But if the Women in general are so retired, a­mongst the Nobility, the Virgins are much more for besides, that they appear very seldom a­broad, when they do so they cover themselves alwaies with a Vaile, to prevent their being seen: so that many times they marry before the Bride-groom hath seen his Mistresses face Amongst them it is not permitted that young Men and Maids see one another, nor that they make any promises of Marriage by Word o [...] Writing, those things being alwaies left to the transaction of the Parents. So it sometime happens that the Bridegroom, having not see his Wife till he be brought up into her chamber where she is laid, that the man who expected [Page 53] a very handsom Wife, meets with a deformed Person, and perhaps a counterfeit, if the Parents will but consent to the Cheat. This Custome of Womens wearing Vailes, is very antient, especially amongst the Jews, who did it in token of Bashfulness and Chastity, as the Moscovites do now. And hence it was that Rebecca as soon as she saw her Husband, took a Vail and covered herself, and that La­ban deceived Jacob, when he gave him Leah his Eldest daughter, who was bleer-eyed, instead of the Beautiful Rachel whom he had promised him.

The Demeanour of the Moscovites being thus described, as to their manner of Living, we shall now speak somewhat of the Baths, of which they make use in imitation of the An­tients. They are close places with Furnaces, which they heat exceedingly, and for the greater excitation of Vapours, they cast Cold water now and then upon the Stove. They have divers Benches, at some distance, one above another, which yield several degrees of Heat, according as each one thinks con­venient. They lay themselves along stark naked upon these Benches, and after they have swet a competent time by means of those hot Vapours, that have diffused them­selves all over the Bath, there is care taken, that their Bodies be well washed with Warm water, or some other liquour, and rubbed all [Page 54] over with hand-fuls of Hearbs. After which they commonly take a Dram of the bottle, to re-inforce their Spirits, which are some­times so weakened by their sweating, that they fall into a swound. And these Baths are the universal Remedies the Moscovites make use of, as well for keeping of their Bodies clean, as for conservation of their Health, which they enjoy with great advantage above other Nations. And for this reason there is not a Town without its Stoves, both publique and private: which they believe very necessary for new married People, especially after their first congress, therefore in such a case, they alwaies make use of this kind of purification.

And forasmuch as every Country hath its divertisements, as being necessary for the Exercise and Recreation of the Body, it is but reasonable to say something of those that are in use amongst the Moscovites.

At their Festivals, their young Men are ac­customed to meet in great numbers, and for their pastime to play at fifty cuffs, or cudgels, without the least quarrelling, or exceptions. By which means they are so inured to blows, that they become almost insensible, and have much greater aversion to work, than they have to the whip or the cudgel, though the same be laid on in very good earnest. Some also there are that understand wrestling pretty well, with which they exercise them­selves [Page 55] in imitation of the English, who are taken to be very skilful in this kind of Recre­ation. In Winter they have a sort of Pattins, or Scates, as they have in Holland, of which they make use, as soon as the Rivers are fro­zen, not to make their journeys with (as in the Low-Countries) but for their Exercise, and to warm themselves upon the Ice. They are made of Wood, with a long peece of polished Iron at the bottome, very strait and turned upward at the toe, and that the Iron may the better cut the Ice, they turn their Feet, on the one side and the other, so that they go directly on very fast. They have also publique Engins to Swing withal, like a dou­ble gallowes, having four places for four men, all in an equal distance, where having placed themselves, they swing continually by the Counterpoise they give one another, so that while some swing up to the heighth of a Wind-mill, one may see the others falling near as low as the Ground: which they do successively, till they think it fit to hold. The Women have Ropes which they swing with, or else they lay a plank cross a block, and mounting one at one end, and the other at the other, they toss themselves up with a very violent motion. Their ordinary Musique, is nothing but a bag pipe, which they accom­pany sometimes with the tune of a Song. They make so ill use of their Trumpets and [Page 56] Kettle-Drums, that the same render but a harsh and obstreperous Harmony; Their Howboys are much better, which they use before their Infantry in the Wars.

As for their dancing, it is so absurd and ridiculous, that the Bears they teach to dance there acquit themselves better than them­selves. For they tumble up and down in such Brutish and unbecoming postures, one would think they use it onely to excite Lascivious­ness, whereas this exercise should be under­taken, and managed with decency as a thing that is very graceful and honourable. They use great distortions with their hands, shoulders, and back parts, and hopping right up with their feet, they scarce appear to move one step out of their place.

This being their manner of Living in pri­vate, we shall now give an accompt how they regulate themselves in respect of the publick, by the Laws and Customes of their Country; and so having done with their Oeconomy, we shall proceed to their Policie, and after that to their Religion.

Policie and Religion are the two Poles, on which the Globe of civil Societie moves. And though it is possible some places may be found very barbarous and licentious, where [Page 57] Learning and Civility were in no esteem, and where the Government by Kings was not usual, yet it is hard to name any place that hath subsisted without some Policie or other, and where they have not had some sense or apprehension of a Deitie. But amongst all the Policies of the World, Monarchie is mani­festly the most advantageous, as most con­formable to the Majestie of God, who alone manages and presides over the whole Uni­verse. The State of Moscovie which is now before us, is Monarchical: but it is also De­spotical and Absolute, insomuch as the Tzar being Lord and Master (as it were) over all his Subjects, disposeth uncontroulably of their lives and estates, as he thinks good. And under this kind of Monarchie it was they lived, which were antiently called Barbarians, as the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, whose Princes usurped that Magisterial Authoritie over their Persons and Goods, governing their Subjects no otherwise than as a Lord doth his slaves. And such at this day is the Go­vernment in Turky, where the Grand Segniour hath so absolute a Sovereignitie over his Sub­jects, that he disposeth of their lives and for­tunes, as an absolute Lord. But for the better comprehension of the State of Moscovie under the Domination of so unquestionable a Prince, it is First to be considered, in what his great­ness and Authoritie consists; Secondly the [Page 58] Submission, Obedience, and singular Respect his Subjects bear him; Thirdly the Policie and Order, by which his Dominion over his Subjects is maintained, and the union and concurrence of Obedience in his Subjects preserved and established.

The Tzars of Moscovie having the Power and Right of disposing of the Lives and E­states of their Subjects, in this vast Tract of ground under their Dominion, no question but it is absolute over all depending upon that Government. It is the Tzar alone that gives Laws to the People, it is he that disposeth of the Government of the Provinces, it is he that sends and receives Ambassadors, it is he that levies Imposts and Taxes, and in short, doth every thing that he pleases. And from hence it is he is called Grand Seigneur, and Tzar, is the right pronuntiation accor­ding to the Russes, therefore I had ra­ther spell it so than Czar with a C, as it is commonly written, because it seems to be derived from Caesar. Tzar, which is as much as to say, King, or Emperour, else he is called Velika Knez, which signifies Great Duke. His Armes are an Eagle with two Heads, carrying three Crowns, which import Mosco­vie, Casan, & Astracan, two Kingdoms he pos­sesses in Tartary. There is also in his Escut­chion, a Cavalier represented in Combat with a Dragon, which without doubt must be in­tended for Michael the Archangel, or St. George. And as the Authoritie of this Prince, [Page 59] must be acknowledged to be great, so his Revenues must be owned to be extraordi­nary and commensurate. For besides his proper Demains, which are very considerable, he hath an incredible Revenue from the Taverns, which he licenseth thorow all his Dominions; besides, five per Cent he exacts for all Merchandise imported or exported, and a vast Sum of Money he receives from the Factors he imployes himself. He hath a great Revenue also out of his Furs, and Cavyar, being a commodity he reserves en­tirely to himself, he makes very great advan­tages by that also. Yet this I must needs say, that if his Treasure be vast, his Issues and Expences are not small, as well in respect of the Splendour and extraordinary Pompe he lives in, as the continual Wars he maintains with his Neighbors, either the Swedes, or the Polanders, or else the Tartars. For which reason he frequently raises: mighty Armies, and for his better Success, gives great Pen­sions to his Officers, which are paid very punctually; and by this means he draws many Stangers to him, whose service he likes very well, and knows which way to gratifie their Prudence and Fidelity. True it is, generally upon the commencement of a War, it is the People that supply him according to his de­mands, by which he gives them severely some­times to understand the Power he hath over their fortunes and estates.

[Page 60]The greatness of this Prince being establisht in this manner, through the vast extent of his Dominion, by the abundance of his Wealth, the magnificence of his Court, and the abso­lutenesse and indisputablenesse of his power over all his Subjects; it is not to be doubted but the same imprints a most profound respect in the hearts of the people towards his Person. And indeed so abject are they, and submissive to the Soveraigns command, that they will themselves declare their own servitude, and caknowledg they hold their Estates from God and him only. Some would not refuse any danger for his sake, and would perhaps many times be over joy'd to expose their innocent lives at the Capriccio or fury of a Tyrant. They will freely confess to be his Slaves, and as a Testimony of their Humility, they will ne­ver name themselves in his presence but with a diminutive, as if a Petitioners name be Pe­ter, he will say: I little Peter the humblest of all your Vassals do implore, &c. They boast of nothing more than the sparkling eyes of their Prince, (be he never so shore-sighted as Dyo­nisius of Syracuse was,) for they cry always, I have had the honor or shall have the honor to see the cleare eyes of our Tzar. And did not Christian modesty restrain them a little in the Religious respect they bear unto their Monarch, they would be near to fly out into such Extravagant acclamations, as were used [Page 61] to King Herod; and say of his voice, that it is the voice of a God, and not of a man. They are very careful also of insinuating this Reve­rence into their Children, and of making them know the Majesty of their Prince, before they are capable of understanding the misery of their condition.

And this discipline is principally founded upon three general Maximes; one of which is, That it is prohibited upon pain of death to any man to Travail out of that Country, unless they be the Tzars Merchants, or Ministers of State, which he sends to other Princes in qua­lity of Ambassadors. The reason is, lest by their Travails into other parts, they should bring back some new customes at their return, and having tasted the sweetness of the liberty other Nations injoy, they should some time or other break asunder the chains of their own Servitude. This maxime to us that are in­amoured with the happy liberty we are born under, might perhaps seem barbarous and in­tollerable, but the Russians are so accustomed to this kind of Slavery, that they are scarce sensible of it, and do comfort themselves in the vastness of their Country, which affords them space enough for their Travails, and in the Examples of other Countries, which have lived, and do live under the same maxime. The Lacedaemonians amongst others, who glo­ried and boasted that they lived under the [Page 62] greatest liberty, were subject notwithstanding to this Law, & forbidden any Commerce with forreign Nations: Whereas the Muscovites are permitted to Traffick with them in their own Country. Which gives me some hopes they will in time leave off that rustick and barbarous humor, which is so natural to them, and learn by degrees to live with more civili­ty, for they are already delighted with the Conversation of forreign Merchants, and do please themselves very much in their manner of living. And were they under a gentler Government, and had a free Trade with eve­ry body, no doubt but this Nation would in a short time be taken with our civility and decent way of living. But this maxime that we do now discourse of, has no less effect to­wards the maintenance of their Religion, than their civil Customes, and is so exactly obser­ved, that the very Strangers themselves that have entred into the service of the Tzar, or have otherwise embraced their Religion, are not exempt from it. For to have made him­self a servant to the Great Duke, is to have made himself his Slave, and to have taken up his Religion, is to have abandoned his own Country, and to be always confined within the Limits of Muscovie. In short, by this Policy it may be easily imagined the Muscovites un­derstand little of Navigation, seeing they ex­ercise it so little: and indeed they know no [Page 63] other Compass than the Earth, nor do any of them, except some few fisher-men, expose themselves to the Sea, and they no farther than within sight of the Shore.

The Second Maxime the Tzars make use of, for maintaining the Policie of their E­state is, That they marry no forreign Prin­cesses, nor look out any farher for a Wife, than their own proper Slaves. The other Princes of Europe, who are solicitous of no­thing but the good and happiness of their Subjects, do comport themselves cleer other­wise; they marry themselves with forreign Ladies for the Alliance of their Nations, and in order to establish a reciprocal and perpe­tual Amitie betwixt them, for the benefit of both. By which means they avoid the inso­lence of their Wives Relations, which is almost inevitable, where a Prince takes a Wife out of his own Subjects. Moreover, it is certainly more honourable and more wor­thy the Majestie of a King, to espouse a Prin­cess that is not of the number of his Subjects, uniting and mingling, as it were, their Crowns as well as their blood to produce a Posterity perfectly Royal. Whereas to take a Wife from that infinite distance, which there is be­twixt a King and a Subject, to join her to the Crown, to descend from his Throne, as it were, to raise her up thither, who perhaps is very unfit for so great an elevation, is no less [Page 64] than to prostitute and debase the Majestie of a Monarch. Yet amongst the Tzars of Moscovy it is very usual, lest by introducing a foreign Princess she should bring some new Customes along with her, which in time might cause some alteration in the State. And from hence it was, that this present Tzar vouchsafed on Shrove-Sunday 1647. (which was then the seventeenth year of his Age and the second of his Reign) to marry the eldest Daughter of Ilia-Danilovitz Miloslausky, a person at that time in no excellent Condition; for to speak properly, there was nothing but the Beauty of his Daughter to induce the Tzar to ho­nour him with so great a Relation.

The Third Maxime by which their Policie and Religion is preserved, is their Ignorance of Learning, which is so well established in this Country, that they never learn farther than to write and read their own Language. And indeed Experience doth teach us this truth, that Seditions and Revolutions have not been any where so frequent as in Com­monwealths, where Learning was commonly in great esteem, and even when it triumphed most. The reason of which is plain, foras­much as Ambition and Pride march alwaies in the Rear of great Knowledge: whereas Ignorance (as is evident amongst the Pea­sants and common People every where) renders them more supple and obedient: And [Page 65] this Valentian and Licinius Emperors of Rome had experience of, when they termed Learn­ing the Plague and Poison of a Kingdom. Lycurgus was not far from this opinion, when he establisht Ignorance in his Republique. And we see at this day the greatest Enemy of Chri­stendom triumphing, partly by vertue of this Maxime, over all the Monarchs of this Age. The Tzars of Muscovie also find great benefit by this Policy, which conduces much to the easie Conservation of Obedience in their Sub­jects towards their Soveraign Empire. So that the Muscovites have this advantage, that they quietly enjoy their apprehensions of Nature, as they are at first sight represented to their sense, or their reasons, without any scandalous Imputation of Ignorance. They do not trouble themselves with the heighth of the Heavens, nor the greatness of the Earth, whether the Sun (as Anaximenes thought) be as flat as a Trencher, or whether it be hunch backed un­derneath like a Cockboat, as Heraclitus held, or whether it be round or square. They di­sturb not their heads with the dimensions of the Moon, to know whether she be hung loose in the Air, or inhabited or not, whether the Stars be but Earth Muminated as Thales main­tained or whether perfect fire as Plato. They leave Nature to it self, and think it sufficient to know who is its Author, to discover the use of things by experience, and to give God [Page 66] thanks as they are able. They amuse not themselves to make Syllogismes, after the Mo­del of Barbara or of Festino, to dispute whe­ther Logick be an Art or Science, nor to de­termine sundry other curious and impertinent questions, which though of no use but to mo­lest and torture the brain, are yet at this day amongst the learned people, in great practice and use, upon a meer principle of Curiosity, Ambition, or Interest. In stead of Books the Muscovites use Rolls of Paper as the Jews did sometimes; they glue every leaf to­gether by the ends, with a certain Glue they have out of Siberia a Province of the Tzars, which they moisten only with the end of their tongue, and drawing it upon the Edges of the two leaves they are to joyn, they put the Edges upon one another, which fasten so close, it is scarce perceivable where they are joyned, and in this manner they make Rolls sometimes of seven or eight Fathoms long.

Furthermore, amongst the Magistrates that Govern Muscovie in their Councel of State, there are in the first place thirty Noblemen or Boiars, so properly called which the Tzar obli­ges to be Resident in Mosco. After them there be the Ockolnitz, that is to say a Privy Coun­cellor. Ockolnitz, the Dumeny Duorainy signifies the same Office but in lower degree. Du­meny Duorainy, the Sin Boy­arsky, the Chancellor & two Secretaries of State. There are six appartements in the [Page 67] Councel of the Great Duke, the first is desig­ned for forraign affairs, the second for Mili­tary, the third for the Exchequer and the Treasury of the Tzar, the fourth for receiving the Accounts of his Factors, and such as have the Superintendance of the Taverns, the fifth for Civil Processes, and the sixth for Criminals. Their Councel is commonly held in the Night, and the Tzar changes the Governours of his Provinces every three Years.

There is no room for subtilties or wrang­ling in this Country, they dispatch their Suits in a short time, according to the plainness and paucity of their Laws. So that the Atturneys and Sollicitors are there of as little use and concernment as the Philosophers.

Amongst other punishments that they use, they have one they call Battoki, which has much affinity with that which God ordained in the time of Moses for the people of Israel, as appears in the 25. Chapter of Deuteronomy. They strip the condemned person to his Shirt, e. g. for having been the Author of some Riot, pilfering, or some other such small crime as is not worthy of death; Who then laying him­self flat upon his Belly on the ground, there are two Men placed on each side of him, which give him as many blows with a Cudgel one af­ter another, as the Judge that presides does condemn him to, sixteen, twenty or thirty, more or less, according to the quality and propor­tion [Page 68] of the offence he has committed. And as soon as his accompt is made up, he rises and makes his reverence to the person that con­demned him; Not much unlike the Persians, who after correction returned, and gave their King thanks for his great Bounty in remem­bring them. The Muscovites use this kind of Chastisement in their private Families also, especially the Nobility, who have commonly great store of Slaves, who without respect of their Society are oftentimes constrained to beat one another till the blood follows. They have another sort of punishment with a Whip, which is much crueller, and inflicted by the hands of the Executioner, when the correction is publique. The Whip is made of the skin of an Elke cut into several thongs, which pierces the skin in such manner, that at the very first lash it oftentimes leaves bloody impressions behind it; their Capital punishment which they use commonly for those that are condem­ned to die, scutting off their heads, and to ex­tort Evidences they use the Strapado.

As for their Money, they have but one kind which they call Copeca, fifty of which make a Crown, 'tis of Silver, of an Oval figure, and so small that the value of two Crowns will scarce bear the bulk of four pence in French Deniers; that which they call Muscofske is the fourth part of a Copeca, Poluske is the half, an Alim is three pence, a Grifna is ten, a Rou­ble [Page 69] a hundred, but these are not to be had of one piece.

There are two things further remarquable in the commune Society of the Moscovites, one is that they begin their day at the rising of the Sun, and end it at the setting, so that their Night begins as soon as the Sun is down, and ends when it rises. By which means they con­found that which we call the Natural day with the Artificial, which extends it self from the rising to the setting of the Sun. The other is, that they begin their Year the first day of September, as allowing no other Epoche than from the Creation of the World which they believe was in Autumn. And they reckon ac­cording to the opinion of the Greeks, five thousand five hundred and eight Years from the Creation of the World, to the Nativity of our Saviour, whereas we accompt but three thousand nine hundred and sixty nine. So that in the Year of our Lord 1663 when we arrived in Moscovie, they reckoned 7175 Years from the Creation, whilst we accounted but 5686. Every first day of the Year, they have great Processions in their considerable Townes.

And thus far we have given you the Po­licie [Page 70] or publique Comportment of the Mosco­vite in the World: I shall now give you some hints of their Religion.

The Religion of the Russes is the same with the Profession of the Greeks, they follow their Faith, their Rites, and their Ceremonies. The principal part of their Devotion after they are Baptized, consists in the Invocation of their Saints. For every Family hath its Saint pictured, and hung up against the wall of the Chamber, with a small wax Candle before it, which they light when they make their Invocations. Their Churches also are all adorned with Pictures, very ill drawn, and in flat painting; for they will endure no b [...] ages embost. Over the Porch of their Churches, in their Market places, and over the Gates of their Cities, they have alwaies the picture of the Virgin Mary, or their Patron St. Nicholas. And amongst them these Images are in such Veneration, that all that pass that way make a stand for a while before them, till they have made Reverences to them five or six times one after another, which is performed by crossing themselves with three Fingers of their right Hand, and by saying with a low voice, Gospodi Pomilui, which is as much as to say, God have mercy on me.

They do address themselves with the same Veneration and Prayers to the Crosses they [Page 71] meet by the way, so that they are observed to stop themselves every moment. And these profound Reverences to their Images, and the signing themselves with the Cross at the same time, and crying Gospodi Pomilui, is al­most all the Devotions the Parents do teach their Children. When a Moscovite enters into another Man's house, he first looks about for the Saint, and having paid his Reverence there, he turns about and salutes the Family. When they buy any of these Images, they take great caution of saying, they have bought them, but choose rather to say, they have changed them for Silver. When they grow old or rotten, they either bury them with some Ceremonie, or throw them into some River, and expose them to the mercy of the Current. In short, the sign of the Cross is so usual amongst them, that they are perpetual­ly at it, and do make it the ordinary preface of all their civil Actions.

On Sundays and their Festival days, they go three times to Church, Morning, Noon, and Evening; and are standing and unco­vered all the time of Divine service, for which reason, they have neither benches nor seats in their Churches. The most devout enter not into the Church, but perform their devo­tion at the door amongst the Women, who being lookt upon as more impure than the Men, have not so easie an admission as they. A [Page 72] person who that day hath had knowledge of his Wife, ought not to enter into the Church, till he hath washed himself and put on a clean shirt. They have no preaching amongst them, so that their whole Service consists in the reading of certain Psalmes or Chapters in the Bible by their Priest, and (up­on occasion) Athanasius his Creed; or else they Sing their Prayers with a very high voice, and adding sometimes after that a Ho­mily of St. Chrysostome. They say their Prayers standing, only when they come to the Gospodi, they bow their Heads to the very ground, beating it with their fore-head. And this is the whole Service of their Sun­days, in which many amongst them forbear not any labour or travail. As to their Festi­vals, besides their Sundays, they observe but fifteen, that is to say, the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, on the eighth of September; the Exaltation of the Cross, the fourteenth of the same; the Oblation of the Virgin Mary, the one and twentieth of November; the Nativity of our blessed Saviour, the five and twentieth of December; the Epiphany or Feast of Kings on the sixth of January; Can­delmas day, on the second of February; the Annuntiation of the Virgin Mary, on the five and twentieth of March; Palm-Sunday, Ea­ster-day, Ascension-day, Whit-Sunday, the Feast of the Trinity next day after the Pente­cost, [Page 73] All Saints-day the Sunday after, the Manifestation of the Glory of Christ upon the Mountain, being the sixth of August, and the Ascension of the Virgin the fifteenth of the same.

If there be any Religion that obliges its Professors to a severe Mortification, this must needs be confest to do it with most Rigour. For besides that they fast ordinarily on Wed­nes-days, Fridays, and the Eves before holy­days, they have four Lents every year. The longest of them is like ours, of seven weeks, there is another that begins Eight dayes after the Pentecost and lasts to St. Peters day, the third holds from the first of August to the sixteenth, and the fourth from the twelfth of November till Christmas day. During these Lents they Eat neither butter nor eggs nor milk, only the first weeke of their chief Lent they have liberty for all kind of Excess, save eating of flesh. And indeed in this week (which serves them as a Carneval) their ex­travagancies are incredible, and as if their debauches were a preparative to their fasting, the insolencies of drunken men are such, that at Moscow especially, it is very unsafe walk­ing the streets in the night. But after this week they live so soberly that the most strict of them eat no fish but on sundays, and drink nothing at all but Quaz or fair water. They content them selves with pulse, and hearbs, [Page 74] but above all with Garlick and Onyons, of which they stink very enormously all Lent long; only now and then they indulge and sweeten themselves with hony. In the mean time the husband being not allowed the know­ledge of his wife, but tyed up from the pleasures of matrimony, is subject as it were to double Lent, which is not to be transgres­sed under a years excommunication.

In their Confessions they stand upright be­fore their Images, and when the Priest gives them absolution, he obliges them to certain penancies; the greatest of which are, that they abstain from aqua vitae, and from their wives, so that many times it falls out, a woman is punisht for the sins of her husband. Or else they enjoyn them when they come to Church to come no further than the Porch, to pro­nounce so many times the Gospodi, to make such a number of reverences to their Saints, to wash themselves with holy water, which is consecrated on the Epiphany, and which the Priests know very well how to distribute for their own advantage.

They commonly take the Communion on a Fasting day at Noon service, and if any one receives on a Sunday, he must that day eat no Kind of flesh. It is administred in both Kinds with leavened bread, and wine mingled with warm water, which represents the believers, [Page 75] or rather (according to a Councel of the East assembled at Constantinople) the water that came forth with the blood from the most pretious side of our Saviour. There are none that receive in one kind only but chil­dren under seven years old, at which age as soon as they are arrived, they are admitted to communicate in both: because (say they) at that age they begin to sin Mortally. Some there are that will sleep as soon as they have re­ceived, to prevent by that means any occa­sion of sinning. If a Priest on the Communion-day happen to touch any dead Corps, or be present at any funerall, he is lookt upon as defiled, and can neither Consecrate nor Ad­minister the Sacrament that day. But for what Oleareus alledges, that they believe a Transubstantiation, I could not perceive any such thing. And I have three reasons that do principally perswade me they are not yet fallen under so great an Errour: The first is, that when one discourses with them about the con­sequences of that belief, they will own it to be irrationall, and declare it absurd and ridiculous, and they never betake themselves (as the Catholicks do) to God's Omnipo­tencie to maintain it. The Second is, that if they did believe a reall Transubstantiation, they would show more respect than they do to that mystery; and indeed it would be very strange, if in a Religion so precise and super­stitious [Page 76] as theirs, they should want Zeal and A­doration at a time wherein it ought to be most Eminent as it is amongst the Roman Catholicks. And lastly were they of this opinion, which Olearius imputs to them, it must have bin de­rived to them from the Greeks, from whom they received the scheme of their Religion, but neither do we find the Greeks under so great a blindnesse.

Amongst the Moscovites they have yearly many Processions, but the principall and most solemne is on Palme-sunday, by which is re­presented our Saviours Entring into Jerusalem. They have Saints also that perform great miracles, if one will believe the stories they tell of them. Amongst the Rest, there is one of them called Serge, at Troitza, in the richest and most beautifull Convent in all Moscovy; in which place he lived formerly so reli­giously, that at last he wrought Miracles. He died in the year 1563. and yet as we past by Troitza (which is a Town near Moscow) they told us his countenance was as fresh as when he died. And to this Convent the Tzar does usually go in Pilgrimage twice every year, he comes on horseback within a league of the place, and then walks the rest on foot.

The Religious or Monasticks eat no flesh in their Convents, nor drink any thing but Quaz, but when they are out of their Con­vents, [Page 77] they have liberty to drink what they please. In this Country a man may forsake his Wife, and Children, and betake himself to a Convent; if a Woman be barren, her Husband hath power to quit himself of her, and dispose her into a Religious house; and the Tzars themselves when they have none but Daughters, do serve theirs in the same kind. Moreover, he that can convince his Wife of fornication hath it at his choice to shave her and clap her up in a Nunnery, and marry again within six weeks after the Di­vorce. I call it Fornication and not Adultery, because the Moscovites believe there is no Adultery but marrying another mans wife.

They do not believe there is a Purgatorie, but they hold there are two distinct places where the Souls that are separated from their bodies do remain in expectation of the day of Judgment. One of them is the Mansion of the Blessed, where they enjoy (as they be­lieve) the conversation of Angels, with all sort of Pleasure and Delight; the Other of the Wicked, in a dismal Valley, where they have no other associates but Divels. Not­withstanding, they believe the Souls of the Wicked are not altogether uncapable of Comfort, but that by the prayers and the perfumes of their Priests, they may be forced back out of the very jaws of Hell. And for this cause their Priests will pray over their [Page 78] Sepulchers morning and night, for forty days, which is the term of their Mourning, in me­mory of their departed Friends; and on the Eve before the Pentecost they perform cer­tain annuall Ceremonies in their behalf; which though very formal, are altogether most ri­diculous.

In their Hierarchie, they have for their chief a Patriarch, elected by the Tzar, and it is this Patriarch that judges in all Causes Ecclesiasti­call, and disposes absolutely in all matters of Religion; He hath his pallace in Mosco in the great Dukes Castle. After him, there are se­veral Metropolitans and Bishops, disperst into sundry parts of the Country. The rest of the Clergy is composed of Proto-popes, and Popes, or simple Priests, which are obliged (con­trary to all other Ecclesiasticall Persons) to marry before they receive Orders, but if their wife dies, they are to remaine widdowers as long as they live, because (say they) the A­postle would have a Bishop to be the husband but of one wife in the 1 Tim. ch. 3: whereas Saint Pauls meaning is that a Bishop should have but one wife at a time, Poligamy being in his time a very Ordinary vice. And hence it is that one of these Priests being a wid­dower is not permitted to administer the Sa­crament, nor to marry, he has only liberty to assist at Morning and Everning service, not at Noon, at which time they usually Com­municate [Page 79] as I have said before. Nevertheless, if one of these Priest be unsatisfied with his Condition, he may freely relinquish his charge, and lay by his vest and his Cap which they put upon him at his Consecration, and after that become a Mechanick if he thinks it for his advantage.

Of the Ambassadors stay at Archangel.

HAving given a sufficient description of Moscovie, it is time we return now to speak againe of our Voiage; But before we leave Archangel, it will be convenient to say something of the Town, and that little Residence we made there.

The Town of Archangel (so called from St. Michael the Arch-angel) is situated on the bank of the River Duina, on the left hand as you pass from the White Sea. When we were there it was not very great, but yet so po­pulous by reason of the great trading thither, that it was scarce capable of all the Inha­bitants. And indeed it is in respect of the Commerce especially, that this Town is so considerable; for hither it is that the English & the Hollander, amongst other Commodities, transport Cloth, Velvets, Damask, Spices, Tinn, Lead, Wine, and strong Waters. But because [Page 80] the Moscovites swallow down small Wines like River water, therefore they send them no French nor Rhenish Wines, as being not strong enough for them. On the Moscovites side there is great store of Corn exported, of Cavyar, Furs, Hemp, Russia-leather, and Wax. It is above an hundred years since this trade was brought hither by the English from Narve, in the time of Edward the sixth King of England, and Ivan Basilovitz Emperour of Moscovie.

For Edward the sixth having set out a Fleet, for the establishing a Trade in some un­known Country, the Fleet having followed the Northern passage, was at length brought into this Port. And hence it was that Ivan Basilovitz (to recompence the generous de­signs of the English, whose pains and industry had opened a Trade into these parts) gave them a Priviledge of Commerce to that Town without any Custome or Impost. And this was the occasion upon which the great Amity betwixt the two Crowns was established, to the no small Advantage both of the one and the other.

After we, that made our Voyage in the Merchant-man, were arrived at Archangel, his Excellence inquired particularly into the cau­ses of our delay, and of Mr. Watsons deser­tion, who was parted from us. Upon which the Master of the Ship made a great Apology [Page 81] for himself, laying the fault upon the winds, and taking occasion of Mr. Watson's absence, he accused him also (besides many particu­lar points) of being partly the cause that our Expedition had been no greater. But it was answered sufficiently against the Masters Ca­lumnies, both by the Sea-men and us. And indeed had the Master come to an harbour either in Norway or Scotland, as he was often desired by Mr. Watson, rather than stay till the Ship was bruised to pieces to get her repaired in England, sixty or seventy Leagues out of our way, it is very likely we might have been two or three Weeks sooner at our Port. And so it was doubtless rather the Master of the Ships than Master Watsons fault, that we had stayed so long behind my Lord Ambassador, and that his Excellency had not only the apprehension we should have been cast away, but the continuation of his Voiage differred very long, to some great disadvantage.

However, while the Ambassador stayed at Archangel, he had all manner of good Enter­tainment, which tasted very pleasant to us, who newly had made an end of a long and very hard Voiage amongst the troubles of the Sea. Therefore we took our good share of it, and in the mean time we took also a view of the Town while we had opportu­nity, [Page 82] during one Weeks time his Excellency stayed in it since our arrival. As for the En­tertainment given us in this Town, it was in­deed so great and plentiful with all kind of Provision, that we wanted nothing but a great number of Cooks to get it dressed, and more People to consume it. And that we took to be a good Omen for the rest of our Travails tho­rough that Country: but we were mistaken in it, for we experienced the contrary in seve­ral places upon a very bad account. Howsoe­ver the Ambassadors meat was alwaies dressed after the English and French way by his own Cooks, and all the bread that was eaten at his Table, was made also by his own Baker. What was eaten besides, was after the Moscovite fashion which seemed at first something strange to us, for they bake it in such manner that it hath scarce any crust at all. As for Drink, we were plentifully provided with Beer, Mead, Aqua-vitae, divers sorts of Wines, and Spanish amongst the rest. The Ambassadors from the Tzar, who about two moneths before had arrived at Archangel from London, had with­out question given us fair recommendation by the report they had published at this Town, and thorough the whole Road to Mosco, of the extraordinary Reception which had been given them by the King of great Britain.

Here I shall take the liberty of speaking some­thing of the People called Samojedes, up­on [Page 83] occasion of some of them that we saw at Archangel. They are of a Country very bar­barous, but under the Tzars dominion, and of a long time instructed in the Religion of the Greeks. Their Habitation is under the frozen Zone, near the antient Scythia, toward the Ryphean or Hyperborean Mountains, which are next neighbours to Petzora which I have mentioned before. The word Samojedes denotes what they have formerly been, viz. Anthropophagi or such as eat mansflesh: for Samojedes is composed of Sam which signifies ones self, and Jeda which signifies to eat; and indeed they did use to eat the bodies of their dead friends with Venison. The Sun (that robs them of his presence in their Contry five or six Months every year) obligeth them to make provision in summer of whatever is ne­cessary for their livelyhood in so tedious an obscurity; against which they have no better remedy than the brightness of their lamps, which are fed with a certain oyl drawn out of Fish. It is reported that their houses are built half way under ground, and that for their mutual conversation in winter, they are forced to make trenches in stead of sheets, and that in summer time they march out from their imprisonment at their Chimneys. Their Common sustenance is Venison, honey, or a certaine fish dried in the Wind or the Sun, without any bread at all. They wear a Kind [Page 84] of Vest half way down their legs which they make of Buck skins or the skins of Rein Deer with the Furrs turned outwards. These Vests have no other parts open than the bottom by which they get into them, and the upper part where they put out their face, for they cover the head with it as the Capuchinos do: but the cap has the same fashion with the head of a Man. At the end of their sleevs they have their Muffs Sown half on, that they may have it at their choice, to make use of them or let them hang loose as they have occasion. They wear Bootes, but with the Furr on the outside, which Garb appears so horrid, that it is a hard matter at first sight not to be frighted to see them habited in furs like savage Beasts. Under their Vests they wear shirts made of the skins of young Reine Deer which are much softer than linnen, and under those shirts Drawers. They use also a very large sort of Bonnets which hang down round about their shoul­ders, and are commonly made of cloth and lined with furr. Their Stature is but low, their Faces flatt and broad like the Tartars, and their Hair long. Two or three of these Samojedes were brought to his Excellency, with whom he entertained himself for some time with several questions which he askt them touching their manner of living. He had the diversion also to see them dance after the mode of their Country, which [Page 85] was the most ridiculous in the World.

The Preparation his Excellence made for his Voiage up the River consisted of six barges or great boates for his train and baggage, of which one was set apart for his Kitchin, and a hearth and Chimney contrived in it; and an other for his Coach horses. Besides these six there was one Barque peculiar to the Pristaff, who resolved to carry his wife along with him. The day of our departure being at hand, his Excellence and all his Gentlemen provided themselves with gowns and coats lined with furr, some of martin, others of sables, beaver, fox, or squirell, to defend themselves from the severity of the Cold which was suffi­ciently increased at Archangel when we ar­rived there. The most of them bought Caps li­ned with furr according to the Polonian fa­shion, some bought also their Caps like the Sa­mojedes, others for curiosity sake bought whole suits ready made, which cost them but about ten shillings. The Governor of the Town also would needs give us supplyes against the Winter, and present most of my Lord Am­bassadors domesticks with Sheep skins drest after the fashion of Moscovie, and some fair Buck skins to ly upon instead of quilts.

Of his Excellencies Voiage from Arch­angel to Vologda, upon the Rivers of Duina and Sucagna.

