LEWIS the XIIIth. had for a con­siderable time after his Marriage no Issue by Ann of Austria his spouse, till in the Year 1638, on the 5th day of December at eleven of the Clock, 22 Minutes before Noon, His Birth. she was happily deli­vered of a Son.

The Imperi­alists van­quish'd near Rhinefels, a [...]d the Spaniards at Sea. With what an universal satisfaction this welcome News was received all over the King­dom is easier to be imagined than exprest. The rejoycings made upon this occasion, did in a great measure obliterate the glory of famous Victories, obtained about the same time by the French over their Enemies, the people of France looking upon them all at that juncture as scarce worth taking notice of, and of little consequence, in comparison of the advantages they promised themselves from the happy birth of a Dauphin.

The barrenness of the Queen, and the ill state of the King's health had given occasion to several Cabals and Factions; and no soon­er was one head of this pernicious Hydra cut off, but another appeared in its stead, the di­visions of the Great ones being risen to that pitch, as to threaten the ruine of the whole Kingdom, if, by the auspicious Birth of this Prince, these dreadful Clouds had not been dispersed.

Troubles during his Minority. But the Death of Lewis the XIIIth which happened when the young Prince was but four Years and nine Months old, occasioned no small apprehensions of future troubles in the State; great discontents reigned among the Nobility; the Parliaments were exaspera­ted by many provocations, and the People exhausted by heavy Impositions; all which, it was feared, would have broke out into an o­pen Rebellion, during the young King's Minority.

Cardinal Julius Mazarin. The Queen Regent being absolutely satisfied in the ability of the Cardinal Mazarin, had made him Chief Minister of State, to the [Page 3]great dissatisfaction of such of the Great ones, as proposed to themselves to fish in troubled Waters, and to find their account in foment­ing Divisions in the Kingdom; They alledg­ed that the Cardinal being a Foreigner, they did not question but that he would tread the footsteps of Cardinal Richlieu, and in this high station revived the same haughty Max­ims his Predecessor had made use of during his Ministry.

But this great Minister of State managed matters with so much dexterity, that by be­stowing ample favours, and larger promises upon those of the discontented Party, he brought many of them over to his side, so that beyond all expectation, his Ministry was very quiet for the first five years, and the pre­sent condition of the Kingdom appear'd to be more flourishing at that time, Victories near Ro­croy, near Rotewil, Friburg, Nortlin­gen, and Leantz. N [...]ar Car­tagena, and Castel­lamara. than it had been for many Years before. The French gained 5 Victories by Land, and 2 at Sea; and besides, they made themselves Masters of 10 or 12 places of no small Importance.

But this prosperity was of no long continu­ance. The excessive Ambition and Covetous­ness, the Envy and Jealousies which reigned among the Nobility; the pretended Zeal of some of the French Parliaments, encouraged by the Favour and Acclamations of the com­mon People, which being inveigled with the hopes of an abatement of the heavy Taxes they groaned under, followed blindfold the inclinations of their Leaders. Add to this the want of Courage in the Chief Minister, which induced him to lay hold of that most destructive Maxim of State; To prefer [Page 4]only such as he dreaded most; This fatal con­course of different Interests and Passions, pro­ved the source of such divisions and intestine Commotions, as shook the very foundation of the French Monarchy.

Whilst the Kingdom was involved in these Troubles, the King's Education was in a man­ner neglected by those to who's Tuition it was committed, who made it their chiefest care to carry the young King from one Pro­vince to another, to shew him to his People, in hopes to restore, by this last effort, the de­cay'd and languishing Authority of the Go­vernment, and by his Royal Prefence to keep them in Obedience.

Notwithstanding all these Obstacles, Happy pre­sages of his Youth. the King began to give most evident proofs of his great and generous Inclinations; for when he was scarce twelve years of Age, such was his happy Genius, that there appeared a discreti­on and reservedness in all his Actions, much above what could be expected from so tender an Age, shewing not the least inclination to those things which are the ordinary diversi­ons of Children, but an uncommon eager­ness to be instructed in all manner of Exercises, and a singular delight in hearing the relations of great and memorable Exploits. These were the chief Entertainments of his Youth; and it was always observed, that if any thing happened to be related to him, that was either above the common rate in its undertaking, or surprising in its event, there appear'd such a sprightliness in his Eves and whole Counte­nance, as sufficiently testified his desire of signalizing himself by some memorable Acti­on.

Is a Spe­ctator of the Battle of St. An­thony, Ju­ly 2, 1652. Full of this Noble Idea he waited with im­patience for the time which might furnish him with an opportunity of giving real de­monstrations of his great Inclinations; and he was not quite 14 years of Age, when knowing that his Army was ready to engage the Prince of Conde, he entreated and pressed them so earnestly, that to satisfie his most glorious desire, they were obliged to place him on a certain Eminence where he could be a Spectator, at least of a great part of the Engagement.

Lewis of Bourbon, II Prince of Conde. The Prince of Conde had for the last six years past been the Hero and chief Supporter of the Royal Party; It was he that had gain'd the Battles of Rocroy, Fribourg, Nortlingen, and Lentz; And it was also the same Prince of Conde, who at the beginning of the inte­stine commotions was so fortunate, or rather dextrous, as to block up the City of Paris with 7 or 8000 Men. 1649.

There was something great and sublime above the rest of Mankind in this Prince: He was endowed with a Courage undaunted in the midst of all Dangers; His skill in Marti­al affairs was beyond what can be imagined or express'd. On the day of Battle nothing was comparable to his Conduct, either in choosing the advantage of the Ground, or ordering and disposing his Troops in order of Battle, or retiring and sustaining them with fresh Forces; no body beyond him in pushing on an Attack with the utmost Vigour, and in the heat of the Engagement to possess himself of an advantageous Post, and to change the disposition of his Troops according to the va­rious [Page 6]accidents and revolutions of the Battle; a happy conjunction of many extraordinary Qualities, if those great Souls, elevated above the common Sphere, were also capable of moderation. His aspiring Genius nourished by evil Counsels, prompted him to take up Arms against the King, and having assembled a Body of Troops, after several marches and counter-marches, he at last posted himself near St. Cloue, trusting to the nearness of the Bridge, which might serve him for a safe re­treat, to avoid an engagement, in case he should be attack'd by his Enemies, who were superiour in number to him.

The two Marshals, de Turenne, and de la Fer­te commanded two separate Bodies, who, to make sure work, intended to inclose him be­twixt their two Armies, which the Prince ha­ving soon taken notice of, he broke up from St. Cloue with an intention to march to Cha­renton, and to entrench himself near that Bridge, where, by the nearness of the two Ri­vers Seyne and Marne, it would be impossible to force his Camp. The shortest way was to march thro' Paris, but fearing least his Ar­my should be considerably diminish'd by de­sertion in his march thro' the City, or that the Citizens might deny him a Passage, he changed his resolution, and ordered his Troops to march round about as near the Sub­urbs as possibly could be. He marched with all possible speed and precaution, not­withstanding which, Henry de la Tour d'Au­vergne, Vicount of en ne. the Viscount of Turenne having got timely notice of it, followed him so closely, that after some hours march, he attack'd him in the Rear, and obliged him to [Page 7]come to an Engagement. It was a happy chance for the Prince to meet with some old Re­trenchments formerly cast up at the entrance of the Suburbs of St. Anthony, behind which he posted his Troops to make head against the approaching Enemy. He had scarce had lei­fure to put them in order of Battle, when the King's Army, animated by his Royal Pre­sence, attack'd his Entrenchments with in­credible bravery. As the King was at that time not much above 13 years of Age, those that were about him could not sufficiently admire with what greatness of Courage, and without shewing the least symptoms of fear he was an Eye-witness of the Engagement. It was the greatest pleasure in the World to observe the various changes in his Counte­nance, the effects of the different transports and motions of his Soul, sometimes leaping for joy when he saw his Victorious Troops beat back those of the Prince, sometimes blushing, not so much for indignation as shame, when the Prince forced the Royalists to retreat. As in Civil Wars both parties are most incensed with mutual animosities, so the bravest of both the Armies signalized themselves by some remarkable Action or other, every one being prodigal of his Life to purchase Honour in this first encounter, and to snatch the Vi­ctory out of his Enemy's Hands, which thus remained uncertain for some time, till after a bloody Combat of two hours fortune declar­ed for the King, whose Troops having made themselves Masters of the Entrenchments, marched in good Order thro' the great Street of the Suburbs without any opposition from [Page 8]the Prince. But scarce had they advanced half way towards the City, when on a sud­den they saw the Prince again appear at the head of his bravest Volunteers, and other chosen Troops, who charged them so vigo­rously, that they forced them to retreat, and to seek for shelter in the same Retrenchments from whence they had so lately forced their Enemies. This varions chance of Fortune changed the whole face of the Battle, and it was very difficult to judge on which side Vi­ctory would encline, both parties fighting with an equal animosity and bravery, till the Viscount of Turenne being reinforced with some fresh Troops who had forced their way thro' some other Streets into the Suburbs, enclosed the Prince on all sides, who must have been Sacrificed, with his whole Army to the fury of his Enemies, if the City of Pa­ris had not opened its Gates for his Reception, and by the help of the great Artillery from the Bastile, forced the King's Troops out of the Suburbs.

The Prince of Conde had upon many other occasions given most signal proofs of his Valour and Conduct, but according to the judgment of the most expert Masters of the Art of War, this day was accounted the most remarkable and most glorious of his Life, if it may be allowed that true Glory is to be acqui­red in bearing Arms against his Sovereign; it being unquestionable, that he appear'd and en­counter'd his Enemies in all places where the danger was most pressing, and that he shew'd as much Prudence and Conduct in his Com­mand, as Vigour in the execution of them. [Page 9]The Victorious Viscount of Turenne himself seem'd to be envious of the extraordinary Conduct and Courage of his vanquish'd Ene­mies; and the King having received an exact relation of what had passed, could not for­bear to speak highly in praise of the Prince, and for 2 or 3 days after, his Valour was the only subject of his discourse, an evident sign that from his infancy he had a most passionate inclination for Glory, and a most fervent de­sire of making himself remarkable by gene­rous Actions.

