It is not evill penned in my opinion, to shew the guiltinesse of some persons therein named in particular : yet not so farre forth (I beleeve) & in so deepee a degree of Trea­son, as in this Booke generally is inforced without indiffe­rency.

For my part I protest, that I beare the honest Papist (if there be any) no malice for his deceived consience; but since you grant the Papist both in generall abroad, & at home : and in particular such as are condemned, executed, and named in this booke to be guilty : how can you insinuate (as you doe) that there is more inforced upon them by this Booke, then there is just cause so to doe?

Good Sir, I stand not heere to examine the doings of superiours, or to defend the guilty, but wish hartily rather their punishment that deserves the same. But not onely those, whom you call Busie Papists in England, but also those, whom we call hot Puritanes among you, may be aswell called Tray­tors in my opinion: For that every one of these in deede doth [Page 3] labour indirectly (if not more) against the State, seeing each one endeavoreth to encrease his part or faction, that desireth a Governour of his owne Religion. And in this case are the Protestants in France, and Flanders under Catholique Princes: the Calvinists under the Duke of Saxony, the Lutherans under Casinere, the Graecians, and other Christians under the Empe­rour of Constantinople, under the Sophy, and Chame of Tartary, and under other Princes, that are not with them in Religion. All which subiects doe wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that they had a Prince and State of their owne Religion, in stead of that which now governeth them; and consequently in this sence, they may be all called Traytors: And so to apply this to my purpose; I thinke Sir, in good sooth, that in the first kinde of Treason, as well the zealous Papist, as also the Puritan in England, may well be called, and proved Traytors.

I grant your distinction of Treasons to bee true : but your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them) be rather divers degrees, then divers kindes. And the one is but a step to the other, not differing in nature, but in time, abilitie, or opportunitie. For if the Graecians under the Turke, and other Christians under other Princes of a different Religion, as also the Papists, and Puritans in England, have such alienation of minde from the present regiment and doe covet so much a Governour and State of their owne Religion: then no doubt but they are also resolved to employ their for­ces, for accomplishing, and bringing to passe their desires, if they had opportunity : and so being now in the first degree or kind of Treason, doe want but occasion or ability to breake into the second.

True sir, if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them.

And what cause or circumstance may stay them, when they shall have abilitie, or opportunity to doe a thing which they so much desire?

Divers causes, but especially the feare of servitude [Page 4] under forraigne Nations may restraine them from such at­tempts: As in Germany both Catholiques and Protestants joy­ned together against strangers, that offered danger to their li­berties. So that by this example you see that feare of externall subjection may stay men in all states, & consequently both Pa­pists & Puritans in the state of England from passing to the se­cond degree of Treason, albeit they were never so deepe in the first, & had both ability, time, will & opportunity for the other.

It seemes to me most cleare, and now I understand what the Lawyer meant before, when he affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in generall might bee said to deale a­gainst England in regard of their religion, and so incurre some kinde of Treason, yet not so far forth as in this book is inforced; though for my part I doe not see that the booke inforceth all Papists in generall to be properly traytors, but such as only in particular are therin named, or that are by law attained or con­demned, or executed, & what wil you say to those in particular?

That some here named in this booke are openly knowne to have beene in the second degree of Treason: as Westmerland, Norton, Sanders, &c. But divers others, (namely the Priests and Seminaries) I conceive, that to the wise of our State, who had the doing of this businesse, the first degree of Treason was sufficient to dispatch them, especially in such sus­pitious times as these are: to the end that being hanged for the first, they should never be in danger to fall into the second: nor yet to draw other men to the same; which perhaps was most of all misdoubted.

It appertaineth not to us to Iudge, what the State pleaseth to doe : for it must as well prevent inconveniences, as remedie the same, when they are happened. But (my good friends) I must tell you plaine, that I could wish with all my heart, that either these differences were not amongst us at all, or else that they were so temperately on all parts persued : as the common State of our Country, the blessed raigne of her Maiestie, and the common cause of true Religion were not endangered thereby.