ON Saturday the twelfth of September his Excellence departed from Archangel with all his Train, and came the next day to Colmogro, and on the nineteenth to Arsinoa, which is two hundred and fifty Versts (every Verst being the fourth part of a League) from Archangel. On the two and twentieth we parted from Arsinoa, and on the seven and twentieth arrived at Yagrish one hundred and thirty long Versts, and from Yagrish to Ʋstiga, which is one hundred and fifty Versts in five days. The third of October we left Ʋstiga (which is almost half way betwixt Archangel and Vologda) and on the twelfth arrived at Tetma, which from Ʋstiga is two hundred and fifty Versts. From thence in three days we came to Chousca one hundred and forty Versts, and on Saturday the seventeenth of October we arrived at Vologda, which is ninety Versts from Chousca. So as this Voiage of two hundred and fifty Leagues took us up five weeks compleat, in the Relation of which I shall first speak something in general concer­ning the manner of our Navigation.

[Page 87]We made no use of Horses for the haleing our Barques from Archangel to Vologda, but (notwithstanding it was up the River) we performed all with men, so that ordinarily we had no less than three hundred with us. The River is not very rapid but in certain pla­ces, where we were sometimes constrained to imploy the Water-men of two boats for drawing up a single one against the opposition of the stream. But his Excellence fearing (and not without reason) the River would freez before we could finish our Voiage, he entrea­ted the Pristaf Bogdan to go before, that we might have fresh watermen ready at our arri­val in every relay; & that all necessary provisi­ons being provided before hand, we might have no occasion lo lose our time. But this care was very ill seconded by our Pilots, who ran us several times upon ground, so that some­times we spent two or three hours in disen­gaging a boat from the Rocks. And some­times we received so horrible concussions, that it was a wonder the barque was not broke to pieces under us, and this gave one occasion to say, that peradventure the Boats did break the Rocks. In the night time ordina­rily the Boat-men made fires in the Woods, as if they would have set all Moscovie on fire, and when they had done, laid themselves down by it to sleep very civilly upon the banks of the River.

[Page 88]We had alwaies very good provision of Victuals, and especially of strong Waters, of Wine, Mead, and Quaz, of which we laded a barque at Archangel to serve us the whole Voiage. The Barque which we had made our Kitchin, furnished all the rest with meat, and in particular his Excellencies, by getting them close one to another, in such a manner, that those that were in the Ambassador's Vessel received the dishes from the hands of the Cooks, to carry them two or three steps to his Table: Whereas the other boats were glad to make use of their skifs to fetch their provision dayly.

In this Voiage Walking was our greatest Recreation, for whilst our barques were drawn by the men, and advanced but a small pace, we went a-shore in our skifs. The Sha­dows and Umbrages which the continual Forests cast upon the River, the excellent Verdure wherewith they were adorned all the way, together with the favourableness of the Weather invited us to it, and many times made us lose all sense of weariness; sometimes also we had the diversion of Shooting, by reason of the many wild Ducks and Pigeons that Moscovie is provided with. In short, we saw never a Town considerable enough to have any particular Description. Ʋstiga (which is the principal in a Province of that name) is the greatest we saw, but [Page 89] it is built of wood, as the rest are, and paved only with piles of Firr. True it is here we had now and then liberty to see their Churches, which in Mosco they will not permit to Stran­gers of another Religion, for they believe them profaned, when any such set their feet in them. Betwixt Archangel and Ʋstiga we saw several Rocks of Alabaster, or white Marble, as we passed upon the River.

This being the manner of our Voiage, it remains now that we present you with some circumstances that happened in our Naviga­tion.

And first of all it was usual as we past by any Village, to have the Priest come to his Excellencies boat, with a present of Fish, au­tumnal Goose-berries, or sometimes a Hen with some few Eggs, in hopes of receiving some reward from the Ambassador: And drinking Aqua vitae, which they gusled down with so much pleasure, they commonly went home again drunk.

The next day after we parted from Arch­angel, the Pristaf brought his Wife into the Ambassadors barque. She was very richly dressed with Pearls and precious Stones, and (had she not been painted) might have past for very handsom; however his Excellence vouchsafed to honour her with a Salute, and [Page 90] entertained her with great Civility, presenting her according to the custome of the place with a Cup of Aqua vitae, till Dinner came in. Within a little time after she was unhappily deprived of her Husband, for being arrived at Ʋstiga, he found himself seised with a distemper which in a short time ended both his Life and Voiage.

Being arrived near Arsinoa the Ambassador expecting to have found boat-men ready for his departure, was constrained himself to provide them, after he had attended three whole days. The Governour of this Town had had advertisement from the Governour of Archangel to have all things ready in good time, and the like notice he had also from the Pristaf; but he despised all, and ranted (as if he had been in a frenzy) against all such as were employed in the business, resolving the Ambassador should go back if he pleased, rather than he would be troubled with any thing. So that his Excellence was necessitated at his own proper charges to hire some of the Water-men that had brought us from Colmogro to carry us to Yagrish, and to en­gage the rest at Arsinoa. In the mean while we saw a Wolf upon the bank of the Ri­ver running up and down, which some fancied was the Governour dressed in that disguise, to take a view of the Ambassador and his train. We clapt some dogs after him imme­diately, [Page 91] but he ran the foile so cunningly, that we lost him in a moment.

On the 26. of September at Night there was an unlucky accident befel fifteen of our boat­men, who put themselves in a huddle into a skif to come to one of the barques, and falling down the River suffered their boat to be carried away by the stream with that violence, that it fell foul upon one of the barques, and was overturned, and seven of the fifteen were drowned, the rest saving themselves by swimming. Another time one of our water-men fell off the Decks into the River, and having no skill in swimming, he was in the greatest danger of the World; But as he was just sinking, a Boat was pre­sently dispatched, which took him up, and after he had drunk two or three good draughts of strong Waters, he found himself very well again. Which made me imagine that had the water of the River been Aqua vitae, he would have thought they had done him a great injury to preserve him, and would rather have chose to have died with that plenty than to have lived in want of it. About this time also we received the News that Archangel was burnt, and almost all reduced into ashes presently after our de­parture.

The Governor of Ʋstiga expressed great Civilities to my Lord Ambassador, and was [Page 92] clearly of another humour than the Governor of Arsinoa; yet it was without violating a Cu­stom they have to see no forreign Ambassadors themselves. Neverthelesse he tendred his service and all that he was able to do by one of his Gentelmen, and provided us abund­antly with all things necessary for our Voiage by the means of two honest Officers which he deputed Pristaffs in the place of Bogdan lately deceased. For this reason his Excellence would not depart from thence till he had made him some acknowledgment, and pre­sented him by one of his Gentlemen with three douzain bottels of Canary and French wine. We stayed only two days in this Town, and from thence made all possible hast because the Rever began to be frozen. At this time every of our barques having two Masts, one for our Sayles and another for our Ropes, we were fain to cut our Sayls Mast to make our barques the lighter; for betwixt Ʋstiga and Vologda, they cannot in those large Boats upon the River Sucagna (which runs into the Duina hard by) make use of their Sayles by reason of the great number of Rocks betwixt Ʋstiga, and Tetma. His Excellence to lighten his Vessel yet more, left there a hundred In­gots or Rigs of lead, for notwithstanding it was still haled with threescore and ten men, it ne­vertheless went the most heaviely of them all, because of its bulk and freight. For besides [Page 93] seven or eight boatmen who guided it, there were always aboard the same thirty persons, besides a great quantity of Goods, which was the cause that several in that Vessel were very narrowly lodged. This Lead above­mentioned was designed amongst the rest of the presents for the Tzar which the King of England sent him, and for that purpose was brought to his Excellence a little after our arrival at Vologda,

And now by this time the Winter was so farr advanced, that our Voiage began to be grievous and insupportable; for there being no Convenience for fire to warm our selves we had no relief but from our furrs, and strong waters (which we began to take down in good lusty draughts) or else by walking, although the ground was already covered with snow. Insomuch that in a short time we were all in our Robes, some like Mosco­vites, others like the Samojedes, and some of them in their Sheep-skin Vests with long sleeves, resembling those old and eternal De­stinies, whom Venus did so laugh at when she saw them in their habits, those like the Sa­mojedes looking so hideously that we made a good sport with them. At length we found the frost increasing by degrees, so that at our parting from Rousea we found the River so frozen to Vologda about twenty miles, that we were forced to break the ice [Page 94] before our first Vessel which guided the rest in the way.

At Tetma we were no sooner arrived but the Governor came, though it was night, to salute the Ambassador; who surprised with the unusualness of his civility, received him with great courtesy and treated him in his Barque. The Governor was in his person like a Boyar, thick, and fat, and corpulent, as most of the Governors of Provinces generally are; otherwise he was a pleasant man, good company, and very richly clad. He exprest great civilities to the Ambassador, tendring his assistance in any thing which lay in his power, in acknowledgment whereof his Excellence sent him a present the next morn­ing of three Els of scarlet cloth by Mr. Taylor his Steward. He received it with great Kind­ness and thanks, and presented Mr. Taylor with a pair of Sables worth about four pounds sterling, at the same time expressing a desire once more to recreate himself aboard us. His Excellence being gone, Mr. Taylor prepared to entertain him, and conspired with some other Gentlemen who were in his boat to try whether the Governors head were able to bear a lusty cup or no. But the design suc­ceeded very ill, for he defended himself so well in this debauch, that he came off much better than all the rest.

Of his Excellencies Residence in the Town of Vologda.

Vologda is the chief City of a Province of the same name, it is very conside­rable both in respect of its bigness, and of a strong stone wall which surrounds it. The River makes it a place of great trading, there­fore very populous. It is situate on the right hand of the River, like Ʋstiga, Colmogro, and Tetma, all raised upon the banks, and the River running under them.

Our Lodgings were taken up in the Suburbs of the Town near the Rivers side: but the houses there being small and uncapable of such a number, we were forced to take up six or seven more, and lye dispersed about the Town. In this posture we continued three months in this place; contrary to his Excel­lencies design, who was to pass immediately to Mosco, as soon as it was possible for him to travail in Sledges: and therefore he re­solved to attend, till the frost hardning the snow should make the ways passable. At our first coming we did not think to stay above a month, the ground having been a long time covered with snow, and the aire in appearance disposed to freez it well. Yet after our arrival the weather proved so moist, [Page 96] that in a short time we saw the ground unco­vered, and the River giving free passage to the Boats. So that in the mean while we passed our time very ill, in respect of the raine and dirt, which was so great, that for the space of a month or five weeks, we scarce ever durst set a foot in the Streets. But that which was an Aggravation of our trouble, was an impatience we all had to be at Mosco, and indeed it was a hard matter for us to be sa­tisfied in a Town that kept us so long from that where his Excellencies Embassie to the Tzar determined, and where we hoped to have a happy repose. In the mean time from the first day of our arrival we began to warm our chambers with our furnaces of stone, which is indeed a very convenient invention in so cold a Country: but not being able to endure them to that degree of heat the Mos­covites do, we were fain to use them with more moderation.

At first our Entertainment was very good, and regulated as the Ambassador pleased; so that we had plenty enough of all things, and yet nothing superfluous. But as Soon as Nestrof and Davidof (which the Tzar had sent from his Court in the quality of Pristafs to con­duct his Excellence to Mosco) were arrived at Vologda in the Month of December, our diet and accommodation was so altered and re­trenched that there could be nothing more [Page 97] mean and dishonourable. Nestrof, was a Stol­nick (which is as much as to say, a Gentleman waiting at the Tzars Table) the other was a Diack (which is an office importing some­thing higher than a Secretary, but lower than a Chancellor) Nestrof was he that took all upon him, managed the whole Oeconomie, and made all things depend upon his own conduct. His arrogance had no bounds in all his actions, nor was it less remarquable in his languages: he was a person like himself in every thing, and little cared to dissemble him­self a civil man. This was the form of his Complement to the Ambassador the next day after his arrival, having with a grave impu­dence and austere brow entered the Hall, where his Excellence received them; The most Serene (saies he) and Puissant Great Lord, Tzar and Grand Duke, Alexey Michailovitz, (with a long enumeration of Titles, which had been Treason in him to have omitted) is very joyful to understand that you the great Ambassador of his Majestie of Great Brittain, &c. are so happily arrived here, and hath commanded, that We and your Excellence go together to Mosco. Not contenting himself to say bluntly, the Tzar had commanded him (designing thereby to bring the Ambassador under the Tzar's command) with yet higher [...]ncivility he preferred his own person and his associates before his Excellence, when he [Page 98] said, the Tzar had commanded them and his Excellence to go in company to Mosco; True it is he sweetned his discourse a little after­wards, when having preferred himself before, he condescended to make him his compa­nion in these words, We must go in company together to Mosco; and it was a wonder to me (as he had placed the Ambassador in his Speech) he did not say, and you must come after me. This is the Character of Nestrof, the most insolent and rude man we met with in all Moscovie, he it was who undertook to regulate our Table assoon as he arrived, before he had ever thought of regulating the insolence of his Nature; as if he had believed his credit and authority could not have any way been signified bet­ter, than by rendring himself surly, proud, and insupportable. It was at this time one of their Lents, and we observed it so strict­ly, that we could scarce get Tallow or Wax candles, for nothing could escape the good husbandrie of Nestrof. There was nothing wherein he did not retrench us, insomuch that at one blow we were fallen from plenty to want, and instead of making our residence there comfortable to us, he disobliged us so much, that from his first arrival we had reason to admire the civility of our treatment at Archangel. In the mean time we comfor­ted our selves in the Shortness of the days, [Page 99] and the Hopes we had of departing sud­dainly for Mosco, where our condition was like to be much better.

The affaires of our House being thus esta­blished, the Ambassador took particular care of our Devotions. He appointed the Chap­lain to read Prayers twice a day, and that there should be a Sermon every Sunday. He commanded all his domestiques to be con­stantly present at the same, the Catholicks only excepted, in which number he had four French men: the Chirurgeon, the Confecti­oner, and two Cooks. These had all their liberty of Conscience, but it was very seldom they made use of it. At Christmas we recei­ved the Communion.

Amongst all the Divertisements we had in this Town (besides musique, dancing, and some other Recreations we used at home, during the rain, to divert the tediousness of the time) Hunting was our best and most usual entertainment, when the Snow was fro­zen upon the ground. Our Musique was most commonly at Dinner, at which time there was nothing to be heard but Trumpets and Viols, whose delightful and agreeable Harmo­ny, did sometimes so charm the Russes, that it drew great Company of them to hear it. And indeed the Musique was very good, be­ing managed by one of the best experienced Musicians of England, who from time to [Page 100] time composed new aires. Our dancing also, which the Ambassador used sometimes upon occasion of this Musique, was no less admired by them, who in their Dances knew nothing but brutish and uncomely Postures, But when the River was stopt up to the boats, and the Snow was frozen upon the ground, which was not till the latter end of November, Hare-hunting was our principal sport, of which Creatures we found such plenty, that we could very well entertain our selves amongst them from morning till night; and then we went a hunting in our Sledges. But they that knew how to march upon their Scates, did also divert themselves with sliding upon the River. Moreover the Baths were grown very familiar amongst us, for besides the pleasure, we found great refreshment by them. We had also the Celebration of several Festivals, but principally of the fifth of Novem­ber, which we kept in Memory of the happy Discovery of the Treason contrived against King James at London. We began our Solem­nity in the night by artificial fire-works, made by an Englishman with great skill and success; and the same was continued by a great Feast which the English Merchants were invited to, and by a pleasant farce of Mascarads after Supper, and concluded with dancing.

And thus have you seen the manner of our [Page 101] living during our Residence at Vologda: I shall now present you with some particular circumstances, before I proceed to the De­scription of our Voiage betwixt Vologda and Mosco.

Although Tobacco be forbidden in this Country with great severity, yet there were some of the Ambassadors Servants who drove a private Trade with it in this Town, and that with so much advantage, that sometimes they sold the most ordinarie tobacco (which cost them in London not above nine pence or ten pence the pound) for fifteen shillings the pound to the Moscovites, who stole to them with great secrecy to buy it. It is a Commo­dity they love so well in those parts, that if they want mony they will truck their shirts for tobacco: which they take so brutishly that I was almost frighted to see such of them as waited on the Ambassador smoaking it when they had opportunity. Instead of Pipes they have an Engine made of a Cows horn, in the middle of which they pierce a hole and therein place the Vessel which holds their tobacco. The Vessel is commonly made of wood, very wide and indifferently deep, which when they have filled with tobacco, they put water into the horn to temper the smoak; then they lighten their pipe with a firebrand, and suck the smoak thorough the horn with such greediness, that they make not above [Page 102] two sucks of a pipe; and when they whiffe it out of their mouths, they raise such a cloud that it hides all their face; and immediatly after they fall drunk upon the ground. Five or six of them one after another have I seen tumbling in this manner, and so drunk that they had scarce time to give their Com­panions theis pipes, and for half a quarter of an hour they will ly in this pickle as insen­sible as if they had the falling sickness. But assoon as they begin to revive, and the smoak of the tobacco hath had its operation, they leap up in an instant one after another more brisk and lively than they were before, pro­nouncing it a most admirable invention for purging the head. Red cloth, and Grey espe­cially are of that esteem in this Town, that some of us could hardly forbear selling our cloaths off our backs, to accomodate them.

In the mean time his Excellencies family was increast by the birth of a son, of which the Buttlers wife was brought to bed, having been big with child before she came out from London. But the Parents being both Catho­licks, and the child to be educated in that way, our Minister made some difficulty to baptise it, as not being born within our pale. Yet upon Consultation concerning the matter it was judged necessary it should be Christned presently, rather than have its baptism suspended, in regard that as to the [Page 103] essence of the Sacrament, both Protestants & Roman Catholicks, do hold our administra­tion of it sufficient, and upon that score both the one side and the other receive their proselites without Injunction of being rebap­tised. And thus his Excellencies family re­presented a Commonwealth rather than a private house, some laying there the foun­dation of their Marriage, as the good man that hurt himself in the Merchant-man at Gravesend, some conceiving with child whilst others were delivered, and this very woman happen'd to serve as a Nurse, when the Countess (who accompanied My Lord Ambassador) was brought to bed of a son at Copenhagen in Denmark. So that at length there were three or four families comprehended in Ours; we married, we Christened in our house, we heard sermons there, and received the Sacrament; our Chaplain was Bishop and Minister, he was the only person and all, that managed the affaires of our Church.

During our stay here, there happened a Quarrel also betwixt two considerable ser­vants in his Excellencies train, at an enter­tainment made him by the Pristaf at a Coun­try house of his, two or three miles from Vo­logda. For his Excellence setting out late to return back to the Town, one of them fell in as close as he could to the Ambassadors per­son, who was then attended with sixteen sled­ges, [Page 104] the other who was but then preparing to depart being come up to him, fell foul upon the former with design to quarrel with him, and nothing could serve his turn but he must stop his sledg, that he himself might go before him according to his place. The other not at all pleased with so strange a dealing, refused him and gave him withall ill language. Upon this they both betook themselves to their swords and leaping on shore they fell pre­sently to fight. But the Ambassador having the alarm came presently in, and seeing how defi­cient they had bin in their respect to his person, he used them both severely. However every one lamented the ill fortune of the assailant, who appeared to have ingaged in this busines upon a publique accompt, and made use of this only as an occasion; the other being an imperious person, and one that (by reason of his long relation to his Excellence with had gained him some favours) seemed to despise the whole family. And indeed nothing but his long standing in that family could be the ground of all his presumption, for of his other qualities there was no body believed he had any reason to boast.

In the 18. of December we saw that strange representation, that is annually made by the Moscovites of the fiery furnace in which Sha­drech, Mesec, and Abednego were cast by the King of Babilon. The Persons that act in it are [Page 105] disguised, their beards rubbed over with honey, their hats of wood with which they run up and down the streets, and with wild fire in their hand burn the hair or beard of any body they meet, with great insolence. During this Extravagance the Moscovites look upon them as so many Pagans and profane persons, but on the feast of Kings they baptize them again, because that day they believe was the first calling of the Gentils, and for that reason they return them into the bosome of the Church:

Our devotions at Christmas being over, my Lord Ambassador made all necessary pre­parations for our Voiage from Vologda to Mosco. In order to which he sent to Nestrof to desire that he might have good sledges chiefly for his Gentlemen, and that the same might attend them quite through his journey to spare the trouble of changing them by the way. But this demand was presently rejected by Nestrof, who had been will pleased if all his Excellencies Retinue would have marched on foot. His answer was, he could not furnish him with any, but the Ordinary sledges which are commonly very thin and split in their sides. Upon this answer my Lord Ambassador dispatched his Secretary to him, who told him freely it was most undecent to have per­sons of quality worse accommodated for their confidence in the Care of the Tzar so great a [Page 106] Monarch, than if they had been at their own charges. He replied they might do as they pleased, no body hindered them from take­ing their own course. And thereupon he de­clared that his Excellence had no reason, to complain, that his Tzarskoy Majesty had done him extraordinary honor in sending a person of his quality so far to conduct him to Mosco. To which the Secretary replied, that my Lord Ambassador acknowlegded his quality, but that he never thought it so great, that he and his associate ought to pre­ferr themselves before him as they had done at their first visit. But after all this expostu­lation his Excellence was constrained to pro­vide himself of sledges at his own charges. In the mean time to secure themselves from the wind and the snow, every one took care to make himself a kind of a tilt of cloth stretched upon two or three hoops, as the people of quality of those parts are used to do. And the weather being exceeding cold, the greatest part lined their sledges with a course kind of felt that is sold on purpose for that use, as they did likewise their Coverlets with good furs to wrap themselves up in. The rest provided as well as they could to cover themselves, so that our Sa­mojedes Vests were not with out imployment, nor were our Buck and Sheeps skin unuse­full in this Voiage, everyone endeavouring [Page 107] above all things to be furnished with furrs against the cold.

Of his Excellencies Journey from Vologda to Mosco.

MY Lord Ambassador foreseeing what the inconvenience would be if he marched with his whole train along with him, especially from Vologda to Yeroslaf, upon which road there was nothing but Villages, thought good to send before his Horses and all things belonging to his Stables with sixty sledges, in which there was also a good part of his bagage, and some nine or ten Servants who had all their quarters assigned that they might have the better care of the Goods. The 7. of January 1664. they set forward, and on the 15. of the same moneth his Ex­cellence with a Train of about an hundred and forty Sledges. On the 19. he arrived at Yeroslaf, having crossed the Volga at the Towns-end, which was Frozen over, and covered with Snow. The 22. we parted from Yeroslaf all together, and passing by Rostof, we came the 24. to Peroslaf. The next day his Excellence departed from Peroslaf, and arri­ved on the 27. at Troitza, where we stayed five days. At length we came to the Yawes on the third of February, which is a little [Page 108] Village some five Versts from Mosco, and there it was my Lord Ambassador prepared himself for his Entry, which began the fifth, and was not finished till the sixth at Night.

The Weather was so sharp, and the Frost so violent, when Mr. Godbolt (the Master of the Horse) departed with my Lord's Coach and Horses from Vologda, that notwithstand­ing our provision of Furs, we thought we should never have been able to overcome it. But this extremity continued not above five or six days, the Heavens had reserved more mild and propitious weather for his Excellen­cies departure, so that it thawed till the very day we arrived at Yeroslaf; but it began then to reassume its former fierceness, as by very sensible Convictions we found afterwards. We marched as well night as day, every one in his sledge at his full length. And, because the upper parts of us were more exposed to the injuries of the Aire, we took a particular care of covering our selves, and to stop all the chinks the cold might possibly come in at. We had every one of us (besides our Furs) his bottle of strong water, which we drunk off now and then as an excellent pre­servative of Heat. The Kitchin went still before with the Russ Harbingers, which the Pristafs sent away to take up our Lodgings in good time, and to get such meat dressed [Page 109] as they had along with them, and having dispatched these away, they advanced to the next place some three or four hours before the Ambassador. The Pristafs Equipage made the whole journey on horse-back; true it is they were well mounted and warm­ly clad, yet in my judgment their manner of travailing was very much disagreable with the Season. The Waggoners or Drivers con­dition was lamentable too, who as the other had no other covering than the Sky, but they had this advantage that they could warm themselves as they ran by their Sledges sides, besides a certain dexterity they had got in begging strong Waters, which they would do so frequently, it was a hard matter to prevent them by offering it. Moreover we had three Relaies or Stages by the way, viz. at Yeroslaf, at Peroslaf, and at Troitza, where some of us changed both their Horses and Sledges; others whom his Excellence had furnished with Sledges from Vologda, provided themselves with fresh Horses only, so that each of us had four several Waggoners or Drivers by the way.

The greatest Inconvenience I found in our whole Voiage was in our Lodging; for be­sides that the accommodation of Inns is not known in that Country, there are very few Towns upon the Road that are capable of receiving an Ambassador. So that his Excel­lence [Page 110] had never good Quarters, but at Ye­roslaf, at a Moscovites house which was new­ly built, and there we stayed near four compleat days to refresh our selves, most of us lying in sheets, which we had scarce done any where but there in our whole Voiage. Our usual lodgings were Cabbins, or little Cottages of Wood, one story high, black all over with smoak, so that to dissipate the stinks which are occasioned by the same, and the sweltring heat of their skins, which would be otherwise intollerable, we were forced to keep the Windows continually open. But the greatest trouble we had in these lodgings, or Wisbies (as they call them) was when they heated their Stoves, for having no Chimneys they make their fires within side of the Chambers, and the smoak having no passage but at the Windows into the Streets, it is scarce possible to subsist one moment in that condition.

And hence it was also we were so ill ac­commodated with Diet: for, besides that we almost alwaies eat in a Scramble, mutton, beef, or hens, which were rosted in their furnaces, was commonly our fare. They ha­ving no other invention for the dressing their meat, & we doing it ordinarily in hast, it fell out often our meat was but half dressed, insomuch that some rather chose to eat their meat that had been frozen in the way, provi­ded [Page 111] it had been better dressed. This it was that in the beginning of this Relation gave me occasion to say, that amongst the Utensils of the Kitchin that the Ambassador brought from England, a Chimney would not have been superfluous in several places. However as we were well lodged at Yeroslaf, so our entertainment was very splendid, the Go­vernour of the Town shewing so much gene­rosity, that he would spare no cost in rega­ling the Ambassador and his Train. There was an English Merchant there, that treated his Excellence very nobly, Nestrof enter­tained him twice also in his Voiage, and amongst the rest at Peroslaf, where we had the diversion of Musique, though in a Wisby all blackned with smoak.

Furthermore, in the Condition where in we travailed, it was no easie matter for us to divert our selves being every one in his sledg by himself as in another world, march­ing as well night as day amidst the snow, and in the Violence of the winter, which to us seemed very bitter, though to the Mos­covites it appeared very Favourable; Our Emploiment for the most part was sleeping, the solitude, the warmth of our furrs, and the agreeable motion of our sledges inviting us thereunto; so that the greatest part of us did nothing almost but sleep all the Voiage. And for this reason when we came near any [Page 112] Town or Village, the Ambassador gave order that the Trumpets should sound, to give advertisement to his train.

Moscovie being not very populous, and the Towns but of wood, my intention is not to delay my self in describing those that pre­sented themselves in this Voiage. For, besides that the Moscovites are very scrupulous in permitting strangers to see their forts, there are very few of their Towns worthy an exact description. The handsomest we saw in this Journey is Yeroslaf, no very great Town but remarquable for that the Volga runs by it, and renders it a place of good Trade and populous. At Peroslaf there is a very narrow River, but above 100 fathoms deep, and by the side of the Town a little Lake which was frozen as well as the River, at that time. Troitza is a Town built upon the bending of a hill: in which there is a Covent that makes it very remarquable. It is built on a plain below the Town, all of stone, fortified with a faire Wall, and so rich that it maintains ordinarily 300 Monks. Here it was his Excellence was retarded five days in respect of the preparation that was making at Mosco for his Entry, and by reason that betwixt this place and Mosco, there was no other Town so proper for his stay, though in this also he was sufficiently incom­moded; [Page 113] Yet in all the time he could not have liberty to see the Monastery:

On the third of February as soon as we were arrived at the Yaws, his Excellence got his Coach ready, and put himself immediately into a condition of making his solemne Entry into Mosco. In the mean time the tediousness of our Journey past, the ill lodging we met with in so little a Village, and the happy repose we promised our selves in Mosco, made us impatiently to expect tho hour of our departure. At length the fifth of that month was appointed for the Ambassadors reception, as Nestrof had acquainted his Excellence the day before, advising him to have all things ready by nine a clock the next Morning, which according to the Moscovite accompt was the third hour of the day. Accordingly the Liveries were immediately given out to those that were to wear them, and the Gentlemen put themselves with all speed in­to a very good Equipage, so that all were ready at the hour appointed. Our Liveries were so rich, and so well trim'd, that the Pages Liveries amongst others cost near thirty pound sterling a piece, being almost covered quite over with silver lace. Each of them had a good plume of feathers in his hat, and in short there was nothing in all this Equipage unworthy the greatness of the Master. This was in part the condition in [Page 114] which his Excellence was to make his Entry on the 5. of February, for which all things were in readiness by nine of the clock in the morning. But the hour being come we had no Orders for our departure, in so much that there we lay languishing in a tedious ex­pectation till four a clock in the evening. His Excellence having dispatched his Cooks to Mosco in the morning to prepare his dinner in the house that was assigned him there, we were constrained to remain all that day without provisions, because we expected every moment to be gone. In the mean time no body knew what to make of this dis-order; Nestrof himself was amazed and could not imagine the reason, unless it was that the Tzar was a-sleep, and no body durst wake him. At length about half an hour before night, the Messengers arrived with orders for our departure when we were in despair of making our Entry. The Ambassador was much surprised at it, and could not imagine what their designe should be to receive him in the night, in so much, that he represented to Nestrof that it was not the Custome to receive Ambassadors in that Manner. However orders being come, and we tyred with an extream impatience all day of removing from those Wisbies, he prepared to depart, and expose all his pomp and splendor to the darkness of the night.

Of the solemne Entry of the Am­bassador into Mosco.

THe Glory of Princes is in some propor­tion like the glory of the Sun, and suffers its Eclipses, the disorders and irregularities of their Officers many times intercepting the rays of their glory. Of this we have an in­stance in the condition we were in all that day, contrary to the Tzars designe, who stayd near four houres with the Empress or great Dutchesse at one of the gates of the Town, to see the splendor of this Embassy which was to be more particularly illustrious at this Entry. But those who were the con­trivers of this so great miscarriage, were the cause also of that which happened after our setting forth, and which his Excellence re­sented with great indignation; which was the deferring of our Entry till the next day, after we had advanced a good part of our way, and arrived within sight of the Town. For it being very late, and the night overta­king us when as of five Versts we had past but two, his Tzarskoy Majesty thought good his Excellence should retire, and send orders to Nestrof to conduct him into a little Village on the Left hand, to the end the Ambassador might from thence make his Entry the next [Page 116] morning in good time. We had already in some manner presaged this disorder when we took notice how we were lead thorough by ways, and that they had by designe drawn us out of the high way. For which cause the Ambassador reflecting upon the ill treatment he had received that day: and ima­gining this delay would become every where a matter of laughter and contempt, he was so farr transported, that he resolved and pro­tested not to make his Entry till he had lawfull reparation thereupon. And to testify the resentment he had of this affront, he com­manded his Trumpets should be silent. Thus this day, which should have been a day of Pomp and Magnificence proved a day of fasting of trouble and discontent; this day in which his Excellence ought to have re­ceived the extraordinarie Markes of the greatest Amity that ever was betwixt two Crownes, was a day in which he received but the tokens of indignity and contempt. True it is, the Ambassador was no sooner ar­rived at the Ʋillage, we were retired to by order from the great Duke, but a Diack (whose name was Loukian Golozof) arrived from him to excuse this disorder, and ac­cordingly he alledged that the Messengers that were sent with the orders for our de­parture had imprudently lost their way, and that his Majesty judging it inconvenient his [Page 117] Excellence should make his Entry so late, he thought good to defer him till the next mor­ning, that he might give him a Reception sui­table to his Character. But the Ambassador being assured that this wandring of the Mes­sengers was but a pretence (for he was otherwise informed, that all this happened be­cause they were not ready to receive him) he was so farr from being satisfied with his apo­logy, that he was disgusted at the very person of the Diack, and told him that with­out any reflexion upon him, it had been more becomming to have sent a person of greater quality than he was of, to excuse such pro­ceedings. In the mean time our Cooks were sent back, who brought us some provision along with them, to recover those Spirits we had lost that day for want of victuals. The next day in the morning his Excellency ap­prehending Golozof might have either dis­guized or concealed his answer, he com­manded his Secretarie to draw up a letter in writing to the Tzar, in which he should in­form him of the principal circumstances of this disorder, and intimate his resolution not to stirr from thence, till some correction were given to the Authors and Instruments of it. The Letter was in these Termes.

This Letter was scarce gone, when Demente Bashmacof Diack of the great Dukes Cabi­net, arrived at the Ambassadors Wisby from the Tzar, he acquitted himself of his Mes­sage to his Excellence so well, that having promised him all manner of satisfaction, he prevailed with him upon those termes to make his Entry immediately. And as Bashma­cof was returning very well pleased, the In­terpreter, who departed with the Letter at the same time Bashmacof came to his Excel­lence, arrived with this answer, that Almaze the Diacke of the Embassy office (into whose hands he had given the Letter) told him that [Page 127] Bashmacof was gone towards the Ambassador to give him satisfaction in the behalf of his Tzarskoy Majesty:

This being past, we departed immediately to make our Entry, in which we received indeed very evident tokens of the Gran­deur of that Prince, there being all the splen­dor and glory that precious stones, rich furrs, cloth of gold and silver, velvets and other rich stuffs, goodly horses, and a noble E­quipage could make: besides the noise of an incredible number of Trumpets, Kettle-drums and other Instruments of military Musique. so that it was reported every where in the court, that the City of Mosco never saw the Entry of any Ambassador so glorious as this, which was made, on saturday the sixth of February in a very faire day, with the same Order and Circumstances that follow.

The Ambassadors Trumpeters, sounding their silver Trumpets as they went, marcht on horsback in the Van. They were followed by the Gentlemen one after another, every one in his sledge, the inferior formost, so that he whose place and quality was imme­diately before the other followed him imme­diatly in this procession, to the end that there­by he might have the advantage of being so much nearer the person of the Ambassador. Each of them had his sledge adorned with Bearskins so disposed, that half of them hung [Page 128] down behind. The Pristafs domestiques followed two and two, all very well clad, and they made five ranks on horsback. After them came the Pristafs, each of them in his sledge. And my Lord Ambassador followed Nestrof in his sledge drawn by two white horses, which is the most esteemed colour for horses in Moscovie. The Tilt or covering of his sledge was of scarlet, whose edges hanging down very low were guarded round about with crowns made of little peices of sky coloured velvet edged with silver lace, and the back of his sledge was drest up with the skin of a white Bear. On the right side of his sledge upon a plank layd cross sate his chief interpreter with his head uncovered, behind there was another board layd at the bottom of the sledge on which there stood two Pages, the twelve footmen in the mean time marching six of a side with Partisons trim'd according to their Liveries, one behind another, and all bare. Behind his Excellence followed my Lord Vicomte Morpeth the Am­bassadors only Son then of about seventeen years of age, who bare his Father company in all his Embassies. He sate in a very faire glass coach drawn by six black horses, with rich housses of Scarlet very well laced and fringed with silver, which upon black shew very handsom, and behind his Coach he had two Pages also. After my Lord Morpeth came [Page 129] my Lady Ambassadress in her Caftnaz, covered on the out side all over with Crimson velvet, with very broad laces of gold and silver, and lined within with blew damaske according to the Liveries which were red, lined with blew. On each side there were great win­dows which served as doors to go in at, be­sides which, there were little windows also, which her Ladiship might looke thorow with­out being seen her selfe: she had one of her Gentle-women in the Caftnaz with her, two Pages standing upon a plank behinde, and three footmen running by. After my Ladies Caftnaz came my Lord of Morpeths sledg, but without any body in it: after which there followed two Caftnazes more and so in order all the rest of the train and baggage; which made up about two hundred sledges.