He goes to the Camp. This noble Fire daily encreasing in his Soul, it was in vain for his Friends to repre­sent to him, on one side, the fatigues which at­tend the Camp, and on the other side, the abso­lute necessity there was to manage a health so precious as his, to the best advantage; all these arguments were not prevailing enough to keep him at home, but maugre all their per­swasions to the contrary, he appear'd every Year in the Campaign at the head of his Ar­mies, and there was scarce any memorable Siege in Flanders till the Pyrenean Peace, where he did not encourage his Troops by his Pre­sence.

It was observable, that whilst he was in the Camp, he show'd more gaiety in his Coun­tenance and all his Actions, than he did in a­ny other place. He used to rise very early every Morning, exposing himself to the in­juries of all Seasons. His Soldiers found him always in action, sometimes in taking an ac­count of the number and condition of his Souldiery, as well as of the posture of the E­nemy; to be short, he took upon him the [Page 10]same care and trouble which might have been expected from the most watchful General, being never satisfied, unless he received a most exact account of every thing of mo­ment, that belonged to the Camp. His pre­sence wrought marvellous effects among the French Soldiers, who being before in great disorder for want of good Discipline, now encouraged by the good Example and Vigi­lancy of their Prince, began to improve eve­ry day, to the great satisfaction of the King; A convincing instance that when Subjects Love and Honour their Prince, his Example has more influence over them, than the most severe Laws and Chastisements.

These extraordinary Actions having acqui­red him the Esteem and Admiration of all Europe, She was twice in France, in 1656, and 1657, and returned in 1658. Queen Christina of Sueden, who was at that time at the Court of Rome, undertook a journey into France, to be an Eye-witness whether Fame had not flattered this young Prince in those matters that had been related concerning him abroad, so much to his ad­vantage.

This Heroine, Her Father died in 1632, but she did not Reign a­bove 7 or 8 Years. the only Daughter of Gu­stavus Adolphus the Famous King of Sueden, who, in two Years time Conquer'd above 200 Leagues, and made himself by his Vi­ctorious Arms, the terror of his Enemies, as by his great Genius he purchased the e­steem, and was accounted the darling of his Friends. This Princess, I say, had sway'd the Scepter for 7 or 8 Years with an extraor­dinary success, being endowed with all the noble Qualities which are requisite to make a Great Queen; she had a most piercing Wit, [Page 11]a Soul elevated above the common Rank, and a great share of Courage. As she was a great Patroness of Learning and all manner of Sci­ences, so she had made her self Mistress of most Languages used in Europe, to that per­fection, as to be able to entertain each Foreig­ner in his Native Tongue with a great deal of Eloquence. These advantages joyn'd to the great ability of her Ministers of State, The Chan­cellour Ox­enstirn, and Count Magnes de la Garde. gave her all imaginable hopes of being always be­lov'd by her People, of being feared by her Enemies, and esteemed by all the World; so that she seemed not to stand in need of any thing that could compleat her satisfaction; notwithstanding all these advantages, she chose rather to maintain an eminent rank a­mong the Learned of our Age, than among the greatest Kings of Europe. It is the rarest thing in the World, and perhaps without pa­rallel in History, to meet in a Person of her Sex so many excellencies, which the greatest Princes have always been ambitious of, to render themselves famous to Posterity. Wea­ry of Commanding, she had quitted the Crown, not out of a fickle or froward hu­mour, as it has been spread abroad by her E­nemies, or because the Swedish Senate would have obliged her to Marry a Prince for whom she had no inclination; but because she pre­ferred her own liberty before the toils of a Crown, and that she might not want the op­portunity of taking a view of Europe, to re­ceive the tribute of Praises and Admiration, which, as she had all the reason in the World to believe, the more polite sort of mankind would be ready to pay to such extraordinary merits.

After her Abdication she travelled out of Sueden into Flanders, She comes into France to give the King a Vi­sit. from thence into Ger­many, and so to Rome, from whence the great reputation of our young King had brought her into France, where she was recei­ved with all the imaginable demonstrations of Respect, the King thinking no Honour too great for so excellent a Princess. There was nothing to be seen at Court but Balls and Feasting, every one striving to out-vie the o­ther in magnificence, in which, as well as in his Person, the King surpassed all the rest.

He was then betwixt nineteen and twenty Years of Age, large of Stature, his Mien and Physiognomy carrying along with it some­thing extraordinary and great, with all the true marks of Honour and Vertue, there ap­pearing in his Countenance a most agreeable mixture of Majesty and Sweetness. The first time the Queen of Sueden came in his Presence she had her Eyes fix'd upon him during the whole Interview; and she had so extraordina­ry an esteem ever after for his Person, that e­ven after her return to Rome, she could not forbear to speak highly in his praise, and to declare to all that came to see her, that she thought her self amply rewarded for the trouble of her journey into France, by the sight of that Prince, and that his merits infi­nitely surpassed the reputation he had acquir'd abroad.

These loud acclamations from far distant Countries, were received in France with the more satisfaction, the more the King was be­lov'd by the People, who look'd upon these his noble Qualities, as so many pledges and [Page 13]happy Presages of the future prosperity of his Reign. But as the hopes of the whole Kingdom seem'd to be center'd in his Person, so all was fill'd with confusion when soon after he fell so dangerously ill, He falls sick at Calais, July 1, 1658. June 25th 1658. as to be given over by his Physicians.

After the taking of Dunkirk, which he en­ter'd in Triumph, he stay'd 5 or 6 days in the Fort of Mardick, which being a small place, and at that time so full of Soldiers, that they wanted both convenient Lodgings and other Necessaries, most of them were sick, which having caused an Infection, it was re­presented to the King, to what danger he ex­posed his Person in thus tarrying so long in a place where he was surrounded on all sides with sick Soldiers; but notwithstanding all these Remonstrances, he would not retire from thence till he had given the necessary Orders, according to his first intention. From thence he went to Calais, where he had scarce been a few Hours, but he began to feel the direful effects of the contagious Air, which, as it was believed, he had taken at Mardick.

To be short, he was seized with a most dangerous Feaver, which he striving to con­ceal the first two days, he was on the fourth day judg'd to be past remedy. It is impossible to find Words suitable to the Grief that ap­pear'd not only in the whole Court, but in the Countenance of the People; neither ought the Tears which were shed so plenti­fully upon this occasion, to be looked upon as the effects of a feigned Zeal, as it often hap­pens on such like occasions in some Countries, where the Subjects are forced to appear far [Page 14]different from what they are, and hide their satisfaction under the mask of a pretended grief; no, these were the true Interpreters of their Hearts, every one being in fear of losing so good a King and Master. The Queen Mother who loved him most tenderly, and who saw her self in danger of losing her main sup­port, did not stir from his Bed side day or night. In the height of his illness he would several times endeavour to comfort her, but this tenderness of the Son only served to make more lively impressions of sorrow in the Mother.

Some at Court having heard much discourse of a certain famous Physician then living at Abbeville, he was sent for. After he had ex­amined the King's Distemper, he told them, that in the condition he was at present, no­thing but an Emetick could save his Life. The Word Emetick made them all tremble for fear, this Remedy in those days being looked upon as new and not well approved of, and consequently consider'd as extreamly dange­rous, which made it to be debated for a con­siderable time, whether it was fit to be given to the King or not, especially since his Phy­sicians, jealous of him that had prescribed the Remedy, opposed it with all their might. But the King having absolutely resign'd him­self to the disposal of God Almighty, expect­ed with an extraordinary composure of mind the issue of his Distemper, without the least signs of being dissatisfied with his destiny, which was likely to snatch him away in the very flower of his Age. Before he took the Vomit he order'd all the chief Men of his [Page 15]Court to be admitted into his Bed-Chamber, where having with a composed and undaunt­ed Countenance taking his last farewel of them, he asked for the Glass which contained the Emetick, and took off the whole Dose at one Draught. After two Hours the Emetick. began to work so successfully, and to evacu­ate such a quantity of the Morbifick matter, that there began to be some hopes of his re­covery. And the King having taken another Dose which performed its Operation with better success than before, he was judged to be past danger, to the infinite satisfaction of the whole Kingdom; the rejoycings made upon this occasion, being in all Respects an­swerable to the Affliction caused by his illness; for, besides that the French have naturally a most profound veneration for their Kings, the generality of his Subjects had conceived such an extraordinary esteem of his noble Qualities, that it is impossible to express the Affection they bore to his Person.

After his recovery it was judged advisable to chuse a Consort; hitherto the Queen-Mo­ther for some particular Reasons would ne­ver consent to his Marriage; but the whole Court having taken the Alarm at his late ill­ness, it was resolved on as a thing absolutely necessary for the prosperity of the Realm.

The Queen, who was altogether in the In­terest of her Family, had a great desire that the King should marry her Niece the Infanta of Spain, in hopes that a good Correspondene and firm Union might be re-established be­twixt these two Crowns. The match was pro­posed to Don Antonio de Pimentel, who pass'd [Page 16]thro' Paris as he was going to Madrid, after his return from his Embassy in Sueden; but this proposition met with much more difficul­ty on the Spaniard's side, than had been fore­seen by the Queen. For the Infanta being an Heiress, the Spaniards feared not without Reason, that if her Father should happen to die with­out Male issue, their Monarchy would be swallowed up in the French, and that all those Kingdoms which compose the Spanish Empire, might, by this Marriage, in time, become Provinces of France. The rest of Eu­rope being possess'd with the same fear, lest by the Union of these two most Potent Empires, they should scarce be able to withstand their joynt Forces; all the other Princes, by im­proving the jealousie of the Spaniards, secretly employ'd all their Interest to thwart this Marriage.

