A NARRATIVE OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTIONS Occurring in the WARS BETWIXT Sueden and Denmark.

Before and after the ROSCHILD TREATY: WITH The Counsels and Measures by which those Actions were directed: Together With A View of the Suedish and other Affairs, as they stood in Germany in the year 1675. with Relation to England.

Occasionally communicated by the Author to the Right Honourable George late Earl of Bristol, and since his decease found among his Papers.

LONDON: Printed by A.C. for H. Brome, at the Gun in St. Pauls Church-yard. M. D.C. LXXVII.

FOR The Right Honourable THE EARL of BRISTOL.

MY LORD,

I Esteem it as a singular fa­vour and honour that your Lordship thinks me capable of giving you any information concerning the Northern Affairs; the Scene of your Lordships many eminent Employments and Actions having been laid nearer the warm Sun. The Draught I have here sent was made several years since, and only communicated in private with [Page] some friends: In the composing whereof I was not a little advantaged by being a spectator of the Actions, and privy to some of the Counsels of both Kings. But how far I have answered those advantages in the en­suing Narrative I submit to your Lordship's Censure, and remain

MY LORD,
Your LORDSHIP'S Most humble and Obedient Servant, Philip Meadowe.
A NARRATIVE OF THE P …

A NARRATIVE OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTIONS Occurring in the WARS BETWIXT SUEDEN and DENMARK. Before and after the ROSCHILD TREATY. With the Counsels and measures by which those Actions were directed.

THE ancient Emulation and jealousies betwixt the two Crowns of Sueden and Denmark, occasioned by their near Neighbourhood and fre­quent Wars, have been still heightned and promoted by the [Page 2] late Conquests the Crown of Sueden has made in Germany. By which the Suede enlarging his Dominion beyond the Baltic to those goodly possessions of Pome­ren and Bremen, has betwixt his ancient Patrimony on one side, and his new acquisitions on the other, as it were enclosed and beleaguered Denmark. The fa­tal effects of a Suedish Power established on this side the Bal­tic, the Dane experimented in the year 1643. in the Reign of Chri­stiern the fourth, when upon oc­casion of some differences arising betwixt the two Crowns in rela­tion to the commerce and navi­gation of each others subjects, and the new impositions exacted by the Dane in the Sound, Queen [Page 3] Christina without any previous denunciation of War sent secret Orders to General Torstenson, who at that time commanded the Suedish Army in Germany, to in­vade therewith the Danish Do­minions, which that wise Ge­neral performed with such secre­cy and diligence, that the first in­telligence of his attempt was brought to Copenhagen by the or­dinary post, advertising how the Suede was entred Holstein with an Hostile Army. In that war the Dane lost Halland, Jempterland, Gothland and the Oesel. For though Halland by the Treaty at Brooms­borow was not formally aliena­ted from the Crown of Denmark, as it was in the succeeding Ros­child Treaty, but only mortga­ged [Page 4] or leased to Sueden for thirty years; lest the reputation of Denmark should seem too much prostituted by the utter abscission and dismembring of so consi­derable a Province from that Crown; yet was it such a mort­gage as in truth did amount to an absolute cession or alienati­on; For the term of years when expired was made renewable from thirty to thirty, till the Suede should receive an equiva­lent for Halland to his own liking and satisfaction.

A Peace being thus reesta­blished in the year 1644. by the Treaty made at Broomsborow upon the Frontier of both King­doms, things continued quiet betwixt the two Crowns for [Page 5] some years, till the late Charles Gustavus King of Sueden in the year 1655. imbarquing himself in a war against Poland, trans­ported thither the choicest of the Suedish souldiery to serve in that expedition; where that martial King carried all before him, but grasped at more than he could well enclose, and conquered more than he could reasonably hope to keep, till at length old Zarnetsky makes head against him with a powerful body of horse, and by his example the newly submitted Provinces re­volt as quickly from their new Lord, insomuch that the Suede was embarass'd on all sides, and his affairs in great decadency.

This conjuncture gratified the [Page 6] Dane, who thought his turn was now come to retaliate upon the Suede, and hoped by the favour of this opportunity to regain what he had lost in the former surprises. And to give the better colour of justice to his Arms, lest it should be thought he was rather invited thereto by the ad­vantage of the occasion, then constrained by the cause of any new provocations or injuries, open war is solemnly proclaim­ed against Sueden by the antiqua­ted formalities of a Herald. Be­sides public letters and manifests are sent abroad to satisfy forein Princes and States, and to vin­dicate the Right of his under­taking.

The truth is, the Party was not [Page 7] ill concerted, for the Branden­burger was already drawn off from the Suedish Alliance, and upon good assurance given him from the Polish Court, that the Soverainty of the Ducal Prussia should be conferred upon him (which he accordingly now en­joys) He confederated himself with the Pole and Dane against Sueden. The Hollander also was of the party, though as yet but covertly, and great sums of mo­ney were advanced by Amster­dam and the trading Companies (for they would not have it seem the Act of the States but of pri­vate persons) by way of loan to the King of Denmark upon secu­rities of the Customs in the Sound and Norway.

The Dane raised a considera­ble Army of about fifteen or six­teen thousand men well appoint­ed, rendesvous'd them in Hol­stein, from thence passed the Elb, besieged and took Bremerford a Town belonging to the Suede in the Bishoprick of Bremen. But here some military men took the freedom to blame the Danish Conduct. For had he carried the war on the other side of the Baltic, entred Sueden it self, at that time disfurnished of her principal Officers and Souldiers, her King being absent in a re­more Countrey, reported to be dead, the very terrour of an invading Army might have wrought such consternation in the minds of the people, as pro­bably [Page 9] to have given the Dane an opportunity of advancing the war as high as Stockholm. But he on the contrary attacks the Sue­dish Dominions in Germany, there­by alarming friends as well as enemies: For the Princes of the nether Saxon Circle entring into a combination declare this inva­sion of the Bishoprick to be a breach of the Peace of the Em­pire, and a violation of the In­strumentum Pacis concluded at Munster, for the observation whereof they stood reciprocally Engaged.

Thus, not waging war in good earnest, the Dane by middle Counsels lost his opportunity, for whilst his Army stood at a gaze not well knowing which [Page 10] way to take, the King of Sueden marches with all imaginable speed from Poland, and laying all in ashes behind him to secure his rear from the infal of the Po­lish horse, and leaving strong Garrisons in Thorren, Marienburg, Elbing and some other Towns in Prussia, passes through Pomeren and marches directly for Hol­stein and Jutland. It was generally conceived that now, if ever, the Dane would have fought him harassed and tired as he was with a tedious march. But the new Levies durst not adventure the shock with veteran Troups, used to fight and used to conquer. The Danish Army plies and yields ground before the Suede without fighting, who pursues [Page 11] his point and increases in num­bers as he does in fame, all things favouring the victorious. The Danes diminishing as fast gave back till they came to Fredericsode in Jutland, where they sheltred the remainder of their Infantry, having left Garrisons behind them in Gluckstad, Cremp and Rensburg. The Horse were transported into Funen an Island opposite to Fredericsode, so that the Suede was left absolute Master of the Campagne, and possessed of the convenient quarters of Holstein and Jutland. Some of the Inhabitants conveyed the richest part of their goods to Wensussel an Island on the North of Jutland, and to Samsoe, ano­ther near adjoyning Isle, both [Page 12] which became soon after prize to the Victors.

Fredericfode was now besieged by General Wrangel, a new Town endowed with a large Charter of Privileges to invite dwellers and Trade, fortified according to the modern way with Bastions, false bray, and ditch, but the. works not fully finished. The Circumvallati­ons describe a bow or semi­circle, and the little Belt running by it, the chord.

To the Belt-side it was not fortified at all, no more than by the water and channel, only the two bastions upon the two ex­tremities of the semicircle were set as far into the bed of the River as conveniently they could [Page 13] be, and then from the corner of each bastion a strong palisade was run into the River as far as deep water. Wrangel so far pro­fited of the security of his Ene­my, or the treachery of some correspondents, that he found means in a dark night to cut asunder those Palisades, and making two false attacks in two other places to amuse and di­stract them within, and rush­ing on at the same time with a prepared body of Horse and Foot up to the saddle-skirts in water, wheel'd about the Bastion and entred the Fort. Had there been but an ordinary work along the bank of the River from one Bastion to another, or a body of men drawn up in Battalia to re­ceive [Page 14] the Enemy upon the file, he must of necessity have taken the water again; But there was neither of these. The Gover­nour was a Grave Senatour of the Kingdom, but no experien­ced souldier, only justified his fidelity to the King his Master by dying upon the place, and was accompanied by about four thousand more, who were either slain or taken prisoners. Some time after, a Lieutenant and a Corporal who had served in Fredricsode, and were afterwards surprised by the Dane in the Suedish Quarters, were publickly executed at Copenhagen, as those who had traiterously betrayed the place. But whether their Crime was really such, or that [Page 15] they otherwaies criminal were made use of as a sacrifice to ap­pease the angry Citizens en­raged at the loss of Fredericsode, is uncertain.

Thus we have posted the Suede in that important Fortress, which bearing the name of the then King of Denmark, and thus unhappily taken, might seem as it were to presage by an inauspi­cious omen the succeeding mis­fortunes which involved that King: We will leave him there a while Master of the Continent, and the Dane retreated to his Islands: And having thus far drawn down the general scheme of the military affairs, let us step back a little to take a short sur­vey [Page 16] of the civil transactions con­temporary with the former.

England had too great an In­terest in the Baltic, (the Mediter­ranean of the North) to sit still without making reflection upon those commotions in the Nor­thern Kingdoms. For besides the general concerns of a free Trade, which of necessity must have suffered interruption by the continuance of this War, England being at that time Engaged in a War with one branch of the Au­strian family, viz. with Spain, would rather the Suedish Arms had been at liberty to give check to the other branch in Germany as occasion might offer, then to be diverted therefrom by a war with Denmark. Two Gentle­men [Page 17] are sent over to endea­vour a reconciliation betwixt both Kings, Mr. Meadowe who was dispatched to the Danish Court, arrived there in September, 1657. much about the time the Suede entred Jutland. His busi­ness was to remonstrate how un­welcome it was to them in England to understand of a Rup­ture betwixt the two Crowns, albeit they esteemed the com­munication there of by the Letters and Manifest of that King as an expression of friendship. That besides the effusion of Christian bloud betwixt two Nations linked together by the common bonds of Nature and Religion, and both of them leagued in Amity with England, the con­tinuation [Page 18] of that War might in so perilous a juncture considera­bly endanger the whole Prote­stant Cause and Interest; and no­thing could have happened more advantagious to Spain, with whom England was in open Ho­stility. Besides his Majesty o [...] Denmark could not but be sensi­ble how much the freedom o [...] Navigation and Commerce in the Baltic would be impeached thereby, to the prejudice of the Neighbouring Nations, but o [...] none more than England, as con­tinually fetching Naval Store from those Countries. He was therefore sent on the part of Eng­land to that King to offer the best and most friendly offices for accommoding all differences be [Page 19] twixt the two Crowns, and put­ting a stop to so unhappy a War, and to assure him that they would imploy their utmost In­terest with the King of Sueden to dispose him thereto, and to that purpose had already sent a Gentleman to Him. And that if this their tendred Mediation were accepted, they would in the management thereof deal im­partially, and endeavour that the Peace once reestablished might for the future be inviolably observed.

To this Proposal the King of Denmark returned Answer in writing under his Seal and Sig­nature, bearing date September the twenty fifth, 1657. De­claring that the care of England [Page 20] for the tranquillity of his King­doms, the freedom of public commerce, and quieting all differences, was gratefully ac­cepted by him. And that he was ready to enter upon a Trea­ty of a sure and Honourable Peace under the mediation of England. And so soon as the King of Sueden should testifie a suitable concurrence on his part, he would further declare him­self as to time, place and other the Preliminaries to an ensuing Treaty.