A while after we had left this Village, (which was about two a clock) we entred into a very faire champaigne; in which the Mos­covian horse were drawne up, and had been two days there putting into Order. Amongst the rest they had a great Number of Archers with their Quivers full of arrows; and for their Musique there were so many Trumpets, Kettle-drums, Howboys, and other such in­struments of war, which they had disperst in parties thorow all their Troops, that for two miles we were in no want of Musique. But they having battered our ears with one con­tinued [Page 130] aire above two hours together all the way as we marcht, the noise of those Instru­ments which at first had delighted us with their melody, became now obstreperous and troublesome. In the mean time there were a great number of Boyars, of Stolnicks, and other persons of the Court, which came to meet the Ambassador, richly clad in Vests or Tuniques, of cloth of gold and silver, or velvets lined with Sables, with great caps on their heads of black Fox, made in the fashion of a Muff, which they use commonly in their Ceremonies. They were most of them very well mounted upon good horses, with rich trappings and bridles of silver, made like chains, with the linkes very broad and thin, so that whilst their horses were in motion, they made a noise altogether Majestique. There were severall also who had their housses co­vered with pretious stones, whose lustre seemed to adde a richer light to the light of the day; and behinde them they had their servants carrying covers for their sadles of Leopard skins, cloth of gold, velvet, and scarlet. All the Gentlemen of the Tzars chamber were there ready to accompany the Ambassador to his very house.

At length, the Master of the great Dukes horse came to present to the Ambassador from the Tzar a sledg, & another for my Lord Morpeth, with several white horses for the Gentlemen. [Page 131] A while after, came Pronchissof, one of the Tzars Counsel, and Gregory Cosmevitz along with him, who were both deputed to serve his Excellence as Pristafs, or Masters of the Ceremonies during his residence in Mosco. And in this occasion it was we had another ridiculous example of the pride and rusticity of the Moscovites, who are so quick and precise in anticipating the Prerogative of Am­bassadors. Pronchissof being arrived within some small distance of the Ambassadors sledg, gave him to understand that he was sent to receive him from the grand Duke his Lord, and that he expected the Ambassador should first come out of his sledg. But his Excellence signified to him by his Interpreter, that his ex­pectations were very ill grounded, that he represented the person of the King his Master, and that in that case all such Kind of respect was due to himself. Pronchissof however con­tinued unmoveable in his sledg as a Master of Ceremonies, and sent back to the Ambassa­dor that he also was sent from the Tzar his Master to represent his person: so that to have seen him, one would have thought he had taken upon him the forme of a statue, to re­present the Majesty of his Prince. This an­swer, how absurd soever it was, caused se­veral smart replies both on one side and the other: till at last the Ambassador to prevent any further delay in his Entrance, condescen­ded [Page 132] to this, That they should both of them come out of their sledges together. But in this Pronchissof tooke occasion to deceive his Excellence, and falsify his word, hanging in the aire betwixt the armes of his servants, and but touching the earth with his tiptoes, whilst the Ambassador came out freely. At their meeting, they saluted one another, and Pron­chissof first delivered his complement, which consisted in declaring his Employment, and acquainting his Excellence, that the Tzar had sent him, and his associate Gregory Cofmovitz (who was there present also) to take care that all things necessary should be provided during his continuance at Mosco. But the greatest part of his complement was the reci­tation of his Masters Titles, which he enume­rated from the first to the last, in a most trou­blesome and ridiculous maner, as will appeare hereafter. His complement being made, and the Ambassador having answered him with a very good grace, they retired both of them into their sledges, Pronchissof returning in the same posture he came, his servants hol­ding him up by his armes, as if they were afraid he should sinke under the burthen of the emploiment, which his Master had given him. At this time Nestrof and Davidof (gi­ving place to Pronchissof and Gregory Cosmo­vitz the new Pristafs) took their leaves of the Ambassador. After which Ceremonies, we [Page 133] disposed our selves to enter into the Town, the Ambassador having Pronchissof on his right hand, and Cosmovitz on his left; my Lord Morpeth had two Lords of the Court to accompany him; so that in every ranke there were three sledges a breast. The Gen­tlemen were all on horseback betwixt Sin­boyars, or Gentlemen of the Court. The Chaplaine, Physitian, and Musique-Master, with several English Merchants, and two Vallets de Chambre were joyned with them, so that they made up about five and twenty ranks on horse-back, marching three a breast.

All these Ceremonies, and the slowness of our march took up so much time, that the night overtook us before we could enter the Town, our frequent stoppings and pawses having consum'd above three houres in going of about two miles. Therefore, because the Sun had withdrawn himself before we were ready to appear in the Town, the Citizens had made great fires in their streets, and pro­vided great numbers of torches to render every thing visible about his Excellence; so that the night as well as the day did seem to participate in the Glory of this Entry. And the pretious stones, darting about the rays of their refulgency, made the clearness of the night in some respect more majestique than the brightness of the day; not to mention the multitudes of people, wherewith the streets [Page 134] were filled, and the houses covered in all places where we passed, every one clam­bring up here and there to behold this Mag­nificence.

The Tzar, the great Dutchess, and the young Princes also would needs be Spectators now, as they had disposed themselves to be the day before. But to the end they might see all without being perceived themselves, they made choice of a place near the Gate of the Brick Wall, whither they had ordered a great number of Wax-tapers to be sent. And here the Moscovian Trumpets all stopt, to sound at the time as the Ambassador past the Gate, and was entred into the Town, which was exactly performed: but with so confused a noise, it might very well be com­pared to that which the Geese made in the Capitol, whilst the Gauls were climbing over the Walls. After this terrible alarm, which we were altogether surprised with, under pretence of some little accident, they made a stop for about half a quarter of an hour, to the end the Tzar might at his leisure observe the whole Pomp; and indeed the great number of Wax-Tapers which they had dis­posed of each side of the Gate, discovered the design clear enough. At length, when his Majestie was satisfied with viewing the Magnificence of his Excellences Train, he was conducted to the House which they had pre­pared [Page 135] for him, the Moscovian horse trouping thorough the Town in a huddle, without observing any order at all in their march. From the Gate of the Town, we past thorow the Tzars Guards, which were drawn up on both sides of the streets, from thence to the House where we lay.

Of the Ambassadors Residence at Mosco.

THere are three things which principally recommend themselves to our Conside­ration in this place: Our manner of Living whilst we were here; The Ambassadors Negotiation; And some Circumstances that happened during our Residence at Mosco. Of which City it is necessary to give a pre­cedent Description for the better compre­hension of what followeth.

The City of Mosco hath the same incon­venience with the other Towns in Moscovie, which is, that it is built like them with Wood, some princi [...] Houses excepted. In­stead of being paved, they have only great pieces of Firr laid close together, and cross the Streets. When we were there, its figure was almost Circular, and at least four leagues in Cirumference, but being much subject to Fire, its form and extent doth not continue long in the same condition. True it is, their [Page 136] Streets are broad enough, and from place to place there are certain Intervals left to break off and cease the fury of the Fire, but the materials of their Houses being so com­bustible, they have much ado to prevent its progress. All the remedy they have, is to pull down the Houses that are next, to the end that by taking away the matter, that should nourish it, they may give the flame more room to extinguish. But this not al­waies succeeding, especially if the wind be high, it happens sometimes, that they see a great part of the Town in ashes in a very short space.

This Town hath three Walls, one of Brick, another of Stone, a third of Wood, separa­ting the four quarters of the Town, which are called Cataigorod, Tzargorod, Scoradom, and Strelitza Sloboda. The Brick-wall di­vides Cataigorod from the rest of the Town, that of Stone belongs to Tzargorod, and the Wooden one serves as Ramparts and Bastions to Strelitza Sloboda, which is properly the quarter of the Strelitz, or Musqueteers of the Tzars Guards.

Amongst the Rivers that pass by this City, Mosca is a fair one, which gives it its Name; it rises in the Province of Twere, and loseth it self in the Volga, where the same joines with the River Occa, not far from Columna. Besides these, there are the Neglina and the [Page 137] Yagusa, two little Rivers which run by the City, and fall into the River Mosca.

But that which is the greatest Ornament to this City, besides the Rivers I have named, is the great number of Churches and Chap­pels which they have there, together with the Tzars Castle, which is called Cremelena. Their Churches are generally of stone, arched, & of a round form. They are a great Ornament to the Town, by reason of their steeples, which are covered over with Lattin, whose glittring seemes to redouble the brightness of the Sun. As to the number of Churches & Chappels in Mosco, they are reckoned about two thousand.

The Tzars Castle is of that greatness, that it is about two miles in Circumference. There is in it a very fair Pallace of Stone, built after the Italian fashion, and another of Wood, which the Tzar chuses to reside in, as the more healthful of the two. The Patriarch also, and several Boyars have their Houses of Stone within this Castle, besides two Covents, one of Moncks, and the other of Nuns. There are also a great number of Churches and Chappels of Stone, and amongst the rest, one dedicated to St. Michael, in which the Tombs of the Tzars are placed. All the Steeples of these Churches are covered with Copper, which the heat of the Sun hath burnished into a great resemblance of Gold; but upon one of these Steeples there stands [Page 138] a Cross which is of massie Gold. We saw there a Bell (which was made some years since by a Moscovite) of that prodigious big­ness, that fifty men might very well stand within it. It is about nine fathoms in cir­cumference, which by consequence is three in diameter. When we came first to Mosco, it was upon the ground, in a base Court where it was cast, and during the four moneths and a half we remained there, all they could do, was to raise it though but a little from the ground, with intention to build a Stee­ple for it in the same place. The Fortifi­cations of the Castle are also very consi­derable: for, besides that it is very well planted with Canon, there is a large Ditch and three very strong Walls about it. Some of our company that had the curiosity to survey this Ditch, as they past over the bridg, were desired by the Moscovites to march on, and not trouble themselves with surveying their Works.

There are moreover in Mosco a great number of Greeks, of Persians, and especi­ally of Tartars, but they admit no Jews. The Greeks of all Strangers are most well­come to them, as being in many things conformable with them, but particularly in matters of Religion. The Protestants and Lutherans are well received also, and have all of them liberty to hold publique Assem­blies, [Page 139] for the Exercise of their Religion, which is not permitted to the Roman Ca­tholicks, for whom they have a particular aversion. But to the end that forreign Chri­stians may live together with more liberty, there is a Sloboda, or great Suburb without the Town, where most of them live, accor­ding to their own way. And in this place it is the Germans, English, Hollanders, and Po­lonians do most commonly reside.

The House we were lodged in in this Town, was a large building of Stone, no great distance from the Castle, and one of the most commodious to be found. The Chambers were all arched, every window had its shutters of iron, and every passage-door was also of iron: which gave one occasion to say, we were certainly in the iron Age; though otherwise it be a mettle rare enough in that Country. Our Chambers were most of them hanged with Serge or red Cloth, and instead of chairs, we had benches cover­ed over with the same stuff, without any Beds or other necessary accommodations, besides tables and furnaces for the Winter. Amongst the rest of the Rooms, there were two great Hals, one of them (in which the Canopie of State was set up) we made use of as our Chappel, on those days wherein we had Sermons, of the other for a Quarter for seven or eight of our Gentlemen, who [Page 140] were constrained at their arrival, to make their several lodgings distinct from one ano­ther. For when he who had the charge of preparing the House was advertised that the Ambassador's Gentlemen could not lye crowded together as in a Hospital, and that this manner of living would be very strange and incommodious to them; he answered jestingly, that it was best for them to lye together, lest the Rats should run away with them being single. Which Answer put some of us on a sudden upon a desire to know, if the Rats were so big at Mosco; for my part I imagined for the doing of such an exploit, every Rat ought to be as big as two Boyars. However, we saw we had great rea­son to be impatient at Vologda, for our arrival here, where we had all that could be expected in this Country. Our Publique devotion which had been suspended in our Travails, was regulated here as at Vologda, and at Easter we had a Communion. We had moreover the diversion of seeing the Town, and to visit our Friends in the Slo­boda, where his Excellence himself was some­time treated by the Merchants. But this freedom was so regulated and restrained, that for the four first days we were shut up close in our House, and not permitted to stir abroad before the Audience. They would suffer no Strangers to come near us, [Page 141] nor could the Ambassador prevail, that the English Merchants Wives might have access to his Lady. It is true, after the Ambassador's Audience we had liberty to go abroad, but then for two or three moneths we were obli­ged to take some of the Tzar's Guards along with us, which followed us armed with their half-pikes; for which end there were commonly fifty of them attending us, keeping their guards at the Gate, and examining almost every one that came in. The Am­bassador himself was not permitted to stir unless he had a Pristaf with him, and was attended with a Company of Strelits. Where­by it happened, that the Ambassador one day after a long expectation of the Pristaf (who seemed to neglect him) being upon the point of going abroad in his Coach without him, the footmen running before as if they would have passed out of the Gate, the Strelits stood immediately to their armes, to hinder them, which they did, till the Pristaf was pleased to come and accompany the Ambassador. None of the Boyars could have the sight of his Excellence in his House, un­less he was sent by the Tzar, it being almost a Capital offence for any person of quality whatsoever, to have any kind of Conference with an Ambassador without his leave. Hunting, which was our great divertisement at Vologda, was the least of our recreations [Page 142] here, but assoon as the snow was melted, and the spring arrived, we fell immediately to making of Horse-matches. There was a challenge also betwixt twelve of our Company to play at Foot-ball. At other times we ran at the Ring, and on that day our repast was taken in the Wood, where that exercise was performed. Our Musique-master composed a handsome Comedie in Prose, which was acted in our House. As for their Baths, they were as rare at Mosco as hunting, for we used one as often there as the other. But the most part of our Family would go now and then to their publique Stoves, where sometimes they could see a great company of Women naked by the favour of some little hole or cleft in the Wall, which served also as a passage for their immodest discourses. About one mile from Mosco we observed in a little Lake an Iland floting, as the Antients belie­ved of Delos, but it was very small. It is kept above water by the roots of Trees, with which it is enterlaced, there were some of us took a boat and went upon it, turning it as a piece of timber which way they pleased.

This being, as near as I could relate, the manner of our living at Mosco, it follows now that we display the Ambassadors negotiation, [Page 143] and at the same time the Ceremonies which are practised in that Court. In pursuance of which design, I shall speak in the first place of the Audience which the Tzar gave the Am­bassador on the 11. of February, which was five days after our Entry.

The 7. of February which was the next day after we arrived at Mosco, Pronchissof, and the other Pristaf offered the Ambassador Au­dience from the great Duke on the ninth of that month, and pretented it as a singular favour, that he could have it so soon; never­theless, the next day they thought fit to delay him two days longer. In which time his Ex­cellence was desirous to informe himself of all the Ceremonies which were to be obser­ved, according to the Custome of that Court: and amongst other things, he demanded of them, whether it were expected that he should be uncovered in the presence of the Tzar. To which they answer'd, that the Tzar's Ambassadors were bare before the King of England, and by consequence that he was to be so before his Tzarskoy Ma ^ty.. But the Ambas­sador declared freely to them, that his Master the King of England had commanded him to be so, and for that reason he was obliged not to dispute it: otherwise the Ambassadors of the Tzar could not so well represent the person of their Prince, being but his Slaves, and so [Page 144] stiled by him in their very Letters of Credence. After this, he demanded leave to visit the great Dutchess and the young Princes, the eldest of which was not above ten years old; but this was refused upon this ground, that it was not their custome. Indeed the Tzars wives live there very retyred, and his Sons appear not in publique, till they are twelve years old, at which age they show them so­lemnely to the People, and the Tzar himself is but rarely to be seen.

The Eleaventh day being come, there were a hundred and thirty persons of the Tzars Guards, and threescore sledges sent to carry the Presents from the King, the greatest part of which was designed for the Tzar, the rest for the two young Princes Knetz, Alexcy, Alexevitz, and Pheodor Alexevitz his Sons. But besides the Kings Presents to the great Duke, there were Presents also from the Queen to the great Dutchess, and some which his Excellence gave the great Duke apart as from himself. The whole consisted in Vessels of gold and silver, in cloth, velvets, satins, and damaske of divers colours; there was also great quantities of stufs, and table linnen, two gold-watches, three clocks, two pair of Pistols, one gun, and two carabins, besides six pieces of cast Canon, a great quantity of Cornish tynne, and a hundred piggs of lead. All which was sent before to the pallace, [Page 145] the plate being carried by four and twenty men, the cloth by threescore, ten men carried the Velvets Sattins and Damask, six and twenty the stufs and table linning, and ten more the Gun, the Pistols, the Watches, and the Clocks; and on the sledges they carried the Canon, the Tynne, and the Lead. This being done there were two sledges brought for the Ambassador and my Lord Morpeth, and at the same time several white horses for the Gentlemen of his attendance. At length we began to sett out about ten a Clock in the morning, the Gentlemen on horsback two and two all richly habited, their hats covered with fair plumes of feathers which did prin­cipally attract the eys of the Moscovits, with whom the streets, the shops, the gates and the windows did swarme at this time. There were several English Merchants also who had joyned themselves with the Gentlemen, and were fallen into the same Order. After them followed my Lord Morpeth in his sledg be­twixt the Ambassadors Pristafs who had brought their rich robes along with them to our house, and put them on there. After my Lord Morpeth the two Trumpets followed, after them the six Pages in three ranks, and after them the twelve footmen marching in the same Order as at our Entry. His Excel­lence was this day in black having on his ha [...] a rich band of Diamonds, on either hand he [Page 146] had two of the principal Boyars in their sledges as himself was, who had put on their robes also at our house. In the Ambassadors sledg there was the Secretary and the chief Interpreter standing and uncovered, the Se­cretarie carrying in his hands upon a yard of red Damaske his Letters of Credence written in parchment, whose Superscription con­tained all the titles of the Tzar in letters of Gold. Behind the Ambassador there came none but the Master of the horse on horse­back.

In this manner we past thorow the Tzars Guards, who were drawn up in rancks on both sides of us reaching to the very bottom of the staires of the Hall, thorow which we were to pass to audience. Near the Castlegate we found another regiment of Guards drawn up also in very good order. A while after we past thorow another Regiment in one of the Courts of the Castle, and in this place we saw a great number of very fair Canon planted on one side and the other with the Canoniers by them, and ready in appearance to fire upon us from all parts. From thence we passed to ano­ther Court filled also with Guards, but when we came to the gate of a passage thorow which we were to go, all that were in sladdes or on horseback alighted. Those who were to go up into the Hall of audience were constraind to leave their swords behind them, it being not [Page 147] permitted for any body to pass any further with them by their sides, for the prevention of which ceremony, his Excellence and my Lord Morpeth carried none with them. When we had gone some paces this way (which is a way peculiar to Christian Ambassadors, those of Infidel Princes being carried another) there was a Boyar came to meet the Ambassa­dor & complemented him from the great Duke. From thence we came to a great stone Galerie, where another Boyar received his Excellence with another complement. And from thence we came into a Hall thorow which we were to pass in to that of the audience, and here it was we saw the Guards of the Tzars body in a most splended Equipage, their Vests of velvet being lined with sables, their caps richly adorned with pearles and precious stones, and their very Partesans covered with gold and silver. Neare the door of the Hall of audience, the Ambassador received a third Complement from the Tzars own Cousin. After which we opened to the right and left, and the Ambassador entred first into the Hall, after him my Lord Morpeth, and then the Gentlemen and the Pages.

And here it was we were like those who coming suddainly out of the dark are dazled with the brightnes of the Sun: the splendor of their jewels seeming to contend for prio­rity with that of the day; so that we were lost [Page 148] as it were in this confusion of glory. The Tzar like a sparkling Sun (to speak in the Russian dialect) darted forth most sumptuous rays, being most magnificently placed upon his Throne with his Scepter in his hand, and having his Crown on his Head. His Throne was of massy Silver gilt, wrought curiously on the top with several works and Pyra­mids; and being seven or eight steps higher than the floor, it rendered the person of this Prince transcendently Majestick. His Crown (which he wore upon a Cap lined with black Sables) was covered quite over with precious stones, it terminated towards the top in the form of a Pyramid with a golden cross at the spire. The Scepter glistered also all over with Jewels, his vest was sett with the like from the top to the bottom down the opening before, and his collar was answerable to the same. By his side he had four of the tallest of his Lords standing below his Throne, each of them with his battle-ax upon his shoulder, and with a profound gravity casting their Eys now and then upon their Tzar, as inviting us to an admiration of his grandeur. Their habits were no less remarquable than their countenances, being all four of them from the top of their head to the sole of their foot clothed in white vests of Ermine, and ha­ving great chaines of Gold, and their Caps of that large sort which they use in their [Page] [Page]

[Page] [...] [Page] [Page 149] Ceremonies, but whereas others were of black Fox these were of Ermin as well as their Vests, their very Boots also were covered with the same. But that which was farther admirable was the glorious equippage of the Boyars present at this audience, who were as so many beams of the Sun elevated in his triumphal Carr, and seemed to have no lustre but to do homage withal to their great Monarch. They were about two hundred cloathed all with vests of cloth of gold, cloth of silver or velvet set with Jewels, all placed in order upon benches covered with tapistry round about by the wall; the floor being raised there three or four steps higher and about the bredth of a good walke. At the Entrance into the Hall there was a great number also of his Goses which are his Mer­chants or Factors whom he furnishes with rich robes to appear at such Ceremonies; This was the Splendour we found this great Prince in, with a countenance perfectly ma­jestick; as having not only the advantage of a handsome proportion, but of a lively and vigorous age, for this was but his four and thirtieth year. The Hall notwithstanding answered not very well to this Magnificence, saving in its Vastnes, and that it was covered all the floor over with tapistry. But it was wanting on the walls, which had no other Ornament than a few old pictures; the roof [Page 150] of it was arched, and supported by a great Pillar in the middle.

My Lord Ambassador made a low Reve­rence to his Majestie assoon as he was entred into the Hall, the Throne being opposite to the Door; then he advanced some paces, and stopping at the Pillar in the midst of the Hall, he made him a second, then being ready to speak, made him a third, and salu­ted him in the behalf of his Master the King of England in these words; The most Se­rene and most Puissant Prince Charles the Second by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To You the most High, most Potent, and most Illustrious Prince Great Lord, Emperour, and Grand Duke Alexey Michailovitz of all the great, and little, and white Russia Self-upholder, of Moscovie, Keavie, Volodimerie, Nofgorod, Emperour of Cazan, Emperour of Astracan, Emperour of Siberia, Lord of Pscove, great Duke of Litu­ania, Smolensco, Twersco, Volinsco, Podolsko, Ʋghorsco, Permsco, Veatsco, Bolgarsco, &c. Lord and Great Duke of Nofgorod in the Lower Countries, of Chernigo, Resansco, Polotsco, Rostofsco, Yeroslafsco, Beloozarsco, Oudorsco, Obdorsco, Condinsco, Wetepsco, M [...]stisclaaco, and all the Northern parts, Lord of the Country of Iversco of the Tzars of Cantalinsco, and of Gruzinsco, and of the [Page 151] Country of Cabardinsco, of the Dukes of Chercasco, and Igorsco, Lord and Monarch of several other Dominions, and Provinces, East, West, and North, of which he is Heir from Father to Son, by me Charles Earle of Carlisle, Vicomte Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gillesland, His Majesties Lieu­tenant in the Counties of Cumberland and Westmorland, one of his Majesties most ho­nourable Privy Councel, and his Extraor­dinary Ambassador sendeth greeting, and hath commanded me to deliver these Letters (being his Letters Patents which he held in his hand) to Your Imperial Majestie. Which words being with a loud voice explained by his Interpreter which stood by his Excellen­cies side, the Ambassador advanced towards the Throne to present the Letter which he immediately delivered into the hands of his Chancellor.

His Excellence returning to his place, the Tzar rose up, and the Boyars doing the like all of them at the same time, their Vests of Tissue made such a ruffling one against ano­ther, that we were something amuzed at the suddenness of the noise. Then after a short silence, his Majestie began to speak, and to enquire of the Ambassador concern­ing the Kings health, but there being a too great distance between the Tzar and his Ex­cellence, the Chancellor had the care of [Page 152] coming to the Ambassador, and repeating what the Tzar had said. To which the Am­bassador returned answer in these termes. The most Serene and most Mighty Prince Charles the Second, by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ire­land, Defender of the Faith, &c. was through the mercy of the Omnipotent God in perfect health upon the twentieth day of July, in the Year of our Lord 1663. when I had last the honour to kiss his Royal hands at my de­parture. This answer being interpreted to the Tzar, He arose again, and enquired con­cerning the Queen Mother in these words, How doth the desolate Widow of that glo­rious Martyr Charles the First. To which the Ambassador having in like manner re­plied, began the following Speech, of which he had a Copy in English, and his Interpreter another in the Moscovian Language. As he spoke it, every period was interpreted apart, so that when his Excellence had concluded one Sentence, the intepretation succeeded before he began the next, which was con­ceived the properest way to entertain their attentions. Therefore the Ambassador and his Interpreter were obliged to read from time to time, and to observe punctually their several Periods. This Harangue was also translated into Latine, of which Translation, because we shall have occasion to speak, I shall make [Page 153] no difficulty to insert a copy in this place, the Style being besides sufficiently elegant.

[Page 180]My Lord Ambassador having made an end of his speech, which was well approved of, His Tzarskoy Majestie told him that he would do him the honor to let him kisse His hand: therefore he went up again to the Throne and kissed His hand, according to the cu­stom of Christian Ambassadors. For it is a ce­remonie that they must be subject to in this Court, though indeed it is a thing much in­ferior to the dignity of an Ambassador, who under that Character should rather keep themselves equal with the Princes Majestie than to condescend to such a low submission. Nor do I doubt but that my Lord Ambassador had rather accepted of such a condition as they put to Infidels Ambassadors who are not admitted to the performance of this Cere­monie, because the Tzar counts it a great favour, and therefore He does reserve it only for Christians. He did also the same honour to my Lord his Gentlemen, who all kissed his hand decently and in good order, while his Excellency sate upon a forme that his Tzarskoy Majestie Himself called for to that purpose. The mean while there was a Boyar to uphold the Tzars right hand that was kissed lest He should come to be tired, and with the left hand He held His heavy Scepter. In this con­juncture my Lord recommanded from the King to his Tzarskoy Majestie Sir John Hebdon, who was come along with my Lord from Eng­land, [Page 181] where he had been of late his Tzarskoy Majesties Agent. And therefore, because being in that employment he had bestowed a great care and prudence in promoting the common good of both Crowns. His Majestie thought fit to acquaint upon this occasion his Tzarskoy Majestie with the singular esteem He had for his person. These are the words my Lord spoke in the said Knights behalf as he was stepping next to my Lord of Morpeth to kisse the Tzars hand, This Gentleman (saies he) is I suppose well known to Your Im­perial Majestie: He hath done Your Imperial Majestie very good service in the Court of Eng­land, and therefore his Majestie hath a parti­cular esteeme for him, and has commanded me to recommend him more particularly when I shall next have the honour to be admitted to Your Imperial presence.

The Gentlemen having all kissed the Tzars hand, the Presents that were sent by the hundred and thirty men came in and passed in very good order on one side of the great pillar, and so went about into a room next to the hall. Thereupon my Lord Ambassador stood up and said to his Majestie; His most Sè­rene Majestie hath sent a Present as a token of His affection to Your Imperial Majestie, which whatsoever it is, the value thereof will be mul­tiplied by the kind acceptance of Your Imperial Majestie.

[Page 182]The First thing that came in was a Gun of King Charles the First, and therefore his Ex­cellencie presented it with this Compliment; This Gun was delivered to me by his Majesties own hand, being excellent in its kind, the same which his Royal Father of blessed and glorious memorie used to shoot in, and which as a Relique of that renowned Prince he thought could not be better dedicated than to the hands of Your Imperial Majestie.

Next to the Gun came a paire of Pistolets, whereupon my Lord spoke again, That pair of Pistolets (saith he) his Majestie delivered me also with his own hand, commanding me to excuse their oldness, which he thought would not make them less acceptable, when You knew they where those, with which after so long ad­versity, He rid in His triumphant Entry into His Metropolitan City of London.

The Plate came next to those Pistolets, and in the first place a great silver-guilt Basin sup­ported upon two mens armes, so all the rest passed by without stopping, next to the Tzars the presents allowed for the two Princes, then the Queenes present to the Dutchess, and at last my Lord Ambassadors.

Thus ended the Audience, and my Lord being brought home was treated (as it is usual in that Court at Audience-daies) with the Tzars own meat, and it was therefore sent pre­sently from the Palace. There was about an [Page 183] hundred dishes brought publickly in order, with good store of wine, brandy, and meade; His Majestie sent also one private Boyar to take a care of all the Ceremonies that were to be observed: but the greatest Ceremonie being to drink many healths, he made sure to have every health written in a bill in the same order as the Tzar had appointed him. His Excellency sate at the middle of the table upon his chair of State, at his right hand was my Lord of Morpeth, and at his left Sir John Hebdon, both at each end of the table, so that they were prettie distant from my Lord Am­bassador: the Moscovites sate together at the other side of the table which was square and crosswise set. My Lord having furnished his own plates, took occasion to make use himself alone of a dozain of silver-guilt plates he had, but the Boyars not liking that Ceremonie seemed to look upon it with a jealous eye: yet his Excellency kept them as cheerful as he could, both by his graceful presence of spirit and the sweetness of his Musick. The Boyar who directed the feast did also play his part with his healths, holding the paper in his hand, and presently begun his great Lords good health; Though indeed I think he li­ked farr better the King of Englands, for my Lord Ambassador presented him with the cup wherein he drunk it being of silver-guilt, wherewith he was so much taken that he [Page 184] scarce minded any thing else and so went away with it.

The 13. of February, my Lord had again Audience of the Tzar, and also his first Con­ference with the Commissioners appointed by his Tzarskoy Majestie. We went in the same order and manner as we did the first time, but my Lord Ambassador was led into another hall much handsomer than the first, the inner-roof being fairely guilt with very good pi­ctures, there were also fair windows and very rich tapestrie. The Tzar was upon a little Throne not above two steps over the ground, yet having still the Crown upon his head and the Scepter in his hand, and at his right hand there was the Imperial Globe. This Audience being a little private, and therefore not so copious of Boyars, the Tzar inquired of the Ambassadors health, and told him besides, that having caused the Kings Letter to be translated he knew thereby his Majesties de­sire, and that consequently he had appointed six Commissioners amongst his near Boyars and Counsellors to treat with him about his af­faires. So my Lord did not stay with the Tzar above a quarter of an hour, then he stood very near to him, but still with his hat off.

While he was going to the room appointed for the Conference, he was met twice by some of their Boyars wearing great gold chaines about them, which I thought to be something [Page 185] like those Aethiopian slaves whose chaines were also of gold. My Lord being come to the room, he and his Commissioners sate toge­ther, and he delivered them one paper about the Reparation promised in his Tzarskoy Ma­jesties name before he made his Entrance, and another concerning the Restitution of the Pri­vileges enjoyed formerly by the English Com­pany. Thus was the first paper written.

These were the words of the Second paper.

The 17. my Lord Ambassador had another Conference in the Pallace, where his Com­missioners read to him their answer to his two papers, but refused to give him yet a Copy of it. In that answer all things were quite contrary to his expectations, so that he thought fit thereupon to speak somewhat hard to them. Then it happened that one great casement of the room, wherein they were assembled together, fell down with such a horrid noise, that the Lords Commissioners were quite astonished, and wished my Lord had spoken more gently. An Interpreter of theirs, who was an outlandish man, speaking afterwards to that purpose said, If (saith [...]he) two or three words of anger of My Lord Ambassador's do so shake off the house, how would they tremble, if they heard King Charles thundring at their ears with just indignation?

[Page 190]The 26. Pronchissof brought my Lord Am­bassador a Copy of their answer read to him the seventeenth. But lest I should tire the Reader with an ill compacted discourse, whose stile and meaning are equally rude and unpleasant, I shall only tell the substance of it in as few words as I can. And first, as to the Reparation demanded by my Lord Am­bassador in his first paper of 13. of February, they say (when they have much extolled the greatness of the pomp that was shewn at his Reception, which they take to be the most glorious that ever was made in their Court to any Ambassador) that the disorder afore­said happened upon the mistake of the Posts. That it was not fit he should make his Entry by night, and that his Tzarskoy Majestie had therefore given order that he should lodge that night nearer Mosco, so that the next day he might be received betimes with a splendor answerable to his quality; And so, that so many strangers who lived in Mosco might see by this Reception, how great is the Amity which their Great Lord beares to his Majestie, and that they might discourse of it in their se­veral Countries. But to that they added a thing that surprised very much his Excel­lency, saying, that he himself staied also a great while the next day, after many Messen­gers were sent unto him. And presently after they make bold to tell him, that he ought [Page 193] not to have demanded satisfaction in that place, where then he was. And at last with­out any other proofs they only say; that those Messengers who accidentally missed their way the first day had been chastised.

Their answer to the second Paper concer­ning the Priviledges of the English Company was no less unreasonable, they refused them under the following pretences, which they alledge for good and solid reasons. First of all they say, the Priviledges were abolished upon occasion of the late Rebellion of En­gland, and that the English Company of Archangel was guilty of it. Then they speak of one Luke Nightingale whom they affirm to have been sent secretly to his Tzarskoy Majestie by the late Kings Majestie during the Rebellion, to give Him notice of it, and to desire Him to abrogate the Priviledges of the English Company, as having also put off their Obedience; Adding moreover, that this same Nightingale had Letters from the King, that he was very private with his Royal Majestie, [...]nd very trustie to Him. Besides they tell what this pretended Agent gave the Boyars [...]hat treated with him notice of, that the Fa­ [...]tors of the English Company had at that time [...]roguish design with one Iohn Cartwrite, a [...]ember of the Company, to rob his Tzarskoy Majestie's Subjects in the East-Countries, and [...]hat shortly after the said Cartwrite did ac­complish [Page 194] his design. Whereupon they say, that John Hebdon (so they call the Knight that I mentioned before) was Factor to this same Cartwrite. Afterwards they lay an hainous charge against the said Company; as, that they had not furnished the Tzars treasury with their commodities, at the same price they were sold for in England, that they had sold prohibited commodities as Tobacco, and that besides they offered to take strangers goods to carry them through the Country custome free. Lastly they speak of a general complaint made by the Russes, Merchants and Tradesmen, as if the English Merchants had all the trade themselves, and grew thereby very rich in a short time, whereas his Tzarskoy Majesties Subjects grew poorer every day. They alleadge also that the Merchants who were first nominated for the Priviledges were dead, so that (it seemes) they will have the Priviledges to dy with them.

After this answer the Commissioners were pleased, as if they had a mind thereby to be revenged of the former Reparation required by his Excellencie, to complain also on thei [...] side most vehemently of the Title, most Illu­strious, that he had given his Tzarskoy Maje­stie. This was the occasion and manner o [...] their complaint. Pronchissof, one of the s [...] Commissioners, had of my Lord (upon hi [...] desire) a Latin Copy of the Speech said a [...] [Page 195] the first Audience, where indeed he gives the Tzar the Title of Illustrissimus. That was the thing that they stickt to, but as to the ex­pression said publickly by word of mouth be­fore the Great Duke himself (which should be thought more offensive) they had the goodness to interpret it in good part, because they gave it a good sense according to their own will. But a writing that was only given [...]o satisfie a mans curiositie, who desired to see it, is now become a very great matter of State, every word of it is examined strictly, [...]s if the whole business were only to pick quarrels. Such was the occasion of the great [...]nvective they gave here in writing against [...]llustrissimus, which they take to be much [...]nferiour to the dignity and grandeur of their Monarch. Therefore they require of my Lord Ambassador that instead thereof he make use [...]f Serenissimus, that he would also acquaint [...]is Royal Majestie with it, whom they desire [...]ogether to leave off most Illustrious, and to [...]rite most Serene, when it shall be his plea­ [...]ure to write to their Great Lord. To that [...]urpose they say, that all other Princes of Eu­ [...]ope do it according to his Princely worth, [...]nd amongst others the Caesar, for a proof [...]hereof they had already shewed my Lord [...]mbassador one of his Letters being at Con­ [...]erence with them. His Excellencie took then [...]otice, how the Emperour called Him only [Page 196] Tzar according to His own Language, and therefore he resolved ever since to do so, and never name him Emperour, as he had done hitherto after the custome of English Mo­narchs and their Subjects.