The Queen, to remove all Obstables, offer­ed that the King should Solemnly renounce the Succession to Spain, but the Spaniards could not swallow the bait, being well satisfi­ed, that it was in his power to Absolve him­self whenever he thought fit, of so unjust and forced a Renunciation; besides that it was not in his power to dispose of the Inheritance of such Children as should be begotten betwixt them; And lastly, considering that Princes generally measure the Justice of their Pre­tentions by the length of the Sword, they look'd upon this precaution as frivolous and of no effect. These considerations made the Suc­cess of this Marriage very dubious, which hung thus in suspence for two Years, till at last it be­gan to be discoursed at Court, that the King [Page 17]was to Marry the Princess of Savoy, whose Picture being presented to him, he took such liking to it; that he resolv'd to take a journey to Lyons, to see her in Person.

The Queen was overjoy'd at this Journey, in hopes that her Brother would once more consider of the matter, and when he found himself in danger of missing this opportunity, to shew henceforward as much inclination for the match as he had been opposite to it be­fore. Neither did she find her self frustrated in her hopes, her wish being accomplished when she expected it least.

The Spaniards had during this War, which lasted four and twenty Years, sustained great losses, they had been vanquished in six Field Fights, and three Sea Engagements; besides, that they had lost above fifty places of note, and the whole Kingdom of Portugal; not to mention our Conquests in Germany, and those of our Allies, together with the many En­counters, in most of which they had been miserably beaten. By these so terrible and frequent misfortunes, the Spanish Monarchy was reduced to so low an ebb, that to recover its strength, it stood in absolute need of a Peace; and the People of Spain being quite exhausted, cry'd aloud for it, and in terms so pressing, that the Council of Spain being cu­red of its former Repugnancy, He Marries the Infan­ta Maria Theresia, Eldest Daughter, to Philip IV. King of Spain. thought it most advisable to send an Ambassador to offer the Infanta in Marriage to the King.

It must be confess'd, that none of these Obsta­cles which had hitherto retarded the Marriage, were remov'd; but, it seems, the present Exi­gency was judged more urgent than the dan­ger [Page 18]that was to come; or perhaps, the Spani­ards had raised these difficulties, only with an Intention to try, whether thereby they might obtain the better conditions of Peace. The Queen was so desirous of this Match, that it was easie to read the satisfaction she received by the Arrival of the Spanish Ambassador Pi­mentel with the Propositions, in her Face; the Articles were very near the same which had been proposed by our Court, and every thing being thus agreed, to the mutual satisfaction of both Parties, it was judged convenient, that the Cardinal, and Don Lewis de Haro, the Chief Ministers of State of both Crowns, should have an interview upon the Frontiers, to put the finishing stroak to this great Work.

The Treaties being signed on both sides, Interview of the French and Spa­nish Courts. the French Court took a Progress to St. John de Luz, to meet the Infanta. The King her Fa­ther had conducted her thither in Person, part­ly to pay the more respect to our King, and partly to take this opportunity to see the Queen his Sister. Nothing can be imagined more magnificent than this interview. Where­ever you turn'd your Eyes, June 6, 1660. there was nothing to be seen but the Pomp and Lustre of Pre­cious Stones, Gold, and Silver; every one there present striving to out-do the other in richness and magnificent Apparel, with this remarkable difference, however, that the be­haviour of the Spaniards appear'd far short from what was to be observed in our Court.

The Politicians, who are not so soon dazled with the outward Lustre of Things, which are only invented to blind the Eyes of the Common People, made certain Remarks at [Page 19]that time, upon the appearance of these two Courts, from whence they drew certain Pre­sages, and erected the Horoscope of both the Empires. Our King was then about one and twenty years of Age, of a vigorous Con­stitution, Active, Vigilant, all his Designs tending to Glorious Actions, whose principal care was, to be always engaged in Affairs of State; his Court was composed of Men of the first Rank, not inferiour to any in Europe, either at the head of an Army, or to manage the secrets of the Cabinet; besides which; there was among all these Princes and other Persons of Quality not one, but what made it his chief Ambition to serve him to the utmost of his Power, and to sacrifice his Life for the Glory of his King, and the welfare of his Country. This Noble Emulation was the happy fore-runner of all the brave Actions, performed afterwards under the Conduct of so great a King, the more because France being a Kingdom abounding in Riches and all o­ther Things: Two Years Peace seem'd to be sufficient to repair its losses, and to make it more flourishing than before.

On the contrary, in the Spanish Court, there was not the same appearance of Pro­sperity, but only the slender remainders of a State, that once, when in its Splendour, had made so great a noise in the World. Their King was advanced in Years, minding nothing so much as his rest. Most of the Grandees had scarce been without the compass of the City of Madrid, and were so fond of their own Interests, as to look with a very indiffe­rent Eye upon that of the Publick. His Trea­sury [Page 20]was exhausted, and the Kingdom desti­tute both of good Troops, and expert Gene­rals; at least they had very few who had ac­quir'd any great Reputation abroad, since the Prince of Conde, who by his Valour and Conduct, had, for seven or eight Years up­held the tottering Fortune of that Crown, was return'd to his Duty, and came into France with all those brave French Volunteers of his Party. Without calling to aid the as­sistance of the Stars, it was no very difficult task to foretel, in making a due comparison betwixt these two Crowns, that one in all likelihood, would lay the foundation of her greatness upon the ruins of the other.

After the Marriage of the King with the Infanta, At St. John de Luz, June 9th, 1660. every thing was prepairing for our return to Paris. All along the Road she was received by the King's Order with all the de­monstrations of Honour and Respect; but the Triumphs in the Provinces thro' which they passed, were only the fore-runners of what they were to see in the City of Paris, where every thing was prepar'd with an in­credible Magnificence, for the reception of their new Queen, thereby to raise in her, at the beginning of her Reign, a high esteem of the Power and Riches of a Kingdom, which a Foreign War of thirty Years, and the Intestine broils of six Years, had not been able to drain of its Wealth. The King and Queen make their Entry in Paris Aug. 26, 1660. Since the first beginning of this Monarchy there never ap­pear'd a more glorious day in France. The Streets thro' which they passed were covered with rich Tapestries, the Gates adorned with Greens and Flowers, the Windows and Bal­conies [Page 21]on both sides with the finest Carpets; in the Squares and Market-places were erected Triumphal Arches beautified, with Statues and Paintings, not inferiour to what the old Rome could have produced, when at the high­est pitch of its Glory. Besides this, there was an incredible number of people flock'd hi­ther from all parts of Europe, ranged on both sides of the Streets, upon the Scaffolds that were built for that purpose before the Houses, all which together made up so glorious a Show, as is easier to be imagined than describ­ed: All the Princes and other persons of Qua­lity had spared no cost, not only in their own Apparrel, but also in their Equipages and Ser­vants, to the highest degree of profusion.

The Queen appear'd in a Chariot, the King with all the Lords of his Court on Horseback, in an Equipage so magnificent, that nothing was ever seen or heard of which bore the least comparison to this glorious Cavalcade. It was computed that the Charges bestowed on this occasion by particular Persons, amounted to ten Millions of Livres, every one striving to raise his Fortune, by giving the King the most ample Proofs of their Zeal for his Honour and Service. They were at a great distance met by the Acclamations of the People, who wished the King a long and prosperous Reign. As they passed thro' the Streets, the Eyes of all the Spectators were fix'd upon him, so that it might be truly said, they had no Eyes but for him; and scarce had he pass'd by in one place, but the People run round about to meet him again, and to see him as often as possibly they could. Others may boast what [Page 22]they will of Honours, these Superficial Cere­monies cannot come in the least in competi­tion with those hearty wishes and vows which the People sent after him as he passed thro' the City; it being certain, that every one had so a real esteem and affection for his Person, being prepossess'd with this opinion, That one day he would be one of the greatest Princes that ever mounted the French Throne. Nei­ther was it long before they were sufficiently convinc'd, that they had not been unfortu­nate in their guess, when the King began to take the Reins of the Government into his own Hands, and to manage the State Affairs by his own Conduct, after the Death of Car­dinal Mazarin, who did not survive the con­clusion of the Peace longer than ten Months.

This great Minister of State died when he was risen to the Pinacle of his Glory; Cardinal Mazarin died March 9, 1661. happy in that he had Triumph'd both over his own, and the Enemies of the State; and more happy still, in that he had forced the first to acknow­ledge his great Deserts, and the others to re­store Peace to the Kingdom, in a manner as glorious to himself, as it was beneficial to the State.

BY the Death of the Cardinal Things were left in such confusion, that, The King takes the Admini­stration of the Govern­ment into his own Hands. not­withstanding the extraordinary Idea the people had conceived of the King's great Ability, they cou'd scarce imagine, that a [Page 24]Prince then hardly two and twenty years old, would venture to take upon himself so hea­vy a burthen, or if he did, it would scarce be possible for him to bear it; but they were soon convinc'd of their mistake; for the King, in four or five Years time setled the Govern­ment upon so firm a Basis, that for above these thirty Years past, he has govern'd the Kingdom in great Tranquility, without the assistance of a Chief Minister, has been Vi­ctorious over his Enemies, and restored Pro­sperity to the Kingdom; a convincing in­stance, that a Man may sometimes be Master of his own Fortune; at least, thus much is certain, that Fortune will not be of long con­tinuance, if not upheld and managed by a dextrous Hand.

The first thing he did was to regulate his time, and to prescribe himself certain Rules and Maxims of State, gathered partly from the most famous Princes in former Ages, part­ly from the Advice of the most quick-sighted of his Council. He was so far from being check'd in his Glorious designs, by the fati­gues that must needs attend the management of publick Affairs, that on the contrary, these served only for a better relish of the Enjoy­ment of his Pleasures: There was never a day but he imployed five or six Hours with his Ministers, who were to give him an exact account of every particular transaction that passed in the Government. He gave constant­ly once or twice a Week Audience to every Body, was present at all the Councils, and if any thing of great moment was to be debated there, he would retire into his Closet, to ru­minate [Page 25]so long upon the matter, till he had chosen what he judged most advisable to be done.