But many participate the Black-Moores humour, that dwell in Guinea, whose exercise at home is (as some write) the one to hunt, catch, and sell the other, and alwaies the stronger to make money of the weaker. But now if in England wee should live in peace and unity, as they doe in Germany, and one should not prey upon the other: then should the great Fau­cons for the field (I meane the favorites of the time) faile on their great prey.

Truely sir, I thinke you rove neerer the marke then you weeen: for if I be not deceived, the very ground of these broyles, are but a very prey, in the greedy immaginations of him, who tyrannizeth the state: and being himselfe of no Re­ligion, feedeth not yet upon our differences in Religion, to the fatting of himselfe, and ruine of the Realme: for whereas by the common distinction there are three notable differences of Religion in this Land: The two extreame, wherof are the Papist, and Puritan: and the Religious Protestant obtaining the meane: This fellow being of neither, maketh his gaine of all, and as he seeketh a kingdome by the one extreame, and spoyle by the other: and so he useth the authority of the third, to compasse the first two, and to countermine of each one, to the overthrow of all there.

In good sooth, I see now sir where you are: you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinary talke and conference in the university, for I know you meane my Lord of Leicester, who is the subiect of all pleasant discourse at this day throughout this Realme.

Not so pleasant, as pittifull, if all matters and circum­stances were well considered, except any man take pleasure to iest at our owne miseries : which are like to bee the greater by his iniquitie (if God avert it not) then by all the wickednesse of England besides: He being the man by all probabilitie, that is like to be the bane, and fatall destinie of our state, with the evertion of true Religion, whereof by indirect meanes, hee is the greatest enemie that the land doth nourish: A man of so [Page 6] base a spirit as is knowne to be, of so extreame ambition, pride, false­hood and treachery: so borne, so bread up, no nusled in Treason from his infancy descended of a Tribe of Traytors, and fleshed in conspiracy against the Royall blood of King Henries children in his tender yeares, and exercised in drifts ever since against the same, by the blood and ruine of divers others: and finally a man so well knowne to beare secret malice against her Majestie for causes irre­concileable. Wherefore I doe assure my selfe it would bee most pleasant to the Realme, and profitable to her Majestie, to wit, that this mans Actions might be called publiquely to tryall, and liberty given to good subiects, to say what they know against the same: as it was permitted in the first yeare of King Henry the 8. against his Grandfather, & in the first of Queene Mary against his Father : And then I would not doubt, but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to loose their heads for Treason: this man would not bee found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose treacheries doe farre surpasse them both.

My Masters, have you not heard of the Proviso made in the last Parliament for punishment of all those, who speake so broad of such men as my Lord of Leicester is?

Yes, I have heard that my L. of Leicester being ashamed of his Actions, desired a restraint, that he might lie the more securely in harbour from the tempest of mens tongues, which tatled busily at that time, of divers of his Lordships deeds, which he would not have divulged. As of his preparation to Rebellion upon Mounsieurs com­mission into the Land: of his disgrace & checks received at Court: of the fresh death of the Noble Earle of Essex, & of his hasty snatch­ing up of his widdow, whom he sent up and downe the Countrey by privie waies, thereby to avoid the fight and knowledge of the Queenes Maiestie. And albeit he had not onely satisfied his owne lust on her, but also married, and remarried her contentation of her friends: yet denied he the same by solemne oathes to her Maiestie, and received the Communion thereupon (so good a conscience he hath) No marvile therefore if hee not desiring to have these and other Actions knowne publique, was so diligent a procurer of that Law for silence.

It is very probable that his Lord-ship was in great distresse about that time, when Monsieurs matters were in hand, whereof he desired lesse speech among the people. But when my Lord of War­wick said openly at his Table in Greenewich, that the marriage was not to be suffered, hee caused an insurrection against the Queenes owne Maiestie. And when her Royall Maiestie should have married to the Brother and Heire apparant of France, being judged by the best, wisest, and faithfullest Protestants of the Realme to bee both convenient, profitable and honorable: This Tyrant for his owne private lucre endeavored to allieanate for ever, and make this great Prince our mortall enemie, who sought the love of her Maiestie with so much honour and confidence, as never Prince did.