This Declaration was trans­mitted to the King of Sueden with all possible diligence, and drew from him a Reply dated at Wis­mar, October the nineteenth, 1657 In which after many Expostula­tions [Page 21] how injuriously he had been dealt with by the Dane, in­termixed with some language which the Dane resented as re­proachful, he declares likewise his consent to enter upon a Trea­ty under the mediation of France and England. And that the Pre­liminaries as to place of Treat­ing, number of Commissioners, safe Conducts, &c. should be adjusted according to the trans­action betwixt the two Crowns in the year 1644. Provided that safe conducts in due form be without delay delivered to the Mediators, and a reasonable time prefixed by the King of Denmark for meeting of the Com­missioners.

This Reply of the Suede being [Page 22] communicated to the King of Denmark, produced from him a­nother Declaration of the third of November, 1657. That he also consents to the Transactions in forty four, only as to the place of the future Treaty he conceives Lubec or some other Town in that Neighbourhood to be most commodious. That the Trea­ty commence under the media­tion of England, and of the States General of the United Provinces. And so soon as France should Offer him their mediation, he would accept thereof. And that the designed Peace be not re­strained to the two Crowns of Denmark and Sueden, but the King of Poland and Elector of Brandenburg be comprehended in [Page 23] the same. These things being first accorded by His Majesty of Sueden, that he was ready to de­liver his safe conducts into the hands of the Mediators.

It was easie to foresee how this comprehension of the Pole insisted on by the Dane would trouble the whole scene of Af­fairs, which consideration put the English Mediator upon ex­cepting against it as a new pro­posal forrain to the present questi­on. How that the mediation of England was offered only be­twixt the two Crowns, and so accepted by his Majesty of Den­mark without any mention of Poland. How that this would render the so much desired Peace tedious and difficult, if not im­possible, [Page 24] for that the differences betwixt Sueden and Denmark were a sudden distemper easily cured if taken in time, but those betwixt Sueden and Poland were in the nature of an inveterate malady, harder by much to be eradicated. That the Great Seal of Poland by which the Ministers of that Crown must be Com­missionated as Plenipotentiaries for a Treaty, was engraven with the Arms of Sueden, which that King would never admit of.

However this second Decla­ration of the King of Denmark of the third of November was sent to the King of Sueden, and begat another from him of the seventh of December dated at Wismar, wherein he declares himself not [Page 25] satisfied with the nomination of Lubec for the place of Treaty, as being a recession from the Cust­oms anciently practised betwixt the two Kingdoms, and the re­gulation agreed on in the year 1644. that when occasional differences arose betwixt the two Crowns, the Commissioners of both sides should meet upon the Frontiers for adjusting thereof with the more speed. Moreover He takes notice of the conquisite delays and difficulties made by the Dane in intermixing other controversies with his own, and which have no reference to the Danish War. Yet notwithstand­ing he was willing to grant safe conducts to such Confederates of the Dane, as should testifie a [Page 26] desire of being present at a Trea­ty in any place of the confines. And as for the States General, after their ratification of the Treaty made by their own Am­bassadors at Elbing, whereby the friendship betwixt Sueden and them is renewed; He would so declare himself on their behalf, in case they offer him their me­diation for composing this War, as should sufficiently prevent any just occasion of complaint.

To this the King of Denmark rejoyn'd another Answer of the twenty seventh of Decemb. 1657. insisting upon the immediate admission of the States General to the mediation, without sus­pending it upon the previous Act of first ratifying the Elbing [Page 27] Treaty, a point which had been depending twelve months, and was like to be longer. Adheres to the place formerly nominated by him for assembling the Com­missioners. And that the Pole and Brandenburger should not only have a bare license of be­ing present at the Treaty, but that the respective Treaties to be had with them as Confederates and Principals with the Dane in the same War, should proceed by the same gradations and mea­sures as that with Denmark.

The truth is, in the reasoning and debate concerning the place of meeting there was a secret drift on both sides, unexpressed by either. The Dane would have it at Lubec or any other neutral [Page 28] place in Germany, convenient for the Pole and Brandenburger to be there present as parties with him, whereby to have the op­portunity of strengthning each the others hand by a communi­cation of Councils, and concert­ing of Affairs to the promoting of a common Interest. On the other hand the Suede would have it on the frontiers over the Bal­tic, whither the Pole and Bran­denburger could not with any reasonable convenience come, designing thereby to disunite the Confederates by the jealousie of a separate Treaty. And perhaps might at the same time have treated openly with the Dane, and underhand with the Pole, and they two striving to prevent [Page 29] each other in the Peace, for fear of being deserted each by other in the War, where he found most advantagious conditions granted him, there conclude Peace and prosecute the War against the other.

To prevent this the English Mediator endeavoured to draw from the King of Sueden a pre­vious intimation on what terms and conditions he would rest satisfied, in case the King of Den­mark would condescend to a se­parate Treaty; That so when the Commissioners came to meet they might have nothing more to doe then to digest the several Articles into form to be signed and sealed, and so the business effected before the rumor of a [Page 30] Treaty divulged; And likewise partly to facilitate the way of an Agreement, and partly to fore­taste the temper of Affairs, some Conditions were insinuated of the following nature.

A general Amnesty of what was past. Restitution of places taken each upon other. A solemn Renewal under good Garranties of the Treaty in 1644. A redress of Grievances relating to Trade. And a way ascer­tained for better prevention of all defraudations in the Sound, the pre­tended cause of the War on the Danish part.

And to incline the King of Denmark to disjoin his Interests from Poland, it was represented by the Mediator, what a broken reed Poland had hitherto proved [Page 31] to him. Sometimes making proffer to pass their forces over the Oder, then presently retreat­ing upon pretence of joining the Austrian foot, not so much as en­tring Pomeren all this while to give the Suedish Army a diversi­on, who lay securely quartered in Holstein and Jutland. That the Conditions of the Alliance were mutual and reciprocal, which not being performed on the Polish part, His Majesty of Denmark was no longer obliged. That Confederacies were for mutual safety, and not intended to oblige Princes to their Ruine, either singly or in company with others. That he had the fresh Example of his Heroic Father of happy memory, who [Page 32] though he had entred into an Alliance with the Protestant Princes of Germany, yet the ne­cessity of his Affairs to recover what was lost, and secure what was left, constrained him to make a Peace with the Emperor in the year 1629. exclusive of his Allies.

But neither did these Reasons prevail with the King of Den­mark to depart from his Alliance with the Pole, till a more cogent necessity extorted afterwards from him a separate Treaty. Nor was the King of Sueden willing to anticipate the business of his Commissioners by prece­daneous intimations of his De­mands. Nor to content him­self as to the terms and conditions [Page 33] of the Peace with less then an honourable amends for the wrong done him. But in his jolly way of expression, since the Dane had led him so long a dance from Poland to Jutland, he was resolved, at least to make him pay the fidlers.

Thus the War of the Cabinet was managed by missives and memorials, but that of the field was carried on in a smarter man­ner. The extraordinary violent frost was by this time encreased to such a degree, that the little Belt which divides Jutland from the Isle of Funen was so intensely frozen, as suggested to the Suedish King an Enterprize (full of ha­zard but not disagreeable to a fearless mind edg'd with Ambi­tion) [Page 34] of marching over the ice into Funen, with horse, foot and Cannon. Some little skirmish­ings there were upon the shoar of the Island, if it may be called a shoar where there was no longer Sea, and the Dane had in the most commodious landing places made large cuts in the Ice, which were soon congeled again though with a softer crust. Into one of these a small division of about forty Suedish Horse with a Cornet unwarily fell, and were there swallowed up. Major General Henderson a Scotch man was posted at Middlefar with a Body of men, but upon the Suedes approach deserted his sta­tion, for which he was after in great danger of a Council of [Page 35] War, had not the English Minister seasonably interposed for his rescue. The Dane had about three or four thousand foot and two thousand Horse upon the Isle, who were all of them de­feated and taken: and some of them being Germans took party with the Suede invited by the hopes of good booty the plunder of a fertil and well peopled Island. The Suede marched di­rectly to Odensea the capital Town, spacious and well built, which they entred without re­sistance. For as well Funen as the other Danish Isles are all open and unfortified, and have no de­fensible places except Copenhagen and Cronenburg, both upon the Isle of Zeland, having been ever [Page 36] esteemed sufficiently fortified by being Islands, and the Kings of Denmark having been alwaies Masters of a considerable Naval strength. But now being no longer considered as such, but as contiguous and fastned with the continent, they were exposed an easie prey to an adventurous and forward Enemy.

'Tis observable that this mi­raculous march over a breadth of the Sea of more than twenty English miles, for such is the di­stance betwixt Funen and Zeland the way the Army marched, was the resolve of the King him­self contrary to the sense of Wrangel and the principal Offi­cers of his Army, and 'tis but just he should have the glory of [Page 37] the success, who had he mis­carried could not have avoided the imputation of temerity.

The News of the loss of Fu­nen being arrived at Copenhagen brought the more terror with it, because besides the loss of so im­portant an Isle, it awakened the apprehension that the same Bridge which had let the Suede over the little Belt into Funen, might do the like over the great Belt into Zeland. Whereupon the King of Denmark sends in haste to the English mediator, de­siring him to renew with all di­ligence the former proposal of a separate Treaty which had been for some time interrupted, and to set it on foot with all possible Expedition. The Mediator be­ing [Page 38] assured of the reality of the King's Intentions, dispatches forthwith an Express to the King of Sueden with a Letter, the Con­tents whereof I shall insert, as being that upon which the fol­lowing business turned. It ac­quainted him that the King of Denmark had already nominated and authorised the Lords Joachin Gersdorf Rix Hofmaster, and Christian Scheel, both Senatours of the Kingdom, his Commissio­ners and Plenipotentiaries to meet, treat and conclude with like Commissioners from him at such time and place as he his Majesty of Sueden should please to appoint. It requested him on the part and at the Instance of England, to depute in like manner [Page 39] his Commissioners, to prefix a time and place for meeting, to send safe Conducts for him the Mediator and the Danish Com­missioners. Adding moreover, that his Majesty of Sueden being as it were in possession, or at least in assurance of an Honourable Peace, if he would Please hence­forward to suspend Hostility, testifying thereby the moderati­on and temper wherewith he Governed his Prosperity and success, he would perform a work worthy the greatness of his Name, gratify the neighbouring Princes and States, and more especially oblige England by doing it in favour of a particular request.

This Letter bore date from [Page 40] Copenhagen February the third, 1657. To which the King re­turned Answer by the same mes­senger from Newberg in Funen, February the fifth, so quick was the dispatch at a distance of four­score miles English. The King's Answer was as followeth; To thank him the Mediator for his diligence in promoting the con­cerns of a Peace, which the Dane had hitherto so obstinately op­posed: That he was willing to enter immediately upon a Trea­ty with Denmark under the re­spective mediations of France and England. And since it was left to him to appoint the place and time, he gave the King of Denmark the choice either of the Isle of Sproo or of Rudkoping in [Page 41] Langland for the Commissioners sufficiently Authorised on both sides to meet at, within eight days after the date of this his Letter. That together with this Letter he had sent safe Conducts in due form for him the said English Mediator and for the Danish Commissioners, to come stay and return at pleasure. That the business required the greater haste because he could promise himself no security in a suspension of Arms.

This Answer was a full con­cession of the desired Treaty, but the King would not be com­plimented out of his advantages into a cessation of Arms, well knowing the powerful effects of panic fears from the suddenness [Page 43] of a successful Invasion, and that the only way to profit by them is to give no respit for re­collecting. The Suedish King contiues his march with all pos­sible diligence: His nearest way to Zeland had been over the great Belt from Neuburg to Corsure a­bout sixteen miles English, but he chuses rather the way of Lang­land so to Laland & Falster, which though the farther was the safer, because the traject from Island to Island was no where so broad as it was in the Channel of the Belt betwixt Neuburg and Corsure.