But notwithstanding his constant applica­tion to business, it is not to be imagined, His Diver­tisements. that he renounced the enjoyment of his plea­sures: The heavier the burthen of publick Affairs laid upon his Shoulders, the more re­quisite it was, to be relieved by some pleasant intervals. The strength both of our Spirit and Body is not inexhaustible, but limitted with­in certain bounds, which if transgressed, leave us destitute and void of Vigour. At the be­ginning of his Reign there were always Re­joycings, Feastings, Balls, Carousels, and Run­ning at the Ring at Court; this young Prince taking an extraordinary delight to pass his spare time in such noble Exercises and Diver­tisements, as have been always accounted to belong to Princes, to dazle the Eyes of the People who are extreamly taken with these Things, and commonly judge of the Power of the Prince, by these outward appearances of Grandeur. Never any Prince understood better how to manage this point to his own Advantage, and how to make the Lusre of the Throne appear more Glorious in the Eyes of the People.

It must be confess'd, that his Court has al­ways been the publick School of Politeness and Magnificence, notwithstanding which, as his chief delight has been all his life time, in managing his glorious Designs, in order to bring them to a happy issue, so his Divertise­ments were never enticeing enough to him, to make him neglect the management of Publick [Page 26]Affairs: And, as young as he was, when he took the Administration of the Government into his own Hands, he shew'd as much Ea­gerness and Assiduity, in Reforming the Dis­orders that were crept into the Government, as he did for his Pleasures. Happy Prince! who remains Master of his Pleasures, who is not so intoxicated with his Diversions, but that he can make use of, and leave them, when­ever he pleases! He who makes himself a Slave to his Pleasures, in lieu of enjoying those honourable Recreations which were in­vented for the Relaxation of our Minds and Bodies, finds himself insensibly entangl'd by a Charm sufficient to corrupt all his generous Inclinations.

Among other Abuses that were crept into the Government, He re-esta­blishes good Order in the Treasu­ry. the Mis-management of the King's Revenues, as it was most likely to draw after it very fatal Consequences, so it wanted a speedy Redress; these being the Nerves of the State, which, if defective in their Fun­ction, the whole Body remains without Mo­tion, and Vigour. There had been, for fifteen or sixteen Years last past, prodigious Summs rais'd in the Kingdom; notwithstanding which, the Government was over-charg'd with Debts, the People exhausted with Taxes, the King's Revenues anticipated, there being but a slender Share left for his present Use: Besides, that he ow'd to the Bankers above Thirty Millions of Livres.

It must be confess'd, that besides the ordi­nary Charges, there had been an absolute Ne­cessity of keeping five Armies on foot at a time; and the Civil War requir'd more than [Page 27]ordinary Charges, to satisfie the greediness of the Great ones, who for the greatest part put their Services and Interests to sale to those that bid most. This was nevertheless not the Principal cause of these Disorders; the true source of this evil was to be look'd for a­mong the Managers and Farmers of the King's Revenues, who, keeping the rest from the knowledge of the true value of them, Farmed them at half or a fourth part of what they were worth; besides that, if they were to advance any Money before it was due, to supply the present Exigency of the State, they were sure to make their own Market, at so dear a Rate, that it has been computed, that sometimes out of a Million of Livres of the King's ordinary Revenue, there was not brought above two or three hundred thou­sand into the Exchequer.

These Extortions had been constantly pra­ctised against the King during his Minority, partly by the connivence of those who had the management of it, and consequently a share in the Booty, partly by the pressing necessity of the State, at a time, when standing daily in need of the assistance of Monied Men, it was not judged seasonable to dive too far into this Mystery of iniquity, till after the Peace, when there might be sufficient opportunity to re­medy these abuses. But the Sur Intendant, or Overseer-General of the King's Revenues was more mindful of his own pleasures than this trust. Yet was not this the only cause of those Disasters which befel him afterwards; there were several other matters of complaint, of the greatest consequence, exhibited against [Page 28]him, which deserved severe Punishment, for he had caused a Seat beloning to him to be Fortified, without having demanded or ob­tained leave for so doing; and by the profu­sion of great Sums, made himself Friends, and enter'd into Cabals to avoid punishment. But the King being resolv'd to strike at the root of the Evil, caused him to be taken up and examined concerning such matters as were alledged against him, whereof he was found guilty by his Judges. This bold stroke managed with so much Prudence, kept all the rest in awe; the Cabal vanish'd insensibly, and notwithstanding the vast sums the Sur In­tendant had bestowed among the Great ones, there was not one that durst appear in his be­half. A convincing instance, that a Confe­deracy founded barely upon interest, is soon dissolved, when the Wheel of Fortune changes, and takes away the prospect of future Ad­vantages.

The King having restor'd Tranquility to the Kingdom, and being resolv'd to introduce an absolute Reformation in the Treasury, chose for the management of his Revenues, a Per­son well versed in business of this nature, of an active Genius, John Bap­tist Col­bert Secre­tary of State, Con­trouller-General of the Exche­quer, Chief Surveyor of the King's Buildings, and Manu­facturies. exact in his Accounts, and a Man of an unshaken Resolution, to do Ju­ftice without Partiality, and immoveable to any thing that might in the least turn to the disadvantage of the State. The Person I speak of, was John Baptist Colbert, afterwards Minister and Secretary of State, a Man of an extraordinary Head-piece, and who had such an insight into the management of publick Affairs, that he gave innumerable Proofs [Page 29]of his great Capacity, whilst he sat at the Helm.

For, by the Conduct and indefatigable Care of this Minister, Matters soon appear'd with quite another Face in the King's Treasury: The Revenues of the Crown were Let to Farm, according to their true Value, without any respect to Favour or Interest: The Salaries of the Officers were setled at a certain Rate: In­stead of those Officers, who, during the late Troublesome Times, had abused their Com­missions; and, under the pretext of their Ti­tles, pillaged the Country, and enriched them­selves with the Spoils of the People, certain Commissioners were appointed, to manage all Affairs of moment. A Change so sudden, and unexpected, appear'd like an Enchantment to the People, who were afraid that many Years could not redress an Evil which had taken so firm Root among the Courtiers; so that, by making due Reflections upon the Times past, and comparing them with the present State of Affairs, they fansy'd themselves to be trans­planted into another Kingdom.

The King's Treasury was, at once, stor'd with Money; and a just Account being made of the Extorsions and Frauds committed by the Managers of the Revenue, it was found, that, instead of the King's being indebted to the Bankers and Receivers, they ow'd him vast Sums. Their prodigious Riches, and most magnificent Palaces, which they had built in all Parts of France; the Richness of their Furnitures; the Extravagancy and Pro­fuseness which were daily to be seen in their Houses, and at their Tables; not to speak of [Page 30]many other Things, which being so many Monuments of their Pride and Luxury, ap­pear'd as so many Witnesses against them, were, without question, more than sufficient to con­vict these People (born, for the most part, to no Fortune) of Extorsions and Depredations. But the King being resolv'd to proceed against them in a Legal Way, In Decem­ber, 1661. a Court of Justice was established by his Order, composed of certain Judges chosen out of the several Parliaments of France, who were to take Cognizance of all the Abuses committed in the Management of the King's Revenues; and to punish the Guilty, according to the Heinousness of their Crimes.

Whilst they were busie in putting their Commission in Execution, there happen'd an unforeseen Accident, which had been likely to have proved the Source of a most cruel War; the Matter in question being, not about the Possession of some Towns or Provinces, but how to defend the most antient Preroga­tive of the French Crown, attacked by the Spaniards, Precedency of the French Crown. in its most sensible Part. The finest Flower belonging to the French Crown, is, the Precedency it enjoys above all the others: There is no Kingdom which surpasses it in Riches, Power, and Number of People; and, in making a due Comparison, it is evident, that the great Actions of all the other King­doms, join'd together, can scarce come in Competition with the glorious Exploits of the French. For these Thirteen Ages last past, since the first Foundation of this glorious Monar­chy, the Sceptre has never been devolved or surrender'd into the Hands of any Stranger: [Page 31]And such have been the Exploits performed by the French Nation, in behalf of the True Religion, and maintaining the Liberty of Eu­rope, that Time will never be able to blot out the Memory of such glorious Actions, nor the Praise and Acknowledgment due to such important Services. Who knows, but that all Europe might, at this Day, have groaned under the Yoke of the Califfs and Mahometans, if the Bravery of the French had not set Bounds to their Conquering Arms, and put a Stop to the Moors and Mahometans, who, like a vio­lent Torrent, were over-running the best part of Europe, when Charles Martel put them to an entire Rout.

France has, at all Times, been the Sanctua­ry, and Place of Refuge for distressed Princes; but especially for the Popes, who are behol­den to the Liberality of Pepin, and Charles the Great, for all those vast Possessions, of which they are Sovereigns, in Italy. Charles the Great and Fran­cis I. revi­ved Learn­ing in Eu­rope. It is to France that all the Western Parts stand indebted, in respect of the most useful Arts and Sciences; which being bury'd under the Ruins of Old Rome, were revived by their Industry and Care.

These, The Croi­sades, and Conquest of Constan­tinople. as well as many other glorious A­ctions, which have render'd this Kingdom one of the most famous in the World, were the true Motives which, Time out of Mind, had put this Crown in possession of that glo­rious Prerogative of Precedency among other Kingdoms; which it enjoy'd, without the least Opposition, for many Ages; The first Dispute be­gan in Ve­nice, 1558. there never appear­ing a Rival bold enough to dispute the Rank with it, till, in the last Age, Philip II. then King [Page 32]of Spain, pretended to be its Competitor in this Prerogative.