For the present I must advertise you in this case, that you may not take hold so exactly of all my Lords doings, for they are too many to bee recited: especiall in womens affaires, in touch­ing their marriages, and their husbands. For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortune, that when he desireth any womans favour, then what person soever standeth in his way, hath the luck to die quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example, when his Lordship was in full hope to marry her Maiestie, and his own wife stood in his way, as he supposed, she was slaine to make way for him.

Long after this, he fell in love with the Lady Sheffeild, and then had he also the same fortune to have her husband to die quickly by an artificiall Catarre, that stopped his breath. The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex, and that at a time most fortunate for his purpose.

He poysoned also one Mistris Ales Draykot, a goodly Gentlewo­man, whom he affected much himselfe, and hearing that shee was dead lamented her case greatly, and said in the presence of his ser­vants, Ah, poore Ales, the cup was not prepared for thee, albeit it was thy hard destiny to tast of it.

Also Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, whom my Lord of Leicester invited to a supper at his house in London, was their poysoned with a Salat by an incurable vomit.

The late Lady Lenox also (who came of the Royall blood by Scot­land) [Page 8] being sick, Leycester (who never could affect her) tooke the paines to visite her with extraordinary kindnesse, but after some private discourse with her, at his departure she fell into an extraor­dinary Fluxe; which many did avouch to come by his meanes.

But this is not all touching his Marriage & contracts with Wo­men, changing wives and Minions, by killing the one, denying the other, using the third for a time, and fawning on the forth. Where­fore he had termes and pretences of contracts, precontracts, post­contracts, protracts and retracts: as for example, after hee had kil­led his wife, and so broken that contract, then forsooth would hee needes make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majestie, and so defeate all other Princes by vertue of his Precontract. And after this his lust compelling him to another place, hee would needes make a post contract with the Lady Sheffeild. But yet after his con­cupiscence changing againe, he resolved to make a Retract of this protract, and to make a certaine new protract (which is a continu­ation for using her for a time) with the widdow of Essex.

I have read much in my time of the carnality and licenti­ousnesse of many outragious persons in this kinde, but I never read nor heard the like of him in my life, whose concupisence and vio­lence runne ioyntly together; neither holdeth hee any rule in his lust, besides onely the motion and suggestion of his owne sensuali­ty: for there are not (by report) two Noble Gentlemen about her Maiestie (I speake upon some accompt of them that know much) whom he hath not sollicited by potent waies. And seeking pasture among the waiting Gentlewomen of her Maiesties Cham­ber, he hath offered three hundred pounds for a Night, and if that would not make up the summe, he would otherwise: having repor­ted himselfe (so little shame he hath) that he offered to another of higher place a hundred pound lands a yeare, with many more Iew­els to doe the Act.

Nay he is so Libinous, that he hath given to procure love in others, by coniuring, sorcery and other such meanes. But I am asha­med to make any more mention of his filthinesse.

To draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory [Page 9] puddle, and foule dunghill, I will recompt a pritty story concer­ning his daughter borne of the Lady Sheffeild in Dudley Castle, I was acquainted three moneths past with a certaine Minister (that now is dead) living at Dudley Castle, for complement of some sacred Cere­monies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place: and the matter was so ordered by the wily wit of him that had sow­ed the seede, that for the better covering of the Harvest, and se­cret delivery of the Lady Sheffeild, the good wife of the Castle also (whereby Leycesters appointed Gossips might without suspition have accesse to the place) should faine her selfe to bee with child, and after long and sore travel (God wot) to be delivered of a cushion (as shee was indeede) and a little after a faire Coffin was buried with a bundle of clouts in shew of a child: and the minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemnizing thereof : For which thing afterward the Minister before his death and great greife and remorse of conscience, with no small detesta­tion of the most irreligious devise of my Lord of Leicester in such a case.

This was a most Atheisticall designement, and with all so unworthy, that it did alone, deserve a correspondent punishment & no doubt but that God (who hath an impartiall eye in veiwing such voluntary iniquities) will on day render unto him, according to his demerits; to whose supreame Iustice I leave him: yet (Gentlemen if you please) I will relate most apparently unto you his intended murther against the Earle of Ormand: Leycester did offer five hundred pounds to have him privately murthered: but when that devise tooke no effect, hee appointed the field with him, but secretly suborning his servant William Killegre to lie in the way where Ormand should passe, and so massacre him with a Cal­liver before he came to the place appointed. Which matter though it tooke no effect (for that the matter was taken up, before the day of meeting) yet was Killegre placed afterwards in her Majesties privie Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready mind, to doe for his Master so faithfull a service.