The forementioned dispatch with the safe Conducts from the King[?] of Sueden being arrived at Copenhagen[?], the Danish Commis­sioners accompanied with the [Page 42] English Mediator, put themselves without delay upon their jour­ney towards Rudcoping in the Isle of Langland, the place appointed for the Treaty. They had tra­vailed little more than sixty miles English, when not far from Wardinburg the first Town from the Sea upon Zealand, they met with the avant-curriers and scouts of the Suedish Army, by whom they were advertised the King was newly entred upon Zeland, and not far behind. This in­credible diligence was an asto­nishing surprise to the Danish Commissioners, whom in their journey from Copenhagen to Rud­coping the King met at half way. Passing by the Scouts unmolested under the security of the safe con­ducts, [Page 44] they soon after met the King himself riding in a slide (after the manner of the Nor­thern Countries when the Snows are deep) at the head of about two hundred Finnish Horse. All alighting to salute the King, and he the same to resalute them, he willed them to pass on to the neighbouring Town, where he would speedily be with them, for that he was going only to view a ground where conveni­ently he might draw up his Army in Battalia.

To Wardinburg they went and there made the first entry upon the Treaty, and met there the Chevalier Terlon Ambassador of France, who came out of Germany in Company with the Suedish [Page 45] King. The Commissioners for the Treaty on the part of Sueden were Count Ulefeldt, who though a Dane, yet having received great disobligations from his native Countrey after many services, turned malecontent, and had for some time refug'd himself with the Suede. He being a per­son of Excellent endowments and withal of a haughty and vin­dicative nature, was made use of as a fit Instrument upon this oc­casion against the Danish Court. The English Mediator at the in­stance of the Dane had privately moved the Suedish King to change him for some more grateful per­son, but it would not be granted. The other Commissioner was the Baron Steno Bielk a Senator [Page 46] of Sueden. But Monsieur Coyet and Secretary Ernstein though neither of them Commissioners, because not being Senators of the Kingdom, their Character was inferior to that of the Danes, yet being persons of mature knowledg in affairs of State were made use of as principal Instru­ments in the negotiating part.

The Suedish King staid no longer at Wardinburg then was necessary for drawing over his Army from the Isle of Falster, and then ranging them in Bat­talia with a large extended front, in view of the Danish Commissioners and their retinue, to oftentate their numbers and make them greater in appea­rance than they were in truth, at [Page 47] length filed into a march the di­rect way to Copenhagen. There was little comfort in Treating whilst the King was marching, and the Mediators and Danish Commissioners whose persons might in so dangerous a crisis be needful nearer their own King, not being satisfied to be left be­hind the Army, adjourned the Treaty and breaking up from Wardinburg overtook the Suedish King at a Town called Keug four leagues from Copenhagen. The next morning he drew up in Battalia again, and then fell off as before into an orderly march after a division of Polish Horse upon the forlorn. His number about seven or eight thousand men well disciplin'd [Page 48] and enured to hardships, where­of one half were Horse, and a small train of Artillery of eight or ten field-pieces. Some were left behind to guard the con­quered places besides the garri­son of Fredericsode. That night he took up his head quarters at a village within a league and half of Copenhagen, and within sight of it, of which he would sportingly say she was a fair Lady and de­served dancing for. And he had reason to say so, for had he won her as he wood her, she had brought him for her dower all Denmark and Norway, and then without the tedious enumerati­on of all his particular Princi­palities, he might have short­ned his Imperial Style and [Page 49] Title into that of King of the North.

The Mediators and Com­missioners went to Torstrup a near adjoyning village there to draw up the concept or minutes of a Treaty, which when mu­tually agreed on, all Hostilities were immediately to cease, though it would require longer time to deduce those minutes in­to a larger form fit for the rati­fication of both Kings. Let us leave them a while at their work and take a short view of the posture and condition of those in Copenhagen.

The Portifications of the City were much decayed, partly through long security not having, seen an Enemy for many Ages, [Page 50] partly through parsimony, to a­void an expence supposed need­less. Besides great Trading Towns are not willing to be fettered up with walls and basti­ons, and perhaps in this case the Danish Nobility were as little willing as the Citizens, fearing the strength of the Town might make the Burgers heady: The Walls being only of earth and not revested or faced with brick or stone, were much crumbled down with the frost, and easie to be climb'd without the help of scaling ladders; and the earth so petrified that spade or mattock could not be made use of for pre­sent repair. The spring waters began to fail, and some being long frozen were corrupted for [Page 51] want of air and motion. There was not one piece of Cannon upon the Walls when the Com­missioners parted thence, but by this time good store were hastily drawn from the Arsenal and ships in the Harbour, and moun­ted upon ship-carriages. There was no provision of food or fewel for a siege, no garrison more than the Burgers, only upon this Alarm a body of five or six hun­dred horse and some few foot were drawn from Sconen, and passed over the Sound upon the Ice into the City. But the horse would soon have wanted forrage, and being most of them Germans, the least disorder might not im­probably have seduced them over to others of their Country­men [Page 52] in the Suedish Army, in hopes to have shared in the pro­mised harvest of rich plunder. Besides the Dane quitting the field in Sconen, the Suedish Feld­theer Steinboch was ready on that side with five or six thousand men to have passed the Ice and joined his Master in Zeland. But nothing so much dismaied the Dane as the consideration how none of his Confederates was in possible capacity of relieving him in this utmost extremity. The Pole and Brandenburger were remote as in another world, and seem'd glad that the storm had passed over their heads and fallen in another quarter. The Ice which was a bridge to the Suede, was a bar to the Hollander. And [Page 53] so wonderful was that year, the Seas were not open for above three months after. On the first of May following, a ship at an Anchor in the Road before Co­penhagen had her Cable of sixteen Inches circumference cut by a shoal of Ice. Add to this the temper of the people, some mur­muring (as is usual in such occasi­ons) against the conduct of their Governours, others exclaiming they were betrayed, all affrighted and looking on their condition as desperate. As a Testimony whereof let me add this one in­stance, the English Mediator re­turning upon some occasions from the Camp into the City, found his house well fraught with rich goods, which the best [Page 54] of the Inhabitants had conveyed thither as to a sanctuary against the plundering Suede. And yet this testimony is due to the person of the Danish King, that he com­ported himself with a magnani­mous constancy and firmness a­midst all these misfortunes.

'Tis not irrational to suppose that if the King of Sueden had been truly informed of the state of the Town, he would not have slipped the most advantagious opportunity he ever had of taking Copenhagen. But though he knew all was not well with the Dane, yet he did not know the worst, and being already laden with a heap of prosperities crowded beyond expectation upon him, esteemed[?] it more prudential to [Page 55] lay hold on those eminent and securer advantages offered him by Treaty, than to depend upon the issues of War subject to vi­cissitudes. Yea 'tis not irrational to believe that some of the wiser heads in the Suedish Court did not heartily desire to see their King Master of Copenhagen, lest the commodiousness of the situ­ation preferable to that of Stock­holm should invite either him or his Successor to make that the capital seat of the Monarchy, whereby Sueden should in process of time have insensibly degenera­ted from a Kingdom to a Pro­vince.

The minutes of the Treaty were in few days concluded at Torstrup, upon which a cessation [Page 56] of Arms immediately followed: And from thence the Mediators and Commissioners removed to Roschild, to digest more at leisure those summary Articles into the body of a Treaty. Ten days were spent upon that Affair, till the whole was fully perfected and finished. And then the respective Instruments were in solemn form signed and sealed by the Mediators and Commis­sioners on both sides, and inter­changeably delivered each to other. Which from the place where it was finally concluded, though begun at Wardinburg, a­greed at Torstrup, yet finished here, was denominated the Ros­child Treaty.

By this Treaty the King of [Page 57] Denmark was a great loser if we consider what he quitted, but it may as well be said he was a great saver if we con­sider what he kept. For he who had lost all in the field could not reasonably expect to regain it in the cabinet; And though some of his principal branches were lopt off, which in time might grow again, yet the root was preserved which else had been lost without resource. So that it was but an expression of tenderness to his King and Countrey what the Danish Rix Hofmaster (a right worthy per­son) whisperd into the ear of the English Mediator, Utinam nescirem literas. The lands and Territo­ries which by this Treaty were [Page 58] alienated and transferred from Denmark to the Crown of Sueden, were the Provinces of Sconen and Bleking (as for Halland I reckon the Suede had that before) like­wise the Isle of Bornholm and the two Governments of Bahuys and Drontheim in Norway.

The English Mediator had two parts to act in this Scene; one was to moderate the De­mands as far as he could in favour of the Sufferer, without disob­liging the Suede by a too noto­rious partiality. The other was to watch lest any thing be stipu­lated betwixt the two Kings prejudicial to the Interests of En­gland. It was moved that the whole Kingdom of Norway should be rent off from Denmark [Page 59] and united to Sueden, with which it lay contiguous: This in­trenched upon England as giving the Suede the sole and entire pos­session of the chief materials, as Masts, Deals, Pitch, Tar, Cop­per, Iron, &c. needful for the ap­parel and equipage of our ships, too great a Treasure to be in­trusted in one hand. The Me­diator in avoidance of this was the first who insinuated the Pro­posal of rendring Sconen and Ble­king to the Suede, which would cut off that unnecessary charge both Crowns sustained in gar­risoning a Frontier each against other, by enlarging the Suedish Dominions to the bank of the Sound, the ancient and natural boundary of Sueden. This though [Page 60] uneasie to the Dane because of the vicinity of those Provinces to Copenhagen the Metropolis, yet was safe for England, because by this means the Suede is become Master of one Bank of the Sound as the Dane is of the other, though the accustomed Duty of passage, (the best flower in the Danish Garland) was by this Treaty reserved wholly to the Dane. Thus the Power over that nar­row entry into the Baltic being balanced betwixt two emulous Crowns, will be an effectual preventive of any new exacti­ons or usurpations in the Sound, which occasioned a fierce War betwixt them in the year 1643. In which the States General judged themselves so nearly [Page 61] concerned ( England being at that time most unhappily embroild with Intestine Commotions, and not in condition to look after her concerns abroad) that they sent a considerable Fleet of War to the assistance of the Suede, by help whereof the Dane was bea­ten and forced to a dishonourable Treaty at Broomsborow, as was before mentioned. And the Duties payable in the Sound were from that time regulated as they now stand at this day.

An Article had been framed obliging both Kings to hinder the passage of any forrain Fleet of War into the Baltic, which though directly and immediately levelled against Holland, yet obliquely and remotely reflected [Page 62] upon England, with which the English Mediator not being satisfied, caused the word inimica to be inserted, and then the sense was this, that both Kings to their power should endeavour to impede the passage of any forrain Fleet of War Enemy of both Crowns. By which the edge of the Article was rebated, and the King of Sueden displea­sed thereat, after acquiesced.

This Roschild Treaty thus con­cluded bears date, February the twenty sixth, 1658. or as we in England write 1657. and was ratified by both Kings under their Royal Seals and signatures, together with the seals and sub­scriptions of the Senators of both Kingdoms, according to the time [Page 63] and manner prescribed by the Articles. The next thing which in order followed, was the solemn interview betwixt the two Kings at Frederiosburg, a Palace of the King of Denmark about four leagues from Copen­hagen, the most magnificent of any in the North. Thither both of them went and which is remarqueable, without any pre­vious stipulations concerning Guards or number of Followers usually practised betwixt doubt­ful Friends, but with a frank and Northern simplicity, without any seeming distrust each of other: Yet the King of Denmark had at least five hundred horse with him, being those who were formerly drawn out of Schonen [Page 64] besides his ordinary Foot-Guards in Livery, and the several Gentle­men and Officers of his Court; The King of Sueden had not a­bove four hundred and those not so well mounted or armed as the other.