Spain was, at that time, risen to the very Pinacle of its Glory; The Spaniards were in possession of One Third Part of Europe, be­sides the Immense Riches of the New World. It cannot be deny'd, Before 1017. Castile was only an Earldom. The French made Hen­ry, instead of his Bro­ther Pieter the Cruel, a King; from whom was descended that Prin­cess who brought the Sceptre into the Austri­an Family. At Venice, 1558. At Rome, 1564. In Poland, 1573. but that their Power ap­pear'd most formidable, in those Days, to all Europe; notwithstanding which, their Pre­tensions were look'd upon as unjust, and ill­grounded, in most Christian Courts; consider­ing that Spain could not, in the least, come in Competition with France; both in respect of its Antiquity, or Dignity; and, that Spain had such vast Obligations to France, that it could not be otherwise than the highest piece of Ingratitude in the First, to pretend to in­croach upon the Rights and Prerogatives of the Last. These Considerations were so pre­vailing, that Philip lost his Cause at Venice, at Rome, and in Poland: And where-ever the Spanish Ambassadors pretended to dispute the Precedency, it always turn'd to their own Disadvantage, and our Satisfaction and Glo­ry. Notwithstanding they had met with so many Rubs upon this Account, they never let slip any Opportunity to renew their Preten­sions; till, at last, our King oblig'd the King of Spain to make an express Renunciation of these Pretensions, occasion'd by a certain Ren­counter which happen'd betwixt the Count d' Estrades, and the Baron de Batteville, Am­bassadors of the Crowns of France and Spain, at the Publick Entry of the Count de Brahe, the Suedish Ambassador, in London.

The Count de Brahe was no sooner arriv'd in England, but the Spanish Ambassador, The Prece­dency dis­puted by the Spaniards. but the Spanish Ambassador, Bat­teville, caus'd it to be spread abroad, that, to shew all imaginable Respect to the Suedish Ambassador, he intended to send his Coaches and Domesticks, to attend him at his Publick Entry. The Count d' Estrades had got time­ly notice of the Matter; but considering that the Predecessor of the Count de Batteville, Al­fonso de Cardenas, a Person of extraordinary Merits and Understanding, had never made the least Motion of this kind, during his Re­sidence at the English Court, he look'd upon it only as a flying Rumour, or, at the most, as some Rhodomontado of the Domesticks of the Count de Batteville; not imagining, in the least, that it had been contriv'd on purpose, by the Ambassador, to be a Fore-runner of his intended Design: For which Reason, he sent his Coaches and Attendants to meet the Am­bassador, without any other Guard than his own Domesticks, and without taking the least Pre-caution against any Assault.

But no sooner did the Coaches of the French Ambassador appear at the Publick Entry, Octob. 10. 1661. but they were surrounded by many Soldiers, and others, to the Number of 2000, headed by the Domesticks of the Spanish Ambassador, who furiously fell upon the Count d' Estrades his Attendants: These defended themselves as well as they could, for some Time; but being over-power'd by the Spanish Party, were for­ced to leave the Ambassador's Coaches to the Mercy of their Enemies; who, having kill'd some of the Horses, and, consequently, pre­vented the Coaches from going farther, Tri­umphantly, [Page 34]and with their Swords in Hand, accompany'd the Suedish Ambassador home. It was the most ridiculous Thing in the World, to see the Spaniards, as they pass'd along the Streets, to make so many Huzzah's; there being scarce a Man of good Sense there pre­sent, that could forbear laughing at the Va­nity of these Imaginary Bravo's, who, by their extravagant Cries, and other Expressions of Joy, would have made the World believe, that they had triumph'd over France, and all its Forces; and had wrested out of the Hands of the French the so long disputed Preceden­cy, by killing two or three Horses, and as many of the Domesticks of the Count d' E­strades.

But, as all the World stood amaz'd at the Vanity of this Enterprize, so the French stood in Expectation to see how this Action of the Count Batteville would be taken at the Spanish Court; He had been everal imes Am­bassador, and Gover­nor of St. Sebastian. easily imagining that this Bravado was not an Invention of his own, as being a Man of better Understanding, and too well vers'd in Affairs of this nature, than to signalize him­self, without express Orders from Court, by a Zeal so indiscreet, as must needs expose the King, his Master, to this Nonplus, either to take a gross Affront, in disowning what his Minister had done, and to declare him to have been in the wrong, to contest with the French Ambassador, for the Precedency; or else, to see himself again entangl'd in a War, which, in all likelihood, must prove fatal to him, at a Time, when he knew himself to be in a worse Condition than ever to sustain it. On the other hand, the King of Spain's Health, [Page 35]as well as the present State of the Kingdom, being in a declining Condition, exhausted of Money, and destitute of good Forces, there seem'd to be no likelihood, that Spain, after the late conclusion of a Peace, so much desir­ed on their side, and so dearly bought, should be so forward to break it, on the account of a punctilio of Precedency; especially, since hitherto, By Policy in Poland, 1573. By threats at Rome, 1564. the Spaniards had rather been enclin­ed to surprize the French in this point, by some State-trick or other, or to try whether they could hector them out of their Right by threats; but never were come to such extre­mities, even when engaged with one another in War, and when that Monarchy was arriv­ed at the highest pitch of its greatness.

But howsoever it be, this seem'd to be the last effort the Spaniards intended to make to­wards their pretended Precedency; This En­terprise of the Count of Batteville having gi­ven sufficient opportunity for all the World to be convinc'd, that as this undertaking of the Spaniards savour'd very much of Vanity, so the French had all the reason in the World on their side to maintain a just prerogative they enjoy'd for so many Ages.

The King of France had no sooner received Intelligence of what had happened upon this occasion in London, George de Aubusson Archbishop of Am­brun, and Bishop of Metz. but he sent immediate Orders to the Arch-bishop of Ambrun, then his Ambassador in Madrid, to demand satisfa­ction for what was past, and in case of refusal, to leave that Court and to return into France. It is a customary thing with the Council of Spain, to conclude upon nothing, even of the least moment, without many tergiversations [Page 36]and delays; whether it it be, that they look upon it as a Maxim of State, whereby to tire out those that make their Applications to them, and consequently to make them more pliable; or whether it be only a Custom, proceeding more from their Natural Inclina­tion, than any Mystery of State, I will not pretend to determine: Thus much is certain, that as soon as the Archbishop of Ambrun de­manded satisfaction in the King his Master's Name, the King of Spain promised to make due reparation to the King of France, his Son-in-Law, and that he would recall the Count de Batteville, his Ambassador, out of England. This was a fair step towards the demanded sa­tisfaction, but not altogether sufficient to re­pair the affront given upon so extraordinary an occasion; the Chastisement intended a­gainst the Spanish Ambassadour, might give some satisfaction for what was passed, but did not remove the main Obstacle; it being more than probable that the same quarrel might be soon revived, if the Catholick King persisted in his Pretensions concerning the Precedency.

Most of the other Princes of Europe did underhand edge on the Spanish Court not to part with their pretended Prerogative, it be­ing natural for Princes to be jealous of one a­nother in so nice a point as this, which the French Kings had enjoyed time out of mind; or, because they were not without apprehen­sions, that, if a King so Young, Valiant, and Potent, should gain a point of so vast a con­sequence without opposition, it might in all likelihood be a sufficient encouragement for him, to make farther Encroachments upon o­ther [Page 37]Princes bordering upon France. It was for this reason that two or three Months were elapsed, before the Council of Spain would take a final resolution in the matter, there being not a few of them, who were of opinion, rather to hazard all, than to part with this Prerogative. But the difficulty was, by what means it was to be maintained against the King, without exposing the Kingdom of Spain to utter destruction, so that at last it was found expedient for the King of Spain to engage his Word, that the Marquis de la Fuenta, nomi­nated to go Ambassadour from that Court to France, should, in his first Audience, give ab­solute satisfaction to his most Christian Maje­sty, both in respect of what was passed, and for the time to come.

To add to the Solemnity of this Audience, The King of Spain Re­nounces the Precedency, March 24, 1662. and to have a considerable number of Illustri­ous Witnesses present, who might testifie to the World, what they had heard the Spanish Ambassadour say upon this occasion, the King had invited all the Foreign Ministers, who all appeared, to the number of thirty; they were placed on the right side of the Roy­al Throne, as were on the left the Princes of the Blood, the Ministers of State, and other Officers of the Court. In the presence of this August and Noble Assembly, the Spanish Am­bassadour told the King, That the King of Spain his Master, had been extreamly dissatisfied at what had happened in London on the 10th of October, 1661. That so soon as he had no­tice of it he recall'd the Baron de Batteville, with express Orders to return forthwith into Spain, where he intended to give him such severe Proofs [Page 38]of his displeasure, as so extravagant an under­taking did deserve: That he had sent Orders to all his Ambassadors abroad, not to appear in any publick Ceremonies, where there might be the least likelihood of contest on the account of this Precedency, and not to stand in competition for the future upon that score, with the Ambassadours and other Ministers of his most Christian Majesty.

The four French Secretaries of State there present, ordered an Instrument in Writing to be drawn up, containing the same Words of this Declaration, to serve in time to come, as a lasting Monument to Posterity, of the Glo­rious success of so memorable a Transaction, which, for some time, had kept all Europe in suspense, and for these hundred Years last past had made so much noise in the World, be­tween the two most Potent Houses of Europe, who being like the Primum Mobile of all the rest, put an end to that famous Contest, which a most glorious Emulation had raised betwixt them.

Scarce was this difference composed, August 20, 1662. but there arose another betwixt the Pope and the King, occasioned by an Assault made upon the Duke de Croqui, his Majesty's Ambassa­dour at the Court of Rome. The Affront put upon the Ambassadour was so gross, that the like has scarce ever been heard of among civiliz'd Nations, but it must also be confess'd, that the History of all former Ages scarce can furnish us with an Example, where the Law of Nations has been more gloriously vin­dicated than upon this occasion, and where those who had impudence enough to violate it, have been more severely chastised.