So faithfull a service indeed? in my opinion, it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a fact. Yet I heare withall that he is a man of great impatience, fury, rage, and ire, and whatsoever thing it be that he conceives, either justly, or unjustly, he prosecu­teth the same, with such implacable cruelty, that there is noe abid­ing his fury.

His Treacheries towards the Noble Earle of Sussex, in their many breachies is notorious to all England, As also the bloudy practises gainst divers others.

But among many, none were more odious, and misliked of all men : then those against Monsieur Simiers, a stranger, and Ambassa­dour: whom first he practised to have poisoned, but when that de­vise took no place, then he would have slaine him at the Black-friers, at Green-wich as he went forth at the garden gate: but missing of that purpose too, he dealt with certaine Flushiners, and other Pi­rates, to sincke him at Sea, with the English Gentle-men his favou­rers, that accompanied him at his returne into France.

Now verily (Sir) you paint unto me a strange patterne of a Perfect potentate in the Court: for the common speech of ma­ny wanteth not reason I perceive, which call him the heart, and life of the Court.

They which call him the heart, upon a litle occasion more would call him the head; and then I marveile, what would be left for her Majesty, when they take from her both life, heart, and head­ship in her owne Realme.

Yet durst no Subject presume to contradict his Hellish opinions, but rather gave their assertion unto, for feare of the dam­mage of their lives.

But he hath munition, to what intent I know not, for in Killingworth Castle, he hath ready armour to furnish ten thousand Souldiers, of all things necessary, both for horse and man: besides the great abundance of ready coine there laid up sufficient, for any great exploit to be done within the Realme.

He hath many lands, possessions, Seigniories, and rich offices of his owne: favour and authority with his Prince: the part [Page 3] and portion in all suites; that passe by grace, or are ended by law: he doth chop, and change what landes he listeth with her Majesty: possesseth many licences to himselfe, as of Wine, Oyles, Currants, Cloath, Velvets with his new office of alienation, which might in­rich Townes, Corporations, Countries, and Common-wealths; He disposeth at his will Ecclesiasticall livings of the Realme, in ma­king Bishops &c. of whom he pleaseth: he sweepeth away the glebe from many Benefices throughout this land : he scoureth the Vni­versity, and Colledges, where he is Chancellour, and selleth both head-ships, and Scholler-places, and all other offices, and dignities, that by art and violence may yeeld money. He driveth the Parties out of their possessions, and maketh title to what land he pleaseth; He taketh in whole Forrests, Commons, Woodes and pastures to himselfe; these, and in all these he doth insult, notwithstanding his former impiety.

He released Callis to the French most Trayteriously, as his Father before him sould Bulloigne to the French, by like Treacherie.

What should I speake of his other actions, whereof there would be no end? As of his dealing with Master Robinson of Stafford-shire, with false arraignement, with Master Richard Lee, for his Manor of Hockenorton, with Master Ludwicke Grivell, by seeking to bereave him of all his living at once, if 'the drift had taken place; with George Witney, in the behalf of Sir Henry Leigh, for enforcing him to forgoe the Controller-ship of Woodstocke, which he holded by pattent from King H. the 7. With my Lord Barkeley, whom he inforced to yeeld up his lands to his brother Warwicke, which his Ancesters had held quietly before 200 years. What shall I speak of his intolerable Ty­ranny upon Sir Iohn Throgmarton, whom he brought to his grave, by perpetuall vexations : and upon all the line of King Henry against this mans Father, in King Edward and Queene Maries dayes? upon divers, of the Lanes, for one mans sake of that name before menti­oned, that offered to take Killingworth Castle? Vpon some of the Giffords, & others for Throgmartons sake? in his endlesse persecuting Sir Drew Drewry, and many other Courtiers both men, & women; But especially Leycester was supposed to use this practise, for bring­ing [Page 12] the Scepter finally to his owne head : and that he would not onely imploy himselfe to defeate Scotland, and Arbeda to defeate Huntington: but also would use the marriage of the Queene impri­soned, to defeate them both if he could. Which marriage he being frustrated of, was not ashamed to threaten a treacherous vindica­tion against her Majesties Royall Person. But I hope her Majesty will set out a faire Proclamation, with a bundle of Halters for all such Traitours.