The 29. my Lord Ambassador had another Conference, where he did so reply in writing, first concerning the Reparation promised the sixth of February. I reply (saith he) that it is hard for me to conceive, whereas his Tzars­koy Majestie is able at so great distances in his absence by the good order of his Generals to embattle so numerous and victorious Armies, upon the sudden opportunities of fighting a [...] Enemy, that after my so slow advancing from Vologda, and three days lodging almost unde [...] the Gates of his Tzarskoy City, the continua [...] Attendants upon his own Person, where the [...] can learn and see nothing but the most perfec [...] and exquisite Order, should not in a whol [...] day be in a posture to receive the Ambassado [...] of a Friend. And again that it is almost a [...] strange to me, that his Tzarskoy Posts, wh [...] run daily at his Command through so spacious Dominions (which may ever be inlarged that they who would not miss a foot at midnight thorough the very desarts of Tartary yet should lose their way in broad day-light within three or four miles of Mosco. An [...] yet I am most assured, that his Tzarskoy Ma­jestie [Page 197] did really intend to reflect upon me that day all the Honour which according to the cu­stome of his Court is due to the Character I bring from my Royal Master. So that there seemes to be much more in it than an accident, & especially seeing that Persons sent that same day to the same place upon an incivility to Sir John Hebdon, a Gentleman of his Majesties privy Chamber, and of my Train, could finde the way early in the morning; but those that were sent about my Reception, did miss it till night. And therefore, because so many Strangers of several Nations, which dwell in his Tzarskoy City, were winesses that day of such miscarriage, contrary to the good plea­sure of his Tzarskoy Majestie, as no age nor no Nation can paralel, and that they have, and do, and will discourse of it according to their own apprehensions, both here and in their several Countries, neither to the advan­tage of the King my Master, nor yet of his Tzarskoy Majestie, unless His prudence may appear in his Justice. Therefore I say, I de­manded what is in my first paper mentioned. But instead thereof I am told in this paper delivered to me the 26. of February, that the next day after, many Messengers being sent unto me, I also stayed late; To which I reply, that it is very possible that many Messengers were sent to me that day, and that they lost their way then as the others the day before: [Page 198] And indeed in the place where I was it was yet difficulter to finde me, especially seeing it appeares the nearer one comes to Mosco men are more ignorant of the Roads. But the first message that I received that day was by a very considerable Person the Diack of the Imperial Cabinet, and assoon as we had spo­ken together and he promised me satisfacti­on, which if I ought not to have asked, he ought not to have promised; but being pro­mised ought to be effected: I was ready in a quarter of an hour, though it was then not two a clock after the English account, and I but at two Versts distance; which indeed ac­cording to the proportions of the former day, made me suspect, as also it proved, that by how much I was yet nearer I should come in so much later to Mosco. However though I could have wished to have entered by day, as indeed it was fitting, and might perhaps the third day have succeeded, yet out of com­placency to his Tzarskoy Majesties good plea­sure, I took my chance of the night. And what I discerned before it was dark of the the Honour his Tzarskoy Majesty intended, and did me, joyned with those most friendly and cordial Sentiments, which I brought a­long to Him from my Royal Master, made me interpret that very obscurity for splendour, and that most Serene night which brought me so near his Tzarskoy Majesty, was by me pre­ferred [Page 199] before the most Illustrious day that had detained me from Him. But whereas it is said, that I ought not in that place to have demanded an answer of my being hindered the former day; After having first protested, that whatsoever I have said above in refe­rence to my self, upon the second day, hath not been upon any account or obligation that I have or ought of answering any charge, accusation, or recrimination against me; but only out of the desire that I have by all ho­nourable means to retain the good opinion of his Tzarskoy Majesty, as being so great a Prince and Friend of the King my Master, and which I have neither forfeited yet, and may possibly deserve further before my going away (unless upon some unhappy interrup­tion from other persons:) I add next, that none but the King my Master knowes what I ought to have done, and therefore I desire that all expressions to the contrary may be omitted for the future. But if upon promise from so considerable a person as the Diack of the Tzarkoy Cabinet, I did enter this City, and if upon the fairest hopes given me by his Tzarskoy Majestie's Boyars and Counsellors, I leaving it upon the honour of so worthy persons, I have passed from this Complaint in­to His Majestie's other business, and that no redress be given me, then indeed I have done what I ought not. And that such redress [Page 200] hath as yet not been given me I must affirm, seeing all that is said tending thereto is, that in the meeting of me the height of Honour was shewn me, which is nothing, if in not meet­ing of me, the day before, there was shewed me all Dishonour. For the actions of his Tzarskoy Majesty are all equal, and of one thread; and so magnanimous a Prince is far from being so straitned and necessitated in courtesy, that to make that Courtesy appear the higher, He must do a Discourtesy the day before. And then to say, that those by whom the delay was caused have been punished, I appeal to your selves, whether if mine were your own case, you would think so slender and transitory an account, a sufficient satis­faction to his Tzarskoy Majesty, or a compe­tent discharge for your selves. And therefore I insist upon my demands, as they were ex­pressed in my former Paper of the thirteenth of February.

Thus my Lord answered to their Excuses concerning the Hinderance of his Entry the first day. Now he comes to the second part of their answer concerning the Privileges, and indeed he does so discuss and refute their Objections alledged against the granting of them, that no­thing could be said more just and reasonable.

First, sayes he, as to the sending the Eng­lish Merchants out of the Moscovian Domi­nions, and whatsoever passed either in pub­lick [Page 201] or in secret in any year in relation to those affairs, is perfectly known to his Majestie my Master; who hath chosen to interpret it all to the best advantage, and accordingly both at Council before the King my Master, as also here in publick, I have still mentioned it with honour to his Tzarskoy Majestie. Foras­much as, though all the English were invol­ved in the calamitie of that Rebellion, but the better part alwayes free from the guilt there­of, and though the English here did generally put on mourning out of their abhorrence and grief for that detestable Parricide, and though most of them had from the Lord Culpepper his Majesties Ambassador in this Court testimonie under his hand and seale of their fidelitie to his Majestie (which they also witnessed by considerable summes of mony furnished at that time by them for the service of his Ma­jestie to the said Ambassador) nevertheless his Tzarskoy Majestie might very well not be informed of the said particulars; And there­fore, though he sent the English out of the Moscovian Dominions, and seized upon their houses, and commanded in their bonds and bills which they had upon Russes, yet did therein a generous and most obliging act to the King my Master; Especially if, as followes in the answer of his Tzarskoy Majestie near Boyars and Counsellors, there came from his Majesties Father of ever blessed memory Luke [Page 202] Nightingale and as follows in the said Boyars and Counsellors narrative thereof before recited.

But neither did the same Luke Nightingale come with his Majesties Letters privately: For what Letter he brought was very publick, being without a seale or open, neither was that Letter from his Majestie, as will appeare if the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majestie produce that Letter they mention, which in the name of the King my Master I desire may be done. And whereas the said near Boyars and Counsellors say the said Luke was always about his Royal Majestie without going from Him; to the contrarie his Majestie never knew such a person or heard of him before his crimes in Russia, the said Luke Nightingale being a broken merchant, a perjured fellow, and a grosse Imposter. Which will further appeare, if the said his Tzarskoy Majesty near Boyars and Counsellors will be pleased to remember, that his Tzarskoy Majestie in a Letter dated July 11. 7155. to his Royal Majesties Father of ever blessed memorie did make the same relation which his Tzarskoy Majesties Boyars and Counsellors do now make of the said Nightingale, and to compare with that what I now offer them de­livered to me by his Majesties command out of the Secretarie of States office, being an ex­tract of his Majesties Royal Father of ever [Page 203] blessed memorie, His answer to the said Let­ter, which having been prepared ready could not by reason of his death shortly succeeding be sent over; [ Lastly whereas Your Imperial Majestie hath intimated that one Luke Nigh­tingale hath presumed to treat with Your Impe­rial Majestie in Our name, and to present a writing in Your Majesties Office, we therefore finding our selves much dishonoured thereby desire a Copy of the said writing, that there­upon when he shall repaire into Our juris­dictions, we may according to justice proceed against him as a person abusing our name, and treating without our Royal Commission and order in propounding matters repugnant to our Royal intentions 1648.] And though the fellow be since dead, and hath escaped so the justice of the King my Master, yet in his Ma­jesties name I desire the letter may be deli­vered into my hands, as also that I may know with what Boyars he treated or writ or spoke in that matter; that by what they remember of the matter I may give his Majestie more perfect information thereof. And, though by what appeares already whatsoever he hath said here of that nature is most false, and not to be valued any further by any person of honor and understanding, yet can I not omit what upon his account his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars add concerning Sir John Hebdon. For I cannot comprehend to what purpose [Page 204] he is mentioned in this place, the said Sir John Hebdon being ten years before free from the Service of Cartwrite, and being he who procured the remanding of Nightingale from Novogorod and his detaining here some time, till he got away as privately as he came, and never daring to repaire to the sight of his late Majestie of ever blessed memorie, or of his Majestie now reigning, dyed like a villain at Riga. But indeed the near Boyars and Coun­sellors did very prudently, when upon their urging this matter upon me as a truth and realitie, they made difficulty to admit the said Sir John Hebdon, though then required by me according to the desire of his Royal Ma­jestie, and though at the same time Forainers were all the while present to spie and observe my discourse concerning his Majesties affaires. For they could not be ignorant that Sir John Hebdon was able to give a pertinent account of all the Impostures of the said Nightingale, and in two minutes to have discovered the nakedness of all that falshood, which for want of Audience all this time has gone cur­rent for a truth of great authority. And as for that Cartwrite, if being opprest by some of the late Tzarskoy Majestie of ever glorious me­morie His Ministers, he sought abroad any re­paration contrary to his late Majesties of ever blessed memorie will or knowlege, I have no­thing to say for him at this time.

[Page 205]But, whereas the said near Boyars and Coun­sellors, passing from that reason of taking away the Privileges upon occasion of the late Rebellion, are pleased to alledge several Mis­carriages of the English here in their way of trading in this Country, I confess it is some thing new to me. And it seemes thereby to appeare (which I am unwilling to believe) as if the said Boyars knew some other reasons than his Tzarskoy Majesties generous resent­ment of the injuries and inhumanities done to his late Majestie of ever blessed memorie for the taking away those Privileges. Which being so contrary to what the King my Master hath always believed, and that from several expressions in his Tzarskoy Majesties own Let­ters, I am therefore the lesse prepared to an­swer. Yet thus much I shall say, after minding the said near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majestie, that their allegations had been more weighty, had they named the parti­cular persons guilty of such miscarriages; as first to their not furnishing of his Tzarskoy Treasury, wherewith they are charged. The Merchants have from time all along, yea to the very time of his Tzarskoy Majesties taking away of their Privileges, furnisht his Treasury with Cloth, Tyn, Lead, Pewter, and all other Commo­dities of the growth and manufacture of Eng­land, at prices farr cheaper than the Dutch or Hamburghers did or could deliver them, if [Page 206] their Commodities were answerable to those furnisht by the English. And it is affirmed by the Company of English Merchants, that their Servants and Factors have at several times of­fered to deliver goods into his Majesties Trea­sury at the prices they cost there in England, but they would not be accepted. And when they have been accepted or received into his Tzarskoy Treasury, the Factors here could very seldome or never get their monies with­out great bribes to his Officers, nay several of them could never get any thing for their goods so delivered. And the said Merchants do and can justly affirme that his Treasury hath not suffered in that particular, but that they have been much sufferers in what they have delivered for want of good payment. As to their dealing with Tobacco, the Companies care and orders were such (each member being under an oath to observe the same) that if any man trading under the Privileges were known or found to have any, it was presently taken and burnt before the Russes his Subjects, whereof many presidents may be produced. So that in this particular of what is said there is nothing proved, no not so much as any one instance of any one member of the Com­pany trading here under the Privileges. As to buying of strangers Commodities, the Mer­chants privileged here, have ever been so farr from dealing in prohibited Commodities, as [Page 207] also from taking or meddling with any stran­gers goods to carry them from Archangel to Moscow custome-free, and so defraud his Majestie of his customes, that they have from time to time made very strict orders to the contrary. So that if any person were found faulty in that particular, he should be delivered to the Emperors laws and not be protected by the Agent or Company there residing. Nay further of late years the Company have been so fearful to offend in colouring strangers goods, that they have made strict orders to prohibit all trade with the Dutch, Hamburg­hers, or any other strangers, either at Arch­angel or any other place in his Dominions.

As to the first Merchants being dead, It was never understood (as farr as I know) by the Tzar his Predecessors here, nor (I am sure) by the Kings of England there (who by their Ambassadors capitulated and made agree­ments in which the Companies Privileges were included) that those Privileges were made only to particular and individual men, and that when those men should dy, the Privileges should cease and dye with them. For it was then understood that the Privileges granted was a due to the Nation; and not only those men which were then nominated, but like­wise to those who should succeed them in the trade.

And for what belongs the Petition of the [Page 208] Goess and all other Tradesmen of the Musco­vian Dominions, and all the pretences which are hudled together against the English Mer­chants; I shall only say at present that it seemes natural enough to me that the Goses, a small number of persons, might desire thereby to ingross the whole trading to their own hand, though to the prejudice of the generalitie of his Tzarskoy Majesties subjects. But that the whole Tradesmen of Russia, who receive great advantage from the traffick with the English, should in that manner petition, seemes not so probable because less reasonable.

Therefore passing over all such colours or realities, which may easily be discussed in suc­ceeding Conferences, unless this new and abrupt answer shall give me occasion wholly to give over the business, I shall my self say roundly (inviting thereby the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majestie to the same way of proceeding) that if the Privile­ges were only taken away upon occasion of the late Rebellion and the Impostures of Luke Nightingale, as hath been given to understand to the King my Master, that therefore the same Impostures being now discovered, and the said Rebellion being extinguished and pardoned, and his Majestie now desiring by me that they may be restored again; It is now therefore time for his Tzarskoy Majestie here­by to redouble the former obligation upon [Page 209] the King my Master. But if these other Pre­tences were the sole or the concurrent reasons of their taking away, His Majestie is ready by me both to invigorate the execution of any good orders formerly made for the preven­ting the like miscarriages, and also to make for the future such further provision and re­gulation, as may secure the interest of his Tzarskoy Majesty and Subjects. And there­fore however the King my Master desireth that before all things the said Privileges may be revived, not that thereby there is any ad­vantage or gain to his Royal Majesty, who could willingly shoot away yearly as much powder as the value of them comes to at the health of his Tzarskoy Majesty his dear and loving Brother. Nor that the Merchants his Subjects have thereby (as is alleged) so inricht themselves in any comparison with what the Subjects of his Tzarskoy Majesty have reaped this hundred years from the English Trade. For on the contrary the English merchants have in their free way of living and expense in the Country rather strove to defray only and main­tain the friendship with the inhabitans than to accumulate wealth to themselves; Which yet if they had done they could not be envyed nor ought to be reproached therewith by those, whose Country hath by their benefit drawn in the Commerce and riches of all Europe. Nor yet that his Majesty expects herein, as it [Page 210] were, a recompense of all those other accom­modations which their Tzarskoy Majesty have received upon several emergencies of State from the Crown of England, his Majesty being disposed rather to continue and increase all such Obligations than to call them in, and diminish them by any exprobration or demand upon His side. But, to tell you the upright truth as it is fit for us to do with one another, his Majesty considers that these Privileges were the ancient and continued foundations of Amity, and transmitted so long from Father to Son on both sides: so that as men prize a token and memorial of a friend (though otherwise of small value) above pearls and dia­monds he counts it a kind of unlucky thing to lose them. Also He himself and all his Subjects upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Letter of July 28. 1661. (where He saith, Whereas Your Majesty writt in Your said Letter concer­ning other affairs, in prosecution of which Your Majesty would send to Ʋs our Tzarskoy Majesty Your Subjects the Merchants together with Your Majesties Ambassador, who shall further ex­presse the affection of friendship which Your Majesty Our loving Brother hath towards Our Tzarskoy Majesty; we answer that when to Our Imperial Majesty Your Majesties said Ambassa­dor shall arrive and shall declare to Ʋs the Com­mission he hath from Your Majesty Our Brother, we Our Tzarskoy Majesty will be ready, so farr [Page 211] as in Our power is, and for the affection we beare to You Our Brother, give assent thereto and command the same to be obeyed) and again upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Letter of July 21. 1662. (were he saies, We the great Lord our Tzarskoy Greatness taking into our Princely consideration the flourishing State of our Em­pire, and that intire Brotherly love and amity and frequent correspondencie, which inviolably was held and continued from the beginning of the Reign of our Tzarskoy Father of famous memory the great Lord Emperour and great Duke, Michaelo Phedorovich of all Russia self-upholder, to and with Your Majesties Royal Father of famous memory Charles the first, and the happiness peace and tranquillity ac­cruing thereby to both Dominions, wishing the like happiness had been and were still enjoyed by and between all other Christian Princes and Potentates, do most earnestly and heartily desire not only the continuation thereof but a more nearer and dearer and firmer affectionate blessed Brotherly love, and amity and frequent corre­spondency with your Royal Majesty our deare and loving Brother, than formerly with all readiness and freeness on all occasions to the utmost of our power to answer the desires of Your Royal Majesty our dear and loving Brother) did not [...]n the least wise doubt, but at the first word [...] had spoken, the Privileges would have been [...]ranted. For else what signifies, When to [Page 212] our Tzarskoy Majesty, Your Majesties Ambassa­dor shall arrive, and shall declare to us the Com­mission he hath from Your Majesty our Brother, we our Tzarskoy Majesty will be ready, so far [...] as in our power is, to give assent thereto; An [...] again, We our Tzarskoy Majesty do mos [...] earnestly and heartily desire not only the continuation thereof but a more nearer and deare [...] and firmer affectionate blessed Brotherly lov [...] and amity with Your Royal Majesty our dea [...] and loving Brother, than formerly with all rea­dyness and freeness on all occasions to the ut­most of our power to answer the desires of You [...] Royal Majesty our dear and loving Brother And how can there be a continuation and en­creas of amity and the same amity, unless th [...] same Privileges to continue as formerly Therefore his Majesty thought it the most honorable way for his Tzarskoy Majesty to rene [...] them at first frankly without all little capitulations, as for other reasons so because h [...] would be in debt to his Tzarskoy Majesty that he might embrace all occasions to rep [...] it with usury. And that the near Boyars an [...] Counsellors may not be terrifyed with th [...] vastness or irrationality of the grant, and fe [...] to be accounted evil Counsellors should the advise indeed so small a thing, and in whic [...] the Subjects of his Tzarskoy Majesty reap mo [...] advantage than the English, before they ha [...] driven the market with me for some furth [...] [Page 213] interest of his Tzarskoy Majesty, I desire they may be informed that some hundred years ago even England (though always most potent at sea in men of warre) yet for some part of their traffique were beholding to the Hans Towns, who in Merchant ships brought all kind of their merchandise home to the English. Whereupon the Kings of England granted several great Immunities to the Hans Towns, with dwelling and all accommodations. Which Immunities though so many hundred years ago granted, and though the tide of [...]rade be long since wholy turned, the English [...]ow carrying all that trade to their doors, and much more than ever received from them; nevertheless Their former Majesties have al­ [...]aies religiously continued the same Privi­ [...]edges, as also his present Majesty hath re­ [...]ewed them since his happy Restauration, at [...]he ratification of which I my self was present [...]n his Majesties Councel. For it is for Mer­ [...]hants to calculate and subdivide the present [...]ccount, but it becomes Princes to make e­ [...]erlasting obligations; Princes are richer by [...]iving, than others by receiving; and grati­ [...]ude laid up in the breast of another Prince, is [...]pon any necessity better than ready money in is own Treasure. But doubtless his Majesty, [...]nder whose most auspicious Government His [...]wn Subjects have also every where else al­ [...]eady recovered and encreased all their for­mer [Page 214] Priviledges, cannot but take it ill should they only fail of them with his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty, the antientest and most constant of his Friends and Allies: and the more must He lay it to heart, seeing in the mean time those of other Nations do enjoy Priviledges, and thereby drive a trade not much inferiour to that of all the English. And this I must say, that the English Nation, and especially their Princes, as They are generally the most frank and faithful in returning of Courtesies, so are they by the same right most tender and sen­sible of any Unkindness, and most when it seemes to touch upon Their Reputation. I shall only add this for conclusion, that if His Majesties desires be no better understood, the near Boyars and Counsellors needed not to have given a NO, of such a circumference, or if it be yet intended to grant them, it is too much like the second day of my Entrance. Therefore I desire a definitive answer with the soonest, that so I may obey His Royal Ma­jesties Orders, and accordingly provide for my departure.

But as to that new matter which the Lords Commissioners were pleased to advance, over and above what there was occasion given for his Excellency did so explain it.

I reply, saith he, that I sent no such pape [...] into the Embassy-office, but upon the desire of his Tzarskoy Majesties Councellor Eva [...] [Page 215] Offonassy Pronchissof, I delivered it to him, not being a paper of State, nor written in the English Language wherein I treat, nor put into the hands of the near Boyars and Coun­cellors of his Tzarskoy majesty, nor subscribed by my self, nor translated into Russe by my Interpreter, but only as a piece of curiosity, which is now restored me and I am possessed of it; so that herein his Tzarskoy majesties near Boyars and Councellors are doubtless ill grounded. But again I say concerning the value of the words Illustrissimus and Serenis­simus compared together, seeing we must here from affaires of State, fall into Grammatical contests concerning the Latin tongue; that the word Serenus signifieth nothing but still and calm; and therefore though of late times adopted into the Titles of great Princes by reason of that benigne tranquillity which properly dwells in the majestick countenance of great Princes, and that venerable stillness of all the Attendants that surround them, of which I have seen an excellent example when I was in the presence of his Tzarskoy majesty, yet is more properly used concerning the calmness of the weather, or season. So that even the night is elegantly called Serene by the best Authors, Cicero in Arato 12. Lucre­tius l. 1.29. Serena nox, and upon perusing again what I have writ in this paper, I finde that I have out of the customariness of that [Page 216] expression my self near the beginning said, And that most serene night, &c. Whereas on the contrary Illustris in its proper derivation and signification expresseth that which is all resplendent lightsome and glorious as well without as within, and that not with a se­condary but with a primitive and original light. For if the Sun be, as he is, the first fountain of light, and Poêts in their expressions (as is well known) are higher by much than those that write in Prose, what else is it when Ovid in the 2. of the Metamorphoses saith of Phoebus speaking with Phaêthon, Qui terque quaterque concutiens Illustre caput, and the Latin Orators, as Pliny Ep. 139. When they would say the highest thing that can be ex­prest upon any subject, word it thus, Nihil Il­lustrius dicere possum. So that hereby may ap­pear to his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsellors what diminution there is to his Tzarskoy Majesty (which farr be it from my thoughts) if I appropriate Serenissimus to my Master and Illustrissimus to Him than which nihil dici potest Illustrius. But because this was in the time of the purity of the Latin tongue, when the word Serenus was never used in the Title of any Prince or Person, I shall go on to deale with the utmost candor forasmuch as in this Nation the nicety of that most eloquent language is not so perfectly understood, which gives occasion to these [Page 217] mistakes. ^* I confess therefore that indeed in the declination of the Latin tongue, and when there scarce could be found out words enough to supply the modern ambition of Titles, Serenissimus as several other words hath grown in fashion for a compellation of lesser as well as greater Princes, and yet befits both the one and the other. So there is Serenissima Respublica Veneta, Serenitates Electoriae, Se­renitates Regiae, even as the word Highness or Celsitudo befits a Duke a Prince a King or an Emperour, adjoyning to it the respective quality, and so the word Illustris. But sup­pose it were by modern use (which I deny) depressed from the undoubted superiority that it had of Serenus in the purest antiquity, yet being added in the transcendent degree to the word Emperour, the highest denomina­tion that a Prince is capable of, it becomes of the same value. So that to interpret Illu­strissimus unto diminution is to find a positive in a superlative, and in the most orient light to seek for darkness. And I would, seeing the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty are pleased to mention the Title given to his Tzarskoy Majesty by his Cesarian Majesty [Page 218] gladly be satisfied by them, whether ever any Cesarian Majesty writ formerly hither in High-Dutch, and whether then they styled his Tzarskoy Majesty Durchluchtigste which is the same with Illustrissimus, and which I be­lieve the Caesar hath kept for Himself. But to cut short his Royal Majesty hath used the word to his Tzarskoy Majesty in his Letter, not out of imitation of others, although even in the Dutch Letter to his Tzarskoy Majesty of 16. June 1663. I finde Doorluchtigste the same (and said) with Illustrissimus, but out of the c [...]stant use of his own Court, further joy­ [...] before it Most High, Most Potent, and adding after it Great Lord Emperour, which is an higher Title than any Prince in the World gives his Tzarskoy Majesty, and as high a Title of honour as can be given to any thing under the Divinity. For the King my Master who possesses as considerable Dominions, and by as high and self-dependent a right as any Prince in the Universe, yet contenting Himself with the easiest Titles, and satisfying Himself in the essence of things, doth most willingly give to other Princes the Titles which are appropri­ated to them, but to the Tzarskoy Majesties of Russia his Royal Ancestors, and to his pre­sent Tzarskoy Majesty his Royal Majesty him­self, have usually and do gladly pay Titles even to superfluity out of meer kindness. And upon that reason He added the word most [Page 219] Illustrious, and so did I use it in the Latin of my speech. Yet, that You may find I did not out of any criticisme of honor, but for distin­ction sake use it as I did, You may see in one place of the same speech Serenitas, speaking of his Tzarskoy Majesty: and I would have used Serenissimus an hundred times concer­ning his Tzarskoy Majesty, had I thought it would have pleased Him better. And I dare promise You that his Majesty will upon the first information from me stile him Serenissi­mus, and I (notwithstanding what I have said) shall make little difficulty of altering the word in that speech, and of delivering it so to You, with that protestation that I have not in using that word Illustrissimus erred nor used any diminution (which God forbid) to his Tzarskoy Majesty, but on the contrary after the example of the King my Master in­tended and shewed him all possible honor. And so God grant all happiness to His most high, most Potent, most Illustrious, and most Serene Tzarskoy Majesty, and that the friend­ship may daily increase betwixt His said Ma­jesty and his most Serene Majesty my Master.

Such was concerning this matter my Lord Ambassadors answer, who thought fit also on his side to give them notice (seeing they were so scrupulous about the Tzar's Titles) to use for the Kings Majesty the Title of Defender of the Faith, which hitherto they had alwaies omit­ted. [Page 220] The King my Master, saith he, hath one essential Title, and which He prizes more than those of all his dominions, Defender of the Faith, an immemorial, indubitable, successive Title from his Ancestors, and as alwaies heretofore, so in His last Letter to his Tzarskoy Majesty He useth it; in this Court ever since my coming I think by some inadvertency omitted. I de­sire that in styling his Majesty my Master, and in all Letters to Him henceforward, it may be inserted according as belongs to Him.

The nineteenth of March Pronchissof brought to my Lord an answer to his given the 29. of February, whereby the Commissi­oners complain much in the first place that he writ with slighting the honourable orders of his Tzarskoy Majesties forces, and with little repute for his Posts. Therefore they do not like at all this expression of my Lords, where he saies, that the nearer one comes to Mosco, men are more ignorant of the Roads; so that they freely say, it was not handsom for him to speak so. Moreover they deny the foun­dation of the Friendship between the two Crowns to be (as my Lord said) the Grant of the Priviledges, but only the mutual Love of both Princes. That therefore the Priviledges were taken away by reason of the English Rebellion to his late Majesty, and that his pre­sent Majesty being in misery, his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty comforted. Him with Letters, and (as [Page 221] they are pleased to say) furnished him with Bread and Money. Whereas His Royal Ma­jesty doth not offer to give their great Lord any assistance against his present Enemies, the Pole and the Crim Tartar, as had done former­ly his Royal Father to his Tzarskoy Majesties Father, against Ʋladislaus King of Poland. But besides the wars (wherein the Tzar was then engaged) and the King's cold assistance, they blame also the English merchants who had lately refused the Tzars Ambassadors in England to lend him money for the war. Yet notwithstanding it seemes the Tzar will al­low ten English merchants, new men, such as His Royal Majesty shall think fit to make choice of, that should faithfully observe such lawful conditions as should be required of them, to drive a free trade, after such a time that his Tzarskoy Majesties Warrs cease with John Cassimir King of Poland and the Cham of Crim. Lastly they finde the answer about the Titles to be mighty full of offences, and that his Excellency doth much diminish their re­spect when he saies, that they are not fitly grounded; Whereas being at Conference with them, he called them (as they say) His Tzarskoy Majesties potent Boyars, wise, and rightly honourable. And that therefore that man is not fit to lay the foundation of things, who praises in his words, and in his writings dispraises without the truth.

[Page 222]But as to the first Complaint, his Excellency by an answer given in Conference the 22. of March replies, that (as it is easie to be seen) his words are misunderstood, and what ten­ded to the honour of all persons that deserve it, is by His Commissioners perverted to the slighting of them. And whereas they say, it was not handsom for him to say, that the nearer one comes to Mosco, men are more ignorant of the Roads; he answers, that it seemes they rather undertake to censure him as Judges on the bench, than treat with him as Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty. That perhaps out of hast to answer his last paper (which indeed is a jest put upon them, see­ing they had been near three weeks about it) they had omitted the words, As we conceive, so that the whole sense would have run thus, It was not, as we conceive, handsome for you to declare. At last he still insists upon the satis­faction demanded. As for the Reproach (which my Lord took very ill) of his Tzars­koy Majesties assistance to the King, whom their most Wise Prince, as they call him, fur­nished with bread; his Excellency said, he agreed in that with them, forasmuch as the Wisest of Princes saith, Cast thy bread upon the waters, and after many daies thou shalt finde it again, as also it hath happened; And again he said, that only our blessed Saviour could multiply the five loaves. That his Ma­jesty [Page 223] hath and will own perpetually that courtesy, that he hath in his name declared it, and given his thanks in the face of the whole World. But this he would minde his Tzarskoy Majesties Boyars and Counsellors, that even papers of Obligation are sullied and worn out with too much handling; and so is it in re­gard of the Obligations themselves, when men too often repeat their own good actions. Concerning the matter of Trade his Excel­lency tells them, that with all becoming thanks for the good intention of his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty, he refuses to treat of any such condi­tions as were in their last proposal, having no Commission or Latitude from the King to go less in matter of Trade, than the Resti­tution of the former Priviledges. And where­as the Commissioners had pleased to say, that his Royal Majesty doth not upon this occasion of wars, as his Royal Majesties Father of highly glorious memory, who had sent his Collonel Thomas Sanderson with many war­like men to assist his Tzarskoy Majestie Micha­elo Phederovich against his Enemy Ʋladislaus King of Poland; his Excellency tells them, whether seeing in this and many other ex­pressions they seem to weigh the generous actions of Princes by Salotnicks (or ounces) they would think it civil in him, should he say, that his Royal Majesties Father of highly glorious memory lent his Tzarskoy Majesties [Page 224] Father of highly glorious memory, besides those men of Sandersons, forty thousand Rix­dollers and they were repaid, even as His present Tzarskoy Majesty lent his present Royal Majesty the same sum, and they are repaid. And that moreover upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Commission to Sir John Hebdon, his present Majestie granted the levying of three thousand horse and foot for his present Tzarskoy Majesty, which might have pro­ved as good as either Bread or Treasury, and if it were not effected, it was not his Royal Majesties fault: So that hitherto the obligations are equal. As to those of­fences contained (as the Commissioners pre­tend) in the latter part of his Excellencies answer, it seemes they fix them all in his say­ing, That they are not well or fitly grounded. Which words, as oft as they shall have the same occasion to use towards him, he doth promise them he shall take it kindly and ci­villy of them. But whereas they say, that in Conference with them, he called them His Majesties Boyars Velmoshnei, wise, and rightly honourable, his Excellency doth acknowledg that they are indeed wise, and rightly honour­able; but I do not remember (saith he) that ever I called you Velmoshnei, as fearing that it came too near the word Velmoshneshei (that is to say most potent) one of the proper Titles of his Tzarskoy Majesty; Although if, accor­ding [Page 225] to the custom of this Court it may be gi­ven you, I shall heartily pay it to you, and all other expressions of civility, esteem and affection which your own hearts can wish. Though I must complain on mine own part, that you should obliquely add, that in my writing I dispraise you without truth (a word which any man dare use in his own Country) and that such a man is not fit to lay the foun­dation of things. Would to God (saith he) you his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsellors had been pleased to cooperate and labour so plainly and so cordially toward the common good of both Princes as I have done: Then how easily might all that your Lordships have said, or that I have said, in fruitless replies have been spared, and much precious time have been saved to cooperate towards his Tzarskoy Majesties affairs.

Besides this answer my Lord gave in writing [...]n another paper, several demands of common [...]ight and coutesy in the behalf of his Royal Majesties Subjects living in the Tzar's Domi­ [...]ions; as Satisfaction to the English mer­chants for their old debts and houses; That [...]ll English merchants desiring to repaire home might have their Passes to go over Sea with [...]heir wives and families without molestation; That Justice might be done the English mer­chants for their debts; That all his Majesties [...]ubjects of whatsoever other condition might [Page 226] upon their desire have full Liberty to return: and so he gave the names of those who at that time demanded any Justice or Favour of this nature.

In this Conference my Lord Ambassador did also intreat his Commissioners, that he might have a private Audience of his Tzars­koy Majesty, thinking to finde more favour from the Tzar, as concerning his most impor­tant affaires, if he could himself instill into his Majesties ears his strong and solid reasons, with the evasions and friendless dealing of the Lords Commissioners. But, as if they had first resolved to grant nothing at all, it was hard enough to my Lord Ambassador to obtain this Audience; And when at last they told him of the day, appointed for that purpose by his Tzarskoy Majesty, they said it was not for any business sake, but to compleat their great Lords brotherly love and friendship with his Royal Majesty, as if that could be done meerly by seeing the Tzar private. My Lord Ambassador finding this answer as much unfit for his business as it is ridiculous, made them to understand, how Princes in former Age and most in this had, and have by such imme­diate Intercourse, occasion fuller to inform themselves of all matters, and to remove a [...] obstacles. So that upon this reflexion (i [...] seemes) the Tzar granted his Excellency th [...] liberty to speak of affaires. He had this priv [...] [Page 227] Audience the 22. of April in the Tzars own Lodging Rooms from ten a clock at night till one of the next morning. Then indeed he spoke at length with all the advantage he could desire himself, and added to the strength of reasoning the eloquence of the language. He refuted, as much to the purpose as could be, all his Commissioners Objections before alledged, whereupon they purposed to ground the Refusal of the Priviledges, he represented to his Tzarskoy Majesty how little of solidity there is, that they are but weak pretences, and that his Royal Majesty must needs be much sensible of this proceeding so contrary to his expectations. But, to give more weight to the matter, he speaks in the Kings own person, after he hath made a Preface from himself. Of this same Speech there were two Copies given to the Commissioners, one in English and the other in Latin as followeth.

[Page 278]This speech being thus ended, my Lord Am­bassador added four Memorials, which he gave also in writing, but in a paper by it self. Three of them were against Pronchissof, who endeavoured by all meanes to obstruct my Lords affaires, and to make him odious to this Court. It seemes he had told my Lord that his Royal Majesties affaires were in a dangerous and weak condition, so that my Lord being confident that he had strove to instil this false report into the Tzars ear, thought himselfe bound upon this occasion to inform his Tzarskoy Majesty, that what he said therein was contrary to the truth, and maliciously invented by Enemies of his Royal Majesty, and that the King was in as good condition of quiet at home and power abroad as any Prince in Christendom.

Another time the same Pronchissof told my Lord Ambassador at his house in the presence of Dementè Bashmacof and of a Colonel van Staden their Interpreter, that it was reported his Excellency had received a great summe of mony of the Merchants to recover the Privi­leges, and upon the effecting thereof was to receive yet greater from the said Merchants; whereupon my Lord requiring his author he would or could name none; so that his Ex­cellency took him for the Author himself, as it was very likely. Therefore upon this occa­sion he acquainted the Tzar with it, and de­sired [Page 279] his Majesty to cause Reparation to be given him by the said Pronchissof for so mali­cious and high a slander.