Two or three unknown Persons being pur­sued by ten Souldiers of the Pope's Guard, Alexan­der VII. had sought for shelter in the Stables belong­ing to the Palace of Farnese where the said French Ambassadour resided at that time. Some of his Domesticks being come out at the noise and clashing of the Swords, had driven the Souldiers back, who being reinforced with some of their Comerades, in their turn beat the Ambassadour's Atten­dance, whom they pursued, and forced to re­treat within the very Gates of the Palace-The Duke, in the mean while was come home thro' another Gate, having understood the occasion of the tumult, ordered his Servants immediately to desist, and to withdraw within the Palace. This precaution, which he supposed might be a fit means to appease the Insolence of the Soldiers, served only to augment it; for, in a little while af­ter, he saw them marching with Drums beat­ing, and their Officers at the head of them towards the Palace, which they invested on all sides, putting Corps de Guards on all the Avenues leading to it; and not contented with this, they committed other most enormous outrages, discharging their Fusees charg'd with Ball, for an Hour together, at the Gates and Windows of the Palace, not sparing e­ven the Ambassadour's Person, who came out into a Balcony, to see what passed among them. He was no sooner oblig'd to retire from thence, but they attack'd the Ambassa­drice, who being ignorant of what had pas­sed near her Palace, was returning home in her Coach. She was in no small danger of [Page 40]having been assassinated by several Musquet Bul­lets that passed near her, but she had the good Fortune to escape without any other hurt than what was occasioned by the fright; one of her Pages being kill'd just by her Coach side, and one of the Footmen sorely woun­ded. At the same time the Shirri's, who ne­ver make use of Fire-Armes, followed closely the Footsteeps of the Soldiers, knocking down all the French Men they met with in the Streets of Rome; and in all likelihood this Tragedy would have ended in a General Massacre of the French, if the People of Rome had not te­stified their aversion to such barbarous Actions, and made loud exclamations against the Au­thor, as well as the Executioners of this bloo­dy Tragedy.

If the Government had not been concerned in this Action of the Souldiery, it had been but a piece both of Justice and Prudence to have given some publick and real Demonstra­tions of their dislike, by inflicting a prompt and most rigorous punishment upon these In­solent Offenders; but so far were they from calling them to a severe acceunt, that they gave opportunity to the Ring-leaders, and such others as were known to have been most concerned in the slaughter of the French, to slip away, eight or nine days being pas­sed before they made an enquiry after those Assassins. To heap injuries upon injuries, the Cardinal Imperiale, Governour of Rome, some time after block'd up a fresh the Palace of Farnese, under pretext, that it had been ta­ken notice of, that the Ambassadour, ever since the last affront was offer'd, did appear abroad [Page 41]with a more numorous Attendance than he had been used to do before; so that the Duke seeing himself treated with so much Indig­nity, left Rome, and retired to a place belong­ing to the Great Duke of Tuscany.

The News of a thing so exterordinary be­ing communicated to most Courts of Europe, there were very few who could perswade themselves, that the Court of Rome could be so much overseen, as to come to those extre­mities, without great provocation given on the Ambassadour's side. But all what could be laid to his Charge, amounted to no more, than that he had delay'd for some days to pay the first Visit to some of the Pope's Kindred, who were not of the Ecclesiastical Order, the Duke being willing to receive first the King's Instructions, concerning a Punctilio which hi­therto remained undecided. For the rest, they pretended to have great cause of com­plaint against the Duke, who, as they alledg­ed, peing of a haughty temper, had dissuaded the King from allowing yearly pensions to these new Princes: And this being que­stionless the main cause of their hatred, was also the true occasion of the quarrel; for, it was easie to be perceived, that upon all oc­casions, they show'd much Indifferency not only to the Ambassadour, but also to the French Nation in general, which at last broke out in­to an open Enmity. For considerable time there had scarce pass'd a day, but some sparks of that devouring Fire, which lay couch'd under the Ashes, did appear, which at last, broke out in a Flame, with the more noise and violence. The Offence, (if any had [Page 42]been given) was scarce worth taking notice of; but supposing it had been much greater, the Revenge appear'd so Cruel in the Eyes of all the World, that notwithstanding all the endeavours used by the Pope to engage the Crown of Spain in the quarrel, neither that King, nor any other Prince, shew'd the least Inclination to espouse it, unless it were to dispose the Pope to give absolute satisfaction to the King.

Spain had indeed no reason to assist the Pope's Kindred, it was rather for the Interest of that Crown to clip a little their Wings, and to make them shew more respect to their more Potent Neighbours; besides, it concern­ed them very nearly, to avoid all occasions of drawing the French Arms into Italy. Another advantage which that Crown proposed to its self, by abandoning the Pope's Interest at this time, and consequently to put him under a necessity of giving due satisfaction to the King, was, that they did not question thereby to kindle an irreconcilable hatred betwixt them, which being continued in the Family of the Chigi's, would, in all probability prove as mischievous to the French Interest, as it would be profitable to them in the next Con­clave. It is true, they could not but look with a jealous Eye upon the Glory which the King was likely to reap from the said satisfa­ction; but considering on the other Hand, that this augmentation of his Power would also serve for fuel to kindle jealousie in the rest of the Princes of Europe; the Council of Spain judged it most for their Interest to stand Neuter, and to endeavour, by all means, to [Page 43]perswade the Pope to put an end to the diffe­rence, without coming to an open rupture.

But Pope Alexander VII was Deaf to their Counsels. Before his Elevation to the Papal Dignity he had led a very Austere Life, shew­ing not the least inclination for his Kindred, or any other Worldly Pleasures, for which reason he used always to have a Coffin set in his Bed-Chamber, to put him in mind of Mortality; but being by his Elevation arriv­ed to the highest pitch of his hopes, he ap­pear'd quite different from what he had been before; he affected an extraordinary magni­ficence of his Apparrel, his Furnitures and Equipages were very sumptuous, no body more nice and delicate in his Table than him­self; and he shew'd so much tenderness for his Kindred, that he heap'd upon them pro­digious Riches. So true it is, that when those who have led an Austere Life, are once made sensible of the Pleasures and Vanities of the World, they are sure to make themselves a­mends for what they have lost before.

The false Idea the Pope had conceived of his own Power and Strength, the strong In­clination he had for his Family, and the An­tipathy he bore to France, made him resolve at last, either to refuse the demanded satisfa­ction to France, or at least, to put it off by various delays, as long as possible could be done, in hopes that by some favourable jun­cture or other, the Face of Affairs might be changed in Europe.

It is unquestionable, that the King had all the reason in the World to be dissatisfied with the Pope, and that he did not want means to [Page 44]do himself justice for the injuries received at his Hands; but being willing to shew a more than Filial respect to the Holy See, he sus­pended his just resentment for a whole twelve Month. For, if on one side, the considera­tion of so gross an affront provok'd him to Revenge; on the other Hand, the miseries and inconveniencies which attend a War to be waged in a far distant Country, against the common Father of the Faithful, kept his re­solution in suspence. It is not to be denied, but that without reproach to himself, he could scarce delay his Vengeance, especially, since it might be done without the least danger to his Affairs; but it was also to be consider'd that as the danger was inconsiderable, so there was but little Honour to be gotten by the Vi­ctory. But being at last fuly convinc'd, that the Court of Rome took advantage from these delays to abuse his patience, he order'd his Troops to march to wards Italy, and having seized uyon Avignon, every thing was put in a readiness to pass the Alps.

It was then that the Pope thought it high time to open his Eyes, and that it was for his Interest to make a Virtue of Necessity, and to prefer an Inglorious Peace, before a War, which, in all human appearance, must prove very successful to him. His Kindred them­selves perswaded him to take the surest mea­sures, as judging it more for their Intrest, to turn the Mony raised by the Pope for the use of the War, their own use, than to render themselves Obnoxious, by making themselves instrumental in troubling the Peace of Italy, and to betray their Vanity to the World, in [Page 45]being so presumptuous, as to measure their Power with the greatest King of Christendom. A Treaty therefore being agreed upon to be set on Foot at Pisa, (the King refusing to ac­cept of Rome for the place of Treaty) it was concluded soon after, upon the following Ar­ticles.

That the Pope should be obliged to send the Cardinal Patroon, The Cardi­nal Chigi. in Quality of his Legat into France, to disown the whole Action of the Corsick Guards.

That the Legat himself should make his Protestation before the King, that neither he, The Pope ob­liged to give satis­faction for the Affrone put upon the French Ambassa­dour. nor any of his Family had had the least Hand, in that attempt, and that for the time to come, they would be ready to give ample demon­strations of their Real Submission, and Fideli­ty to the King.

That his Holiness's Brother should be oblig­ed to make the same protestation in Writing, and to leave Rome, till such time that the Le­gat had given the promised satisfaction to the King.

That the Cardinal Imperiale should likewise come in Person into France, to justifie himself, and to submit his Cause, if required, to the decision of the King.

That the whole Corsick Nation should for the future be declar'd incapable of serving in the Ecclesiastical State; and to brand with e­verlasting Infamy an Action so Insolent, a Py­ramid should be erected, just opposite to the Corps de Guard, in which should be Engra­ven the reason of their Banishment.

By Virtue of the same Treaty, the Dukes of Parma and Modena, besides several other [Page 46] Roman Lords that were in the French Interest, obtained considerable advantages, all which was to be attributed to the protection of the most Potent King in Christendom, who thus obliged the Pope to give him the most ample satisfaction that could be for the Affront put upon his Minister.

The Treaty was executed accordingly: July 3, 1664. The Legat came into France; the Pyramid was Erected, and remained standing for five Years after; 1667. when by the intercession of Clement IX, the Successor of Pope Alexander VII, the King was graciously pleased to order it to be bro­ken down.

What could be more glorious at the very beginning of our King's Reign, than to come off Triumphantly upon two so extraordinary occasions, without as much as drawing a Sword? These were the marvellous effects of the King's growing Reputation, which en­creasing more and more every day, had ac­quir'd a new Lustre, the Year before the con­clusion of the Treaty of Pisa, by the posses­sion of Dunkirk, which was bought with much less charge than in all probability it could have been taken.