I applaud your well wishings to the State: yet I doe ob­serve much by reading over our Countrys affaires, and among o­ther things, I doe abhorre the memory of that time, and doe dread all occasion, that may leade us to the like in time to come : seeing that in my judgement, neither the civill warres of Marius and Silla, or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romans, nor yet the Guelphians & Gibilines among the Italians, did ever worke so much woe; as this did to our poore Country: wherein by the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were fought fifteene or sixteene pitched fields, in lesse then an hundred yeares. That is, from the 11. or 12. yeare of King Richard the second his raigne, unto the 13. yeare of King Henry the seventh. At what time by cutting of the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house, to wit, young Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick, sonne and heire to George, Duke of Clarence: the contention was most hap­pily quenched and ended, wherein so many fields were fought be­tweene Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation. And there­in about the same quarrell were slaine, murthered, and made away about nine or tenne Kings, and Kings Sonnes, besides above forty Earles, Marquesses and Dukes of name; But many more Lords, Knights, great Gentlemen and Captaines, and of the com­mon people without number, and by particular conjecture very neere too hundred thousand. For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth, there are recorded to be slaine on both parts, five and thirty thousand 700. and a 11. persons, besides other wounded persons, to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerer: at divers battles after, 10000. slaine at a battle. As in those of Barnet and Turkesbury fought in one yeare.

I pray Sir open unto me the ground of these controversies betweene Yorke and Lancaster, I have heard a large relation thereof, but no originall.

The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lan­caster tooke his actuall beginning in the issue of King Edward 3. and Edmond Earle of Lancaster, whose inheritance fell upon a Daughter named Blanch, who was married to the 4. sonne of King Edward the third named Iohn of Gaunt, borne in the city of Gaunt, in Flanders, and so by his wife became Duke of Lancaster, and heire of that house. And for that his sonne Henry of Bolingbrooke, pretended a­mong other thinges that Edmond Crookebacke was the elder Sonne of King Henry the third, and injustly put by the inheritance of the Crowne, for that he was crook-backt and deformed : Hee tooke by force the Kingdome from Richard the second, Nephew to King Edward the third by his first sonne, and placed the same in the house of Lancaster, where it remained for three whole descents, untill af­terwards Edward Duke of York descended of Iohn of Gaunts yonger Brother, making claime to the Crown by title of his Gradmother, that was heire to Lionell Duke of Clarence, Iohn of Gaunts Elder Bro­ther, tooke the same from Henry the sixt by force, out of the House of Lancaster, and brought it backe againe to the House of Yorke. This therefore was the originall of all those discords betweene them.

But let us not digresse from our former discourse concer­ning Leycesters treacherous actions. I have a friend yet living that was toward the old Earle of Arundell, in good credit, and by that meanes had occasion to deale with the late Duke of Norfolke in his chiefest affaires before his troubles: who did often report strange things from the Dukes owne mouth, of my Lord of Leycesters most treacherous dealing towards him, for gaining of his blood, as after appeared true. This Leycester have also deceived her Majestie di­verse times in forging of Letters as if they came from some Prince, when they were his owne forgerie: Hee had likewise a hellish de­vise to entrap his well deserving Friend Sir Chrystopher Hatton in matter of Hall his Priest, whom hee would have had Sir Chrystopher [Page 6] to hide, and send away; being touched and detected in the ease of Ardent, thereby to have drawne in Sir Chrystopher himselfe, & made him accessary to this Plot. What meaneth all these pernitious late dealings against the Earle of Shrewsbury, a man of the most ancient and worthiest Nobility of our Realme. It is onely Leycesters ambiti­ous minde, that causeth all this.