Besides the said Pronchissof at several other times spoke to my Lord Ambassador, as if he had neglected his Royal Majesties business in respect to the Merchants, and threatned him with the Tzars displeasure, that he should not depart with honour, and as if his Tzars­koy Majesty would complain of his conduct to his Royal Majesty, whose instructions he said that my Lord had transgressed. In all which things he much diminished the respect due to his Excellency, and doubtless exceeded any Commission from his Tzarskoy Majesty: My Lord did not neglect to informe his Majesty of all these things upon this present occasion, and to tell Him, that for these and for the former reasons he takes the said Pronchissof (who was at this Audience) to be an Enemy to the good correspondence betwixt his Royal Ma­jesty and his Tzarskoy Majesty, and conse­quently no Friend to himself. And that there­fore whatsoever he might have reported at any time, or would afterwards concerning him, to give his Tzarskoy Majesty (as he had all reason to suspect) an ill taste and impression of him: He desires his Tzarskoy Majesty to hold it for falshood, as he himself was ready to prove it if his Majesty had thought fit at any [Page 280] time to communicate any such thing to him for his own satisfaction.

He put moreover his Tzarskoy Majesty in minde of the former Reparation promised, which still his Commissioners had neglected hitherto.

The 24. of May, my Lord received his Com­missioners answer to his papers given at Con­ference the 22. of March, wherein first they blame his Excellency for saying in the begin­ning, that they misunderstood his words, as if he had a mind thereby to tell them, that they were not able to understand his meaning. But for the Posts innocent mistake (as they call it) they say that satisfaction is given hereto­fore. They do not like at all this expression of my Lords, where he saies that they seeme to weigh the generous actions of Princes by Salotnicks.

As to the several Demands contained in another paper, none but the second demand had a satisfactory answer. The demand is this, that all English Merchants desiring to repair home might have their passes to go over sea with their wives and families without any mo­lestation. But it is frustrated by reason of the next following article, that justice might be done the English Merchants for their debts, for of this there was no care at all taken. The next demand to that, which is of a great mo­ment and much against the custome of Russia, [Page 281] that all his Royal Majesties Subjects of what condition soever might upon their desire have full liberty to return, is left without an answer. Now concerning some particular sub­jects of the Kings, who looked for the Tzars favour or justice upon this occasion by my Lord Ambassador they were all either re­jected or put off.

The 27. of May, the Commissioners sent to my Lord Ambassador their Answer to his Speech said at the private Audience the 22. of April, but as to his Complaints against Pronchissof (who as in spight of his Excellency was still in his Pristafs office) there was not one word said to that, nor to the other Memorial. And indeed they might as well have left the speech unanswered, seing their writings signify no more than their silence. For as heretofore so concerning this speech, that perhaps might have had any where else a favourable answer, they say amongst many words very litle or no­ting to the purpose. Their whole business it seemes is to catch at some expressions, which interpreting alwaies to their disadvantage, they take thereby occasion to give his Tzars­koy Majesty an ill tast of his Excellency, and so to obstruct his business. To that purpose they alledge first, that in a place of his speech he calles them persons of great wisdom and experience (whereas there is, of great nobi­lity and experience) and that in another place [Page 282] he writes as if they could not shew in all their answers one certain or solid reason for the denyal of the propounded Privileges. They do extreamly wonder at such an expression, and that being a man of great understanding he would sometimes praise them (which they take in very good part) and sometimes vilify them. But whereas my Lord saies in another place of his Speech, That he received from his Commissioners so unexpected an answer, that had Heaven fallen, as the windows of the Councel-Chamber broke in twice at the reci­tal, it could scarce have been more strange or miraculous to him, they are pleased to say, that it was not fitting for him to speak so to his Tzarskoy Majesty. But here is the grand scandalous and unhandsome expression (as they take it) that stickt to the Tzars very heart, when his Excellency, speaking as from the Kings Majesties own mouth concerning that unproportionable sum of money that his Tzarskoy Majesties Ambassadors demanded of his Royal Majesty in England, said, I hope so impossible a sum to the greatest Prince of Christendom was not demanded on purpose to have a pretext to deny the Priviledges, and by proposing an impossibility to refuse what is rational. The Commissioners an­swered, that this unhandsome expression was an indignity, not only to the friendship be­tween both Princes, but chiefly to the person [Page 283] of his Tzarskoy Majesty, that such a Declara­tion was far from his Royal Majesties mean­ing, and that therefore their Great Lord would write about it to the King. As for the Priviledges they put them off till the wars be put to an end, and then the Merchants must stand upon the Tzars courtesie; Lastly his Tzarskoy Majesty doth indeed acknowledg the Kings affection to him, where it is spoken of those fit opportunities, that his Royal Ma­jesty had and might have afterwards of assisting Him upon all occasions of War. The Commissioners said, that their Great Lord received these Declarations of the Kings in brotherly, friendly amity and love. Therefore they desired my Lord Ambassador to declare them, against which of his Tzarskoy Majesties Enemies his Royal Majesty would assist their Great Lord, and whether with warlike men and ammunition, and if so, with how many warlike men and armes, and with what am­munition, and whether his Royal Majesty would give this Assistance out of his own Treasury, and for what time, and to what place these his Majesties men were to come. To that my Lord Ambassador gave them this answer, that in all these things he was not at all limited, but that they were left at his own best discretion, provided first, that his Tzarskoy Majesty would shew a just value of his Royal Majesties constant brotherly [Page 284] love and friendship. But what concernes the propounded Mediation betwixt the Tzar and his Majesty of Sweden, it was answered by the Commissioners, that there was an Everlasting Peace concluded between Them, and that those things that fell out after the Conclu­sion, might be quieted by Messages on both sides.

As to the Additional Memorials presented to the Tzars Majesty against Pronchissof, my Lord had at last an answer after a long sollici­tation, but it was too much like their Repa­ration about the miscarriage of our Entrance at Mosco. They said, that my Lord ought not to complain against him, that whatsoever he was told by him in familiar discourses it was not out of malignity, but after a friendly way, so that his Excellency might take care of himself and of his affaires. As to the Repa­ration promised upon his Entrance at Mosco, they do not so much as speak one word of it.

And now to put an end to a Negotiation, where so much is said and so little effected, I shall add another important business that passed betwixt his Excellency and his Com­missioners. My Lord having newly received power and authority from the King to offer his Mediation betwixt the Tzars Majesty and the King of Poland, thought, that so kind an offer might perhaps bring his business to a [Page 285] better end, than he had done hitherto. He acquainted his Commissioners with it, and offered himself to do his uttermost in prose­cution of that affair, in what manner his Tzarskoy Majesty should direct for his Service, Provided that He would first manifest a just value of his Royal Majesties most sincere and constant brotherly affection, by the grant of his former demands. The offer did please them very well, because it came in very good time, but the condition annexed was too hard, seeing they had doubtless resolved not to grant the Priviledges. Yet they desired my Lord Ambassador to give this matter in writing at a Conference, which they agreed upon to be had the first of June: and the mean while the Tzar appointed for that pur­pose new Commissioners to treat of this mat­ter that newly was come in hand. [So that at last his Excellency was rid from Pronchissof, whom the Tzar had still employed a great while when He sent any message to my Lord Ambassador, notwithstanding the solemn De­claration made against him at the private Audience: and in his stead there was another supplied for a Pristaf, who was indeed a ci­viller man, but of lesser quality.] The Pro­position given by my Lord in writing at this Conference was written after this manner.

The Commissioners Answer to this matter was, that his Tzarskoy Majesty was well pleased with this profer of his Royal Majesty, that his Excellency in prosecution thereof should send a Post to his Majesty of Poland by way of Smolensco, and proceed himself in the [Page 288] business as might be meet and fitting. But it seemes they did not or would not mind what his Excellency had required, before he would ingage his Prince in so long and chargeable a designe. Therefore he made them under­stand that otherwise he could not undertake it, because his Royal Majesty took it for granted, that he had before this effected his business, which was the reason of this His last generous profer. The Commissioners post­posing any thing to the Customes taken and the English Merchants, my Lord took occasion to give over his Profer and to take his Leave of the Tzar, having left into the hands of his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsel­lors some Memorials of remaining business (besides that point which he most insisted upon) that in time they might be redressed.

The 24. of June, He had his last Audience where he took his Leave of his Majesty in few words.

[Page 290]Whereupon the Tzar being on his Throne desired the Ambassador to salute his Brother the King of great Brittaine, and delivered the Letter he sent him with his own hand. He pretended to be much troubled that the State of his affaires would not permit him to com­ply with his desires, and prayed God for the prosperity of his Voiage. Upon which his Ex­cellence kist his hand, as did likewise all his Gentlemen after him, and being returned they brought him his dinner from the Palace.

This being the Negociation and success of the Embassie, let us now take a prospect of the most memorable passages that hapned during our residence at Mosco.

The first thing that presents it self is the description of a Feast which the Tzar made to my Lord Ambassador the 19. of February in the hall wherein his Excellence had Au­dience; it was a meale of near nine houres long, from two in the afternoon till eleven at night. My Lord Ambassador was conducted thither very solemnly, but being entred into the hall, the Tzar who was sitting upon his Throne forgot not to retain his ordinary gra­vity, and though he had not then his Crown upon his head, he thought it too great a con­descention for a person of his grandeur to vaile his bonnet to the Ambassador. From [Page 291] whence it may be easiely conjectured that his Excellence was not admitted to his table, and indeed it was so farr from that, that he was plac't at another on his left hand, some steps lower than his own, whilst his principal Boyars had not only their table on his right hand, but at a less distance from his Throne. In so much as in that place where my Lord Ambas­sador ought to have received all honor and civility, there it was that they studied as it were to treat him disobligingly. He was seated alone on one side next the wall, and on the other there was one of the Tzars Councel­ors and a Stolnick to bear him Company. In a direct line and near his table they plac't my Lord Morpeth, and with him (by express or­der from the Tzar) not only the Gentlemen and Pages but the Footmen also, it being his pleasure to regale us altogether. Assoon as every one was sate, his Tzarskoy Majesty unco­ [...]ered himself, and put not on his grave [...]onnet of black fox again till we went away, [...]o that he continued bare as we did; though is hair was so short, that one of our Company [...]ook occasion to say, he wondered so great [...] Monarch should want hair to cover his [...]ars. But in my judgment we had more rea­ [...]n to wonder, when we saw that we had no [...]apkins, and that the Table-cloth was no [...]ider than the Table. In the mean time, [...]r meat not being presently brought, most [Page 292] of us imployed our selves in observing the great stone Pillar mentioned before, which they had adorned for a Show with a won­derful quantity of Gold and Silver Vessels, amongst which there were many curious pieces: In this manner we sate almost half an hour, before our meat was brought up. At last the Stolnicks entred, with their great bonnets upon their heads, and brought the first meat to the Tzars Table, presently after­wards they served the Boyars, and then my Lord Ambassador and his Train. Our first dish was Caviare, which we eat as a Sallad, after which we had a sort of Pottage that was very sweet, as also several sorts of fish baked, fried, and boyled; but no flesh, because it was Lent. Yet that hindered not but that we had near five hundred dishes, which were very handsomely dressed, had not the dishes been so very black, that they looked more like Lead than Silver. Of all these dishes they made as it were but one course, new coming in continually; but as we had no napkins al­lowed us, so wanted we but little of having no plates also. All we could obtain for so many dishes was but every one his own, and my Lord Ambassador in that respect had no advantage of his Servants. Besides these we were well provided with very good Spanish Wine, white and red Mead; Quaz, and strong Waters, which they had tempered with sweet [Page 293] and odoriferous ingredients. We were not much troubled nor importuned to drink to Excess, only they would often advertise us not to forget their great Dukes health. Those that attended us were all Gentlemen of quality, which perhaps was the reason we were not so well served as we could have wished. When meat was brought in, there were twelve of the Guards du Corps ordered to enter, who put themselves in order with their Halbards by the Hall door right over against his Ma­jesty. After them entered two Lords with the Swords Royal, who approaching the Throne, with a profound Reverence, placed themselves of each side of the Tzar, with their swords naked upon their shoulders. Night drawing on, they furnished their Scon­ces with Wax-candles, and a while after the Tzar signified his desire to discourse for some time with the Ambassador. Whereupon his Excellence rose from the Table, and being come near the Tzar, he stood before him on the other side of the Table, so that they discoursed face to face. His Majesty drank a Cup of Wine to the memory of the late King of England in these words, To the memory of that glorious Martyr Charles the first, who endured great afflictions here, and enjoyes now a greater measure of glory. After that he drank a health to our present King, and gave the Cup alwaies to the Ambassador with his [Page 294] own hand. His Excellence also at his turn began a health to the two young Princes, and the Tzar seeming to neglect it, the Ambassa­dor very gracefully intreated him to remem­ber it. Some serious discourse they had also about affaires of State, the Tzar spake to him about His Wars with the King of Poland, and his Excellence on his side failed not to mention to him the subject of his Embassy, and to let him know he expected success in it from himself only, and not from his Com­missioners. By this time the desart came in, and the Tzar invited the Ambassador to rake his place at the Table again. The first things they brought in, were little artificial trees with store of branches candyed and guilt at the ends, on purpose for a shew; the rest were nothing but a kind of fritters, wafers, and such like trifles in paste, made up after their fashion. After we had been about half an hour longer at the Table, the Ambassador rose again, and turning towards the Tzar they drank to one another several times, the Am­bassador's Gentlemen having the honour to drink with his Tzarskoy Majesty, and receive their Wine from his own hands. But his Excellence observing with what ease the Tzar took off his Goblets, declared to him after a pleasant manner, the just suspicion he had of his liquour, which apparently could not be so strong as that which was given to himself. [Page 295] The Tzar being in a good humour, gave him no answer, but laughed heartily at it. Yet a while after he found himself so warmed, that he fell a bleeding at the nose as he was speaking to the Ambassador; who departed thereupon, having first given his Majesty thanks for his magnificent entertainment.

The seventeenth of March we celebrated as the birth of the present Tzar, who was born on that day in the Year 1630. for which his Tzarskoy Majesty sent us a great dinner, and three or four Boyars to rejoyce with the Ambassador.

The third of April being Palme-Sunday we had the sight of a very noble Procession, which is annually observed eight daies before Easter, in representation of our Saviours En­trance into Jerusalem. The Tzar invited the Ambassador to see the Ceremonie; and (their Sledges being then out of date, by reason the Ice was for the most part dissolved) sent his Coach with a Stolnick, and Gregory the Pri­staf to accompany him. The Ambassador being about to enter first into the Coach, the Stolnick had the presumption to thrust him­self forward and throw himself into it as it were headlong before him; and this with such a disorder, that it cost him some trouble to recollect himself. His Excellence observing his temerity left him in sole possession of the Coach, and was returning up the stairs, when [Page 296] the Stolnick came out again in great confusi­on to assure him, that he had done nothing but by express order, and according to their Cu­stome. The Ambassador replied, he knew very well, such incivilities were not practised in other places, and that in England the Tzars Ambassadors had not been used in that man­ner. The Stolnick understanding his Excel­lencies resolution not to go at all upon those terms, dispatched a Messenger immediately to the Tzar, to advertise him of what had past, and of the Ambassadors persistence. The Tzar was then at his Devotion in the Church of Jerusalem (as they call it) near the Castle-gate, and all things were ready to be­gin the Procession; insomuch as his Tzarskoy Majesty to accelerate the Ambassadors arri­val countermanded the orders of the Stolnick. Whereupon they departed immediately, and being come to the place that was reserved for us, we found the Tzar already gone out of the Church, and marching on foot with his Crown on his head, in the midst of a great number of Boyars and Churchmen; amongst which there were two of his principal Coun­sellors of State, that led him by the armes. The Patriarch (a handsome man and of a good age) had a kind of a Diadem upon his head, and a great Cross of Gold in his hand: The rest of the Clergy were in their Surplices, and carrying Books, Banniers, Crosses, and [Page 297] Images upon long staves before them, some of them singing, and some of them fuming the people with Incense. In this posture they advanced along upon cloth to a certain Platform, where the Patriach presented Palmes to the Tzar first, and then to the rest. That done he took off the Tzars Cap, laid it upon a Silver plate, and presented his golden cross to him to kiss. Which being with great reverence performed, the Patriarch waved it on high to both sides; to them first that were in the Platform, who received that Benediction with great reverence likewise, and then to the People that were present, who at the same instant cast themselves along upon the ground, but more especially the Tzars Guards who were amongst them. After this they sang certain hymns, which lengthned their Devotion a compleat hour. At this time there fell out a very pleasant accident, occasioned by the Lady Ambassadresses maid, mentioned at the beginning of this Narra­tive; who desirous to see the glory of this Procession, had slipt herself amongst my Lord Ambassadors Train, into the place appointed for us to see the Ceremonies. The place being higher than the rest, and uncovered, the Tzar lifting up his eyes often towards us, at length took notice of this Maid, and observing her well dressed and near his Excellence (which was more than he had discerned) he pre­sently [Page 298] imagined it was the Ambassadors Lady, and sent immediately one of his Boyars to enquire of her health. The Ambassador al­together surprised with the Complement, returned his thanks to the Tzar for his ob­liging intention, and withall gave him notice of the mistake, whereupon the Maid was dismist with a severe reprehension; and being amazed at the strangeness of the adventure departed silently, confused betwixt the honor and shame she had received at the same time. A while after for default of an ass they brought the Patriarch to the entrance of the Platform a horse disguised like an ass, with great artificial Ears, and (perhaps lest they should have discovered him to be a horse by his Coat, or else have taken him for a red ass) they covered him over with white Linnen. And then having covered his sadle with se­veral very rich coverings, the Patriarch mounted by the help of a footstool, and placed himself sideling upon the horse. After that, he blest the people with his Cross as he went along, and the Tzar having reassumed his bonnet and Crown marched a foot before him leading his horse by the bridle; as soon as they began their march there was a Chariot drawn by six horses covered with white lin­nen also, that went before them, in which Chariot there was a tree garnished with a great number of apples, which they had fast­ned [Page 299] to it, and on the Branches five or six men singing Hosanna. The motion of this Tree was so strange to those who (not seeing the horses that drew it) were ignorant of the cause, that some of them at first sight lookt upon it as a Miracle.

Eight days after this Procession we had the Feast of Easter, in which the Moscovites have a Custome of presenting one another with coloured Eggs. When they salute one they cry, Christos wos chrest, which is as much as to say, Christ is risen, and the other answers, Wostin wos chrest, which is, He is risen indeed. They do ordinarily kiss one another in their Salutations, and he which salutes the other, presents him with a coloured Egg. This Ce­remony continues fifteen days, insomuch as at that time there are many Shops, in which they sell these Eggs ready dyed into a red or a Crimson colour. The Tzar himself makes use of them to his Military Officers residing in Mosco, who coming all of them to kiss his hand, his Majesty gives each of them an Egg, accompanying his present with his Royal Benediction for the Success of their Armes.

On the nine and twentieth of May with great joy we solemnized both the birth of his Royal Majesty, and his glorious Return to his Capital City. His Majesty and the Tzar being born both in the Year 1630. there is [Page 300] no great difference in their Age, only the Tzar was born the seventeenth of March, and is by consequence ten weeks older. In this Feast his Excellence treated amongst o­thers the principal of the three Ambassadors, whom the Tzar had a while before sent to the King, and who departed from London but some few weeks before us. But that could not be done without the Tzars permission, who according to their Politicks was much in trouble, ere he could resolve to grant him this grace. And this, notwithstanding the great amity they had contracted at London, was the only opportunity they had of seeing one another again. The Tzar for the aug­mentation of their Mirth, sent them a good quantity of Spanish Wine and Mead.

My Lord Ambassador entertained the Swe­dish Resident (who was at that time in Mosco) very often also, by which means he had frequent conferences with him.

About this time the Marriage was con­summated betwixt the good man that had hurt himself with his fall at Gravesend the next day after his departure from London, and the Maid I mentioned but lately. But the Bridegroom being as yet something lame of his fall, as Ʋulcan was with being tumbled from heaven, it gave occasion to one to say, and not unpleasantly, that if he plaied Ʋul­cans [Page 301] part, no doubt but she could play that of Venus as well.

I have before represented Mosco much Sub­ject to fire, and we had three instances of it during our residence there. The greatest of all hapned on easter day, but devoured only some hundreds of houses; and yet there was no more notice taken of it than of the two other. For to make a conflagration remark­able in this Country, there must be at least seven or eight thousand houses consumed. But they have this advantage at Mosco, that they may buy houses ready made, especially in that part of the Town called Scoradom; which houses they take to pieces, and having carryed them to the place where they designe their habitation, it requires no great time to put them together again. Besides this they have other great markets where they sell wood for building, and that in such quantity one may have enough there to build a whole Town.

In this place it was we had experience as well as at Vologda of the verity of that saying of Juvenal.

Maxima quaeque domus servis est plena superbis.

Which is that great houses are commonly furnisht with haughty Servants. And with­out doubt there had been great disorder a­mongst the Ambassadors Gentlemen, had not [Page 302] he prevented it by a resolution which he de­clared of not sparing any one that sought to make division by unlawful ways. Notwith­standing there hapned one duell betwixt one of our family and a stranger that was a Lieu­tenant in the Militia of the Tzar. The quarrel was, that being in company together, this last though a Scotchman seemed to extol the grandeur and glory of the Tzar to the dimi­nution of the King of England, which the other disgusting magnifyed the King as much as was possible contrary to the judgment of his Antagonist, and challenged him thereupon into the field. And some few days after, this quarrel was disputed by the sword, and (had the preeminence of these Princes de­pended upon the success of that combat) his Majesty of great Brittaine had had the ad­vantage. For in a short time our Champion disarmed the Lieutenant, and came trium­phing amongst us that he had vindicated his King.

The sixteenth of June, which was four days after my Lord had taken his Leave, the Tzar sent the Ambassador a present of Sables, for himself and his whole family. His Excel­lencies portion was worth two thousand Crownes, that of the Countess was worth fourteen hundred, and my Lord Morpeth's a thousand, the rest were to be distributed ac­cording to every mans rank and imploiment [Page 303] in the house. But the Ambassador considering he had been neglected in all his affaires, would by no meanes admit of this obligation; but from a generous principle returned the Present, as having been otherwise so much disobliged. Nevertheless, that his refusal might not pass for an affront in the judg­ment of the Tzar, my Lord designed to have prevented the sending of it, but he had not time enough for that. For Golozof (of whom we had occasion to speak in the Description of our Entry into Mosco) imagining without doubt he should receive great kindnesses from the Ambassador, dispatched away one of his Clerks to advertise him, that he was coming to him with a Present from his Tzarskoy Majesty, wherewith he intended to honour him before his departure. And presently af­ter without acquainting any of the Pristafs (in which he did ill) he arrived himself with four and thirty men bearing the Present in their hands. The Ambassador took Golozof aside, and let him know, that he could not accept of this Honour for the reasons which he alledged. Golozof extreamly amazed ran [...]ut immediately swelled up with rage, as he had been with vain hope of reward at his coming in; he leapt down the stairs by half douzains, as if he had been mad, and clapping his breast, cried out with a loud voice, That such a thing had not been heard of, nor ever [Page 304] happened before in the whole Empire of Russia. In short, he was in such a rage, that one would have sworn, he would have cau­sed us all to be banished into Siberia, as they sometimes did an Ambassador of France, and that having refused the Great Dukes present, they would make us hunt Sables in that Coun­try, which is the penalty of their greatest malefactors. But that which most afflicted the Ambassador's Domesticks, was the disadvan­tage they received by his refusal, in being so deprived of the Honour of receiving so pro­fitable testimonies of the generosity of so great a Prince. However we comforted our selves in the Prudence of the Ambassador, and al­though each of us was deceived in the hopes he had conceived, yet we could not for all that forbear praising the generosity of his Conduct. Whereas on the other side Golozof in very great passion mounted his horse, his footmen following him two and two, where­upon his Excellence took great pleasure to behold them marching in that Order, and the indignation which they carried in their faces. Every one looked after them with a profound silence, imagining this refusal so Extraordi­nary, that it affronted the Grandeur and Dig­nity of the Tzar, and that his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty would not fail to take exemplary ven­geance upon an action so presumptuously bold: others not knowing the cause suspen­ded [Page 305] their judgments. The Tzar being in­formed of this affair, and exceedingly sur­prised with it, called his Councel of State immediately, and was present there himself; the result of which was, that Volinskoy (one of the new Commissioners) was deputed to repair to his Excellence, to know the reason of this refusal, which he performed with more mildness and discretion than we had occasion to hope for. The Ambassador an­swered him, that he was so far from doing it out of any contempt, that on the contrary he looked upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Present as an effect of his great Generosity, but that the acceptance thereof would oblige him too far. He acquainted him how his affairs stood, that his Embassy had had no success, and that in this case it was not proper for him to re­ceive any favour from his Tzarskoy Majesty till he had first received the Justice he de­manded. That otherwise he should have taken the least favour from his hands as a perpe­tual Ornament to himself and his family, and that still he was ready (provided any good or­der might be taken with his affaires) to receive any testimony whatever of the Tzars affecti­on. This gave Volinskoy satisfaction in some measure, especially when he understood after what manner Golosof had brought the Pre­sents, that is, without the knowledge of his Excellencies Pristafs, who ought first to have [Page 306] given him notice of the design, and thereby prevented the dishonour of so publick a re­fusal. So that Golozof had no recompence for all his pains, but a grave reprehension, for having wanted discretion in the discharge of this affair. On the other side the Tzar re­turned the Present which he had received at his first Audience from the Ambassador to him again, it was a Basin and Ewer of Silver, parcel gilt, two wrought Silver Dishes, and another Dish of Silver parcel gilt also. His Excellence received it with this Complement; I give his Tzarskoy Majesty thanks for this, and I receive it with as great kindness as if it had been a greater Present. I shall keep it al­waies by me, because it hath had the honour to be in the Possession of his Tzarskoy Majesty.

Of his Excellencies Journey from Mosco to Riga.

THis Embassy being finished, and that which was to have been into Poland layd a side, the Ambassador prepared for his departure towards Sweden, choosing the way by Riga in Livonia to pass to Stockholm by Sea. And being to Cross Livonia, which is [...] desart Country, he dispacht an Express with [...] Letter, to Count Oxenstern Governour Genera [...] [Page 307] of Livonia to desire, that being upon an Em­bassy towards his Majesty of Sweden, he would please to give orders, that at his arrival upon the frontiers he might be accommodated at his own cost with fresh horses and wagons, for his train and baggage to pass that Country with all.

In the mean time my Lord Ambassador at­tended by a Regiment of horse departed from Mosco the 24. of June about the Evening, with intention to retreat seaven Versts that night from the Town. The 29. we arrived at Twere the cheif City of Twersco. The 3. of July we came to Tarsock, and from thence to Budeva. The 4. to Wisny Volsock, the 7. to Zimnogoray and Volday, the 8. we past, by Rakina and Vena two Townes, the 9. we lodged at Brunitze a little Borough. The 10. in the afternoon we made 27. Versts by water in twenty boats they had provided against our coming, so as (passing a small Arm of the Lake Ilmin into which the River, that passes by Brunitze falls) we arrived within 3. Versts of Novogorod the great. The 11. the Am­bassador made his Entry into Novogorod. The 12. we departed, and on the 13. we past 67. Versts, 37. upon the Ilmin before noon by the favour of a good wind, and 30. after to a Town called Soltza upon the River Solognae which casts it self likewise into the Lake. The next day the Ambassador parted from [Page 308] Soltza by land, and advanced 35. Versts. The 17. he made his Entry into Plesco, and the 20. at night he departed from thence. The 22. we arrived on the frontiers at Nihui­sen, a Village in Livonia, the 25. at Marien­borough, and the 3. of August at Riga.

Our Journey from Mosco to the frontiers (which was near two hundred leagues) was made under the conduct of two Pristafs, one of them called Jvan Stepanovitz Telepniof, one of the great Dukes Stolnicks conveyed his Excellence and took care of our Carriages and provisions to Novogorod, the other (called Simon Offonassevitz) conducted us from No­vogorod to the Castle of Nihuisen upon the frontiers. The greatest part of this Journey we made on horsback, except when we went by water from Brunitze to Novogorod, and from thence to Soltza. For which reason we had commonly threescore sadle horses in our company, besides what were in out carriages which we had covered some to travail in, and some to retreat to at any time upon oc­casion of rain. Besides these we had three Coaches, one of the Ambassadors, and two of the grand Dukes, which he had the Genero­sity to send along with us as far as Livonia, principally for the accommodation of the Gen­tlemen. For our baggage we had usually two hundred wagons, but little ones such as they [Page 309] are in Moscovie. Four times we changed them in our Journey, as likewise our sadle horses, at Twere, at Wisny Volsock, and at Soltze, at Plesco; We having always a party of Strelitz and another of our own attending the baggage. This manner of travailing on horsback had been very pleasant, had not the sadles been so hard and so high as they use them in that Country: but they were made in that fashion, that most of us were in a short time in as much torment as we could have been upon the wooden horse.

All the Lodging we had in this Journey, was like that of Soldiers in the fields or woods, under the shelter of our Tents or covered wagons; upon which consideration, the Tzar had amongst other things provided us with three tents, one for the Ambassador which cost near five hundred crownes, another for the Countess, and the third for my Lord Morpeth. The tents were sent before from place to place with the Kitchin, and the greatest part of our baggage, and we making ordinarily 20 or 25 Versts in the morning, and as much after dinner, they pitcht them where they found water, and fields convenient for so great a number both of horses and men. So as his Excellence arriving with his train at the End of his stage found his Tents ready pitched, and his meat almost ready. At night his bed was made under his Tent: But most [Page 310] part of the Gentlemen and Servants betook themselves to their wagons, and the wagoners to the ground for a lodging.

For what relates to our Victuals we suffered almost for want of chimneys, the same incon­venience we had done betwixt Vologda and Mosco. For besids that we had generally no­thing but Beef and Mutton, that was most comonly roasted only by the Sun and smoak in some corner of the field where the Cooks had piched their Tents to avoide the wind. But our greatest inconvenience was in our drink, being constrained to drink Mead or Quaz, that was heated and quite dead with the Carriage. Ice would have done very well to have revived it, but it was so precious at that time there was scarce enough for the Am­bassadors Table. At Novogorod and Plesco (of which I shall speak hereafter) we were very well treated, we had all sorts of pro­vision in abundance, and sack amongst the rest cost us nothing, but our paines to de­mand it.

True it is, we met several difficulties in this Journey, and besides those I am speaking of, we suffered with the greatest impatience the persecution of the flies. Yet in other respects it must be acknowledged, that our Journey was very pleasant, if we consider the propi­ciousnes of the weather, the advantage of travailing under the shadow of the Forests, [Page 311] for the most part covered with an incredible quantity of excellent Strawberries, besides the delight of beholding the Rivers gliding tho­rough these vast wildernesses. We observed seven or eight Lakes also, of which the most considerable were the Ilmin, and the Sveto Ozero, which signifies as much as the holy Lake. In the middle of this latter there is an Iland encompassed with several other little ones, which appear like so many woods about it, and a fair Convent within it, which makes a very agreeable prospect. As to the Ilmin, it is doubtless one of the goodliest Lakes in Europe, being about fifty miles in length, and thirty miles broad, so that when we past over it, we could see land but on one side of us. We had at that time a boat, that sayled with a saile of Mat made of Bulrushes. And this abundance of Lakes and Rivers, which gave us occasion of admiring the beauty of the Country, gave us also a convenience not unnecessary at this time, and that was oppor­tunity of washing our selves, which we did very frequently in this journey, and amongst the rest in the Volga, which we crossed once again at Twere. But forasmuch as this Road is not so much used by Strangers, as the Road to Archangel, our habits appeared so unusual to the Peasants, that they no sooner saw two or three of my Lords Servants on horse-back, but away they run in all haste to [Page 312] their houses, clapping their doors after them, as if we had been so many ominous Birds, or Spirits come on purpose to fright them; whereby it came to pass that in case we wanted any thing, there was no hopes of being supplyed by them.

And thus you have had what properly be­longeth to the manner of our Travails, I shall now speak something of the most remarkeable passages therein.

It is a Maxime, it seemes, in the Court of Moscovie, that the better to set off the Ho­nour they bestow upon Publique Ministers, they must now and then abuse and affront them, and as my Lord Ambassador was re­ceived at Mosco according to this Rule, so the Court thought it expedient he should be used after the same way at his departure. As to their Ceremony in conducting him out of Town, and his accommodation during his whole journey after, it must be acknowledged honorable enough, and to his Excellencies very great satisfaction. And indeed to speak freely (considering the ardency wherewith his Excellence had prosecuted his Negotia­tion, and the Prophesy of Pronchissof, who had told him, That the Great Duke would send him away without any honour at all) their civility was much greater than we had [Page 313] reason to expect. However the Ambassador could not avoid the disorder which happened at his departure from Mosco, upon occasion of one Calthof, who had put himself amongst his Gentlemen, with design to return into En­gland with them. This Calthof had been in the Tzars service for some years, and the time for which he had obliged himself being expired, his Excellence interposed for his dismission, and obtained it. Nevertheless the Tzar having notice that he was going, he sent a Messenger immediately after, as we were marching out of the Town, to recal him, and (which was the wonder) the Messenger did not lose his way. The Ambassador not con­ceiving it proper to oppose himself directly against the pleasure of his Tzarskoy Majesty, returns Calthof to him, but with expectation he should be presently released. But five days afterwards being arrived at Twere, his Excellence understood they had upon a false pretence clapped him in Prison, and used him very ill. For which cause he dispatched a Post to Mosco with this Letter in Latin di­rected to Larivon Lopookin, Diack or Chan­cellor of the Embassy-Office.

This Letter was so farr from making any favourable impressions in the Tzar, that it exasperated him to that heighth, he resolved immediately to dispatch an Ambassador to the King of England to complain of his Excellences proceedings. The design was principally taken upon a pleasant mistake on their side, of qui for quid. For this Expression in the Letter, Quorsum haec vergant nescio, neque vos ipsi scitis qui facitis, which signifyes as it is tran­slated, how farr these thing may extend I know not, nor You Your selves who contrive them, the Court of Muscovie mis-interpreted [Page 319] it thus, I know not what may be the end of this busines, nor do You know Your selves what You do. Which they conceived the highest piece of insolence that he should dare to say, the principal Boyars and Councellors of so great a Prince were ignorant and impertinent, as if they had done all things at random with out deliberation or reason. And this transla­tion in appearance was Golozofs the great Ma­ster of Latin in that Court, and by whose in­structions they had played the Criticks so ex­quisitely in the word Illustrissimus, and who was much incenst against the Ambassador, since his refusal of the presents. So as there might be some prejudice or malice in the translation of the Letter.

However it was we found the Governour of Twere in so ill an humor, he no sooner heard the noise of our approach, but he shut up his gates immediately, as if the plague had been in the Country, so that we had nothing to trust to, but the fields and the suburbs of the Town, near which in a plain we pitcht our Tents. The Town is built on the side of a hill, the Volga running by it, besides another little River called Twere which denominates, the place. We staied there only two whole days least we should disturb the Governour too long, who with out doubt was impatient till he saw us departing.

At Tarsock we had the divertisement of [Page 320] seeing a very large Bear dance, it was so tame one might without any danger get upon his back, and ride up and down upon him in that posture. At the same place our Chyrurgeon cut off with a Raisor a finger of one of the Pages, which had gangren'd at Mosco by occa­sion of a nayle wherewith he had unhappily hurt it.

At Budeva we had the news of the great fire which happened on the 29. of June at Mosco (which was five days after we came a­way) consuming a third part of the Town. I imagined immediately there was something fatal still in our departure, when I remem­bred the fire had happened at Archangel also some few days after we had left that Town. In like manner it was that Lot was preserved, and all his family at the burning of Sodom.

The 10 of July Master Watson who had been recalled by General Monke in our first Voiage came again to us at Brunitze, where we were arrived the day before. He came from Eng­land to Riga by Sea with some Equipage for the Ambassador, and past the rest of the way to us by land. We were surprised at his ar­rival, and very much delighted to see him again in Moscovie, whose absence had given us some regret. The occasion of his return a­mongst us was chiefly, that he might have the satisfaction to travail with his Excellence the [Page 321] rest of our Voiage thorough Moscovy, Sweden and Denmark.