After the taking of this place, we were, by Virtue of a Treaty concluded with Oliver Cromwell, obliged to surrender it into his Hands. It was a very unfortunate thing for us, to be forced to deliver the Key of our Kingdom into the Hands of such Strangers, as we were sensible would not fail to lay hold of all opportunities to trouble our repose. The King being sensible of this inconvenien­cy, had no sooner taken the Reins of the Go­vernment [Page 47]into his own Hands, but he only watch'd for a favourable juncture, to send these dangerous Neighbours back to their Island, and to incorporate the said place with the rest of his Conquests.

Charles II. King of England, being lately re-established in his Throne, this juncture seem'd to be the most favourable in the World, to treat with him about the Surrender of this place, at a time, when we were sensible that he was not in a condition to be at the charge of maintaining a Fleet in the Port of Dun­kirk, or to provide the City with such a Gar­rison, as might be sufficient to make a vigo­rous defence, in case of an Attack. Not­withstanding which, the Negotiation advan­ced but slowly, or at least, not so well as we could have wished. This was occasion'd part­ly by the jealousie of our Neighbours, partly by the reluctancy which the King of England shew'd in parting with a place so advantage­ous, both for its Strength and Situation. For it ought to be consider'd, that Dunkirk was at that time, not the same little paultry Town it was before the conclusion of the Pyrenean Peace, when it was taken and retaken with­out any opposition, it being since made one of the most considerable places in Europe, chiefly by the care of Cromwell, who had caus­ed it to be strongly Fortified, to serve upon an occasion, as a safe retreat to him and his Party, or else, that the English might always be sure of a Gate, by which to enter into the Heart of France at their own pleasure. Besides this, the Spaniards making more advantageous of­fers than the French, and the Hollanders stri­ving [Page 48]to out-bid both, each Party having suf­ficient reasons to over-ballance one another: Dunkirk bought from the Eng­lish. It was looked upon as one of the most refin­ed pieces of Policy in the French, to have ma­naged that grand Affair with so much dexte­rity, as to make themselves Masters of a place of that importance, at the price of four Mil­lions of Livres, in spite of all the opposition of their jealous Neighbours. The King had no sooner received the News that his Forces had taken possession of it, but he went thither to give the necessary Orders for the ac­complishing the Fortifications of a place, which was of the highest consequence for the safety of his Kingdom.

These several Affairs of the highest moment, tho' they took up much of the King's time, who spared no labour nor care, till they were brought to a happy issue; yet did this not so confine his Active Genius, but that at the same time he applied his thoughts towards the re-establishment of the decay'd Military Di­scipline, and to find out suitable remedies a­gainst those abuses that were, by degrees, crept into the Government. Lewis XIV Re­establishes the Milita­ry Disci­pline.

Before the Conclusion of the late Peace, all sorts of licentiousness had been practised a­mong the Souldiers, with Impunity, and the neglect of the due observance of Military Discipline, had introduc'd such disorders both among the Officers and Souldiers, that in all likelihood, it must have in time proved fatal, not only to many private Persons, who ex­treamly suffer'd under these violences, but al­so dangerous to the State, if the King had not put a stop to these enormities.

As he was sufficiently accquainted with the Natural Inclinations of Mankind, to know that the most Valiant Men in the World, if not confin'd under certain Rules and Discipline, must be more hurtful than profitable to the State, so he took a firm resolution to re-esta­blish among them such Laws, as founded up­on a Prudent severity, should be sufficient to keep them within their due bounds. As he took effectual care that his Souldiers, whether in sickness or health, should be provided with all things necessary for their subsistence, so he would not allow any one to be exempted from the exact observation of these Rules; and all the Employments in the Army from the highest to the lowest, being bestowed upon such as had deserved well, in proportion to their Merits, there was a strange alteration to be observed in the Army. For, the desire of Glory, the Honour to please the King, the fear of Punishment, and the hopes of Reward; this happy mixture, I say, of several Interests and Passions, made such powerful impressions upon the minds of the Souldiery, that every one in his Station, strove as much to out-do the other, in the just observance of his Duty, as they formerly had been eager after Rapines, and negligent in performing their Military Functions. Thus a good Order being re-e­stablished in the Army, it may be said with­out boasting, that possibly, there scarce ever appear'd better disciplin'd Troops in the Field, than the French Armies under the Reign of the present King.

After the conclusion of the Pyrenean Peace, the greatest part of the French Forces were [Page 50]disbanded; nevertheless, as those that were kept in pay, were all chosen Men, so the King took care to augment them from time to time, not only to serve in his Garrisons, but also to have in readiness such a number of well Disciplin'd Troops, as he judg'd suffici­ent to maintain his respect, both among his Subjects and Neighbours. For, what real assurance can a Prince have of the Fidelity of the one, and of the sincerity of the others, un­less he be in a condition to maintain his Au­thority by his Power?

The better to train up his Soldiers to the Wars, he order'd every Year Encampments to be made in some place or other, where they perform'd all the Exercises belonging ei­ther to Sieges or Battles, without Blood-shed. This was look'd upon as of so much conse­quence, that even in the most peaceable times it was never discontinued, afterthey had once been convinced of its usefulness; it being a­greed on all Hands, that not any thing else contributed so much to the inuring the Sol­diery to the Fatigues of Wars, and conse­quently, to the obtaining so many Victories in the following Years, as these Engagements, Reviews, and Exercises, which kept the Ar­mies under a constant good Discipline, and trained up the young Officers as well as the Soldiers, to serve their Apprenticeship at home in the Action of War.

Michael Francis le Tellier, Michael le Tellier Chancellor of France, had two Sons, Michael Francis Marquis of Louvois, Se­cretary of State; and Charles Maurice Archbishop and Duke of Rheims, Counsellor of State, and Supervisor of the Sorbonne. Marquis of Lou­vois, Minister and Secretary of State, was the [Page 51]Person, whom France, next to the King, stands indebted to, for the re-establishment of the Mi­litary Discipline, and a good Order in the Ar­my. It is unquestionable, that never any Man living had a better insight into all Mar­tial Affairs, whether in the most exquisite ad­vantages belonging to Fortifications, or in re­gard to the raising and maintaining a great Ar­my in the Field. He was a Person of a mar­vellous Activity and Vigilance; as Firm, Reso­lute, and Bold in his Enterprises, as Fortunate in the Success; and to be short, never any Minister deserved better at the same time, both of his Prince and the State. He was Eldest Son to Michael de Tellier Minister and Secreta­ry of State, and afterwards Lord Chancellor of France, who render'd himself Famous by his Prudence, Fidelity, and great Services un­der the King's Minority.

Neither did the King shew less eagerness for settling the Administration of Justice: He would give most particular marks of his Fa­vour and Esteem to such of the Judges as he knew to be proof against Corruption, crown­ing their Virtues with Praises and Rewards; as, on the other Hand he despised those, who, having purchased their Places at an excessive rate, made use of their Power to satisfie their Avarice and Pride; these were sure to meet with deserved punishment from his Hands, and to receive the rewards of their Treache­ry, in making the Royal Authority a Cloak, where withal to cover their unjust Proceed­ings. To banish for over from among his Subjects all vexatious Suits, or at least, to re­trench the extravagancy of litigious Persons, [Page 52]and superfluities in the Law, which serve only to create and protract Suits, he caused a new Codex, or Law-Book to be compiled, by the Advice of the most understanding Lawyers in the Kingdom; and as he was not ignorant, that the best Laws are useless, or at least, of little effect, unless those who are to put them in execution, be careful in the obser­vance of their duty; so he would frequent­ly take an account of their Transactions, and be always putting the Chancellor in mind, to keep a strict Hand, and a watchful Eye over the Judges and Magistrates, that they might not be remiss in their Duties to Administer Justice, without partiality, and to punish the Transgressors, without respect of Persons, e­specially in what-related to the maintaining of the publick Tranquillity.

To encourage the rest by his own Exam­ple, After the Death of the Chan­cellor Se­guier. he kept the Great Seal in his own Hands near three Months; and tho' he would some­times Pardon such Trespasses as proceeded ra­ther from passion or misfortune, than any ill design, he never spared those who were found guilty of disturbing the publick Tranquility; and above all, prosecuted with the utmost severity, all such as were convicted of Duel­ing; for it having been judged absolutely ne­cessary for the publick safety, that all manner of Duels should be forbidden under pain of Death by the King, he look'd upon any Act of Grace in this kind, as prejudicial to the Royal Authority, and an unseasonable lenity, as derogatory from the respect due to the Law, which made him take a firm resolution to maintain its Force, by inflicting severe pu­nishments upon the Transgressors.

Neither was it long, before the happy ef­fects of the King's firm Resolution and Zeal for the impartial distribution of Justice ap­pear'd to the Eyes of all the World, his Sub­jects being thereby insensibly brought into a habit of doing well, and performing their Duty in their several stations. Hence it was, that every one enjoy'd the benefit of a Sweet and Charming Tranquillity under the prote­ction of the Laws, free from all fear, and the avarice of corrupted Judges, and the oppres­sions of the Great ones, who, if they offered any Violences, were sure to come to Con­dign Punishment. The surest way to prevent Factions in a Kingdom, is certainly when the Prince by his Authority, keeps all the several Orders that compose it within their bounds; for, the People being thereby engaged to re­spect no other Authority so much as his own, this removes all occasion and danger of Re­volts.

What shall I say as to the most useful Arts and Sciences, which, without contradiction, The King gives En­courage­ment to all manner of Arts. flourish'd more than ever, under a Prince, who, as he had a true relish of Things, so it was his greatest delight to heap Riches and Honours upon Persons of extraordinary me­rits; knowing, that nothing turns more to the Honour of the Prince, and benefit of the State, than to give due encouragement to li­beral Arts, he drew by his great Liberality in­to France, the most Excellent in all Professions from all parts of Europe; with these Foreig­ners as well as Natives, he fill'd up the seve­ral Academies, erected by his Order, for the improvement of all manner of Sciences; of [Page 54]Painting, Carving, Architecture, and Musick, where these Great Masters and their Scholars strove by a Praise-worthy Emulation, to out­vie one another, and in their several Stations, to bring their Pieces to the heighth of perfe­ction.