The Danish King set forwards from his House about two En­glish miles or more to meet the Suede upon his way from Pos­child. Both Kings at a compe­tent distance alighted at the same time out of their Coaches and saluted by joyning their right hands, then both entred the Danish Coach, the Suede going first, then the Dane, accompanied by the English Mediator and Duke Ernest Gunther of Holstein Sunderburg. The French Am­bassador [Page 65] was not present at this Entertainment: The same Order was afterwards observ'd, only at the Table, the Queen of Den­mark sat at the end, on the Queens right hand the King of Sueden, next below him on the same side the King of Denmark. On the Queens left hand the Dutchess of Holstein and the Me­diator; at some distance the Senators of both Kingdoms and principal Officers of the Army. Let it suffice to say the Enter­tainment was magnificent and such as became so unusual a Solemnity, for two Kings but now in War, to go together from the Field to the Table. The So­lemnity continued from Thursday to Saturday, both Kings for two [Page 66] Nights lodging under the same Roof. At parting they exchang'd Horses and other friendly Pre­sents, and those Officers of the Danish Court who were appoint­ed to attend the Person of the Suedish King were Nobly regaled by him. On Saturday he took his leave and went to Elsinore, the King of Denmark accompanying him part of the way, from thence he crossed the Sound to take possession of his new Con­quests in Sconen, the two Castles of Cronenbnrg and Elsenburg (the latter now his own) thundring out their Salutations during his passage. From thence he went to Gottenburg where his Queen met him, the first time she had seen him since his first enterprize [Page 67] upon Poland, and there an as­sembly of the States of his King­dom was celebrated.

The Mediators went to Co­penhagen to meet the Commissio­ners newly arrived from the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, Father in law to the King of Sueden, for adjusting the satisfaction due to that Duke, who had been a great sufferer by the War, in pur­suance of the twenty second Ar­ticle of the Roschild Treaty. The English Mediator received seve­ral Letters from the Duke re­questing him to expedite that affair, which by the said Article was to be terminated by the se­cond of May. Besides the King of Sueden though he had already quitted Zeland, yet he was re­solv'd [Page 68] not to dislodge his Troops from the rest of the Danish Do­minions till his Father-in-law had received an equitable sa­tisfaction. This Business met with more difficulties than was expected, and grew so high, that the Danish Commissioners entred a solemn Protestation in writing into the hands of the Mediators, protesting that the impediment was not on their part, if all things were not accorded betwixt the Royal and Ducal Houses before the Expiration of the time pre­fixed, they having already con­descended to all equitable De­mands. At last this Affair was ended also by Grant of the Baily­wick of Suabsted and Release of the Vassallage of the Dutchy of [Page 69] Slesvic a sief-of the Crown of Den­mark, and the concept of Ar­ticles was signed and sealed by the Mediators and respective Commissioners, and afterwards ratified by the King and Duke.

As to the Dutchy of Slesvic 'tis to be noted, that the Dukes there­of ow Fealty to the Crown of Denmark, and consequently are liable to the forfeiture of their Fee in case of disloyalty. But the King of Denmark is likewise Duke of Slesvic and moreover, Hereditary in Slesvic and but Elective in Denmark, so that by Release of the Vassallage the Crown of Denmark was a loser, the King of Denmark a gainer. The Royal House of Denmark [Page 70] and the Ducal House of Gottorp are extracted from two brothers, whose descendants are equally and in common sovereign Dukes of Holstein and Slesvic. All Con­tributions, Imposts and public Revenues are put into a common Coffer to be equally divided be­twixt both, and all charges and expences of the Government to be ratably allowed out of the public Stock. And yet they have their Bailywicks, Lands and Possessions apart. But the Pre­lates, Nobility and Towns of both Dutchies remain undivided and do Fealty to both Princes, who govern alternatively and change turns every year. It had been urged on the part of the Duke that there should be an abolition [Page 71] of this alternative communion, whereby the Government and public Justice within both Dutchies is one year in the King and another in the Duke. But the States of Holstein would not consent to this, and so 'twas laid aside, because those Holsteiners who upon the Division of the Government should have fallen under the repartition and share of the Duke, should have been no longer subjects to the King of Denmark, to the great hindrance and prejudice of those Noblemen who find better preferments in the Court at Copenhagen than can be expected from that at Gottorp. Besides having two Masters suc­cessively, when Justice is delaied them by one, they can have re­course [Page 72] to the other, as the Govern­ment comes to his turn, which they of Holstein esteem a privi­lege.

Thus I have continued the Series of the principal affairs Military and Civil down to the Pacification of Roschild, and should have ended here, but that the War breaking out again and the new-made Peace soon after violated, oblige me, though unwilling, to proceed.

Two Ambassadors were sent from Sueden to the Danish Court, the Baron Bielk and Monsieur Coyet, partly to Negotiate such things as appertained to the exe­cution of the Roschild Treaty partly to make the Overture of a strict and intimate Alliance be­twixt [Page 73] the two Crowns, by a League mutually Defensive. For it greatly imported the Sue­dish King, having many Enemies still before him, to double bolt, and by all possible means secure the back-door of Denmark. At leastwise not to leave Denmark like a smoaking torch, though the flame of War was extin­guished, ready to take fire again upon every agitation. But things fell out quite otherwise. The Dane was more intent how to free his Country from the bur­densome company of the Suede, than desirous to entertain with him any stricter alliance of Ami­ty. And the Suede found it true that Treaties extorted by neces­sity upon unequal and dispropor­tionate [Page 74] conditions are no longer durable than that force continues which first made them.

After the Suedish Army had quitted Zeland and the relenting Ice was no longer repassable, some in the Danish Court whose Zeal and Affection to their King and Countrey was otherwise commendable, were too free and open in Censuring the Ros­child Treaty, as if their Affaits had not been reduced to such extremity as to constrain them to so dishonourable conditions. Thus when the danger is passed and the confternation over, all will seek to appear valiant and wise, and he who in a wrack thinks himself happy in a plank to save his life, is no sooner [Page 75] ashoar, but grows dissatisfied with himself for not securing his goods. Van Beuning the Dutch Ambassador at Copenhagen was busie with Intrigues amongst the great persons of the Danish Court, and suspected by the jea­lous and watchful Suede. A great debate fell out betwixt the Sue­dish Ambassadors and Danish Commissioners concerning the property of the Isle of Hueen, which not being expressly trans­ferred to Sueden in the Roschild Treaty, the Suede to salve that omission challenged it as an ap­pendix and accessary of Sconen, but the Dane reclaim'd it as an appurtenance of Zeland. The truth is, the Isle of it self without any relative consideration was [Page 76] of little or no value, but had it remained in Danish hands they might have built a Fort upon it to command the entry of Land­scroon, by which the onely or most considerable Port which the Suede had in Sconen would have been rendred useless. And therefore they were resolved at any rate to have it, and if by no other right, at least by that new devised one which we in old English have no word for, but the French call it Le Droit de bien­seance. Other Controversies arose of the like nature, which the Suede though seemingly offended at, yet profited upon, making them the pretence for continuing their forces in Funen, Jutland, and other the Danish Dominions, [Page 77] which by the sixteenth Article of the Treaty they were to have quitted by the first of May.

1658. Summer was now approaching and yet the King of Sueden was still at Gottenburg, ordering the affairs of his King­dome, setling himself in his new acquired Estates, and attending the Issue of his Ambassadors Ne­gotiation at Copenhagen. In June he parted thence and arrived at Fredericsode, stopped some time at Flensburg, and from thence went to his Father-in-law at Got­torp. Four Ambassadors met him from the Electoral College, for there was at that time a vacancy in the Empire, and the Electors were assembled at Francfort upon choice of a new Emperour. The [Page 78] business of the Ambassadors was to proffer all friendly offices for composing the War betwixt him and Poland, and accommoding all differences betwixt him and the King of Hungary, soon after chosen King of the Romans and Emperour. As also to desire and forewarn him to abstain from marching with his Army upon the Territories of the Em­pire. The Ambassadors had an unwelcome reception, the King reproaching them with their Masters non-performance of the Garrantie of the Munster Treaty upon the Danish Invasion of the Bishoprick of Bremen. Two Ministers came to him in parti­cular from the Elector of Bran­denburg, but were not admitted [Page 79] to Audience, the King requiring a previous satisfaction from that Elector for deserting his Alliance and confederating himself with his declared Enemy the Pole. The Brandenburg Ministers were treated the more roughly, the better to disguise a following de­sign, and to induce a general belief that the Dominions of their Master were forthwith to be invaded. The English Me­diator had been recalled from the Court of Denmark as suppo­sing all quiet there, and placed in that of Sueden, and was now in Germany setting on foot a new mediation betwixt that King, the Pole and Brandenburger. The Armies of which two last sub­sisted all this while at the charge [Page 80] of their own Countries, but that of Sueden made good chear at the cost of Denmark, whiles the Sue­dish Ambassadors and Danish Commissioners were debating at Copenhagen. The truth is, the Suede was glad of a pretext for continuing in his old quarters contrary to the Treaty, being at at a loss what to do with his Army. To disband was not reasonable, because he had the Pole with the Brandenburger his new Allie, Enemies before him, and not well assured of the Dane behind. To have removed his Quarters into Pomeren in the Neighbourhood of Brandenburg, had been to eat up his own Country, and which was more, would certainly have drawn to­gether [Page 81] a confederacy in the Em­pire against him as a disturber of the Peace thereof.

The Suede thinking it now time to begin his Campagne, which the Dane had long ex­pected, hoping to be rid of his troublesome Guests, Ordered the Rendesvouz of his Army at Kiel a Maritim Town in Hol­stein, with a Fleet of about sixty sail to be ready in the Harbour, most of them vessels of burden, the rest good men of War. From Kiel he marched at the head of some selected Troops to Wismar, making semblance as if the gross of his Army should follow. But the Cabinet at Gottenburg had otherwise determined it, for there I persuade my self the de­sign [Page 82] was first hatched and che­rished with all imaginable se­crecy. It was thought not ad­visable for the Suede to stir in Germany, not being assisted by any powerful Allie. France at that time faced towards a mar­riage and consequently a Peace with Spain. England was a Chaos of confusion and disorder. A War with Poland was remote and unprofitable, and had already consumed him to no purpose, one nearer home would be of more safety and advantage. The Dane would never want a will so long as he wanted not a power to hurt Sueden; It was judged easier to conquer him than re­concile him.

The King staid but a little [Page 83] time at Wismar with his Queen, and then privately imbarqued himself upon a Dutch Boyer in the River, and arrived at Kiel. All hands were now busie in putting the Army, Horse and Foot aboard, which done, the King went also aboard a man of War: The French Ambassador went with him, the English Mi­nister though invited refused to go, not being satisfied whether the design was upon Prussia or Denmark, however would in neither case put himself as party in Company of an Enemy, whose office had been and was still to be a Mediator. The Fleet set sail with a fair wind and not many hours after arrived at Corsure upon the Isle of Zeland, [Page 84] this was in August, and the Peace had been concluded but in Fe­bruary before. No longer time was spent at Corsure then what was necessary for landing the Army, which consisting of near four thousand Horse, besides se­veral Regiments of Foot to be transported from Funen and joyned with those already brought from Kiel, would una­voidably require some time to disembark, which together with a march of about sixty miles English from Corsure to Copenhagen, was all the warning the Dauc had to prepare an Entertainment for their unexpected Guest. The King had prepared no Manifest to declare the grounds and rea­sons of this enterprise, because he [Page 85] doubted not to carry all before him by the suddenness of the sur­prize, and the success had been the best argument for justifica­tion of his Arms. The Danish King sent to know of him the Reasons of this sudden Invasion after a Peace so lately concluded, and so dearly bought, and by what just ways and means he might allay and pacifie any con­ceived displeasure. But all was now too late, the great Belt was behind him and Copenhagen be­fore him; he was over Rubicon and would to Rome.