At Novogorod (which signifies New-town) my Lord Ambassador was received very so­lemnly. But his Excellence having just entred the Town, there was an unhappy accident befel an antient person of quality, that gave some interruption to the formality. He was very richly apparelled and well mounted, but being weak and his horse unruly, he was fairly thrown down in the sight of the whole Town, and received much hurt by his fall. At this Novogorod our Pristaf from Mosco left us, and committed us to the care of Si­mon Offonassevitz, with direction to send back the Tzars Coaches and Tents, assoon as the Ambassador was arrived at the Frontiers. Which much troubled the Ambassador, to whom Volinskey, one of his Commissioners, had promised at Mosco, that the Tents should attend him as far as Riga, in confidence of which promise his Excellence did not trouble himself to provide any at his own charges. Being disappointed in this manner, and in no condition to accommodate himself otherwise in that place, no wonder if he expressed his dissatisfaction, seeing himself lest by this trick in a very ill posture to travel from the Fron­tiers to Riga. This Novogorod hath been for­merly one of the greatest and best fortified Townes in all Moscovie, of which there are [Page 322] still some marks remaining round about the Town. But at present it is reduced, and of no great circumference, however by reason of the Commerce it injoies it is well peopled. The Lake Ilmin is within a League of the Town, out of which comes the Volka or Volgda, a very fair River that runs by the Town.

But if we were well received at Novogorod, I must needs acknowledg the reception we had afterwards at Plesco was not inferiour, as if the Governours of these two Towns had been emulous, which should give hi [...] Excellence the best entertainment. Never­theless by the favour of two accidents the Governour of Plesco had the advantage; The first was by the unadvisedness of a Gen­tleman of Plesco, who had seised, the night before our Entry, upon two horses belonging to the Ambassador's Train, having found them in the night in his possessions. The Go­vernour was no sooner informed of this action but he apprehended the Gentleman, and sen [...] him bound to the Ambassador to beg his life which his Excellence easily granted upo [...] acknowledgment of the indiscretion of th [...] fact. The other was by the report of a Regi­ment of Thieves Polanders, that lay in wa [...] on purpose for us, which was so common there was scarce any other discourse in Plesc [...] and (as the news went) they were about five [Page 323] hundred, under the Command of an one-eyed Serjeant. This tidings alarmed us a little, especially when we were told, they had done much mischief in that Province, and plun­dered several Villages. But the Governour of the Town in this case also manifested his Generosity, and the particular care he had to oblige his Excellence: for he gave us a Convoy of five hundred foot well armed, to secure our bagage, and defend our persons against the attempts of this terrible Cyclops: In this place the Ambassador stayed in ex­pectation of an answer from the Governour General of Livonia, by the return of the Messenger he had sent on purpose to him from Mosco the 14. of June, and who had Order to meet him again at Plesco. On the 19. of July, three days after we arrived there, the Messenger came to us with this Answer from Count Oxenstern the Governour Gene­ral, that he had already deputed two Officers to receive his Excellence on the Frontiers, and that he had Orders from the Crown of Swe­den, to defray the charges of his Carriages and Entertainment from thence to Riga. The Ambassador being surprised with the Civility of the offer, and with the particular care that Crown had taken to facilitate his passage thorough Livonia, prepared himself [...]mmediately to depart, but with design if possible to evade so great an Obligation. But [Page 324] before he came away observing Calthof was not returned, he sent another Letter to Mosco, making mention of the Extraordinary enter­tainment he had received from the Gover­nours of Novogorod and Plesco, as also of the designe on foot for the Carrying back his Tents, and these were the very words of the Letter, which had the same superscription with the former.

[Page 331]This Letter being dispatched, the next day [...]y Lord Ambassador departed from Plesco. [...]his Town is not of any great circumfe­ [...]ence, but it is very convenient and pleasant, [...]aving a faire River which riseth in a Lake [...]bout half a League from it, running by the [...]own.

Our Convoy from Plesco to the Frontiers [...]eing so good, as I said, we had no reason to [...]pprehend the danger that threatned us, I [...]ean the Regiment of Thieves, who by their [...]xploits had got themselves a great Name in [...]he Province of Pscove. We had as I said before, [...]e hundred armed foot to secure our bagage, [...]hich marched alwaies before, besides a [...]quadron of horse, that attended on the per­ [...]on of the Ambassador. And if on the one [...]de this Convoy was necessary for our pro­ [...]ection, so on the other side, his Excellence [...]ooked upon it as a great honour and repu­ [...]ation to see himself the Object of so much [...]are and respect. At every Stage he was [...]onourably received amongst the noise of [...]rums, and the Soldiers drawn up in very [...]ood Order; and at night had very strong Guards placed about him. Insomuch that in two days march we arrive at the Frontiers, without any visible danger. And we had not [...]een half an hour on the Frontiers, but the [...]wo Officers deputed from the Governour General of Livonia, and the Governour of [Page 332] the Castle of Nihuisen, arrived to salute th [...] Ambassador with a Complement in Frenc [...] very obliging and full of Civility. Among other things they gave him to understand the King and Queen Mother of Sweden attended him with impatience, and that knowing the difficulty of the Passage from Nihuis [...] to Riga, they had commanded he should [...] accommodated with all things that mig [...] expedite his arrival, and be necessary for [...] journey. To which his Excellence replie [...] that he was already surprised to understan [...] by the Governour Generals Letter, the e [...] traordinary care that Crown had taken [...] his Voiage, that there was nothing he aspire to with more passion, than to injoy the honour of seeing their Majesties, but that he w [...] very desirous to continue his journey withou [...] loading himself with so great an Obligatio [...] which yet the incommodiousness of th [...] Country seemed to engage him to. Bu [...] these Gentlemen from Riga having broug [...] store of Provisions along with them whic [...] were designed for us; the Ambassador could not any long time defend himself upon th [...] point. And indeed we had been but in an [...] posture to have passed those desarts, had w [...] had nothing to depend on, but our own provision and conduct.

Livonia (to speak two words of it by th [...] by) is a Country so desolate, that in ne [...] [Page 333] [...]reescore Leagues that we passed from Ni­ [...]sen to Riga, we found only two or three [...]owns, and those remarkeable for nothing [...]t their Antiquity. In short it is a Country [...] Forests, abounding with a great number [...] Lakes, as well as Moscovie; and though it [...]e not so plain and flat as that, yet it is suffi­ [...]ently fertile in Grass and in Corn. As to the habitants, they are generally very blockish [...]d barbarous, and without contradiction [...]finitely less ingenious than the Moscovites. [...]heir Habits and their Caps are like theirs; [...]eir Language is as unpleasant as their Be­ [...]viour, and manner of Converse, and they [...]rry upon their forheads all the tokens of a [...]vage and uncivilized Nature. For being [...]y the frequency of their Wars reduced as [...]ey are to an inconsiderable number, and the [...]wedes being in possession of all their Ports [...]d strongest Towns, there remains nothing [...] the Natives but the Tilling of their [...]ound; insomuch as they stand almost in [...]e same Condition with the Swedes, as the [...]elotes did formerly with the Lacedaemonians. [...] as the manner of their Solitude, their Sub­ [...]ction, and the poverty they are oppressed [...]th, renders them more brutish and dange­ [...]us; and we had such experience of their [...]opensity to thieving, we were forced to [...]ve still an eye over them as over Birds of [...] prey. Their Religion is the same with the [Page 334] Swedes, viz. the Lutheran: but they are so well pleased with the Superstion of the antient Pagans, and retain so much of their ridiculous maximes, that it is believed the most of the [...] make but a superficial Profession of the Chri­stian Religion:

But, to return to what followes in ou [...] Voiage, I shall give first an account of the manner of our passage to the borders of Mos­covy, after the journey we had made of above five hundred Leagues cross that vast Coun­try in eleven moneths. It is not to be doubted, but the small civility we found in this bar­barous Nation, and the natural disposition each of us had to be returning towards his own Country, prevailed with us to leave Moscovy with much pleasure and satisfaction. And though there are many allurements in it, yet the very conversation of the Inhabitants disgusted us, and every body, but the Great Duke, being in slavery, we could scarcely believe our selves free, till we were from a­mongst them. Whence it was that one of our Company, impatient till he was out of their Country, and at a distance from the Commu­nication of the Moscovites, transported to see the Gentlemen from Riga, and their Train that came to salute the Ambassador, cried out assoon as he descried them, Ay marry, these people are like Christians indeed; as if the Moscovites had not had so much as the [Page 335] least resemblance of them. Which question­less had very much offended the Russes that were with us, had any of them that under­stood English taken notice of it, and without contradiction the expression was rash enough, being spoken before the face of five hundred Moscovites in Armes. At this time (for it was about noon) there was a great debate where his Excellence should dine, the cooks having not been able, for want of water, to get any thing ready. The Swedish Gentlemen pressed the Ambassador to dine in the Castle of Ni­huisen. The Pristaf opposed it very zealously, as well for the natural jealousy betwixt the two Nations of Swedeland and Moscovie, as for other reasons. At last after much contro­versie, in which the Pristaf was very fierce, it was resolved we should pass the Frontiers, and pitch our Tents by the side of a brook, under the Castle of Nihuisen. The Ambassa­dor passed thither on hors-back in a quarter of an hour, so that in a short time his dinner was got ready. The Swedish Gentlemen with­drew thereupon into the Castle, the Pristaf and the Captains of the Guards (who bare us company into the Country of Livonia) ac­cording to their custom, dined with his Ex­cellence. After dinner they took their leaves of the Ambassador, and the Swedish Gentle­men sent their Coaches to attend him into the Castle, where we were received with [Page 336] several pieces of Cannon: which to us was news, the Moscovite using no such Ceremony in their Salutations, as I have intimated be­fore. We had amongst us at this time a young Polish youth who had been brought up in Moscovie and in their Religion, which con­cealed himself privately in order to his escape, and finding the Russians gone, he was tran­sported with joy to find the house of the Am­bassador (in which he had served some monthes) a place of his refuge and liberty.

We were very well treated at the Castle that night, which gave us great hopes (as in­deed it did happen) the remainder of ou [...] Voiage would not be so troublesome. And to speak truth we had always a good quantity of victuals, which was much better drest than in Moscovie, our Cooks having Kitchens o [...] huts at least for convenient dressing of ou [...] meat, whereas from Mosco to Nihuisen they had nothing ordinarily but the open field.

But if on the one side we were well satis­fyed, on the other side we suffered much from the manner of our Travailing; For, beside the small number of horses which were provided us, they were so lean and lanke bodyed, that there was great Art required to the making of them go. And the most of them were so ill accoutred, that they had neither sadles nor bridles, and those sadle [...] there were, being for the most part of massy [Page 337] wood, tortured us in a most incredible manner; besides, with all this many of them had not above one styrrup if any at all. In so much [...]hat in passing the limits of Moscovie, we found as great an alteration almost, as those do at sea who pass the Equinoctial line: which made us in love with that good Country where we had as to those conveniences all things we could desire. However this incommodity was sometimes a recreation to us, some of us making their misery an occasion of their mirth. A Page of ours (amongst the rest) was the first Actor in [...]his Tragedy, at our departure from Nihuisen [...]e was mounted upon a small blind, and very lean horse, who had neither bridle nor [...]adle, his whole furniture being a simple [...]ord made into a halter, and that so short [...]hat he had much ado to make use of it. Being arrived upon the draw bridg, the horse [...]ell on a sudden to capring, and rushing for­ward insuch manner at the noise of the cannon, [...]hat the Page very much surprized, thought [...]t best to leave him alone in that Kind of ex­ [...]rcise. And so the horse went away as he [...]ame without Eyes, or Sadle, or bridle, and [...]he Page after that time made his Voiage al­ [...]ost wholly in the wagons. Some there [...]ere that day that were forced to march on [...]ot for want of horses, Others were so tyred [...]ith them, they were sometimes constrained [...]o the same thing for their refreshment.

[Page 338]But if we suffred in our travailing we were not much better accomodated in our Lod­gings, the most of us being forced to make use of some Barn, or Kitchen to put our beds in to pass away the night. The Gentlemen for the most part lay in their litle coaches they had brought along with them from Moscovie. True it is we were entertained in three or four Castles, and Marienborough amongst the rest, where our accomodation was some­thing better.

At Riga, the Ambassador was very well re­ceived, they did him all the honor we could possibly desire, nor did he appear on his side less pompous and magnificent. But our entry being followed immediately with terrible tempests, and after the noise of the Canon with dismal claps of thunder, it was lookt upon immediatly by the superstitious people as an ill omen and presage.

Of the Ambassadors Risidence at Riga.

RIga is scituate upon the bank of the Duina, a River that rises (as has been said before) in the Province of Twere o [...] Twersco in Moscovie, and empties it self in to the Baltick Sea some four leagues from this City. It is a Town of no great extent, but [Page 339] compact, and very well peopled. Its buildings are all of stone or brick, and fortifyed with a good wall, good ditches, and Ramparts on that side towards Moscovie: besides to­wards the River it has a strong and well for­ [...]efied Castle, in which the Governour Ge­ [...]eral of Livonia keeps his residence. But this Town is principally considerable in respect of [...]he great commerce which it draws from all [...]arts, especially by the Baltick Sea, from whence the Vessels come up the Duina to the [...]ery Gates of the Town. In winter they maintain a great trade with Moscovy by the [...]onvenience of their sledges, in which the Mer­ [...]hants convey themselves and their Commo­ [...]ities as farr as Plesco, Novogorod, or Mosco. On the other side of the River lyes Courland [...]hich depends in part on the Duke of that [...]ame, whose ordinarie residence is at Mittau [...]ome six Dutch miles from Riga. The Lan­ [...]uage they speak in Riga is High Dutch, and [...]he Religion they profess is the Lutheran.

The next day after our arrival in this place, [...]ount Oxenstern made a visit to the Ambas­ [...]dor, who the next day returned him the [...]ke in the Castle. His Excellence exprest him­ [...]lf very sensible of the care which he had ta­ [...]en to facilitate his Journey, and that he might [...] some measure discharge himself of the Obli­ [...]ation he had to that Crown, for the expence [...]hich had been made in his favour, and [Page 340] that the King his Master might not be brought into any new Engagements, he made a proffer of reimbourcing them again. But the Gover­nour General replyed, that what was done was by express order of his King, who was wil­ling to take that slender opportunity to testify the joy he conceived at his arrival, and designed not thereby to put any Obliga­tion upon his Majesty of great Britain.

My Lord Ambassador was in like manner vi­sited by the Mayor and Senators of the Town.

Fifteen days we staied in this place, partly in expectation of a Man of Warr, that was to come from Stockholm to transport us, and partly for a good wind. So that we had time enough to refresh our selves, after the Voyage we had now finisht. And indeed most of us did very well overcome the fatigues of our Journey, especially by the help of the feather beds they use in Riga, as they d [...] in Swedeland, Germany, and Danemarke. Ne­vertheless these kind of double beds being little in use in England, many of us could no [...] endure them, and were altogether surprise [...] to find our selves sinking into a quagmire o [...] feathers, which constrained us to lye roule [...] up in a heap. But they were no sooner in commoded in this posture, but they began t [...] declaim against these kind of beds, in [...] much as one somewhat a Critick. took occ [...] sion [Page 341] to call them Beds of Ignorance, according to that expression of the Poet.

For three days after our arrival we were entertained at the Charge of the Town, in so much as the 7. of August was the first day his Excellence began to provide meat for him­self, since our arrival at Archangel. During our residence at this place, the weather proved so ill in respect of the great store of raine, lightning, and thunder which hapned every day, that we were forced to lead a very se­dentary and recluse life. But that which was our greatest consolation was, the joy we con­ceived in being out of all commerce with the Moscovits, to find our selves amongst Chri­stians of very good conversation; and after a tedious association with a people barbarous and rude, to fall amongst those that were civil and urbane. In short, to observe an exquisite neatnes and cleanlynes in all things, after having lived amongst the Moscovits after a very slovenly manner.

The 10. of August Count Oxenstern enter­tained the Ambassador with so much splendor and Pomp, that (to give account of it in few words) it was more like the entertain­ment of a King than an Ambassador. The place resounding with an admirable consort of Mu­sick, [Page 342] Trumpets, Ketle-drums, and Cannon [...] and every thing seeming with emulation to contribute to the publication of the glory of this Embassy. This entertainment being over the Ambassador prepared himself to embarque as soon as possible, the Man of Warr being arrived, which was a Fregat called the Ama­ranthe, carrying fortie brass pieces mounted. My Lords Coach and horses being to be tran­sported by themselves, there was a shallop hired on purpose for that.

Of his Excellencies Voiage from Riga to Stockholme upon the Baltick-Sea.

On the 18. of August the Ambassador de­parted from Riga by water, to go on ship-board, about a League and an half from thence, where our Vessel was at anchor, but the wind was so contrary, that we were constrained to yield to its violence, and put to shore in the sight of the whole Town, and make the rest of our way towards the ship by Land. We were no sooner out of the Town, but the Castle made all things eccho again, with the noise of their Artillery. But when we came near the Vessel, we found the wind blowing so fiercely against us, that we were glad to take a resolution of retiring [Page 343] [...]o a Country-house hard by, where we past [...]way the Night ill enough.

The next morning the wind not being so [...]igh, the Captain sent two Boats to bring us board, the Skif which carried the Ambas­ [...]ador came first to the Ship, which saluted [...]im at his Entry with twenty pieces of Can­ [...]on. The other being more laden, arrived [...]ot so soon, but coming close to the Ship, it [...]caped very narrowly being broken in pieces [...]y it. For by the negligence of him that [...]ommanded, they not slackning their sailes when they came near to go on board, the [...]oat ran against the Ship with full sailes, to [...]he no small amazement of those that were [...]n it. Yet by good fortune the Boat being [...]ery strong, endured the concussion so well, [...] escaped with a little cleft in the Prow only. When we came aboard, we were surprised to [...]ee the Man of War so admirably neat, and [...]nd all things in so good Order, that there [...]as no great difficulty for us to find sufficient [...]ccommodation. But that which was most wonderfull to us, was the prodigious number [...]f Cannon-shot, which they made in this Voiage, there being scarce a Dinner in which [...]hey shot not off above forty great Guns, whilst at the Ambassadors Table they were [...]rinking the Healths of the King of England [...]nd King of Swedeland, and the Queens of [...]oth the one and the other Nation. Besides [Page 344] when ever the Ambassador went on shore for his divertisement, whilst the Ship lay at an­chor, they gave him alwaies four guns, at his going out, and as many when he came back.

At last on the 22. we set sayle, but it was only to make a League and an half, being forced to attend a proper wind to carry us, over certain Sand-banks, that lye in the Mouth of the River, so as we cast anchor again near the Fort of Dunemund, where we continued two days, having the Shallop with us, in which our horses were embarked.

The 24. the Wind was favourable, so that we passed the Mouth of the River. Upon which the Ship saluted the Fort with four or five great Guns, and the Fort to requite us, gave us above forty, all laden with bullets which they directed with that skill, we could, hear most of them whistling betwixt our sailes, and almost at the same time see them falling into the Sea at a great distance before us. Some there were among us, who not as­sured of the dexterity of their Gunners, chose rather to withdraw themselves under Deck, than stand exposed to the danger of behol­ding them. For some time we sayled by the Coast of Curland by the favour of the Wind; but towards night it turned so contrary, that,

On the 26. we were enforced to cast an­chor by the Domeznez, which is a very dan­gerous Iland, by reason of many Sand-banks [Page 345] that incompass it: for which cause there are constantly every night great fires made upon the Shores, for the direction of such as are at Sea. And here it was we had time enough to discharge our selves of our provision, which was laid in but for six days, but what was remaining was so well managed by the Am­bassador, we had wherewithall to subsist till we came on shore. For he retrenched his own Table, not only of superfluities, but necessa­ries, confining himself to one small meal in a day: true it is we had musick enough to to supply our want of victuals. But most of us not being able to live upon Air and Wind like the Camelions, were glad to eat such meat as the Captain of the Ship could furnish us with, which by misfortune at that time was almost all corrupted. A strange thing it was to find our selves in a starving condition, in a Voiage only of an hundred Leagues, after we had past another of seven hundred and fifty, in great, plenty and abundance. We were in a strait for every thing, as well as fresh meat; Beer and fresh water amongst us were grown inestimable. And from hence it was, that his Excellence reserving for his own Table that small quantity of Beer he had left, he distributed freely to the greatest part of his Domesticks, a good proportion of his Spanish Wine, which was to serve them instead of Beer. At first this Wine seemed to sweeten [Page 346] and alleviate the misery they were in, but they quickly found it an aggravation rather: for there was nothing almost excited thirst like it, and in a place where there was no possibility of getting any thing to asswage it. But by Providence it fared not so ill with our Shallop, for that no sooner observed the extream violence of the Wind, but it returned immediately for Riga. And it was very hap­py it did so, otherwise it would have had much ado to have escaped the danger of a Storm that took us on the 28. at Night, which indeed was very terrible and extraor­dinary.

The 29. the Wind being somewhat fallen, we weighed anchor, with design to endeavour the doubling the Cape of Domesnez, which we happily performed, and at night after a little calm the wind came about, and proved very favourable and propitious. So that besides Domesnez, we had the sight of several other Ilands in this Voiage, as Runen, Abrick, and Ouzel. And it is this multitude of Iles, that makes Navigation so difficult in the Baltick Sea, for from thence it comes, that they meet every moment with Rocks, or Shelves, or banks of Sand. And forasmuch as many Tacks must be made to avoid them, there is ordinarily a necessity of several winds to make a very small Voiage. Upon which con­sideration amongst others, his Excellence [Page 347] chose rather to ride three daies at anchor be­fore Domesnez, exposed to the extremities of the weather, than to return to Riga, and lose the advantage of the progress he had made already.

The 31. we arrived at the Rocks, called the Shares, where we found a passage betwixt the high rocks, so strait, there was scarce room enough for our ship, so as we were in all points in distress. When we had past that place, we cast anchor, attending another Wind proper to carry us to Stockholm tho­rough the rest of the Rocks. In the mean time the Ambassador dispatched Mr. Mar [...]el his Secretary, and Mr. Taylor his Steward in the Boat to Stockholm, from whence we were then not above seven Dutch Miles, or fourteen French Leagues. The Secretary was sent to give notice of the Ambassadors arrival, and to inform himself at what time he was to make his Entry into the Town. Mr. Taylor was to prepare his House, and to make pro­vision of Victuals, through scarcity of which, we were at this time reduced to some Ex­tremity.

The first of September we advanced some Leagues amongst the Rocks, which divided the Sea into several Channels, as they had been so many Rivers: And as the passages are very narrow, so we found several pieces of Ships that had been wreckt there. But [Page 348] that which seemed most strange to me was, that I observed most of these Rocks almost covered with trees, though I could not per­ceive any substance, that could give them Nourishment, and where their Roots could fasten; for there is nothing to be discerned, but solid matter and entire stone.

The next morning betimes, the Master of the Ceremonies came aboord our Ship, to signify to the Ambassador from their Maje­sties, the King and Queen Mother, the satis­faction they received at his arrival. But before he could deliver his Complement, we escaped [...]ery narrowly from being cast away. For having weighed our anchors in the morning, to take advantage of the wind that was something fa­vourable, the Pilot doubling a point to gain the greater benefit by it, the Vessel on a sudden ran so near the Rocks; the Pilot in a great fright was forced to tack immediately with all the dexterity he was able, which was not so great, but the Ship struck with her Poop as she was turning about. But by the Grace of God it was done without any other mis­chief than a concussion, that waked and af­frighted too, all that were then asleep in the Ship. After this our Vessel was managed so well, that at length we gained the point that was so near destroying us, and came to anchor within a League of Stockholm. At this time the Master of the Horse, who was arrived [Page 349] the day before, came aboord the Man of war, [...]o give an accompt to the Ambassador of his Voiage, and amongst the rest, of an accident [...]efel one of his Coach-horses at Sea, which [...]e had ordered to be thrown over board, be­ [...]ng fallen ill, beyond any hopes of recovery. [...]n the mean time my Lord Ambassadors Lady [...]eing big with child, thought convenient to get a-shore assoon as she could.

The 8. of September the Ambassador made his Entry, where he received all possible ex­pressions of an Amity extraordinary. True [...]t is, there was not that Bravery and Cere­mony as at his Entry at Mosco, but I dare affirm, there was much more Sincerity, Frank­ness, and Decorum. And whereas in that the Moscovites made demonstration only of their Grandeur and Vanity; The Swedes in this made no other expression, but of Kindness & Civility. Their Artillery, which is so dread­ful in the wars, was become here the grateful Proclaimer of Peace and Affection, nothing being to be heard about the Town for an hour together, but the noise of their Cannon and great Guns. For assoon as the Ambassa­dor had left the ship, and was entered with his Train into the Boats, that were sent him by the King, the Fregat gave us a whole round with his Cannon, and whilst we were making for the shore, they saluted him with many from land, so that they made a very [Page 350] strange clattering amongst the Rocks. As we past along, we had the sight of a Diver, that came up out of a place twenty fathoms deep, into which they let him down out of a shallop with a Cord, to look for the Guns of a Man of War, that had been cast away there. He was clad all in leather, and sate under a cer­tain Engine, something like a bell, in which he said himself, he had space enough to breathe, the water comming no higher than his breast. After this we came to a Bridg covered over with Carpets of Tapestry, at which place his Excellence was comple­mented from their Majesties by one of the principal Senators. And from thence he was conveyed in the Kings Coach, to a House set a part for Ambassadors, Their Majesties having joyned several of their Gentlemen, Pages, and Footmen to his Train. The Li­veries my Lord Ambassador had in this place, were new Liveries, brought him with several other goods by Mr. Watson to Riga; They were (like those which they wore at Mosco) of Scarlet cloth, the King of Englands Co­lour, but trimed up after another fashion, according to the Mode at that time, and in all points very rich and handsom.

Of the Ambassadors Residence at Stockholm.

HIs Excellence having spent but five weeks in this Town, I shall not have many [...]hings to speak upon occasion of this Embassy, [...]he principal end whereof was to declare in [...]he behalf of the King of great Britain, the [...]incere desire his Majesty had to enter into a [...]ricter correspondence with the King of Swede­ [...]and. But before we enter upon this subject, [...]t will not be inproper to premise a word or [...]wo concerning this Court.

The word Stockholm is properly the name of the Isle in which the City is built, which [...]sland is called Stockholm, which signifies the [...]sle of the Tronk or body of a Tree ( Holme [...]ignifying an Iland and Stock the trunck of a Tree.) For the Capital City being burned of [...]ld, they which layd the foundation of this did it (as they relate it) in this manner. They [...]hrew the Trunck of a tree into the water, and [...]esolved that at what Island soever the same Trunck first rested, in that place they would [...]uild their Town, and the Trunck resting in [...]his place, the Town was accordingly, built [...]here and called Stockholm, as the Island also [...]s. The Town is very compact but even with [...]he suburbs is not altogether so big as Roven [...]n France. The buildings are most of stone, [Page 352] yet some also of wood; Of the first sort there are several very magnificent, and amongst them that of General Wrangel, and the Chan­cellors. There are some parts of the Town which being built off from the Island, stand like parts of Ʋenice upon piles, so that the Sea flows under them. The Palace hath no­thing in it very remarkeable, saving that it stands on the bank of the Sea, and has a faire prospect of several Ships that ride hard by, and the Kings Men of Warr amongst the rest. But that which is most considerable in Stock­holm is, that in so cragged and unpleasant a place, the people should be so courteous, and friendly, and that amongst so many Rocks and uninhabited Islands (which are as so many fortresses to the Town) we should find a Court so civil and benigne. In Moscovie we had ex­perience of the contrary, where in a Country pleasant & beautiful we found a people whose manner of living is very rude and austere; Whereas here in a place that seems to be the very refuse of nature, we found all manner of humanity and politeness. Besides the pecu­liar language of the Country, the nobility do with great industry addict themselves to the French, and indeed they speak it as freely as if it were their own. Their humor and manner of living has great affinity with the French al­so, they are free and open hearted, and no less affectors of Gallantry. As for their Religion [Page 353] they follow, as they do in Denmark, the doctrine of Luther.

His Excellence being arrived at this Court, [...]e was for three days entertained at the [...]harges of the Swedish King, and on the third which was a Sunday, he had Audience from his Majesty. I shall not delay my self so much as to make any discription of their Cere­monies, they being the same that are ordina­rily used in other Courts of Europe. This only [...] shall say in relation to the person of the King, that at that time he was not fully ar­rived at the ninth year of his age, and yet was at that age indued with all the per­fections so young a Prince is capable of. He was very handsom, and had a certain kind of cheerfulnes and alacrity in his Looks, that made all those that were present admire him. In short he is a young King, in whom all the [...]eroick virtues of his Ancestors seem to revive. His hair was very light, his habit cloth of silver, with his cloake and sword, and a [...]aire plume of white feathers in his hat. He stood before his chair of State under a Ca­ [...]opy with the Regents of his Kingdome on each side of him, besides a great number of other of his Nobles. His Excellence, assoon as [...]e approached, after his reverences, made this [...]omplement to him, which the young Prince [...]eceived with an admirable gravity and grace.

His Excellence having delivered himsel [...] in English with his hat on, his Secretary ren­dered what the Ambassador had spoken i [...] the following Latin.

After this Interpretation, the Count Mag­nus Gabriel de la Garde returned an answer in the Swedish language in the name of his Master the King, which answer was likewise rendred in Latin. He said the King his Master thought himself much honored by so splended an Em­bassy, in which his Majesty of great Britain had done him the honour to salute him, and congratulate the felicity of his Government: That he also bore his part in the prosperity of the King of great Britain, and that on his side he should be always ready to entertain a nea­rer [Page 359] and more strict amitie with him. And at [...]ength he intimated how great value and [...]steem the King his Master had for the person of the Ambassador.

The next day my Lord Ambassador had audience of the Queen Mother in her own ap­partement. She is a Princess which, besides the graces of her minde, is no less embellisht with the advantages of her person. She was under a Canopy before her Chair with se­veral Ladies and Gentlemen of the Court at­tending her. His Excellence being advanced near, delivered his Compliment bare in this manner.

This Complement his Excellencies Secre­tary immediately interpreted into French.

My Lord Ambassador after this Audience imploied most of that little time he had to stay in that Court, in bringing the Amity and Alliance between these two Crowns to a nearer and firmer Connexion. And this was the reason he had several conferences with the principal Ministers of that Kingdom both in publick and private. Amongst other things he intimated the design the King his Master had to enter into a strict League with that Crown and the Kingdom of Danemark, he demonstrated the great advantages would accrue thereby, and that without doubt the security of the three Kingdoms of England, Swedeland, and Danemark would principally depend thereupon. That for this reason his Majesty of great Britain deputed two Gen­tlemen in quality of his Envoies Extraordina­ry, one to this Court, and the other into Dane­mark, [Page 362] to the end this affair might be brought to a happy Conclusion. The design was acceptable enough in this Court, which al­waies expressed a great inclination of uniting themselves more strictly with the Crown of England. And as there seems to be naturally betwixt the two Nations of England & Swede­land, a kindness and propensity one to the other, so was it very material, that so good a principle should be actuated and imployed, and that Art might give perfection to Na­ture.

His Excellence interceded likewise in the behalf of several English Merchants and o­thers, that either had there some business of concernment, or that desired some favour or other. And in this respect also my Lord Ambassador found this Court so favourable, that he was sooner weary of asking, than they were of gratifying his Lordship.

There being at Stockholm three Residents, one from France, the other from Danemark, and the third from Holland, his Excellence had several Conferences with each of them, and treated them afterwards one after ano­ther with all honourable entertainment.

In the mean time his Excellence had the honour to be regaled by their Majesties, the King and Queen Mother, in a most obliging manner, in a small Palace some few Leagues from Stockholm; where assoon as he was arri­ved, [Page 363] his Excellence was received with a Col­ [...]ation, and after he was shown all the Curio­ [...]ities in the Castle, he was carried to Dinner with the King and the Queen Mother. The King drank to the Ambassador the King of Englands health, but drinking it with more zeal than ordinary, and the glass being too [...]ig, it hapned he spilt a good part of the Wine upon his cloths; which put his Majesty so out of countenance, that he looked as he would willingly have drunk it again with more caution, if by that means he could have got that disaster forgotten. After Dinner his Excellence went a hunting in a fair Park well stocked with Deer. The King was there on Hors-back also, and observing his Excellence scrupulous of shooting a large Deer that was within his reach, he asked him why he did not shoot, who answering, that a smaller Deer would be sufficient for him; the King replyed he should take no care for that, if he left but one he might dispose of the rest as he pleased. At length his Excellence retired after a long chase, he being forced to shoot 2. or 3. times before the Doe would fall, and being of his own killing, it was sent imme­diately to his house.

Some few days after there was a great Ball at which my Lord Ambassador was desired to be present: where we had opportunity to see the great Gallants of Stockholm, and the po­liteness [Page 364] of those that made the most gloriou [...] part of that Court. Two days after his Exce [...] lence had the curiosity to go & see the King greatest Men of Warr, which where then a Anchor near the Town, where indeed w [...] found his Majesty was very well provided This visit ended in a very fair collation which the Count Stenbock Admiral of Swedelan [...] made for his Excellence, in which he was en­tertained with Trumpets, Drums and Can­non. The next day his Excellence was treated again with extraordinarie pomp by the Chan­cellor in one of his Country houses some mile [...] from Stockholm, in the Company of the princi­pal nobility of that Court, where he received all possible demonstrations of the friendship and honour they bore to his person, every thing corresponding with his Dignity. As soon as he was arrived he was presented with the Collation & excellent musick, after that he had the diversion for half an hour to see nine Earles run at the Ring in his presence with great agility and address. From thence he was attended to the Table, where he found enough to indulge every one of his sences, they remaining almost four hours at the Table. Amongst other things there was a noble concert of Violins, of Trumpets, Ketle-Drums, and at his departure of Can­non. And this Entertainment was the occasion of another the next day in the Ambassadors [Page 365] house, where his Excellence regalled the [...] me Company again with all manner of [...]anckness and civility.

The 3. of October his Excellence and all his [...]tinue were treated again by the English [...]erchants residing in Stockholm. But this [...]east was scarce over when there hapned a [...]atal Quarrel betwixt two of the Ambassa­ [...]ors Gentlemen, one of which was a German [...]ollonel, whom his Excellence had received [...]nto his Family at Mosco, in the quality of a [...]entleman of his Train. The other that kil­ [...]ed him being of his acquaintance had lent [...]im a considerable sum of money, with pro­mise and expectation to have it suddenly [...]epaid. The Collonel having been a prisoner [...]ome time in Mosco, put himself with this [...]oney into a good Equipage: but instead [...]f repaying it, as he had promised, he in­ [...]ratefully contented himself with giving him [...]ll language from time to time. So as being [...]oth of them present at this Feast, they took [...]ccasion assoon as my Lord Ambassador was [...]etired, to decide the controversy by the Sword. The Combat was fatal to the Collo­nel, who received his deaths wound at the [...]irst pass, and he which brought the first Ti­dings of it to the Ambassadors house, was [...]he person himself that killed him, who not contented to triumph amongst us, went out [...]nto the streets to declaim against his adver­sary, [Page 366] and publish the good office he had don [...] in exterminating a person that was not worthy to live amongst men. But however h [...] was satisfied with himself, he was presentl [...] apprehended in the midst of his exultation and clapt in Prison, whilst his Excellenc [...] (who was not yet acquainted with the acci­dent) was taking his ordinary repose. Bu [...] the next morning, assoon as he was informe [...] of the business, his Excellence examined al [...] the circumstances himself, and finding by a [...] concurrence of evidence, that came in agains [...] the Collonel, that the other had received the injury in the Quarrel, he judged it a [...] good ground to discharge him of his impri­sonment, who had run himself into it by his imprudence and indiscretion. It was deposed against the Collonel, that he was a quarrel­some person, of an ill life, that he had nothing but formal & exteriour honesty, that he had cheated his adversary in matters of Importance, & that upon the demand of his money, he had provoked him to fight. This Evidence being confirmed, it was thought solid enough to justifie the business in some measure, so as the Defendant was discharged, but out of respect to his Excellence he removed himself for some time from his attendance, and went into Danemark to stay there till we came.

Mr. Henry Coventry being arrived at Stock­holm in quality of Envoy Extraordinary from [Page 367] his Majesty of great Britain, who having sent [...] Man of War to attend the Ambassador to [...]openhagen, his Excellence prepared with all [...]eed for his departure for Danemark. But [...]efore his departure, his Lady was obliged to [...]ake a Visit to the Queen, for though she had [...]efore excused her self by reason of her being [...]ith Child, yet the Queen expressed so great desire to see her, that she could no longer [...]rbear paying her Majesty her respects in the [...]alace. Her Ladyship had not been long with [...]e Queen (who discoursed with her all the [...]hile by the assistance of an Interpreter) but [...]e King came in to salute her, and a while [...]fter she took leave of both their Majesties.