But it is very strange to see, what a contemner of the Prerogatives of England he is, and how little account he maketh of all the antient Nobility of our Realme, how he contemneth, derideth, and deba­seth them: Which is the fashion of all such, as meane to usurpe, to the end, that they may have none, who shall not acknowledge their first beginning and advancement from themselves.

His base and abiect behaviour in his last disgrace about his mar­rage, well declared what he would doe, in a matter of more impor­tance, by deceiving of Sir Chrystopher Hatton: and by abusing my Lord Treasurer in a letter, for which Her Highnesse did much re­buke him.

It was affirmed by many that all the broyles, troubles, dangers, and disturbance in Scotland, did proceed from his complot, and conspiracy.

His unworthy scandall which he cast on the Earle of Shrewsbury was perfidious : Wherefore in regard of these innumerable Trea­cheries, for prevention of succeding calamities, to tell you plaine­ly my opinion, and therewith to draw to an end of this our confe­rence I should thinke it the most necessary point of all, for her Majesty to call his Lordship to an account among other, and to see what other men could say against him, at length, after so many yeares of his sole accusing, and pursuing of others. I know and am very well assured, that noe Act, which her Majesty hath done, since the comming to the Crown, nor any that lightly her Majesty may doe hereafter, can be of more utility to her self, and to the Realme, or more gratefull unto her faithfull and zealous Subjects, then this Noble Act of Iustice will be, for triall of this mans deserts towards his Countrey.

And so like wise now to speake in our particular case, if there be [Page 7] any grudge or griefe at this day, any mislike, repining, complaint, or murmure against her Majesties government, in the hearts of her true and faithfull Subjects, who with amendment of that, which is amisse, and not the overthrow of that which is well, I dare avouch upon conscience, that either all; or the greatest part thereof pro­ceedeth from this man. And if her highnesse doe permit, and com­mand the laws dayly to passe upon theives, and Murderers without exceptition, and that for one fact onely, as by experience we see: how then can it be denyed in this man, who in both kindes have committed more enormous Acts, then may be well recounted.

As in the first of Theft, not onely by spoiling, and oppressing al­most infinite private men : but also whole Townes, Villages, Cor­porations, and Countries, by robbing the Realme with inordinate licences, by deceiving the Crowne, with racking, changing and im­bezeling the Lands, by abusing his Prince, and Soveraigne, in sel­ling his favour, both at home, & abroad, with taking bribes for mat­ter of Iustice, grace, request, supplication, or whatsoever suite else may depend upon the Court, or of the Princes authority. In which sort of traffique, he committeth more theft oftentimes in one day: then all the way-keepers, Cut-purses, Cosenners, Pirates, Burglares or other of that art in a whole yeare within this Realme.

As for the second which is Murder, you have heard before some­what said and proved: but yet nothing to that, which is thought to have beene in secret committed upon divers occasiones, at divers times: in sundry persons of different calling in both sexes, by most variable meanes of killing, poysoning, charming, inchanting, con­juring, and the like: according to the diversity of men, places, op­portunities, and instruments for the same. By all which meanes I thinke, he hath more blood lying upon his head at this Day, crying vengeance against him at Gods hands and her Majestie, then ever had private man in our Countrey before, were he never so wicked.

Whereto if we adde all his intollerable licentiousnesse in all fil­thy kinde, and manner of carnality, with all his sorts of wives, friends and kinswomen. If wee adde his iniuries, and dishonours done [Page 10] hereby [...] if we [...] the Crowne, his [...] his rap [...]s, and most [...] poore, his [...] of the Parliament, [...] with the Nobility and whole [...] his open injuries, which he [...] [...] ­sters thereof, by turning all to his owne ganes (if I say) [...] lay together all those inormities before [...], and thousand [...] more in particular, which might and would be gathered, if his day of tryall were but in hope to be granted: I doe not see in [...] and reason, [...]ow her highnesse sitting in [...], and at the [...] Steine, as shee doth, could deny her Subiects this most lawfull re­quest: considering that every one of these [...], requi­reth Iustice of his owne Nature: and much more altogether ought to obtaine the [...], at the hand of any good and godly Majesti [...] in the world.