The two defensible places upon Zeland being Copenhagen and Cronenburg, the Suedish Army divided, part under General Wrangel besieged Cronenburg, [Page 86] whilst the King with the greater part invested Copenhagen. It would neither be profitable nor delightful minutely to recount the particulars of a long siege, but it was soon made evident that the same prosperous directi­on which had guided the Suedish Arms in the former War did not accompany them in this, as in­deed the state of the case was much varied, and the justice of the quarrel more questionable, it being clear that in the first War the Dane had been the Ag­gressor. Cronenburg made but a faint resistance, and cowardly yielded after about three weeks siege, which supplied the Suede with a mighty store of ammuni­tion of all sorts, besides several [Page 87] brass Guns of an immense weight purposely cast and planted there to command the passage of the Sound. At Copenhagen it was quite otherwise, there was a con­siderable Garrison of Soldiers in it with good Officers, besides se­veral Companies of stour and well resolved Burgers. The Danish King considering the Town no longer as seated in the Heart of his Dominions, but be­come Frontier by the loss of Sco­nen within view of Copenhagen, had employed many hands du­ring the Summer in fortifying and repairing the works, regular enough before, but much de­cayed. The waters being all open, the Marishes, Lakes and false grounds about the Town [Page 88] had rendred it in great part in­accessible. These in the former War were all frozen, and as if communicating with the rigour of the Season, the bloud and spi­rits of the Inhabitants were con­gealed also. But now all flowed again, Anger and Indignation against the Perfidie, as they deem'd it, and insatiate Avarice of the Suede, inspired the Dane with Courage. But nothing held up their spirits more than the in­fallible assurance Monsieur Beu­ning the Dutch Ambassador gave them, (who upon the first In­telligence of the Suedes landing posted home to advertise his Su­periors thereof) that the States General would in few weeks send them Relief, Neither could [Page 89] they have weathered out so out­ragious a storm had the Sheat-Anchor of Holland failed them.

The Suede finding the Town in too good a condition to be carried by Assault, was con­strained to a formal siege by way of approach. The Fleet had blocked up the Harbour, as the Army had on Zeland side be­girt the Town, but it was still open to the Ammak; which I cannot call an omission, because to have planted a Leaguer on that side would have required another Army. For this little Isle though united to Copenhagen by a long bridge, is disjoyned from the rest of Zeland by broad flats covered with water and a deep Channel in the midst, so [Page 90] that a Leaguer on the Ammak could have had no communica­tion with that on Zeland. In the Winter ensuing when the waters upon the flats were frozen, the the Suede by the benefit of the Ice often visited that Quarter, where a Party of Danes being abroad and the Prince of Homberg ad­vancing with a Squadron of Ca­valry to repel them, but pressing too forward upon the Danish Rear had his Leg struck off with a Cannon shot. To be short, the Danes defended themselves with great Gallantry and Loy­alty, their King animating them with his presence, and pitching his Tent upon the Rampart bid his fellow-soldiers Caesar-like, not Go but Come. The Cannon, of [Page 91] which they had some hundreds upon the walls, plaid freely upon the besiegers, not without con­siderable execution. But not content with this, they made several brisk sallies into the Sue­dish Trenches with such success, that they began at length to despise that Enemy whom so lately they had feared. The Suede lost many good Officers and Soldiers, amongst whom Count Jacob de la Gardie, Lieute­tenant of the Infantry was slain by a Granade.

During this time the Elector of Brandenburg was entred Hol­stein and Jutland with a gallant Army, of which the Elector was Generalissimo for the Emperour as King of Hungary, but the Im­perial [Page 92] Troups were Commanded by Montecuculi, and a great Body of Polish Horse by old Zarnetsky. Prince Palatine Sultsbach who Commanded in those parts for the Suede, being too weak to ap­pear before so potent an Enemy retired first into the fastness of Ditmarsh, afterwards into Fre­dericsode: Which the Suede soon after demolished as requiring greater numbers of men than he could well spare, thence trans­porting himself into Funen, lay intrenched in those Islands whi­ther the Confederates for want of shipping could not follow him. The Elector summoned and took the Castle at Gottorp, the Mansion and Residence of the Duke of Holstein, who though [Page 93] he Honoured his. Family by matching his excellent and most deserving Daughter to a great King, yet his active Son in Law involv'd the good old Duke in many troubles unwelcome to his age and humor. He himself was retired to Tonning a strong Town of his own, and not long after died.

One thing I had almost forgot, the more considerable because both Kings were personally en­gaged in the Action. The Suede observing that the Dane daily fetched provisions from the a­forementioned Isle the Ammak, which contained four or five villages, and was about so many English miles in length, was re­solv'd to make a descent in order [Page 94] to burn the Villages and destroy whatever might afford sustenance or relief to the besieged. For which purpose he put aboard about twelve hundred foot and four hundred horse, and the King himself would needs be of the party, thinking nothing so well done as where he was pre­sent, as well as naturally ambi­tious of sharing personally in the Glory of every brave Action, Coming to the height of the Dra­ker he forced his landing upon the point of the Isle, and con­strain'd them upon the Guard to abandon their Post. He marches up the Isle and destroys all before him, and the Dane fearing he came to fortifie some Post on that side, set fire to the Village [Page 95] next adjacent to the Town, as the Suede had done to the rest. Having done his Work, the Suede retreats to his boats too securely, some scattered from the Body, others encombred with plunder; mean while the Danish King sallies out in person with three hundred horse and two hundred dragoons, besides some few com­manded foot mounted behind, falls in upon the Suedish Rear, slew several of them and put the rest in disorder. The Suedish King mounted upon an unruly Horse bounding and curvetting with him ran great hazard of falling that day into Danish hands. But the Dane either not knowing all his advantages, or not willing to be drawn too far from his [Page 96] Town by an over-eager pressing upon an Enemy who out num­bred him, sounded a seasonable Retreat. The same King not long before narrowly escaped another danger, passing in a small boat a head of a Galliot under sail in a strong Current, the Galliot overset the boat, the Steers-man was drowned, but the King saved upon the Galliot.

It was now October, 1658, when the much expected Dutch Fleet began to appear, consisting of thirty eight men of War, six Fire-ships, about three score Fluits, Galliots and other Vessels, with betwixt three and four thousand Auxiliary Foot, and [Page 97] all sorts of Provisions for the re­lief of Copenhagen. The Fleet was Commanded by General Opdam, who came to an Anchor off the Lapsand about half a League below Cronenburg. The Suedish Fleet was forty two sail; some of them stout Ships, Com­manded by General Wrangel who was High Admiral of Sue­den, and posted in four Squadrons a little above Cronenburg, both Fleets within a League each of other. Some were of Opinion that the Suedish Fleet ought to Encounter the other in the Lap whiles the Winds were contrary from Copenhagen, and so the Dutch Fleet unbefriended of a Port, whereas the Suede was Master of both Shoars, and had [Page 98] several Ports near at hand. This in some respects was the better, and that King inclinable to it: But he deferring to his Council in so weighty a Concern, most of them opined otherwise. That they had too many Enemies al­ready to make themselves Ag­gressors in a new War. That this would heighten and exaspe­rate things betwixt them and the Dutch beyond hopes of a re­conciliation. That Holland in case of any disaster could furnish one Fleet after another, but Sue­den adventured their All. That it would be more justifiable to Forrain Princes and States in Amity with them, if putting themselves upon the defensive, they did only endeavour to im­pede [Page 99] the passage of those who would relieve a besieged Enemy. Such considerations prevailed, whiles both Fleets lay for some days at an Anchor.

At length the Wind coming fair at North-west with a fresh Gale, the Dutch Fleet weighed and set sail for the Sound. Both the Castles of Cronenburg and Elsinburg fired at them as they passed the narrow, some of the Cannon carrying fifty and sixty pound ball, but to no other effect than to shew that those Castles are but bugbears to af­fright Merchant-men, and that nothing less than a Fleet can command the Passage of the Sound. Both Fleets were En­gaged so close together by rea­son [Page 100] of the Streight, but a League over, that most of the shot took place and made great slaughter on both sides, Vice-Admiral Wit-Wittensen had the Van of the Dutch, who coming up with the Suedish Admiral cut off his steer­age and made him lie by to mend, but the Vice-Admiral himself was slain by a small shot. He had been brave and bold but ill seconded; his Ship called the Brederode (the same that old Tromp was slain upon in the English Wars) was broken in pieces, and running a ground fell on one side like a wrack. She was mounted with fifty six good brass Cannon, some of which a Scotchman afterwards weighed up by the Invention of a Diving-Bell. [Page 101] Opdam fought well, though some of his Squadron acted re­misly. Peter Floriz the Rear-Admiral was slain. The Suede lost four Ships, two whereof were carried to Copenhagen, the Dutch lost two, their Fire-ships spent themselves in vain. The destruction of men was greater then of ships, the fight being smart and close for the time it lasted, which was not long, for the Dutch never tacked but onely fought their direct way to con­voy their supply to Copenhagen, and this they effected to the great joy of the City.

The fight was no sooner ended, but Orders were islued out to the Suedish Fleet to put im­mediately into the Port of Land [Page 102] scroon; which was providently done, for the next morning the Dane having joyned twelve good ships which lay ready in Har­bour, though detained from the fight by contrary winds, with the ablest ships of the Dutch sailed towards the Sound to rein­gage the Suede. But he was burrow'd in Port all but one ship, which being disabled in the fight could not make so much hast as the rest, and upon the ap­proach of the Enemy was fired by her own men. Whereupon the Dane and Dutch turn their de­sign against Landscroon, the mouth of whose channel was so narrow, that but one ship could enter at a time, and was guarded by four Suedish ships placed at [Page 103] convenient distances and by an old Block-house. They durst not adventure up the Channel but sailed in a Line athwart it, and so every ship poured in her Broad-side with huge noise but little or no Execution. Under the Covert of the smoke they sunk old Ships of great Tunnage charged with stones and other materials to choak the mouth of the River, but this was frustrated by the depth of water and strength of the Current. Where­upon, this course taking no effect, they made Trial with fire-ships and entred the Chan­nel therewith, intending to grapple what they could; or at least to turn their fire-ships a­drift towards the Suedish Fleet. [Page 104] But the vigilance of the Suede prevented this, who mann'd all his boats with Mariners and Soldiers, the King himself as his manner was, putting himself upon a boat to encourage and direct his men. So soon as a fire-ship was coming up the boats rowed down by the sides of the Channel with intention to get beyond her and cut off her Long-boat from her Stern. The fire-ship men apprehending the loss of their boat as their life, be­sides the danger of being boar­ded, set fire to their train and made away. Then the Suedish Mariners and Soldiers with Iron Hooks and Chains tow'd the fire-ships till they had turned them a-ground, and there let [Page 105] them burn at pleasure. Winter coming on the Dane returned also to Port.

The State of things being thus altered, the Suede changed his measures accordingly. For Copenhagen being relieved with a considerable renfort of well com­manded men, the Port open, the Dane and Dutch Masters at Sea, Winter already begun, it was judged most advisable to raise the siege and convert it into a blocade. To this purpose a Camp was fortified upon a con­venient ground about half a League distance from the Town, which though Numerous enough in Foot to have attacked the Camp it self, yet wanted Ca­valry [Page 106] wherewith the Suede a­bounded, and there was a fair level and valley betwixt the Camp and City, so that little of Action passed for a good time. Till at length the Suede consider­ing that whatever attempt could be made against Copenhagen ought to be done that Winter, because the Hollander would certainly be upon him in the Spring of the year with another Fleet; that it was evident no good could be done against the Town by the tedious forms of a siege; that long and lingring services in Camps and Trenches usually consumed more men then brisk and sudden Actions; that the rigour of the Winter when the Earth was co­vered with snow and the waters [Page 107] with Ice had been always most propitious to his greatest under­takings, and might also favour him in a general and vigorous Assault of Copenhagen; that the Enterprise was dangerous and so were all great ones, but if atchieved, would both quit the Cost and reward the Service. It was then resolved to Storm the Town, for which purpose great Recruits of Foot were drawn from Sueden, and a better body of Infantry mustered upon this oc­casion, than ever the Suede had seen before in Zeland, and many hands were busied in making all fitting Instruments such as lad­ders of all sorts, spurs to pass the Ice with, boats covered with Hurdles and Galleries, and [Page 108] sundry other Engines of War.