About this time the Ambassador had received noble present from the King, which was a [...]edail of himself, with a rich Sword set [...]ith diamonds round about the Hilt, and [...]e pummel. For which cause his Excellence, [...]hat he might in some sort make an acknow­ [...]dgment of the value of the Present he recei­ [...]ed by the present he made to the Gentlemen [...]ages, Musicians, and other of the King and [...]ueens servants that had been employed [...]bout his Excellence during the entertainment [...]e had there since his arrival, he gave them [...]ear a thousand Crownes in Ducats to be [...]estributed according to their ranks. The [...]arshal or Steward of the house had given [...]im for his share in a silver purse threescore [Page 368] Ducats, he that introduced him to the Cere­monies had five and twenty in a purse of silver likewise, his Cupbearer and Carver and th [...] principal Gentlemen that attended her La­diship in an apartement where she had a Tabl [...] by her self had each of them twenty Ducats i [...] a purse of silver, the rest was distribute [...] without purses.

The 11. of October in the night, his Excellenc [...] tooke his leave of the King and Queen Mo­ther, and this was the complement which h [...] addrest first to the King in English.

This afterwards was rendered in Latin in this manner.

To this it was answered in Swedish and in Latin, That amongst the great marks his Majesty had received of the sincere Amity of his Majesty of great Britain, he esteemed it a particular one, that he had chosen his Excellence the Earle of Carlisle amongst all the Nobility of England for his Ambassador Extraordinary towards him. And having made reflexion upon the Prudence and Dex­terity which he had used to unite the Inte­rests of the two Kingdoms of Swedeland and England, he heartily wished he might have had a longer enjoyment of his presence there. But seeing he was recalled by his Majesty of great Britain, the King of Swedeland thought himself obliged before his departure to give him assurances of his good affection towards the King of England. And lastly, he wished my Lord Ambassador a happy return into his own Country, and withall assured him, That [Page 372] he might be alwaies very confident of his Favour.

This Audience being ended, his Excellence was conducted towards the Queen Mother, of whom he took leave in these terms.

This Complement was also interpreted in French.

Whilst the Ambassador was making this Complement, there happened an accident [...]hat surprised all the Company. For about [...]he middle of his Speech where he saith, That the boldest Eloquence would lose its [...]peech, his Excellence made a long pause, as [...]f by that he had designed to have verified [...]hat he had said. For my part at first I be­lieved [Page 374] it was the sincerity of my Lord Am­bassadors discourse that produced this effect, and that it being too great a task for him to represent to the Queen, the great honour his Master the King of England had for her, and the great sence himself had of the Favours which he had received from her Majesty, his Speech had failed him, according to that saying of Seneca, Curae leves loquuntur, in­gentes stupent; Small cares may be expressed, great ones are unutterable. But when I saw the Secretary fall himself upon the same rock, and stop in the same place when he in­terpreted the Complement in French, then I concluded the thing had been so contrived. At length both of them having recollected, they finished the Harangue, which in her Majesties name was thus answered; That her Majesty was very much obliged both to the King and Queen of England by the new assurances of friendship, which his Excellence had given her in their behalf; That her Ma­jesty desired his Excellence to testify to the King his Master with how much joy and sa­tisfaction She received those declarations, and that for her part She would not fail to employ the utmost of her Care for the Reli­gious conservation of the happy correspon­dence, which was now established betwixt the King of Swedeland her Son and his Majesty of great Britain; That She desired also, that [Page 375] he would signify to her Sister the Queen of England, with what zeal She honoured her Person and Virtues, and what delight She took in her prosperity; And lastly, That her Majesty was very well pleased with the generous Comportment of the Ambassador, and that she had a very great esteem of his Person and merits.

His Excellence having taken his leave in this manner of their Majesties, he was con­ducted into a large dining Room, where in their Majesties name he was treated with all kind of Magnificence and Pomp, in the Com­pany of the principal Officers of the Court.

Of my Lord Ambassadors Voiage from Stockholm to Copenhagen.

THe long and tedious time his Excellence had spent amongst those Sons of Winter in the Court of Moscovy, constrained him to make but a short stay here, to the end he might return the sooner into England. And for this reason on the 13. of October, two days after he had taken his leave, his Excellence departed from Stockholm towards Denmark, And the wind serving very well for the be­ginning of our Voiage, he made all possible haste to embark in good time. And notwith­standing the Extremity of the cold, we tra­vailed the whole night almost upon the water, [Page 376] that his Excellency might betimes reach the Man of War, which for a fortnight or three weeks had attended for him, about some ten Leagues from Stockholm. The next morning we embarked, and about evening the Master of the Ceremonies, and the Queens Mareshal or Steward of her house, who had bare his Excellence company so far, took their leave after the best entertainment that could be made them there, amongst the thundring of the Cannon, of which the Captain of the Ship was not at all sparing. The Ship was called the Centurion, and had at least fifty Guns mounted, and an hundred and seventy Seamen; so that it was no easy matter for the most part of the Ambassadors Servants to find place convenient to lodg themselves. In the mean while the Coach and Horses be­ing judged troublesome to be transported by Sea, they were dispatched away by Land, and arrived not at Copenhagen till after the Ambassador.

In this posture we continued on boord four days without power to depart, by reason his Excellencies goods, which were appointed to have followed immediately, made us lose the opportunity of the wind, by their arri­ving a day or two too late.

The 18. of October the wind serving again we set sayle, but the weather proved so misty and duskish, that we were constrained to cast [Page 377] anchor: however in the afternoon the clouds [...]eing a little dispersed, we advanced three [...]r four leagues, till at night we were forced [...]o come to an anchor again. This Road is so [...]angerous by reason of the narrowness of [...]he passage, and the multitude of Rocks in those parts (of which some are eminent above [...]ater, others lie under or are at most but [...]evel with the water) that besides the be­ [...]efit of good weather, a good Conduct and [...]are extraordinary is required, to avoid Ship­wreck. For this reason the Captain took Pilots along with him from that very place, [...]uch as had been used to convey Ships tho­ [...]ough that passage till they pass those rocks, [...]hich from Stockholm to the Main-sea lie [...]ispersed about four or five and twenty [...]eagues together.

The 19. day was so dark, that at first the Captain (a man of experience and Conduct as [...]ell as Valour) would not suffer us to weigh [...]nchor, though otherwise the wind was fa­vourable enough. Nevertheless about nine [...] clock in the morning, the day cleering up a [...]ittle, my Lord Ambassador desirous to lose [...]o opportunity prevailed with him so far as [...]o set sayle. About noon we thought we had mistaken our way; our Pilots surprised with [...]he apprehension knew not which way to [...]urn themselves, and the C [...]ain himself gave us all for lost, But at length we found [Page 378] our selves happily near Lantsort, which we left on our right hand, and having dismissed our Pilots we arrived at the Main-sea.

On the twentieth in the morning leaving Gotland on our left hand, we came within sight of the Isle of Bornholm on the 21. and on the 22. we came to an anchor in the evening betwixt two Islands about twelve leagues from Copenhagen. The principal di­vertisement we received all this Voiage was given us by a couple of tame Bears, which we brought with us from Mosco. One of them was so gentle, that one might beat him or play with him as with a Spaniel, for he ma­naged his teeth and his claws with that care­fulness and dexterity, that he never did any body hurt. And having been taught to wrestle, he in a short time attained to per­fection in it, and took great delight in that recreation. The other that was something the bigger of the two was of another humour and quality, his pleasure was to suck peoples fingers, insomuch that to endear ones self to him, there was no more to be done but to put ones finger into his mouth (which was very often done) and suffer him to suck it, as if it were a Teat. Sometimes he would bite a little, or give a pat with his foot if one passed by upon the Deck without treating him in that manner. This puts me in mind of what certain Naturalists have observed of this kind [Page 379] of Animal, namely, that they delight very [...]uch in sucking, and that being in the win­ [...]er time reduced to any great necessity, they [...]ustain themselves by sucking their own claws, [...]nd make the same supply the defect of other [...]ood. Besides these two Bears we had two [...]ild Cats, one of which had been presented [...]o the Ambassador at Stockholm. Their size [...]as as big as that of a good Dog, & their skins [...]potted almost like that of a Leopard, but [...]hey were extreamly fierce and dangerous.

The 23. the wind was contrary till night, [...] which we made five or six leagues by Moon-light, after which we thought fit to [...]ast anchor, that we might avoid the Shelves [...]hat were about us. On the 24. the Sea was [...]overed with so thick a mist, and agitated [...]ith so great a storm, that it was judged best [...]or us to lie at anchor all that day.

The 25. the fogs being dispersed we fi­ [...]ished the rest of our Voiage so happily, that [...]e came to an anchor about ten of the clock [...]efore Copenhagen, which we saluted imme­ [...]iately with twelve pieces of Cannon. About [...]alf an hour before we came to anchor, we [...]iscovered a Dutch Man of War passing on [...]er way for Holland. For some time she [...]ould not strike her Flag, which netled our [...]aptain so, that he gave order seven or eight [...]ieces of Cannon should be loaden with bul­ [...]ets to give them admonishment of their duty. [Page 380] And whilst he was attending till the Hollan­der came within shot before he gave fire, we perceived them take it down as we were just at an anchor. A quarter of an hour after the Dutch Vessel passed by our Ship and sa­luted us with five piece of Cannon, which our Captain returned with three of those he had laden with bullet, which he ordered to be shot over them into the Air. The Hol­lander after that gave us three more, which we answered again with one, and so we par­ted. After this the Ambassador sent his Se­cretary into the Town, to give notice of his arrival, and to carry his Credentials to the Chancellor. Whereupon the King sent his Vice-Admiral the same night, to let his Ex­cellence understand, with how much joy he received the news of his arrival, and withall to assure him that he might make his Entry the next day into the City. At the same time Sir Gilbert Talbot, who was but lately arrived in that Court from his Majesty of Great Bri­tain in the Quality of Envoy Extraordinary, came also to salute his Excellence. The Vice-Admiral & the Envoy came together in a ve­ry fair Barge, in which, being it was night, the Ambassadors Lady took the opportunity to go with them into the Town. And though it was very late, and our Ship at anchor about two leagues from the shore, her Ladyship chose rather to expose her self for some time [Page 381] to the darkness of the night, than to run the hazard of being brought to bed on Ship­board.

The next day we were very near being cast away in the very harbour. For we struck [...]o desperately upon the ground, that instead of making our solemn Entry into the Town, we had much ado to save our Vessel from a Wreck. After we had weighed anchor about noon to come up to the Town according to the Vice-Admirals Orders (who had sent us two Pilots for that purpose from Copenhagen) we were so ill steered by them, that we ran on ground immediately, and that with such violence, that our Ship was above a foot deep in the sand. Whereupon the Captain ordered our sailes to be furled and two piece of Cannon to be shot off, to give notice of our Condition to the Town. A while after which the Vice-Admiral himself arrived with some Boats full of Anchors and Cables, by means of which good office we dis-ingaged our selves by that time it was night, and came to seven fathoms water. And if on the one side the Malevolence or neglect of those two Da­nish Pilots was so dreadful, on the other side we found the Heavens favouring us excee­dingly in sending us a Calm on a sudden, after a violent and impetuous wind that had blown very hard till then, so that we came off without any other hurt than a great affright­ment. [Page 382] And indeed had the wind continued as strong as it had been before, in all appear­ance there had been no saving of our Ship, and perhaps we should have had much ad [...] to have saved our selves; whereas by the propitiousness of this unexpected Calm, both we and our Vessel were delivered from this great danger. His Excellencies Entry how­ever was put off till the next day, by reason the Ambassador of France (Mr. de Treslona Knight of Maltha) who was lately arrived at Copenhagen, and was not as yet removed from the House reserved for Ambassadors, since he made his Entry. And upon this score it was, that the Vice-Admiral was dispatched to his Excellence to excuse this delay.

On Thursday the 27. of October my Lord Ambassador made his solemn Entry with great Magnificence. And if from thence a judgment might be made of their Friendship to his Majesty of great Britain, we might without all scruple conclude, that the Amity of this Court in that respect exceeded the affection of the Swedes. In the first place two noble Gallies and a Galliot came to re­ceive his Excellence and his Train: for the wind was come about so cross, that it was impossible to get our Ship up into the Har­bour. Assoon as my Lord and his Attendants were entered into the Gallies, our Ship gave us twenty Guns, and in an hour and an halfs [Page 383] time we arrived in the Harbour, where we [...]aw his Majesties Men of War with all the glory of their Flags and Streamers displayed. There were twenty pleasure Boats also very [...]ell furnished to receive his Excellence and [...]is Train in the Harbour, and in these Boats [...]e made our Entry to the Town; The Foot­men first, then the Pages and Gentlemen, [...]fter them my Lord Morpeth, and next my [...]ord Ambassador accompanied by the Vice-Admiral and the Master of the Ceremonies. [...]n this manner our Boats following one ano­ [...]her in a File cross the whole Harbour, we [...]ad the opportunity as we past to survey a [...]reat number of the Kings Ships very nobly [...]quiped, and to hear the noise of the Cannon [...]aluting his Excellence as he went by, every [...]ne of them being laden with bullet. At last we landed at a place which they had covered with Tapestry and in which his Excellence was complemented from his Majesty. That done, he went into the Kings Coach which was there ready to attend him, and was con­ducted to the House of Ambassadors, where we continued during our Residence in this Court.

Of my Lord Ambassador's Residence a [...] Copenhagen.

COpenhagen stands upon the Sea, and though it be not naturally so strong, no [...] of that circumference as Stockholm, yet it i [...] artificially well fortified, and (the Country being plain) of a much better Scituation. There is a Canal that hath no more stream than there is before Stockholm, yet it is deep enough for some Merchants ships to ride therein safely. The Pallace hath nothing worth the Description, only there is a Tower which is very considerable for its height, but especially for its ascent, which being paved (so broad that a Coach might easily be drawn up and turned at the top) riseth insensibly without stairs. This Tower was built for the use of the Astronomers, out of which there is a fair Library erected by the side of it. From hence are several marks of the last Swedish Leagure to be seen, especially on a Steeple hard by, which was so battered by their Cannon, that the King to perpetuate the Memory of that Siege hath ordered the holes of the several shot to be gilt over with Gold. I could insert other Curiosities likewise that are to be seen in Copenhagen, but my desig [...] not being to give an exact Description of [Page 385] such things as are so well known, I shall sa­ [...]isfy my self in giving this short Character of [...]he Court. That if the Swedish Court hath a [...]reat resemblance with the French humour, [...]his hath much more the Genius of the Ger­ [...]an; and that if the former be more franck [...]nd active, these are more solid and of better [...]nvention. The Danish Language differs not [...]o much from the Swedish, but that the people [...]an easily understand one another. And as [...]or French, the Nobility of Denmark are as [...]ndustrious and diligent in learning it, as those [...]f the Court of Sweden.

Being arrived at this Town his Excellence [...]as treated (as at Stockholm) three days at [...]he Kings charge, and had his Audience on [...]he third. The Ceremonies were all in the [...]ame fashion as in the Court of Sweden, and [...]here being no Present to be made here more [...]han was there, his Excellence had no more [...]o do, but to make his Complement from the [...]ing his Master. The King of Denmark ap­ [...]eared to us very grave and Majestick, and [...]f a large Stature. He was booted à la Cava­ [...]ere, and though he was then at least three­ [...]ore Years old, yet he scarce looked to be [...]fty. He had a Sword by his side, a long Coat [...]overed with broad Gold and Silver lace, and [...] noble Plume of white Feathers in his Hat. [...]e stood under his Canopy with five or six [...]f his chief Ministers of State on one side of [Page 386] him, and in the midst of the Hall some ten o [...] twelve of the Life-Guards. The Ambassado [...] being come into the Hall made him a lo [...] Reverence, and the King saluted him again [...] and when he was come up near him, unde [...] his Canopy of State, he put on his Hat at th [...] same time his Majesty put on his, and deli­vered his Complement in these Terms.

This Speech was rendred into Latin after this manner;

After this was done, the Chancellor of Denmark in the Name of his Master made a reply, which was turned into Latin also. A­mongst other things, he declared the sence his Master had of the great Expressions of kindness which he had received from his dear Friend and Allie, the King of Great Britain; That there was nothing his heart was more inclined to, than to entertain a happy Corre­spondence [Page 394] with him, and that he would be always ready to embrace a Conjunction of Interests with the King of England. Lastly, that his Majesty was very well satisfied with the Abilities and Affection of his Excellence, and that he might assure himself of his Royal favour, and Good will. In the mean while, the King and the Ambassador obser­ved one thing punctually (as had been done in Sweden) that every time the word Majesty was pronounced in English, Danish, or Latin, both the one and the other pulled off their hats, and afterwards put them on again at the same time exactly.

After the Kings answer was made, his Excellencies Son, and all the Gentlemen went in order, to make their Reverence to his Majestie; and that done, his Excellence was conducted towards the Queen, whose Character is very well exprest in the Com­plement the Ambassador made her, with his head uncovered, which was interpreted in French.

To which, in the name of the Queen re­ceived an answer with expressions of her ac­knowledgment and affection.

From thence the Ambassador was condu­cted towards his Royal Highness the Prince Christian, who was at that time about eigh­teen years of age: To whom his Excellence made this Harangue with his hat on.

To which his Highness returned his An­swer himself in two or three words.

After which, his Excellence Complemented Prince George in his own appartement; he is a handsom young Prince of great hopes, and who is now much about fifteen or six­teen years of age. This was the Comple­ment his Excellence made him by Command from the King his Master.

[Page 400]The answer that was returned in the name of the Prince, contained Expressions of his Acknowledgments and Respect for the King of England; and towards the latter end the Prince gave his Excellence particular thanks, and an assurance of his favour.

And now as to those things that concern my Lord's transactions in that Court during the small time we continued there, after the first Audience, I shall speak first (as I did in my description of the second Embassy) of the Ambassadors Negotiation, next of his Entertainment, and last of all, of the most con­siderable passages that hapned besides, during the seven weeks time his Excellence remai­ned in that Court.

About this time it was, that preparations were making on all sides for that unhappy War, which so long afflicted both England and Holland, and filled all Europe with the noise of it. In order whereunto, the Estates of Holland and the rest of the United Pro­vinces inclining to the interest of France, did at the same time endeavour to have joyned the Forces of the Crown of Denmark with their own. The King of England on the other side, laboured as much to get the Crowns of S d en and Denmark over to himself. The management of which affair, was the pro­vince [Page 401] of Mr. Coventry in Sweeden, and of [...]r. Gilbert Talbot in Denmark, who before [...]he Ambassadors arrival had made some pro­ [...]ress in the business. Whence likewise it [...]as his Excellencies principal Emploiment, [...]uring his residence there, to bring the propo­ [...]ed League to a happy conclusion, & to con­ [...]ribute every thing that might conduce there­ [...]nto. True it is, that according to the ge­ [...]eral opinion, it would have been a great [...]ngratitude in the Dane, who had received [...]o great assistances from the Hollander in his [...]te troubles with Sweeden, to have not only [...]bandoned his Alliance with the Estates, but [...]pposed them in this occasion, by a conjun­ [...]tion with England. But, considering all the [...]anner in which the Estates comported [...]hemselves at that time, even the Danes [...]hemselves thought they had reasons enow [...]o have justified such a desertion. But to pass [...]y this gloss, I shall here only insert some [...]ew Informations, which the King of Den­ [...]arks Commissioners delivered to the Am­ [...]assador upon certain points which he desi­ [...]ed might be explained before his departure, [...]or the greater facilitation of the treaty which [...]r. Gilbert Talbot had begun. For though [...]he business succeeded not, and all things [...]ent contrary, by reason the Dane not being [...]ble to come to any agreement with the [...]weed, sided at last with the Dutch, yet it will [Page 402] not be superfluous to give some small pro­spect of the proceedings of Denmark in this Conjuncture.

And first of all the King of Denmark [...] Commissioners declared, that his Majesty would without any difficulty enter into a particular Alliance with Sweden, especially if it were done by the interposition of the King of Great Britain, with whom he was so nearly allied, that he could not conceive any thing would be recommended by him, bu [...] what would be effectually for the advantage of the Crown of Denmark; according to hi [...] Excellencies declaration, That his Master [...] would not endeavour to bring the Swede to any conditions, that should be to the preju­dice of his Majesty of Denmark. And that i [...] this confidence, he was very willing the King of England should negotiate a Confederac [...] with the Crown of Sweden as strict as hi [...] own affairs did require, and with as much advantage to himself as was possible. An [...] that furthermore for the better success in th [...] League which the King of England desired t [...] establish betwixt the Crowns of Denmark England, and Sweden, his Majesty conceived that one of the most necessary points wa [...] that the Swedes should be brought to aba [...] and retrench in some measure in the Priv [...] ledg they enjoyed of being exempt fro [...] Gabels and Customs in the Sound, and t [...] [Page 403] condescend that all Tolls in that place might [...]n respect of the Hollander, be restored to the [...]ondition wherein they were in the Year 1642. [...]o the end, that the three Kingdoms of Den­mark, England, and Sweden might manage [...]heir Commerce for the future with equal [...]dvantage. But if this Proposition should not be accepted by the Crown of Sweden, [...]he Commissioners declared, that the King [...]heir Master left it to the judgment of his Majesty of Great Britain what other means [...]ight be used to accomplish the Union proposed, and whether it would not be [...]onvenient to offer the Swedes a proporti­onable sum of money for the resignation of [...]heir Priviledg, and to give them sufficient [...]ecurity for the sum that should be so offered and accepted.

They thought it necessary moreover, that [...]he Subjects and Ships of the three Kingdoms might reciprocally trade into the Ports of each King, with the same Priviledges as the [...]nhabitants of the same Country, without any difference or limitation. And without doubt [...]his equality would have been of great im­ [...]ortance for the conserving the three Kings [...]n a perfect and perpetual Union.

Besides this his Majesty of Denmark judged [...]t expedient, that it should not be lawful for either of the three Kings to permit the Trai­ [...]ors or Rebels of the two other or either of [Page 404] them to have any shelter or protection in their Kingdoms, and that the same rule should be observed toward such Subjects as should convey themselves out of the Dominion of their Masters without his consent.

To that which related to the exemption of the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Bri­tain from paing Toll at the Passage into the Sound (as was proposed by his Majesty to the King of Denmark) The Commissioners gave his Excellence to understand, that the Registers of the Gabels of the Sound having been examined, how the same had been paid from time to time by all Nations trading into those Seas, and particularly by the English, they had found that his Majesty of Denmark could not demand less than an hundred and twenty thousand Rixdollers (or Crowns) yearly, to exempt the King of Englands Sub­jects from the payment of Tolls at their passage into the Sound. And that the King of Denmark would reserve the right of So­vereignity which he pretends to there, entire to himself, without any prejudice directly or indirectly by this Compact.

As to the design his Majesty of great Bri­tain had to joyn with the King of Sweden in removing and turning the trade from Arch­angel, and bringing it thorough the Sound; The King of Denmark answered by his Com­missioners, that when he understood upon [Page 405] what conditions and terms the King of En­ [...]land would joyn himself with the Swede in [...]ursuance of this design, his Majesty would [...]eclare himself more largely thereupon, and [...]ive manifest Evidence of his Inclination to [...]romote as much as possible the Commerce [...]f the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Bri­ [...]ain. And that only in case the Proposal [...]efore mentioned did not succeed: Other­ [...]ise the generality of the English Commo­ [...]ities which pass thorow the Sound, would [...]ot have need of any other Priviledg. But [...] case that should not be admitted, it might [...]t least be accommodated by a particular [...]ransaction touching the manner in which the Toll was to be paid in the Sound, for all such Commodities as should be brought from Moscovy that way. The Commissioners de­ [...]lared further as to what concerned the Pro­ [...]osition about Moscovy, that his Majesty of Denmark was not in any particular League [...]ith that Crown, and that there was then [...]ome differences depending betwixt them [...]bout their Limits, where the Frontiers of [...]orway are adjacent to the Dominions of the [...]zar.

As to that part which related to the sum [...]f money which the King of Denmark should [...]emand in case he set out a Fleet for the ser­ [...]ice of his Majesty of England, The Commis­ [...]oners made answer, that the King their Ma­ster [Page 406] intending to set out twenty Men of War at the begining of the Spring, with nine hundred and fourscore or a thousand pieces of Cannon, and five thousand good Seamen and Soldiers besides Officers, it would be necessary, that five and twenty thousand Crowns extraordinary should be paid him at least, besides what charges he should be forced to be at himself to maintain them at Sea.

In short, the King of Denmark insisted, that his Majesty would endeavour that the King of Sweden should declare himself as to the Union proposed, and that nothing should be transacted in this matter without his know­ledg and consent.

And this being all we have to say of the Ambassadors Negotiation, it follows that we say something of his manner of Entertain­ment in this Court, which was almost the same as at Stockholm in Feasts and Treatments. For, besides the Entertainments of the three first daies after his arrival, (which some charged of having somewhat in them of the Bacchanalian air) there were several othe [...] feasts, as particularly, when his Excellence treated Mr. de Treslon the French Ambassa­dor, of whom I have spoken before. From which time there was so great a friendship betwixt the two Ambassadors, as would have made one admire to behold the extraordi­nary [Page 407] frankness and civilities which passed be­tween them. They visited one another very frequently, and that by surprize sometimes, and treated one another with all imaginable Respect and Courtship. Mr. Treslon being the first of the two at Copenhagen, made the first Visit to my Lord Embassador, who met him at the outward Gate next the street, giving him the precedence and right hand whilst he was in his house, which was like­wise observed by the French Ambassador when his Excellence visited him, and this was the commmon reception they used to one another. The business of that Embassy from the King of France was for the con­summation of a League, which was in trans­action betwixt that King and the King of Denmark. And it extended no further, than a bare treaty of Amity for the security of both the Allies, and (as my Lord Ambassador was assured) aimed not at the prejudice of any Prince, much less of the King of Great Britain, who was expresly comprised therein, and might have been received into the Al­liance if he pleased himself. Mr. de Treslon staid in this Court not above three weeks, and on the fifteenth of November he departed from Copenhagen for Stockholme, where he had another Embassy to make from the King his Master. But besides the feasting that was occasioned by the intimacy of these two [Page 408] Ambassadors, there was one more than ordi­narily remarkable on the seventeenth of No­vember, which was at the Christening the child of my Lady Ambassadress, who was brought to bed about a fortnight before of a Son. It was Christened by the King, the Queen, and his Royal Highness, and was named Frederick Christian, on a Sunday at night in the House where his Excellence resi­ded. As soon as our Chaplain had administred the Baptism according to the Liturgy of the Church of England, the King went to salute my Lady Ambassadress in her Chamber, which was near the Room where the Infant was Baptized. The Queen accompanied the King in this Visit, his Royal Highness with the two Princesses his Sisters & several Ladies of the Court following them. There were seve­ral of the chief Ministers of State came in also to congratulate her Ladiship upon her happy delivery. From this Visit their Ma­jesties past into a large Room, where his Ex­cellence had prepared a Noble and Magnifi­cent Collation for them. The King would not sit down, but choose rather to stand on one side of the table, as her Majesty did also on the other, with the Prince Christian and the two Princesses. His Majesty continued bare all the while, drinking several Healths with the Ambassador and other great Per­sons of his Court, amongst which, the Lord [Page 409] Treasurer (who had been lately his Ambas­sador to the King of England) was one. My Lord Morpeth, his excellence's Son, entertai­ned the Queen all the time, his Excellence taking only now and then opportunity to address himself to her Majesty. The Gentle­men and Pages that were attending on his Majesty were in the same Room, where they also had their share of this Entertainment as well as the rest of the more inferiour servants who remained in the Court below. At length after about half an hours time, his Majesty retired with the Ambassador wai­ting upon him. Three daies after his Excel­lence treated his Royal Highness again very sumptuously, and after dinner, His Highness was pleased to divert himself in dancing some howers with his Excellence and his principal Gentlemen. Besides these Collati­ons and some others which I pretermit, his Excellence had two or three daies recreation in hunting the Hare with his Royal Highness. At other times he took a survey of whatso­ever was most remarkable in the City, and amongst other things the Arsenal, and some other magazins for their Anmunition & In­struments of War. At our entrance into the Arsenal, which we found very fine and in good order, we were surprised at first, to see a Coach passing before us, as it were by a pe­culiar motion of its own: but the motion was [Page 410] performed by wheel-work with a kind of rud­der to steer it. For which purpose, there were two men placed secretly within it, one to turn the wheels (which was the reason it moved) and the other to manage the Stern. They shewed his Excellence the Rarities also in the Kings Pallace, which were several very curious pieces of Mechanicks, besides many Curiosities brought from the remotest Coun­tries. The Rareties were disposed in five or six several appartements on one floor, and indeed were the only observable things al­most we saw in that Pallace. Amongst other things, in one of these appartements we had a sight of an excellent piece of Art, which was a little Ship, ready rigged, whose Mast, Ladders, Sailes and Cannon were all of Ivo­ry. But his Majesty having a particular de­sire to caress his Excellence, he thought good to shew him his Pallace at Frederixburgh which without contradiction is is a most mag­nificent and exact Pile.

In the mean time, the King had the Curiosi­ty to go and see the Man of War which brought his Excellence from Stockholm, and was then at Anchor in the Harbour atten­ding his departure. This Visit being made of a suddain, and in the absence of the Cap­tain and the greatest part of the other Offi­cers of the Ship, the Seamen were at no small loss to receive his Majesty as he ought [Page 411] to have been. Nevertheless that hindered not but his Majesty left some tokens of his being there, by a considerable Present which he sent to the Captain and all the Seamen. The Captain at his return, being desirous to publish his Majesties generosity, thought he could not do it any waies more remarkably than by firing his great Guns, which though in the Night, he discharged so freely at his return to his ship, that the noise gave the Town an alarm immediately, the drums beating through the streets, and all people running to their Arms, till at last they under­stood the occasion, and turned their appre­hensions into laughter.

About this time my Lord Ambassador had advertisement from Mosco, amongst other things, that Calthof (who was detained by the Tzar after our departure) was constrai­ned to re-engage himself for two Years in the Great Dukes service. He had notice like­wise, that his Tzarskoy Majesty had dispatched an Ambassador to the King of Great Britain, to complain of him as a person that had been deficient in his respects to the Tzar and his principal Boyars in the whole process of his Negotiation. But the Ambassador having from time to time sent Copies into England of all that had passed betwixt him and the Commissioners, and being otherwise well ad­vised, that the King his Master did well [Page 412] approve of what he had done, he troubled not himself with what the Tzar should attempt, being very well assured (as indeed it after­wards happened) that all his efforts would not be able to shake the reason and justice upon which his conduct was founded.

About the latter end of our Residence there, there was a publick combat performed in the presence of the King, with portable Pumps, or Engins, such as are used frequent­ly in the quenching of great fires. It was managed before the Pallace, betwixt six or seven men one against another, having several others appointed for the management of their Pumps, and for supplying them with water from the Canal. Every one discharged upon his adversary by lifting up the Pipe, and levelling it against his Enemy, exposing them­selves to the force of the Engins within fifteen or sixteen paces, and plying their bu­siness so well, that they left one of the Cham­pions but one eye to guide him back again to his House.

My Lord Morpeth departed for England on the first day of Dicember with four or five Gentlemen and some Footmen in his retinue. His Excellence sent him by Land, that he might have the advantage of seeing some remarkable places in the way betwixt Den­mark and England, but especially in Flanders thorough which his design was to pass. The [Page 413] Ambassador in the mean time prepared to [...]ake his own Voiage by Sea, but the weather [...]roving cold, and the Sea frozen before Copen­ [...]agen so hard, that our ship which was to [...]arry us was become unmoveable, his Excel­ [...]ence took a resolution of following his Son [...]y Land, and according to that design took [...]is leave of his Majesty the 11. of December [...]n this manner.

This Complement was thus expressed in Latin by my Lord Ambassadors Secretary.

The Chancellor returned an answer in the [...]ame of his Master, full of all manner of [...]rotestations of mutual Amity, which was [...]ndred into Latin likewise. After which [...]e Ambassadors Gentlemen advanced to [Page 418] make their Reverence to his Majesty. That done, the Ambassador went to take his leave of the Queen: which he performed in these terms.

[Page 420]The Answer that was returned in the name of the Queen consisted only like the former of affectionate Expressions toward their Majesties of Great Britain, with assu­rances of the favour She had for the per­son of the Ambassador. After which his Excellence was conducted to his Royal High­ness in his Appartement, of whom he took his leave in this manner.

To which the Prince made answer him­self in two or three words as he had done before. And from his Highness the Ambas­sador departed towards Prince George with this Complement.

[Page 424]Whereunto answer was given in the name of the Prince with great acknowledgment, affection and respect towards the King of England, and his Excellence had also therein several expressions of the particular affecti­on his Highness had for his person.

That same day there was a great Ball made in the Pallace, in which my Lord Ambassa­dor past most part of the night. But in the mean while by the favour of a Southerly wind, the weather became so gentle, that with­in three or four daies time the ice was dissol­ved, so that our Man of War was in a con­dition to set sail. Whereupon my Lord Am­bassador chang'd his design of going by land, and prepared himself to embarque with all speed, for which reason he quit himself of of his coach and horses, and presented them to the Master of the Ceremonies.

Of his Excellences Voiage from Copenhagen to London.

ON the fifteenth of December, four days after the Audience of Congé, his Excel­lence embarqued, and the next day we came to an Anchor before Elsinore (six Dutch miles from Copenhagen) where we lay, in expecta­tion of an Easterly wind.

About this time the Publick Peace began [Page 425] to be broke betwixt the English and the Dutch, acts of Hostility being committed on both sides, & though the War was not as yet formally declared, yet the Goods and Persons of either Nation were subject to the outrages and depredations of War. Which conside­ration, without doubt would have been e­nough to have made us apprehensive of some disastrous event in our voiage, had not, our earnest desire of seeing England a­gain, and the advantage we had of being in a Man of War so well provided taken a­way all impressions of fear. True it is we had daily advice of five or six Dutch men of War, which lay to watch for us in the way, and doubtless for his Excellences sake, would have done their utmost to have taken us. Yet the greatest part of us thought little of being taken, and expected rather to catch some prey or other.

For want of a fair wind we lay six dayes at Anchor before Elsinore, so that we had time enough to take a view of the Town, and the Castle which secures the same very well. In the mean time we had news of his Tzarkskoy Majesties Ambassadors arrival at London, and with what coldness he was re­ceived by the King, who immediately gave him to understand his resentment of the small satisfaction his Tzarskoy Majesty had given him in that honourable & splendid Em­bassy [Page 426] which his Tzarskoy Majesty had received from him. And it being about this time we made the first discovery of the great Comet that then appeared in Europe, one of us took occasion to say, That the Great Dukes Ambas­sador had already found the effects of it.

At length on the 23 of that moneth very early in the morning we departed from Elsi­nore. We were scarce advanced twenty leagues in our way, but the wind turned about & came cross as before, so that we were forced back to Elsinore. My Lord Ambassa­dor observing the uncertainty he was in, and that he was become the pastime of wind and Sea, believed it his most expedient course to travail by Land. The indignation he had against lying idle so long in a place, and the Impatience of remaining in so tedious a con­dition, perswaded him to a resolution of leaving the Sea, and making his journey by Land, in case the Wind did not turn favour­able within four and twenty hours. But the wind blew so strong from the shore, that it was not possible for us to land, much less to pro­ceed in our Voiage by Sea. So that it seemed, that not the Sea only, but the Heavens and the Earth also had set themselves in oppo­sition to the Ambassadors design.

And on the 28. we had a storm so dismal by reason of the obscurity of a very dark night, that we were very much amazed to [Page 427] find our selves the next morning at anchor near an Iland about two leagues further from Elsinore than we were before.

The 29. the wind not being so high as it had been before, his Excellence prepared for his departure by Land, taking only nine of his Domesticks with him, and leaving the rest with his Lady, who made her Voiage by Sea. I was one of the nine that attended on the Ambassador, and am for that reason obliged to give a general account of the manner and occurrences of his Excellencies Journey.