Three Nights together the Suede marched from his Camp towards the Town, partly to a­muse the Enemy, but principally to handsel and discipline his men to their several tasks and servi­ces, that being practised to the handling and carrying of their Engins they might be the less embarassd thereby when they had occasion to use them in good earnest. The first and second Night nothing was done, but as they marched out of the Camp they returned orderly again, the Dane either not per­ceiving or making Note: Febr. 165; shew not to do so. The third Night the Suede drew out as before, but with full reso­lution [Page 109] to make the Attack. Se­veral Troops of dismounted Cavalry were intermixed with the Foot, and a good Body of Horse to sustain them, and if need were, secure a Retreat. The King commanded in Person, and put himself under the Covert of an old bank, little more than musket-shot from the Town, ready to give Orders as occasion required. The Cannon of the Town was all pointed low to flank and rake the Ditches and Counterscarps, and the Dane never fired till the Enemy was under the Works and ready for their Attack. But then plied them so furiously with great and small shot, Cartridges, Hand­granades, Bombs from Mortar­pieces, [Page 110] besides others rould down from the Walls, that the Suede was repulsed with great slaugh­ter, the rest of his men disordered, the Engins broken, and the whole Enterprise confounded; Which the King perceiving com­manded a Retreat, and sent at the same to Sir William Vavasor to forbear the Attack on the other side, but the Orders coming too late found him dead upon the place, with many of his follow­ers. The Suede lost in this Acti­on Erick Steinbock General of the Artillery, with many brave and old experienced Officers, both Germans and Suedes. According to the King's List taken from the Muster-Roll, there were slain five hundred thirty four, and [Page 111] eight hundred ninty five Woun­ded, the Dane reports them more, perhaps the poor innocent Boors whom the Suede too cruelly en­forced to help carry down their Engins and Utensils, might en­crease the number of the slain.

The Suedish Arms were some time after more prosperous in reducing the Isles of Langland, Laland, Falster and Moenen, to the great enlargement of their Quar­ters, and Accommodation of their numerous Horse, who in some places began to be straitned for want of Forrage.

In the Spring of the year the English Fleet arrived in the Sound under Ge­neral Note: 1659. Mountague, not with any intention as some vainly [Page 112] suggested to assist Sueden in the Conquest of Denmark; That had been impolitic and irrational, for 'tis evident the conservation of Denmark is the common In­terest as well of England as of Holland, neither was there at that time the least fear or danger of any such supposed Conquest. The Elector had an Army in Jutland of near thirty thousand men, Brandenburgers, Poles and Austrians, and could have been as many more if either the Countrey could have supported their numbers, or the service re­quired them. De Ruyter having joyned Opdam with another Fleet of forty sail, the Dutch besides the Dane were near fourscore men of War in those Seas. De [Page 113] Ruyter had brought upon his Fleet forty Companies more, besides the thirty eight Compa­nies formerly brought by Opdam. Had the War been mannaged in good earnest, and not by Con­federates who have different Aims and Interests, and had the Army in Copenhagen, for so I may now call it, joyned with that of Brandenburg, a thing easie to have been effected by such Fleets, and all this mighty force united under one Head, it had been sufficient not only to have beat the Suede out of the Danish Isles and Do­minions, but out of Sueden it self. Besides the Suede was at that time involved in a War against the Emperour, Pole, Brandenburger, Muscovite, Dane and Hollander. [Page 114] Add to this that the weak side of Sueden is towards Denmark, and the Suedish King has sometimes told-one in private, that were he King of Denmark he could con­quer Sueden in two years. Which though it may seem to have something of the Rodomontade in it, may yet to a States-man be of some Instruction.

England though sorry for this second repture with Denmark, thought it not their Interest to see Sueden overset and sinking under the mighty weight of so powerful a Confederacy, but to buoy it up out of those quick­sands it was fallen into, as being the most proper and necessary counterpoise which England had at Sea against the combined Na­val [Page 115] strength of Holland and Den­mark. Without which Counter­poise England in every War with Holland (her emulous and Rival State, and that which stands in the eye and aim of all her Great­ness and Glory in point of Trade and Sea-Dominion) would run a great risque of being excluded from the Baltic, and by that means shut out from the Market of all her Naval Stores. The old King of Denmark, Christiern the fourth, was too stomachful to truckle under the Dutch Lee, he fought them in Person when weakned with old Age, and being wounded by a splin­ter of his Ship to the loss of one of his Eyes, his cloaths be­smeared with blood are pre­served [Page 116] as a Relique to this day. But in the Reign of his Son and Successor the now Frederic the third, the Dane considering the Suede, his ancient and heredita­ry Enemy, had by his new Con­quests in Pomeren and Liefland, invested himself in so many considerable Ports of the Baltic, he twisted his Interest too weak, of it self to hold against the Suede, with that of Holland; who having a concentric Interest with that of the Dane in regard of their East-land Trade, both States drawing together by a mutual Cooperation, tied the fast knot of a strict Alliance. And from that time forward the Danish[?] Court, which in the old Kings time was used to lofty Danish, [Page 117] spoke nothing now but Low Dutch; Yea so prevalent were the Dutch Councils at Copenhagen, that 'tis most certain the first War against Sueden was declared and denounced by the Dane at the instigation of the Dutch, to the end that by this revolution they might better open and se­cure their Trade with Dantzick and the Prussian Ports, obstructed and endangered by that formi­dable Impression the Suede had made upon Poland. How well the Dane was rewarded for this Service, the sequel of this Narra­tive will declare.

The Design of the English Fleet was to advance, and if need were to inforce a Peace upon the [Page 118] dissenting King, on the terms and conditions of the Roschild Treaty, pursuant to what the English Mediator (who upon oc­casion of this second War fol­lowed the Suede out of Germany into Denmark again) had by re­peated instances urged upon both Kings. Which, as things then stood, was conceived the most proper medium for ac­commoding present differences, and preventing future inconve­niences; the Business requiring the greater haft[?], for fear the War continuing and the Confede­rates vigorously pursuing their point, the Suede should either totally be ruined, or the Dutch profiting upon his desperate con­dition, should capitulate from [Page 119] him particular advantages to themselves prejudicial to the In­terest of England. Therefore in case of an obstinate repugnancy to the Peace on the Danish part upon the terms aforesaid, to as­sist the Suede in a defensive way under certain cautions and re­strictions. In which case of Assistance, for in War many things may be supposed and pro­vided against which never come to pass, the Suede was to give real gages and pledges for the Garrantie of his Faith. To which end the English Mediator had often and closely remonstrated to him that 'twas not reasonable to put a sword into anothers hand without a previous aslu­rance of its not being made use of [Page 120] against ones self. And used it also as an Argument to dispose the otherwise unwilling Suede to a Peace with the Dane (for a War with Denmark was of all Wars the most commodious for him) because he was not to expect an Assistance from England which should cost him nothing. And to foretast the temper of Affairs, proceeded so far as to nominate Stade upon the Elb, and Landscroon in the Sound, to be put in case of such assistance into English hands; which taking vent afterwards gave occasion to that frivolous report how that England and Sueden had agreed together to share Denmark betwixt them.

The English Fleet lay all the Summer in the Sound and Bel [Page 121] only as Spectators, to see fair play, and the year declining returned home without doing any thing, contrary to the sense of the Commissioners, who some time before, viz. in July, 1659. arrived from England, and would have had the Fleet continued out longer to countenance their new begun Mediation. Which new Mediation upon change of the Government in England, was begun and mannaged by new measures taken from Holland. For whereas a Treaty had but lately been concluded at the Hague, viz. the eleventh of May, 1659. betwixt France, England, and Holland, for reducing the two Northern Kings to an acquies­cence in the Roschild Treaty, [Page 122] they in England upon the change aforesaid, to gratifie the Dutch and ingratiate themselves, con­clude another Treaty with them at the Hague of the fourth of July following, containing a re­cession from some material points and Articles in the said Roschild Treaty. And moreover oblige themselves to obtain from the Suede, and that forcibly if need be, in favour of the Dutch the ratification of the Treaty made at Elbing betwixt Sueden and the States General, with the Elucidations thereof made at Thoren. The truth is they made no great scruple, at least for that one time, to come under the Stern of their Neighbouring Common-wealth, thereby to [Page 123] have better leisure to recollect and refit the scattered planks and pieces of their own broken Republic.

The Dutch and Dane riding Masters at Sea, the English Fleet return'd home, and the Suede so disproportionably out-numbred as not to dare to peep out of his Ports, the next Action of Im­portance was the descent which the Confederates made upon the Isle of Funen. The strength of the Suede had hitherto consisted in being lodged securely within the Danish Isles, where the Elector of Brandenburg with the Army of the Confederates could not reach him. But what before was his strength becomes now his weak­ness, [Page 124] for the Suedish Troops lay disjoyn'd upon the several Islands, and the Enemies Fleets intercepted all Communication betwixt them of passing to each others assistance as occasion re­quired. Besides that no Island which has open landing places is defensive but by a Fleet, and such a one as is able to keep the Sea. And lest any should ima­gin, that in this case the Suede ought to have drawn together all the divided members of his Army, and to have kept them united in one Body upon the principal Isle, which was Zeland, it ought to be considered that the Countrey had been harass'd by a long War, and one Island could not surnish a subsistence to all the [Page 125] Troops, but the greater part must necessarily have perished for want of Forrage.

The Suede had upon this Isle of Funen about fifteen hundred Foot, with some few Companies of Dragoons, and about twenty five hundred of his best Horse. Prince Palatine Sultsbach com­manded in Chief, assisted by Field-Marshal Steinboch. Part of De Ruyter's Pleet transports General Ebersteyn with a good Body of Horse and Foot from the Confederate Army in Jutland, over the little Belt into this Island of Funen. Whiles at the same time Field-Marshal Schack, by the help of the other part of the Fleet commanded in Person by [Page 126] De Ruyter, lands upon the other side of the Isle by the way of the great Belt. Either of these Bo­dies was sufficient to have fought the Prince with his whole uni­ted Force, but divided as he was and his men posted in several the most suspected places to pre­vent landing, he was much too weak. One would think the proper time to have fought the Enemy had been at landing, or if that could not be, because the Cannon favoured his descent, yet at least-wise before both Bodies had joyned, which was not till after a leisurely march of some days. And yet he did nei­ther, and which is more, gave afterwards so satisfactory an Ac­compt to the King that he in­curr'd [Page 127] no displeasure. It seems all he could do was to reunite the scattered parts of his little Army, and posting himself in the most advantagious ground he could make choice of, there attend the Enemy, and fight it out for Safety, if not for Victory. This was done at Newburg a small Town upon the extremi­ties of Funen opposite to Corsure in Zeland, in which last the King of Sueden was, almost near enough to be the Spectator of the distress and calamity of his Troops, and yet too far to help them; For De Ruyter lay with his Fleet be­twixt the two Towns. The Suede fought it valiantly having also the advantage of the ground, till the small Infantry overlaid [Page 128] by numbers was driven from it. For the Confederates had not less than six thousand Foot, the Suede not more than sixteen hun­dred. As for Horse the greatest odds was in Courage and Disci­pline, the numbers near equal. I would not upon this occasion conceal the honour of our Coun­try-men, I mean the English Regiment commanded by Sir William Killigrew, who together with the other Auxiliary Foot brought from Holland keeping firm and unshaken, gave oppor­tunity to the routed Troops to rally behind them, by which good Order and Resolution, they in great measure turned the sometime wavering fortune of the day. The Suede at last was [Page 129] broken, and lost Horse, Foot, and Cannon, all were slain or priso­ners, none escaping but the Prince and Steinboch, who by the favour of the Night and the skill and labour of a few rowers pas­sed by the Dutch Fleet in a Fisher­boat, and landing at Corsure brought unwelcome tidings to their Master.

This was the greatest foil that King had ever re­ceived and he did Note: Nov. 1659. not long survive it, and yet 'tis not easie to say what impression it made upon him, more, than that 'twas little or well dissembled. No part of those many dispatches which were sent upon this occasion [Page 130] could be read in his Counte­nance, having besides his natu­ral Courage, the Art of conceal­ing all inward emotions and disturbances under a free and masculine appearance, and by seeming to fear nothing deser­ved to be feared. Not but that in conversation he would often testifie a tender resentment for the loss of so many brave men, who he thought deserved a better destiny.

The Prince was so far from being disgraced, that the King during his absence made him Commander in Chief of all his Forces in Zeland. For the Win­ter coming on, and the Dutch Fleet sailing towards Lubec to [Page 131] Victual, and soon after putting into Port, and the Enemy at Land breaking up their Cam­pagne, gave the King leisure to pass over into Sconen and so to Gottenburg, where he held a Con­vention of the States of his King­dome, for the better facilitating of such new Levies of men, and other Contributions which were thought necessary for carrying on his many Wars to some de­sirable conclusion. And as his leisure permitted he intended to make an Excursion to Stock­holm, that City much desiring to see their King after four years absence. But his incessant Labours, Note: Dec. 1659. Care and Watchings brought him to a sharp defluxi­on; [Page 132] that, a Feaver; and that, his end.

He was cut off in the strength of his days, not forty years of Age, a Prince of undoubted Cou­rage and unwearied Industry, low of stature but of aspiring thoughts, of a gross and heavy body, of a quick and active mind. No man of wit or courage could want Employment in his Court, and he had the singular advan­tage of a happy judgment in discerning men, and suiting them to such Affairs to which they were best adapted, either by the secret dispositions of Nature, or by acquired knowledge. His War with Poland covered him with Laurels which bore him nothing but gaudy and unprofi­table [Page 133] appearances, but the Olive of the Roschild Treaty yielded him nourishing and strengthning fruit. His first War with Den­mark presented him the fair side of Fortunes medal, in the second she turned to him the Reverse. He had early been bred a Soldier under General Torstenson in Ger­many, whom he usually called his Master, and never named but with great marks of Veneration. He passed through the gradations of the Art Military, from a Cap­tain of a Troop of Horse to Cap­tain General of as good an Army perhaps as this Age has seen. For at the time of the conclusion of the Peace in Germany by the Treaties of Munster and Osnabrug, he had under his Command of [Page 134] everal Nations, fifty three thou­fand Foot, and twenty four thou­fand Horse in Field and Garri­son; Besides the Confederate Armies of Marshal Turene and the Landgrave of Hess, who acted by concert with him and were at least thirty thousand more. He kept to his dying day the Muster-Rols of every Regiment with the names of the Officers, some of whom when disbanded upon the Peace, he re­tained by Pensions at his own charge, being then but Prince, obliging them thereby to his service, and foreseeing the use he might one day have of them. And has been heard to say, that he thought himself a greater man when Captain General in Ger­many [Page 135] than he was now when King of Sueden. He would be­wail the loss of so many good places which Sueden demolisht or surrendred, and for doing whereof he as Captain General was also constitued Plenipoten­tiary at the Treaty at Osnabrug, amounting to above two hun­dred Towns, Castles and Forts. By which it was easie to per­ceive that he sided in opinion with Chancellour Oxenstiern, who when the Spanish Cabal carried all before them at Stock­holm, having received perempto­ry Commands from that Court to conclude the Peace in Ger­many, he did it in obedience to the commands of his Superiors, but with such regret that he could [Page 136] not forbear to utter those words, Anima mea non intravit in secretum eorum. He was the son of the Sister of the great Gustaphus Adol­phus so famous in the German Story, and upon the resignation of his Cosin Christiana, was ad­mitted to the Crown of Sueden by the general consent of all the Estates.

This King thus removed by the stroke of death, all things resolv'd into a disposition to a general Peace. His Son and Successor was a Minor of five or six years of Age. His Queen was left Regent during the minority of her Son, a mild and gentle Lady, deriving from the bloud of her Ancestors of the House of [Page 137] Holstein=Gottorp and Saxe, a na­tural candor and benignity. She was assisted by the great Officers of the Crown, who were willing with peace and quietness to en­joy their share in the Govern­ment which the Laws and Con­stitutions of Sueden allowed them in the minority of their King. The Suedes themselves had been harassd and tired out by long Wars, and that Martial Nation almost rode off their metal by a more Martial King. So that all things conspired on that side to Peace and Settlement. On the other side the Queen of Po­land a French Lady, who had the ascendant in all the affairs of that Kingdom, was wrought over by the means of France to a ready [Page 138] Concurrence in a Peace with Sueden. Besides that the Pole was of himself readily disposed thereto, partly in consideration of the many convulsions and di­stractions of that Kingdom, oc­casioned by the contrary moti­ons of disagreeing factions, and partly in regard of the unprofi­tableness of a War with Sueden, by which much might be lost nothing could be got. A Peace is therefore concluded betwixt both Crowns of Poland and Sue­den, under the mediation of France at a place called Oliva, and the Emperour and Branden­burger who were but accessories in the Polish War, were easily comprehended in the Peace.

The onely difficulty was for Denmark; the late Suedish King had made great scruple of ad­mitting the States General of the United Provinces, as Mediators for composing the War betwixt him and the Dane, alledging and declaring that they were parties with the Dane and Enemies to him, and that they ought to make their own Peace first be­fore they could be in capacity to interpose for others. But the now Suedish Court soon sur­mounts this difficulty, and the four Dutch Deputies Extraordi­nary who arrived in the summer and went two of them to the Suede and two to the Dane; atten­ded with a splendid Retinue, I mean with De Ruyter and forty [Page 140] men of War, were now accep­ted by the Suede, notwithstanding all former hostilities and provo­cations, as Mediators in the en­suing Treaty. This rub being removed, the next was the ad­justing the terms and conditions of the Peace. For the Dane ex­pected his Confederates should have assisted him to the obtain­ing of such a Peace as might in the conditions thereof have born some proportion to the be­nefits which they had received by the War, and to the loss and hazard which he had sustained. For this War of Denmark had drawn the Suede out of the bowels of Poland, had delivered the Bran­denburger from the imminent danger of having his Countrey [Page 141] made the seat of a War. It was begun by the Council and insti­gation of the States, to secure their Dantzick trade, and was continued and prosecuted under the prospect and assurance of re­lief from them. Many of the Danish Court, notwithstanding the calamities they suffered by this second War, were not hearti­ly sorry for it, because it gave them an opportunity of bettering by the help of their Allies, those grievous conditions which ne­cessity had extorted from them at such a time when no friend could help them.

The States General indeed sent them Relief, but such as served their own turn, not that of the Danes. The Dane expected [Page 142] no less than to be reinvested in all those Dominions and Possessi­ons which the former War had wrested from him. And more­over in compensation and satis­faction for the spoil and ravage of the whole Kingdom of Den­mark, by the violation of a Peace so solemnly and lately establish­ed, to be reinstated into some or all those Lands and Territories which the Broomsborow Treaty had transferred to the Suede, as­sisted in that War by the Hollan­der, that so both Crowns might return again to their former limits and boundaries. They who cut off the flower of the Suedish Cavalry in Funen, what hindred but that they might have landed in Zeland. Winter [Page 143] came not on so fast, but the Fleet might have sailed four Leagues, and it was no more to Zeland though more to Lubec. If they wanted Foot, Copenhagen could have spared them five thousand, and they might have had ten thousand more for fetching from the Confederate Army in Hol­stein and Jutland. But this needed not, the Suede had not five thou­sand Foot upon Zeland, nor so good a Body of Horse as he had left upon Funen, besides the Horse of the Confederates was better then before, having re­ceived an encrease of strength from the spoils of their Enemy.

But unhappy that Prince who wages a War against a stronger than himself, not by his own [Page 144] strength, but by that of his Con­federates; and still more unhappy when those Confederates are jealous and distrustful of his fu­ture growth and greatness. The Alliances of States are Conveni­ence not Friendship, Interest not Affection, a reason of the head not a passion of the heart. The poor exhausted Dane, after all his former and later sufferings, must stoop again under the heavy yoke of the despised Roschild Treaty. The dividing of the Banks of the Sound betwixt the two Crowns accommodated Holland as well as England. That ne­cessity which first cast the Dane upon the Dutch Alliance, if re­moved, might make him recoil from it; to keep him poor was to [Page 145] keep him humble and so depen­dent. And yet that the States- General might seem to do some­thing more than the bare relief of Copenhagen, or which is all one, more then the bare securing of their own Trade in the Baltic, They urge and obtain that the Government of Drontheim in Nor­way be restored again to the Dane, to the intent those barren moun­tains might make some satis­faction and amends for the plun­der and spoil of a fertil King­dom, much more exhausted and more cruelly harassd by this se­cond War then it had been by the former. And yet 'tis worthy considering whether in this also the Dutch did not as well gratifie themselves as the Dane, partly [Page 146] because Drontheim better accom­modated their Norway-Trade whiles in the hand of the Dane then when in that of the Suede, part­ly in regard of the Levies of men which the Dutch usually make amongst the Norwegian Mariners, by the favour of the Court of Denmark in times of War, and partly for better recovery of those moneys which some par­ticular Companies of Amsterdam had advanced to the King of Denmark upon the Gage and Pledge of the dependencies of Drontheim. The controverted Isle of Hueen is adjudged to the Suede. The Isle of Bornholm which during this last War had voluntarily returned to the obe­dience of her former Master, [Page 147] must be restored again to the Suede after the expiration of one year, or else exchanged for an equivalent. In all the other material points, excepting that of Drontheim, the Roschild Treaty is renewed and reconfirmed, and remains to this day the standard and measure betwixt these two Northern Crowns.

There is one thing more ob­servable with which I shall con­clude. The onely benefit and advantage which Denmark has received by this last War amidst many losses and sufferances was occasional and accidental, and for which the Dane has no obli­gation to any of his Confederates, because it sprang meerly from [Page 148] the contingencies of the War; It was this. The Crown of Den­mark had been Elective for above two hundred years in the pre­sent Oldenburg Family. The chief Power of Electing being in the Nobility, gave them the means and opportunity of capi­tulating advantages to them­selves, as previous conditions to the Election, with every succeed­ing King, to the despoiling and debilitating of the Crown, and to the prejudice of the other Or­ders of the Kingdom. None but a Nobleman could buy or pos­sess in his own right any Seigno­ry or Mannor. A Citizen or Burgher was not capable of pur­chasing more than a House, and it may be a Garden and Orchard, [Page 149] or such like slender curtilage. The Lands and Revenues of the Crown were let to Noblemen it may be not to the third, some­times not to the fourth part of what they were really worth, and yet the King must not En­hance the old Rents, though in the mean time the Nobles rackt the poor under-Tenants to the utmost. The Pesants upon the Danish Isles were Villains regar­dant to the Mannors of Noble­men, such as the Civilians call ascriptitii glebae. All publick Offi­ces and preferments were ap­propriated to the Nobility, there was no room left for a single and unendowed Desert. Birth had precluded Merit, and the privi­ledges of Bloud had forestall'd [Page 150] the rewards of Vertue. By which constitution, Denmark, from an anciently glorious and most re­nowned Monarchy, had in a suc­cession of some Ages dwindled and degenerated to that State and condition which to avoid offence I sorbear to name. But upon occasion of this second War, the better to encourage the Burgers of Copenhagen to stand couragiously for the De­fence of their King and Country, lest the hope and expectancy of bettering their condition under a new Master should prompt them to desert their old, great privileges were proposed and conferred upon them. Such as these: An equal admission to Offices and Honours, as they and [Page 151] their Children should render themselves capable and deserv­ing. A power of purchasing Lands and Lordships with the same rights as Nobles. The City to be one of the Estates of the King­dom, and to have a suffrage in all publick Councils and Resolves. And the Crown is also delivered out of the Guardianship of the Nobility, being changed from Elective to Hereditary. So that now in Denmark there is a more healthful and better proportioned distribution of strength and nourishment to all parts of the Body of that Govern­whereby the whole is become more vigorous and able to withstand for the future such rude Attacks and Assaults from [Page 152] without, as had in the late Wars endangered the Life thereof.