First we crossed the Iland of Sealand pas­sing to Fredrixburgh, so that we arrived at Cossor the last day of the year. The next, being New-years day, we passed from Sealand to the Isle of Funhen (which was four Dutch miles) in a Galliot, and the same day advanced eight miles further cross the Iland. The next day, from Funhen we arrived in Holstein, making two miles in a Fisher-boat, and from thence by Aldersleven and Frentsburgh we arrived at Hamborough. From Hamborough by Bockstoud we came to Bremen, and from Bremen into West falia, so that we arrived at Munster on the eleventh of January. From Munster we came to Cologne upon the Rhine, from Cologne to Malines in Flanders, and from Malines to Brussels on the 22. From Brussels in six days we came to Calais, taking Alst, [Page 428] Gaunt, Bruges, Newport, Dunkirk, and Grave­line by the way. From Calais to Dover we made seven leagues by Sea, from Dover we came post to Gravesend, and from thence on the 30. of January up the Thames to London.

The Consideration of the State of the times in which this journey was taken, made his Excellence travail about in this manner, rather than follow his direct road thorough Holland, which had been the shorter cut. And because we were to pass near the Fron­tiers, the Ambassador thought good also to conceal his Quality, and travel incognito, especially after he was out of the Dominions of the King of Denmark; by which means he avoided at the same time another incon­venience, which was the Receptions and Ce­rimonies, which his Dignity without doubt would have drawn upon him in his jorney, which would have much retarded him in his design of making all possible haste into Eng­land, whither the King his Master had recall'd him. In obedience to which, his Excellence so much inforced himself, that from the day of our setting forth, to our arrival at Co­logne we travelled very often eight Dutch miles or sixteen leagues a day, and so we were forced many times to travel in the night also, In the mean time the weather, which was rainy at our setting out from Co­penhagen, [Page 429] was returned again to its former Extremity, and we making our passage al­most all the way from Elsinore to Cologne in Post-waggons which were uncovered, we were so incommoded with cold, that we were almost convinced, that it was scarce [...]ny thing colder in Russia. Betwixt Cologne [...]nd Calais the weather was more favourable, [...]e had the convenience to travel all this [...]ay by Coach, except about eight leagues [...]etwixt Gant and Bruges upon the Canal.

At Cossor in Sealand we found his Royal [...]ighness the Prince of Denmark's Master of [...]orse, sent thither by his Majesty to attend [...]is Excellence thorough his Dominions as [...]r as Hamburg. At Hamburg we made so mean [...]n Entry, that we had scarce any thing to be seen in our Chariots but hay & straw, especial­ [...]y in the Ambassadors, which was as well [...]urnisht with them as any of his followers. Yet this could not prevent a complement [...]ext day from the Magistrates, who exprest much trouble that the Ambassador had not [...]een received into their Town, with such [...]ublick testimonies, as might have demon­ [...]rated their Amity with the Crown of Eng­land, and the honour which was due to his Quality. His Excellence having returned his [...]hanks, gave them to understand, that in [...]hat juncture of time he was obliged to pass [...]s privately as was possible, and that the [Page 430] greatest favour they could do him then, wa [...] to comply with his design. We stayed i [...] this City but two dayes, the very first day being enough to discover us. At our parting from thence, I met a young Merchant of tha [...] Town, with whom I had contracted a strict Friendship at Mosco, whither in a short time he was to return. His Excellence being so well known here, he permitted the English Resipent, and several English Merchants to accompany him out of the Town. We pas [...] the Elbe, as we had past the Volga in Moscovie, upon sledges; and indeed the Elb [...] was so frozen and covered with snow, that it would have indured any kind of load whatsoever.

The same day we departed from Hamburg, we were surprized with an accident at Bock­stoud, a Town depending on the Crown of Sweden. For being upon the point of de­parting after dinner, and having hired fresh waggons to make three or four leagues that night, it hapned that the Secretaries wago­ner would not stir, unless there might go along with him another wagoner his Com­rade, who would have been as useless to us as his waggon. The Secretary not able to bring him to reason by fair means, tried what he could do by foul, and by clapping a pistol to his head would have forced him along with him. But immediately his pistol was wrested from [Page 431] him, and as they were putting themselves into a posture to abuse him, we interposed so effectually, that he was rescued out of the hands of a barbarous rout of peasants and Mechanicks. But whilst the Secretary was going to the Governour to desire him to take some order in the case, we found the rest of us beset by above a hundred of them, some of them endeavouring to rob us of our goods, and others to do violence to our persons; so that besides a little Spaniel which they stole from us, we lost four or five of our fire arms. Amongst the rest we had a Page lost his Periwig in the Combat, and having then a garment on in the fashion of the Samojedes, which for better resistance of the weather, he made no scruple to wear in his travels, he lookt in that habit so un­like a Christian, that the rable took particu­lar delight to toss him up and down with his Furs in the snow. His Excellence that was but just gone before, being surpriz'd with the alarm of the skirmish, came back there­upon, and at length the business was com­posed, but so, that whereas we had usually five waggons before, we went from hence but with four, and the Page made the rest of his voiage without his Periwig. The manner of our Treatment at this place per­swaded us very strongly, that the Ambassador was not known in this Town, in which we [Page 432] found the People so unkind, that we might perhaps with as much reason call it Ponero­polis, as that to which Philip King of Macedon gave that name, being inhabited only by a sort of rude and raskally People.

The next day being arrived at Bremen we understood by the Gazette that my Lord Morpeth was prisoner at Wesel, and that the Hollanders had taken him and his Train, some two or three miles from Munster in his way to Cologne. True it is the Gazette made not mention of his name, but all the circum­stances of the news were clear indications to us, that it was his Lordship whom it meant: which his Excellence applied to himself as a dangerous Omen. And having designed to follow him upon the same Road he took all possible care to avoid the like misfortune; for which cause he had a particular care to make a short stay in every Town, and to assume only the bare title of a Gentleman. In which act one might have said, his Excel­lence seemed as well to represent the person of the King his Master in his Exile, as he had lately done in the Pomp and Splendour of his Restoration.

In short we were no sooner arrived at Munster, three days after our departure from Bremen, but we understood the truth of the News, and all the circmstances of my Lord Morpeth's being betrayed in that Town. For [Page 433] by accident we lay in the very same Inn he had lain in before us. And because it was very easy for us to have been discovered by the Liveries, though the same were some­thing disguised, to prevent all intelligence that might be given to the Governour of Wesel, his Excellence thought good to remove with all speed from Munster, lest we should be surprised in the same manner. So that we staid at Munster not above four or five hours, which Expedition was so fortunate to us, that we escaped the like danger thereby. After we were gone a day or two's journey from the Frontiers, we were not much sollicitous any more, unless it were in our passage betwixt Calais and Dover: but his Excellence ma­naged this Voiage with that prudence and caution, that at last we arrived very happily in England.

At Rochester we understood that the Am­bassadors Lady was arrived at London, fifteen days before, and as for himself, that the Court did not expect his coming so soon after they knew the condition of my Lord Morpeth. Insomuch that the Court was al­together surprised with his arrival, as they were soon after with that of his Son, who arrived three days after my Lord his Father, the States having released him and his Train, after some days confinement at Wesel.

[Page 434]The Ambassador being returned to London in this manner, went immediately to pay his Duty to his Majesty, carrying with him the Letter which the Tzar had delivered him at Mosco. The King having first signified the satisfaction he received to see him returned from so long a Voiage, at length amongst other things spake to him about the Embassy which he had lately received from the Tzar, and commanded him in order to his justifi­cation, to give in writing a Narrative of all that had passed relating to himself in his first Embassy: Which he performed to the con­fusion of the Ambassador that brought the accusation against him. And for fear I should leave this work imperfect, I thought it ne­cessary to adjoyn to it my Lords Apology; for without doubt it would have been a great indecorum, having brought the Reader thus far, to leave him in suspence in a business of so great Importance. True it is, the most things that are contained in it have been mentioned by me before, yet there are seve­ral passages also which I reserved for this place, to give the Reader more satisfaction and entertainment. The Style being plain, is therefore the more proper for this Relation, whose business it is only to give an ingenuous Narrative, entirely conformable to the truth, and which answers directly to the Articles which the Tzars Ambassador presented against [Page 435] his Excellence. I thought it not necessary to introduce the Articles by themselves, because they are all of them particularly refelled in his Answer, made in the following form [...]n his Excellencies behalf, as a justification [...]f his proceedings.

The Lord Ambassadors Apology.

HAving received a writing from His Tzarskoy Majesties Embassadors, where­ [...] they testifie the extraordinary affection of His Tzarskoy Majesty toward his Royal [...]ajesty, and the great honours therefore [...]ewn to the Earle of Carlisle His Royal [...]ajesties late Embassador, justifying more­ [...]er all the proceedings of his Tzarskoy Majesties Commissioners treating with the [...]d Earle of Carlisle, and laying on the [...]ontrary an hainous charge of several Ar­ [...]les against the said Earle of Carlisle con­ [...]rning his Demeanor and Conduct in the [...]d Embassy; We therefore return for an­ [...]er, a Narrative of the whole matter of [...]ct as the said late Embassador extraordi­ [...]ry upon his Royal Majesties Command [...]th stated it for his own just and necessary [...]dication.

[Page 436]And first, at the said Earle of Carlisle [...] first descent upon the bridge of Archangel, there met him one Bogdan, declaring he was appointed his Pristaf, whom therefore the said Earle of Carlisle saluted and respected accordingly. And when they should have gone toward the place appointed for his lodging, the said Pristaf took the right hand of the Ambassador, and said that he had such orders from Knez Sherbatof the Governour of Archangel. Which the Earle of Car­lisle refusing to submit to, was forced to stand upon the open bridge, in the sight o [...] so many strangers of several Nations about half an hour, till the Pristaf might send up to the Castle for the Governours further pleasure, who at last, sent and altered the Pristafs orders.

Moreover the Earle of Carlisle being up­on his journey from Archangel towards Vologda, the Pristaf sent before to Knez Ivan Machailovitz Governour of the Vaga, that me [...] might be ready at Arsinoa for drawing up the boats. But the said Governour threatned the Strelitz that was sent, reviled th [...] Pristaf, and spoke slightingly of the Embassador, nor took any care for providing me [...] necessary. Insomuch that the Embassador was left there in a strange Countrey, no [...] knowing how either to go forward or backward, till by his own great care he got me [...] [Page 437] together, being inforced to hire them at his own expence from Arsinoa to Yagrish. Which money indeed, at the Ambassadors depar­ture from Mosco was repaid him.

Further, the Stolnick Offonassy Evanovich Nestrof, and the Diack Evan Stepanovich Davidof coming to Vologda as new Pristaves to conduct the Ambassador to Mosco, the said Stolnick at his first coming to the Ambas­sador, said to him, that His Tzarskoy Maje­sty had ordered them and the Ambassador to come to Mosco, naming themselves before the Ambassador.

Likewise the said Stolnick refused abso­lutely to furnish the Gentlemen with sledds convenient, and would only allow them such bare sledds as are used by the common Mousicks, so that the Ambassador was for­ced to buy those sledds for the Gentlemen with his own money.

Also the said Stolnick was so strict in matters of provision, that the Ambassador was refused one single egg for his use, the Chalavalnicks or Purveyors alledging that they durst not do it without the said Stol­nicks order, and that they durst not wake him.

Besides, at Yeroslaf, Troitza, and other places upon the way, the Ambassador was un­necessarily detained several daies from pro­ceeding on his journey to his Tzarskoy Maje­sty.

[Page 438]And at last, the Ambassador being arri­ved at the Yaws, some four English miles from Mosco, and having staid there two days, was overnight upon the fourth of February told by the said Stolnick, that he had or­ders for his entring into Mosco the next day, and therefore desired him to be ready by nine a clock in the morning, which he was. Nevertheless he and his whole retinue were staid all the next day at the Yaws till four in the evening, without any meat or drink, or the least refreshment whatsoever, and at that unseasonable hour, orders came for their going on to Mosco.

And being more than half way thither, then came new orders, that the Ambassador should not make his Entry that night but turn into a village yet worse than the Yaws.

There came that night to the Ambassador the Diack Lookian Timopheovich Golozof from the Tzar, laying the fault upon the mes­sengers, sent with orders from Mosco, who he said mist their way to the Yaws.

The Ambassador spoke neither then, nor at any time else of all or any of the former indignities, but this being so notorious, he demanded reparation, and that till then he would not stir hence toward Mosco,

And yet Demente Bashmacof Diack of the Taynich Deal coming to him the next mor­ning [Page 439] & promising in his Tzarskoy Majesties name, he should have satisfaction, in less than a quarter of an hours space he condescended to make his Entry, and did not spend half an hour in setting forward.

But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty Com­missioners formerly, as now His Embassadors, say that the Earle of Carlisle spun out that day also until the evening, it was not so. But all the time that was spun out, was part­ly by Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offanassevich Pronchissof, who though he were sent forth to the Embassador to be his Pristaf into Mos­co, sat in his Sledd, formalizing a long time, that the Embassador should first come out of his Sledd to him, and after a tedious ca­pitulation and agreement before so many spectators whereby they were to come out together, yet the said Doomnoy Duoranin making a feint of stepping forward hung in the air among the arms of his attendants to cheat the Embassador.

And the other stay, which was very long, was by reason of those troops of Gentle­men and others that were present, who to make the guard continue and hold out to the eye were forced ever and anon to make a stand, while those that had met the Embassa­dor before should under the blind of those next to him gallop away behind to fill up a new station forward.

[Page 440]And so it was night again before the Am­bassador could enter, which might have been prevented by expecting one day longer, as the Ambassador moved the Diack of the Tay­nich Deale.

But those great Wax-tapers, which the Ambassadors speak of in their paper, were in so good order, that it is evident it was re­solved upon a night Entry in good time be­fore hand.

As to the Ambassadors first Audience it was indeed agreed upon, that it should be upon the ninth of February, and the Doomnoy Duoranin told the Ambassador that was a great sign of his Tzarskoy Majesties favour, yet it was afterwards put off that it must not be till the eleventh of February, for what contrary reason the Ambassador knows not.

Also, although at his first Audience he told his Tzarskoy Majesty, that he had particular commands from his Royal Majesty concerning Sir John Hebdon, yet the Ambassador was refused to deliver that recommendatory Letter concerning him to his Tzarskoy Majesties own hand, but obliged to tender it to his Commissioners.

Also at coming to Conference, the Lords Commissioners stood up alwaies within the Room, without moving to meet the Ambas­sador, and also at all Conferences they took the high end of the Table.

[Page 441]The Ambassador delivered at the first Conference a very treatable and courtly de­mand of reparation for the miscarriage of his Entry.

And though he then signified that he could not proceed to other matters of State till that were rectified, yet upon the Commissi­oners earnest motion, and ingaging their honours towards his Reparation, he at the same time delivered in another Proposition concerning the restitution of the Priviledges.

And the Restitution of the Priviledges is a matter of State joyntly concerning the true brotherly love of both great Princes, and certainly the foundation thereof was laid in the Priviledges.

To these first Propositions of the Ambas­sador the Commissioners gave in their answer, Wherein they assume all their own Titles, and name themselves before the Ambassador Extraordinary, but him they call only plain Knez Charles Howard.

Also speaking of his Royal Majesties Fa­ther, they call him only Slauopamite, of glo­rious memory, but his Tzarskoy Majesties Father Blagenniopamite, of ever blessed me­mory.

Concerning the Ambassadors Entry they now add another pretence, the long time of arraying the Courtiers and military Troops for his Reception.

[Page 442]They say the Ambassador ought not before he came into Mosco to have demanded rea­son and reparation of his being staid the first day.

They accuse the Ambassador for staying the second day.

And they say the Messengers by whom the delay was caused had been punished, which was not so: and if ever the least thing had been done in order thereto the Ambassador had desisted, and he signified frequently to the Commissioners, that he himself would have interceded for their pardon.

Then as to the matter of Priviledges, for answer they raise an high accusation against the whole Russia Company, word for word as it was delivered to Prideaux Cromwel's Agent, of which nothing was then or ever since proved in particular.

But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty had given to understand to his Royal Majesty, as if the Priviledges had been taken away in detestation of the late Rebellion in England, that is only mentioned for numbers sake.

But they lay great stress upon a Letter sent (they say) by his late Majesty to his Tzarskoy Majesty by Luke Nightingale, de­siring the abrogating of the Priviledges.

And in this their first answer they conclude positively against the granting any Priviledg, not so much as blanching it in hansom words, [Page 443] as his Tzarskoy Majesty did to Cromwel upon the same occasion, wherein he saith thus, And now we the Great Lord by reason of these times of War cannot enter upon a review of these businesses, but for the future Our Tzars­koy Majesties order will be to the English Mer­chants, such as may stand with the quiet, advantage, friendship, and amity of both great Nations.

Indeed in some Papers afterwards the Com­missioners, as now the Ambassadors, do lay the excuse upon the wars, seeming to promise something when they should be at an end, but in loose words, and to be expounded according to time and occasions, as the Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offanassevich Pron­chissof did not disown, when the Ambassador (not in order to treat or close, which he could not upon any such conditions) but for better information discoursed with him con­cerning the words wherein they expressed that overture.

And in this the Commissioners first paper aforesaid they conclude with an exception against the Title most Illustrious given by the Embassador at his first audience to his Tzars­koy Majesty, according to the Title used in his Royal Majesties Letter, and by his Pre­decessors to the Predecessors of his Tzarskoy Majesty. Whereas that first Speech of the Embassadors was all thorough composed of [Page 444] the greatest honour and courtship to his Tzarskoy Majesty that any thing could be imagined.

Nevertheless the Posolkoy Diack Almaze Evanof one of the Ambassadors Commissioners did also in open Precas say, that the Title most Illustrious used by the Ambassador was an unmannerly expression.

The Ambassador being still further off any reparation of the former affront, but rather finding it fixed upon him by the Commissio­ners first answer, and considering the abrupt striking off the Priviledges, was not in case to propound any further matter of State, and therefore replyed only according to the occasions naturally given him by the Com­missioners paper.

That as to the excuse of the Messengers missing their way within four miles of Mosco, it was scarce possible and not probable, be­cause the same first day early in the morning, men that came to Sir John Hebdon at the Yaws from his Tzarskoy Majesty upon a dishonour­able occasion found the way very easiy.

And whereas this first pretence was now inched out with another, the long arraying of the troops that they could not be in rea­diness the first day (whereas to the contrary, the Embassadors themselves say now in their Paper, that those troops waited for the Earle of Carlisle that first day from mor­ning [Page 445] till night) he saith, That it is hard for him to conceive, whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty is able at so great distances, by the good orders of his Generals in his absence, to embattle so numerous and victorious Armies upon the sud­den opportunities of fighting an Enemy, that after his so slow advancing from Vologda, and lying three days almost under the Gates of his Tzarskoy City, the continual attendants upon his own person, where they can learn nothing but the most exquisite order, should not in a whole day be in a posture to receive the Ambas­sador of a Friend; Which is so honourable as nothing can be said more, and yet these are the words which the Commissioners, and now the Ambassadors, complain against as re­proachful to his Tzarskoy Majesties Armies. And afterwards upon his saying, they herein perverted his meaning, the Commissioners then, and now the Ambassadors, quarrel yet further; And so wherein the Ambassador saith, they are ill founded in their exception against Illustrissimus, as though it were not lawful for a Stranger in Moscovy to speak truth, and an Ambassador must discourse un­der tuition.

He also required in his Majesties name the sight of that Letter of Nightingales, and that being so false and reflecting so highly upon his late Majesties memory, it might be deli­vered into his hands. Which the Commissio­ners [Page 446] would never produce, though kept it up still as a pretence, and at the last being urged to it, said that it was lost, but assoon as they could find it (which they never would) he should have it.

He also alledged his Tzarskoy Majesties promise by letter to his Royal Majesty to restore the Priviledges at the coming of His Embassador.

He answered the accusation against the Merchants, replyed to their exception against Illustrissimus, and admonished the Commissi­oners of their omitting his Royal Majesties Title, Defender of the Faith, of which the Embassadors also may do well to take notice.

After this the Embassador was invited to dine with his Tzarskoy Majesty.

Shellimetof near Stolnick to his Tzarskoy Majesty when he came to tell the Embassador dinner was ready, said, The Tzar commanded him to come to dinner.

The Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offonasse­vich Pronchissof propounded to the Embas­sador from his Tzarskoy Majesty, that the Ca­femouskoy and Sibierskoy Tzarwicks should sit at a table superiour to the Embassadors table.

His Tzarskoy Majesty, though he had only his cap on that day, yet did not stir it to the Ambassador when he came in to dinner, as neither was he pleased to stir His cap at the [Page 447] private Audience hereafter mentioned.

His Tzarskoy Majesty caused not the Em­bassador to sit down with him at his own table, but at a table below in the Hall with a Doomnoy Duoranin and a Stolnick.

The Boyars dined at a table at the upper end of the Hall, and their ceremonies during dinner time were still performed to them be­fore the Embassador.

The Ambassador had not a napkin allowed him at dinner.

Upon the receit and return of other pa­pers betwixt the Embassador and the Com­missioners, who satisfied him in nothing, but still affected to make the breaches wider, he desired to have a private Audience of His Tzarskoy Majesty, which though he moved the twenty second of March he could not procure ere the twenty second of April.

And the Commissioners tell the Embassa­dor, that in case of such Audience he must not speak of business.

In the mean time His Tzarskoy Majesty upon Palm-sunday, inviting the Embassador to see the Ceremonies, the Stolnick that was sent to conduct him, stept first into the coach and would have the upper hand. The Em­bassador would not go upon that condition, so that he was fain to expect till contrary orders came from his Tzarskoy Majesty.

The Embassador in that private Audience [Page 448] acquainted his Tzarskoy Majesty how the affaires stood betwixt him and his Commis­sioners, answered the reasons against the Pri­viledges, revealed the secret of his Royal Majesties affection toward his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty, desired reparation concerning his Entry, and complained of the Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offonassevich Pronchissof.

For he knew that the said Doomnoy Duo­ranin strove upon all occasions to make his person odious and to obstruct his affaires.

For the said Doomnoy Duorarin, the Em­bassador desiring that the English Women might have leave to visit his Lady (there being a restraint to the contrary) spake of it to his Tzarskoy Majesty in so licentious a sense as made the demand appear ridiculous.

Also the Embassador desiring that Beuchlin a Dutchman (who dwelt in his house, and had a continual free Cabal of Dutch Spyes upon the Embassador; while before the first audience none were suffered to enter to the Embassador, and alwaies after the ad­mittance very severe, some examined, others repulst, others beaten) might be removed, specially seeing the Lodging was so strait, that Almaz Evanof the Posolskoy Diack and one of the Commissioners said, it was good for the English Gentlemen to ly close toge­ther lest the Rats should run away with them, and the Dutch openly bragging, that he [Page 449] should continue there in spight of the Am­bassador, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin as being the Ambassadors Pristaf, being often urged to effect it, did either neglect or hinder it, so that he continued there at pleasure.

Also the said Doomnoy Dvoranin telling the Embassador one day, that the King of Poland had sent a Messenger to his Tzarskoy Majesty, to beg the mercy and grace of his Tzarskoy Majesty to grant him peace, and the Em­bassador replying, that those were terms which the most subjugated Princes did never descend to, but that he was glad to hear his Tzarskoy Majesties affairs were in so good a posture, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin went forthwith and acquainted his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty with the first part of the Embassadors reply, but so disguised and with so ill a gloss, that he thereby incensed his Tzarskoy Majesty highly against the Embassador.

Beside his Tzarkoy Majesty having (as is said) done the Ambassador the honour to invite him to see the Solemnities of Palm-Sunday, the said Pronchissof afterwards asking the Ambassador how he liked it, and the Ambassador witnessing his satisfaction in so venerable a Ceremony, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin went strait to his Tzarskoy Majesty, and told him, the Ambassador said it was a pretty Comedy, which also displeased his Tzarskoy Majesty, as good reason. Whereas [Page 450] the Doomnoy Dvoranin himself only used those words to the Ambassador, asking him if it were not a pretty Comedy.

Also the Embassador discoursing with the said Doomnoy Dvoranin concerning Tzar Evan Basiliwich, and his desire and progress to­ward a marriage with a Lady of the blood Royal of England, he most irreverently as to both Princes replied, that the said Tzar Evan Basilowich had many such women, speaking it in a very ill sense.

Moreover the said Doomnoy Dvoranin took occasion several times to vilify the Present sent by his Royal Majesty to his Tzarskoy Majesty in the presence of the said Embas­sador, and to say, that when he saw the Tin shine he was in good hopes it had been Silver.

But of these things the Embassador never spoke at any time, till upon this forcible occa­sion of his own vindication. But the said Doom­noy Duoranin having spoke dishonorably and fasly concerning the posture of His Royal Majesties affairs, and telling him to his face, as if he were a Posoulnick or agent of the Mus­covia company, and having told the Embas­sador that he neglected his Majesties affairs in respect of the Merchants, and threatning him with his Tzarskoy Majesties displeasure and that His Tzarskoy Majesty would com­plain of him to his Royal Majesty, as if he [Page 451] had transgressed his instructions (which cer­tainly the Doomnoy Duoranin was never ac­quainted with by the Embassador) he charg­ed him therewith before his Tzarskoy Ma­jesty.

The success it seems of that private Audience was this. The Embassador having together with the Enlish Copy subscribed, given in a Latin Copy, translated as near as possible, but not subscribed but by his Secretary, having only prepared it to save time, and as an help to their Russ translation, because one of the Commissioners Golozof understood Latin, this Golozof was imployed several daies to the Embassador to perswade him subscribe [...]he Latin translation also.

This Golozof pressed under that colour and pretext, that so many things being said therein to the honour of His Tzarskoy Ma­jesty, and of his Royal Majesties affection toward Him, so that it was most fit to con­tinue upon Record, this also being subscri­bed, it would be so much the stronger, and as under two witnesses. But the Ambas­sador refused, as not being his own lan­guage.

Yet at last, though he guest at the true rea­son, to give His Tzarskoy Majesty that satis­faction, he subscribed it with this addition, Except any difference with the English, which [...] soon as they had obtained they discovered [Page 452] forthwith their true intention.

First they complain, as if he had spoke with dis-respect of Tzar Ivan Basilovich, where he saith, That first and great Founder of the Amity betwixt the English and Russian Crowns, and of the Privileges to the English Nation Tzar Ivan Basilovich, because he added not all his other Titles, and they required the Ambassador should alter that expression accordingly, which, how reasonable soever, he did.

Though the Commissioners, nevertheless the private Audience having been upon the twenty second of April, gave to the Embas­sador a paper of the twenty fourth of May, wherein they named the late King only King Charles, and his present Majesties former Em­bassador the Lord Culpepper, the messenger William Culpepper. Which horrid, and pro­bably wilful mistake they would never alter till the Embassador had taken his last leave of His Tzarskoy Majesty.

Then they, as now the Ambassadors, ac­cuse him for an expression concerning the falling in of the Windows at their first abrupt refusal of the Privileges; which notwithstanding was very true.

And whereas they then, and now the Am­bassadors, lay much load upon an Expressi­on about the loan of ten thousand pood of Silver desired by Knez Peoter Semonovich, as [Page 453] if the Embassador therein offered an indig­nity to His Tzarskoy Majesty, an indig­nity to the friendship betwixt both Princes, transgressed His Instructions, and his Tzars­koy Majesty would, (as he hath now done) complain thereof to His Royal Majesty: the Embassador did then only speak in His Roy­al Majesties person, I hope that such a sum was not desired for such an end, &c. And His Royal Majesty doth still hope so.

Then as to the Doomnoy Duoranin, not­withstanding so just and high a complaint prefer'd against him, he was the man chosen to come next from His Tzarskoy Majesty to enquire of the Ambassadors health, and was so imployed for many days as afore.

At last indeed there was another Pristaf appointed in his place, truly a much civiler person, but of lesser quality, which is the present Ambassador of His Tzarskoy Majesty. But it was signified from His Tzarskoy Maj ^ty. by Gregory Cosmevich the other Pristaf to the Embassador, that this removal was upon the Doomnoy Duoranins own desire to be dismist.

Also no Reparation was given the said Embassador against the Doomnoy Duoranin, but in a paper afterwards delivered, he was justified in all these enormities, and the Am­bassador accused, that after all these provo­cations, and the charge given up against him to His Tzarskoy Majesty, the Embassador [Page 454] would not as formerly discourse with him of affairs of the Embassy, as if he had there in affronted the said Doomnoy Duoranin.

Concerning the Entry nothing of Repara­tion would be given.

The Embassador had during this time a power that came for mediating betwixt His Tzarskoy Majesty and the King of Poland, which he imparted to his Tzarskoy Majesty, and He kindly accepted, but not being plea­sed to effect any thing in the Privileges it fell to the ground.

And therefore the Embassador having even from the 29. of February intimated his desire to depart, and having been held up from time to time several moneths to no end, so that he lost the Winter way to Riga, to the prejudice of his Royal Majesties occasions, pressed im­portunately for a dispatch, which it was long before he could obtain, and when near ob­taining in one and the same day had three times contrary orders sent him about his de­parture.

At the Embassadors taking leave of his Tzarskoy Majesty, recredentials were given him, wherein his Royal Majesties Title of Defender of the Faith was omitted, and con­trary to the mutual trust due to an Embassa­dor the Copy was, although he demanded it, flatly refused him.

After he had taken his leave of his Tzars­koy [Page 455] Majesty, it seems his Tzarskoy Majesty was desirous to have placed some marks of his generosity upon the Embassador and his retinue, and the not receiving of them is used by the Embassadors of his Tzarskoy Majesty in aggravation against him, whereas that business past in this manner. The Em­bassador, it is true, had for several reasons hereafter expressed resolved, that it became him not to receive the Presents, unless those things were rectified. And therefore, to avoid the ill aspect of refusing them after they should be sent, he resolved also first to send for the Ockolnichoy Vasilia Semonovich Volinskoy and for Larivon Mitrevich Lopookin Posolkoy Diack to communicate his reasons: For which he thought he had time enough, his Pristafs (whose office it is) not having yet advertised him. But contrariwise Lookian Timopheovich Golozof the Diack, the Em­bassador being at dinner, sends him word by a servant, that he was coming with the Presents. The Embassador rising from Din­ner, and about to send to the Ockolnichoy and Posolkoy Diack aforesaid, desired the Servant to stay a little, when on a sudden Lookian comes in with the Sables. The Embassador began to discourse soberly with him of his unexpected coming, and the reasons why he deliberated upon refusing the Present. Which Lookian would not endure to hearken [Page 456] to, but interrupting the Ambassador conti­nually, without any patience and with great clamour, flung rudely away from him and departed.

Vasilius Semonovitch Volinskoy came the next day to the Embassador, desiring from his Tzarskoy Majesty to be informed of the reasons why he had refused the Presents.

The Embassador it seems had in order to his departure demanded several things of Common right or courtesie,

As Satisfaction to the English Merchants for their old debts and houses. For this the Commissioners reduced the debts within twenty six Rubles according to their account, and for houses nothing.

That all English Merchants desiring to re­pair home may have their Passes to go over Sea with their Wives and Families without molestation. This had a satisfactory answer.

But to the third, That justice might be done the English Merchants for their debts, there was no care at all of it, but to the con­trary great severity toward them: so that this frustrated the former answer which was satisfactory.

That all his Majesties Subjects of whatso­ever other condition may upon their desire have full liberty to return. To which there would no answer be given in writing: But the verbal answer was, that they who have [Page 457] once taken service under his Tzarskoy Maje­sty, though not expressed for life, yet if not expressed for term of Years, are thereby Ser­vants as long as his Tzarskoy Majesty pleases. As it seemed they intended to practise it in the case of General Dyel and Lieutenant Ge­neral Drummond, who were forced so long to march about Mosco with his Royal Ma­jesties Letter, and could get none to receive it.

That Collonel Baily accused of Treason by Cherillo Clopoue might be brought to a speedy trial. Which though his accuser was in Town and promised, yet would not be done.

That Collonel James Mein exiled with his Wife and Family into Siberia might if guilty have mercy, if guiltless justice. See the Ci­vility of the answer, Collonel Jacob Mein is sent into Siberia for a great fault, and it is not fit to recal him out of Siberia.

That Collonel Cuningham accused of Treason might be brought to a speedy trial. Which would not be granted.

That Mrs. Francis Rose according to his Royal Majesties desires by Letter may have liberty to return into England, her Husband also desiring it. Which was not granted, but her being of the Russian Religion alledged, as extinguishing her allegeance.

The Embassador upon a general review of these and all other passages in his Negotia­tion [Page 458] gave for answer and reason of his Re­fusal, Defender of the Faith omitted in the Kings Title, The late Kings Title and Lord Culpeppers not amended, No satisfaction about his Entrance, Nor concerning Pronchissof, His Tzarskoy Majesty holding himself for affronted, &c. The Priviledges as good as refused, Nightingales Letter pretended to be lost, No justice to English Merchants, No li­berty for his Majesties Subjects upon expi­ring of their obligations to depart, Affirmed in writing, that the Moscovy Company killed the King, Mrs. Rose, Collonel Mein, Collonel Baily, &c. Concluding that all the effect of this Embassy had been only the release of three English common Soldiers (taken pri­soners from the Pole) after long sollicitation, and upon condition that two of them should serve his Tzarskoy Majesty. Adding moreover, That for all these reasons he knew, that not having done his Majesties business, and lying still under Pronchissofs aspersion of receiving the Merchants money, and accused by his Tzarskoy Majesty of doing an affront to Him, it befitted him not to receive any Present at his hand. Although otherwise he should ac­count the least favour from his Tzarskoy Ma­jesties hand a perpetual ornament, honor, and obligation to himself and Family, and would receive though it were but a Cap cloth from Him as a Coronet, and was pre­pared [Page 459] at any time when these things were rectified to receive any testimony of His Tzarskoy Majesties remembrance and af­fection.

After this the 24. of June the Embassador departed from Mosco, Calthof riding publick­ly and openly in his Train. The Embassador being about half a mile out of Town, a Wri­ter of the Posolskoy Precaz comes in His Tzarskoy Majesties name to demand him. The Ambassador at last let him got hinking it not prudent to adventure his own journey on Calthofs, and hoping to gain his dismis­sion; which he tried by two Letters writ back, in his journey, to the Posolskoy Diack.

These are the Letters the Embassadors complain of in two places, as if the Earle of Carlisle told them therein, that they did not rightly understand themselves; Wheras the words are only, Quorsum haec vergant nescio, neque vos ipsi scitis qui facitis, What these things tend to I know not, neither do you your selves that do them. For indeed who knows what will be the event of all these actions, unless he had the spirit of Prophecy? And if the Embassador had meant to blame the Commissioners understanding, he gives them no worse than he first assumed to himself in this expression.

But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesties Embas­sadors pretend that Calthof was taken away [Page 460] because his time was not out, and the Ambas­sador desired not leave for him at his de­parture, it is notoriously otherwise. For the Embassador did day by day urge his depar­ture, and the Diack of the Taynich Deale answered, that he might freely depart. For the the time for which he had conditioned was fully expired, and accordingly by the Law of Nations he was free to have departed with the Embassador of his own Prince, without leave asking ar any other formality. Indeed after the Embassadors departure, the said Calthof was forced by imprisonment and other hardship to take conditions for two Years more.

And this was the accompt his Excellency gave of his first Embassy. The Answer given from his Majesty to the Tzars Embassadors was, that he saw no reason he had to con­demn the proceedings of his Ambassador. That if the Earle of Carlisle was not perhaps very well informed of the Customes of the Court of Moscovy, he had nevertheless been so strangely used on several occasions, that he had more reason to complain than his Tzars­koy Majesty. And whereas his Embassadors had very earnestly pressed the Friendship the the Tzar had for the King of England; the King declared, that he could hardly be per­swaded [Page 461] of his affection till he saw the Foun­dation re-established, viz. the Priviledges of the Merchants his Subjects. His Excellency having in this manner been justified against the attempts of the Russ Embassador, who had used all the art possible to destroy him, in civility he made him a visit. After which the Russ Embassador departed for his own Country, not over well satisfied with his Voiage; & a while after his Majesty dispatched Sir John Hebdon thither in quality of his En­voyè Extraordinary, but without any success. So that things continue still in the same po­sture, betwixt the two Crowns of England and Moscovy.