A VIEW OF THE SUEDISH AND Other Affairs, as they now stand IN GERMANY This present Year, 1675. WITH Relation to ENGLAND.

Composed in the Year 1675. when the Suede was declared Enemy of the Empire.

LONDON: Printed by A. C. for H. Brome, at the Gun in St. Paul's Church-yard. M. DC. LXXVII.

A VIEW OF THE SUEDISH AND Other Affairs, as they now stand IN GERMANY.

HE who duly reflects upon the State and Condition of Germany at the time of the Munster and Osnabrug Treaties concluded in the year 1648. How the Empire wearied by a tedious War with earnest long­ings [Page 156] breath'd after a settlement; How the Suede at that time pow­erful in Arms, was courted to a Peace by the proposal of such ad­vantagious conditions, as wanted nothing but the name of a Con­quest; may justly wonder, that so wise a Council as that of Sueden, should submit all their great Acquisitions, of which for many years they have been in the quiet and legal possession, to the uncertain hazard of a new War.

The Osnabrug Treaty is the Magna Charta of Germany, and was enacted a perpetual funda­mental Law, and pragmatic Sanction of the Empire. But the Suede, upon his late Inva­sion [Page 157] of the Marquisate of Bran­denburg, having in full Diet been declared Enemy of the Empire, all the concessions in that Treaty respecting that Crown, are be­come like the old Charters or Donations of Charlemagne, sealed with the Pommel of a Sword to be warranted by the Blade.

The Risque the Suede now runs is further heightned upon this following consideration. Sueden has enlarged her Border upon all the neighbouring Princes. Upon the Pole and Moscovite by Liefland, Esthen and Ingermanland. Upon the German Empire by the Dukedom of Po­meren, Principality of Rugen, Bishopricks of Bremen and Ver­den [Page 158] Erected upon this occasion into Dutchies, and by the Lord­ship of the City and Port of Wis­mar. Upon the Dane by the se­veral Provinces of Halland, Sco­nen, Bleking, &c. Some or all of which Princes do but wait a favourable conjuncture, wherein to attempt the reinstating them­selves into those Possessions, which the Accidents of War and other fatalities have extorted from them.

It may also be noted upon this occasion, that by vertue of the aforementioned Osnabrug Trea­ty, some of the then Friends or Allies of the Crown of Sueden were devested of part of their Patrimony, the better to accom­modate [Page 159] the Suede in laying his new acquired Possessions more close and contiguous. Thus the Elector of Brandenburg quitted Stetin and other Rights which he had in both the Pomerens. The Duke of Mecklenburg resigned Wismar. 'Tis true both these Princes received a compensa­tory Exchange or Equivalent, such as the necessity of the Pub­lic Peace constrain'd them to acquiesce in; the first by the Bishoprick of Halberstad, the latter by that of Ratzenburg, but it must be granted too that the Rents and Revenues of Inland Dominions are not so improve­able as those arising upon Sea-Ports.

Now if we impartially com­pare the circumstances of Affairs in this present year 1675. with those in the year 1648. it will be the easier to make an estimate, whether Sueden could rationally hope to better the conditions of the Osnabrug Treaty, or whether their future expectancies can in any just proportion countervail their present hazard.

In the former German War, it was no small advantage to Sueden to be esteemed the Head of the Protestant Cause and Interest in Germany; this brought them many Allies and Adherents; and made their thin and tattered Regi­ments swell into numerous and well appointed Armies. But [Page 161] in the present War there is nothing of Religion so much as pretended in the Case. Nay the more immediate quarrel that Sueden now has, is with the Bran­denburger, the Dane and Hollander, who though of different persua­sions, are clasp'd together with the Suede in the same general con­cerns of Religion. Before the Osnabrug Treaty, Germany was crumbled into many Factions and Interests, both Religious and Civil. Now the whole Body of the Empire is consolidated and united together against strangers, and some in Germany esteem the Suede no other. In the year 1648. before the Peace, the Suede had more than two hundred Garrisons in Germany, [Page 162] and an Army in Field and Garri­son of near fourscore thousand men, the far greater number of them foreiners, but all Vete­rans exactly disciplin'd, and commanded by a Martial Prince extracted from the Palatine fa­mily of the Rhine (the now King of Sueden's Father) who upon that accompt was the more ac­ceptable to the German Nation. Now their Army is small and consists of new Levies, their Garrisons few, and by occasion of a long Peace neither so well fortified nor otherwise provided. The Suede had then many Allies and Confederates within the very bowels of the Empire. The Landgrave of Hess had a consi­derable Army in the Field, which [Page 163] to the very last acted in concert with Sueden; besides the Army of France under Marshal Turenne in Alsace. Now the Suede has no other visible Confederate but France, so remote, that if the French Armies should by the Chance of War be put upon the Defensive, the Suede may be lost before France can help him. The Dane who then stood Neutral, has now declared against Sueden. The States General then in War with Spain, now confederated with Spain and the Empire against France, and consequently against Sueden. I need add no more to encrease the wonder I before mentioned, the difficulty would rather be to salve and allay it, were it any thing to my purpose, [Page 164] who pretend not to have the Key of the Cabinet, or to be able to penetrate the secret of the Suedish Councils; only this is obvious, if a lesser Crown con­descends to become the Pensio­ner of another more great and opulent than its self, it will be exposed to temptations of being sometimes warped from her pro­per measures. Besides the in­fluence of the Example, for if the Crown receives gifts the Ministers will be less modest in refusing them, when tendred.

Add moreover, the inlets into a War are so many and so easie, but the outlets so few and diffi­cult, that a wise Prince and Council obliged upon remoter [Page 165] considerations to a shew and ap­pearance of Arms, may insen­sibly and unexpectedly be in­volv'd in a War, which they never in good earnest intended. And he who proposed to himself to advance his Arms to such a Point and no further, may to his grief find the unruly beast of War so ungovernable, as not to be mannag'd to certain stops and bounds, but to transgress them all, and sometimes throw the Rider.

And as a Prince may gra­dually and insensibly be engaged in a War which at first he in­tended not, and afterwards be further engaged in it, than he either proposed or desired; So [Page 166] 'tis ordinary for the consequents and effects of such War to re­dound to the prejudice of other Princes, who had no participa­tion either in the beginning or the progress thereof. Thus if the Suede (for I suppose 'tis no offence to put such a Case, be­cause what's laid at stake no man can call his own) I say, if the Suede should lose all in Germany, and be turned back again over the Baltic; This would redound greatly to the mischief of France, whose Interest it is to maintain the Suede in Germany as a check and counterpoise upon the House of Austria, the hereditary Enemy of France. But this considerati­on reaches not England, because that House has in this last Age [Page 167] been under so sensible a deca­dency, that it gives no longer any just ombrage or jealousie as formerly, of any affectation of an Universal Monarchy.

But yet it may greatly con­cern England into what hands the Chance of War may throw those places the Suede now possesses. Should the Elector of Branden­burg invest himself in the Ports of Pomeren, and by that means erect a third power upon the Baltic: Nay should the Duke of Curland, whose little Dutchy is a Fief of the Crown of Poland, and who of later years has af­fected to put in for a share in the Baltic under the Title of Admiral of that Crown, though his de­sign [Page 168] always suppressed by the early jealousies of those greater Powers of Denmark and Sueden; should he I say by help of the fa­vour and consanguinity he has with Brandenburg (for that House married a Sister of that Elector) added to the countenance and assistance of Poland, establish a fourth Power upon the Baltic: All this would not sensibly touch England, for a Reason intimated in that Answer, which a Duke of Burgundy once made, when it was objected to him how he was no Lover of the Kings of France, his Reply was, on the contrary he was so great a Lover of them, that whereas there was one King of France he wished there were many.

But if the Dane should seize the Ports of Pomeren, or possess himself of Stade and Boxtehude in the Dutchy of Bremen; or should he so far profit upon the present Conjuncture, as to reinstate him­self in the opposite Bank of the Sound, which was taken from him in the year 1658. every of these will alter the Case in re­ference to England; For 'tis evi­dent that the dividing the Banks of the Sound betwixt the two emulous Crowns, as it was done by the Roschild Treaty, is greatly to the security and benefit of England. To our security in time of War, for in case of a War be­twixt England and Holland, if Den­mark incline to Holland (which is not unreasonable to be suppo­sed) [Page 170] England, in friendship with Sueden whilest possessed of one Bank of the Sound, will in de­spight of the other two Confe­derates maintain the Trade into the Baltie, and fetch from thence those materials which are ne­cessary for the apparel and equip­page of her Shipping. To our benefit in time of Peace, and that in reference to Trade and Commerce. For 'tis a Gain to the Dane to enhance the duties of the Sound, but 'tis the Interest, of Sueden to oppose it, because Stockholm and all the Ports of Sueden, except Gottenburg, being within the Baltic, whatever Du­ties are imposed upon forein Ships in their passage through the Sound, are a burden upon [Page 171] the Trade of Sueden. The same Reason holds for the Elb, where the Dane has Gluestad upon the one Bank, the Suede Stade and Boxtehude upon the other. If both Banks should come into Danish hands, this would more immediately concern Hamburgh; and so much the rather because of the old pretensions the Kings of Denmark as Dukes of Holstein have upon that City. But it will remotely concern England, for it will be in the power of the Dane to exclude us from the Trade of the Elb whenever he pleases. Which perhaps he will not do. But the Assurances of Princes are not to be founded upon the Will not, but upon the Cannot.

Add to all this, that as it is the Interest of France to maintain Sueden as a ballance upon the House of Austria, so 'tis the In­terest of England to preserve Sueden as her proper counterpoise against the Confederate Naval Strength of Holland and Denmark.

The case thus standing, and Sueden having changed the figure it lately made, when the Medi­ation of that Crown was pro­posed in concert with England, by entring into the War and be­coming Party; There is no Prince in Europe to whom it can so properly appertain to advance the great work of a Mediation, as to his Majesty of England. The Pope not so fit to interpose in these German Controversies, as [Page 173] upon other considerations, so particularly upon this, because by the Munster and Osnabrug Treaties, which are the Basis of the Peace of Germany, many of the Lands of the Church and other Ecclesiastical Rights, were Alienated and made Secular. Which the Nuncio at that time was so far from consenting to, that he entred a public Protest against it, and Innocent the tenth declared all the Articles relating to Religion to be nul and void. The Venetian State remote, and though admitted Mediator in the Munster Treaty betwixt the Em­pire and France, yet was not so in the Osnabrug Treaty betwixt the Empire and Sueden. Besides the Councils of that Republic face [Page 174] most to the Levant, neither does she intermeddle in the Affairs of the Western Princes so much as in former Ages.

Whilest the King of England be­sides his Power, Interest and Autho­rity, seems to be selected by a coinci­dence of several Providential circum­stances to undertake this Work, not only Pious, but Safe, Honourable and Profitable. Safe, because all the Interessed Princes court the Friend­ship of the Mediator; Honourable be­cause the mediating Prince becomes the Arbiter of others Contro­versies; Profitable because his Ministers being upon the place, and privy to the secrets of the contend­ing Parties, have the opportunity of espying advantages for se­curing [Page 175] and promoting their Master's Interests.

But as in Naturals so in Civils, 'tis Time ripens all things: And 'tis the Wisdome of the Head which directs the diligence of the Hand to gather the fruit in its proper season. The last War of Germany was of thirty years con­tinuance, and the Peace was se­ven years in treating, reckoning from the Preliminaries agreed at Hamburgh, to the conclusion of the Peace at Munster and Osna­brug. This according to hu­mane conjectures seems not of that duration. But mediating Princes are most welcome and successful, when the Parties are wearied with the War, as [Page 176] those Physicians are most happy who come in the declension of a Disease.

FINIS.

Errata.

Page 117. for revolution read revulsion. p. 124. for defensive read defensible. p. 143. for left read lost. p. 151. for Govern read Government.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.