The King, to improve the Talent of so ma­ny Excellent Masters, employed them in ma­king those rich Furnitures and other pieces, the like of which are not to be met with in a­ny other part, whether for the design, or the curiosity of the Workmanship; he erected Noble Structures in several parts, but especi­ally made use of their skill in the Louvre, the Front of which is accounted one of the finest pieces of Architecture in the World.

The Subjects encouraged by the Example of their Prince, began every where to apply themselves to Building, especially in the City of Paris, which encreased every day by the Additions of many goodly Structures; so that in a few Years the Streets of the City of Paris were made broader than before; the Cross­ways were adorned with noble Fountains, the Channels and River side faced with Free-stone; and there was not a Street so mean, but there were to be seen some neat Houses, built after a manner far different from what they had ap­pear'd before. Vast numbers of Strangers, and other curious Persons came flocking from all parts, to partake of the charming Enjoy­ments of Peace and Tranquillity in a City, where there was great plenty of every thing requisite for the pleasure and necessity of Hu­man Life, even at the time of a general scar­city, the King having by his own liberality [Page 55]and care, supply'd their want, and reduced the price of all Things to a reasonable rate.

But the City of Paris was not the only place that enjoy'd the benefits of his happy Reign; He caused Wheat to be distr [...] ­ [...]ted at t [...] Louvre, 1662. the other Provinces of France had al­so their share in the publick Felicity, the King, by affording all imaginable encouragement to Commerce, made the whole Country over­flow with Riches. It is beyond all question, that the French could not be ignorant what prodigious advantages must needs accrue by Commerce, to such a Country as France, which being water'd both by the Ocean and Mediterranean, and irrigated by so many fair Rivers, seems to be the most conveniently situated for Traffick of any in Europe; not­withstanding which, it was observable, that all manner of Commerce had been neglected for a considerable time; either because the Genius of the French Nation is more enclin­able to Warlike Exploits than Traffick, or be­cause the Civil and Foreign Wars, in which the Kingdom had been entangl'd for so many Years together, had robed them of these ad­vantages. But the King was not sparing in any thing, which he believed might contri­bute to the re-establishment of Trade; in the Sea-Ports he made considerable abatements in his Customs; most of those that were paid in the Rivers he took off; he gave all imaginable encouragement to the Manufacturies of the Kingdom; he, at his own proper cost and charge, employ'd a great number of Work­men to joyn the two Seas by a Canal, as well as several Great Rivers, and to render many lesser Rivers Navigable; he established a cer­tain [Page 56]Council of Commerce, to be held in his Presence, by whose Advice he created seve­ral Companies, who trafficking in all parts of the World, render'd the Great Name of their Prince Glorious in far distant Countries. Be­sides, that he granted them many Privileges, they were provided both with Money and Ships by the King, to carry on the design, and never wanted necessary Convoys to conduct them safely to the place whither they were bound.

It was upon the score of Commerce that an Expedition was undertaken against the Coast of Barbary, The enter­prise a­gainst Gi­gery, July 19, 1664. it being certain, that it was not out of a motive of extending his Con­quests the King sent thither his Forces, but chiefly for the conveniency of a Harbour, from whence to annoy and bridle those In­solent Pyrates, that are continually disturbing the Trade on those Coasts. The success was at first answerable to the design, they having made themselves Masters of Gigery, and, not­withstanding, they were ill provided with Provision and Ammunition, maintain'd them­selves in the place three whole Months. But the number of the Enemies encreasing daily, and the Plague and Famine which at that time, October 31, 1664. made great havock on the Coast of Pro­vence having retarded the Convoys designed for their succour, they were at last forced to abandon the place, and to return into France. This Expedition proved thus unfortunate in the end, having been undertaken not with­out great charges, besides, that we lost some of our best Troops, and received some dis­grace.

But this misfortune was abundantly recom­pensed by the Honour the French had ac­quir'd two or three Months before.

The Turks and Tartars having made a most powerful Eruption in Hungary, The King sent succour to the Em­peror. and the Ger­man Emperour Leopold I. demanding Succours from our King, he sent him six thousand cho­sen Men. These Troops had signaliz'd them­selves in many Encounters, but more particu­larly in the Battle fought near St. Goddard.

Seven or eight thousand of the bravest a­mong the Infidels having pass'd, unperceiv'd by the Christians, a River which parted both their Camps, charged the right Wing of the last with such incredible fury that they made them give way, without much opposition. In all human appearance the whole Christian Ar­my must have been put to an entire rout, if the French, who were in the left Wing, had not come up very opportunely with the Turks, and like lightning charged thro' them with so much bravery, that they put them in confusion, and made such a slaughter among them, that five or six thousand remained dead upon the spot. To be short, the Victory was com­pleat; they brought off a great many Standards and Colours, and sixteen pieces of Cannon, most of the abovementioned Turks being ei­ther slain or drown'd in the River. Those few that escaped by flight put the whole Turkish Camp into such a consternation, that the Grand Visier, notwithstanding he had yet re­maining with him an Army of above forty thousand Men, in few days after, concluded a Truce with the Imperialists.

As the French succors had been of great con­sequence to the Emperor, The King's protection of the Dutch a­gainst the Bishop of Munster, 1665. so the protection which the King was pleased to afford to the Hollanders stood them in no less stead, against Bernard Van Galen, then Bishop of Munster, a Man of a turbulent Spirit, better qualifi'd for a General than a Prelate.

For the King of England having declar'd War against them, had at the same time stir'd up the Bishop, who being a troublesome Neighbour to the Dutch, never wanted pre­tensions, but only an opportunity to quarrel with them, being a Man aspiring and bold to undertake any thing, and at that time when he was so well provided with good Forces and other things requisite for such an undertaking. The Hollanders had all the reason in the World to be surprized at this unexpected rupture, as having liv'd for five Years in perfect Tranqui­lity, and consequently disbanded their Troops, except such as serv'd in Garrisons on their Frontier places. The Bishop taking advan­tage from the ill State of their Troops, made an irruption into their Territories, and over­run entirely one of their Provinces, where he made himself Master of their Cities, and ravaged the Countrywhere-ever he came, which struck such a consternation into the adjacent Provinces, that it was feared, they would scarce have Courage enough to resist his Vi­ctorious Arms. In this perplexity, having made their Addresses to our King, he order'd six thousand Foot and two thousand Horse in­stantly to march to their relief. Hitherto no­thing had been able to put a stop to the Cur­rent of the Conquests of the Bishop, but the [Page 59]terrour of the Force of France had such a Powerful influence over him, that he began to abate immediately of his fierceness, and in less than three Months time, matters were brought to a composition, by Virtue of which, he was obliged to disband his Troops, to Sur­render to the States all that he had taken, and restore to them their former Tranquillity.

The Hollanders being by the Treaty of Cleves delivered from the fear of this troublesome E­nemy, The Dutch protected a­gainst the English, 1666. they now apply'd themselves with all their might, to the prosecution of the War against the English. The States-General had, at the first beginning of the War, sollicited the King for succours against the English, or at least, his Mediation for the composing of the differences betwixt them. The King at their request sent a Solemn Embassy to Lon­don to offer his Mediation, which being ac­cepted of by the King of England, the Con­ferences were began in London. But King Charles II. having happily suppress'd some tu­multuous Assemblies of the Fanatick Party, which hitherto had kept matters in suspense, without expecting the issue of this Negotiati­on, order'd his Fleet to put out to Sea in quest of the Dutch, even in their Ports. Our King having all the reason in the World to be dis­satisfied with the King of England, enter'd into to a League offensive with the States-Ge­neral.

Thus the War being kindled, 1665, 1666. it broke out into so violent a Flame, that for two Summers successively, the Seas betwixt the English and Flanders Coast, seem'd to be all on Fire, there being nothing to be heard of but slaughter, [Page 60]and the thundering of Cannons. In these se­veral most bloody Engagements, neither par­ty could boast of any real advantage over the other, the Victory inclining one time on one, and at another on the other side; both parties at the same time claiming the Honour of the Victory, and dissembling their losses. The Hollanders, notwithstanding they much flat­ter'd themselves with the Honour they believ­ed to have gain'd against their Enemies, yet were very desirous of Peace, these Demi-tri­umphs, and the loss of so many brave Sea­men being but a slender recompence for the damage they receiv'd in the interruption of their Commerce. The English irritated more by shame than the consideration of their los­ses, left no Stone unturn'd to break this Alli­ance, and to draw our King from the Dutch Interest; but in vain, for the King protesting he would not abandon his Allies, a Peace was soon after concluded at Breda, July 31, 1667. which was ve­ry advantageous to the States.

About two Months before the conclusion of this Treaty, the King was enter'd Flanders with a considerable Force, to do himself Ju­stice on the just Pretensions of the Queen: Her right was so unquestionable on the Dut­chy of Brabant and its Dependencies, upon part of Gueldres, upon Luxemburgh, the Franchè Comtè, Mons, Antwerp, Cambray, Malines, Limbourg, Namur, and some other places on the Meuse, that the King having taken the Advice of the most Famous Lawyers of the Low-Countries, upon the point in question, under borrow'd Names, they were unani­mously of opinion, that her Right was indis­putable. [Page 61]According to the Custom of these. Provinces, it is an Establish'd Law, that the Children begotten in the first Marriage be­come Heirs to the Possessions of their Parents, immediately after the Decease of one of them. the Survivor enjoying only the benefit of them during Life.

Philip IV. King of Spain had by Isabella his first Spouse, only two Children, to wit, Prince Bal­thasar. one Son, and one Daughter, since Queen of France, who surviving the Prince, these Provinces by right of Succession, pursuant to the Custom of the Country, which regulates as well the right of Succession in respect to Soveraigns, as private Persons, were devolved to her.

It must be confess'd, that, at the time of her Marriage, they had taken this precaution, to make her renounce all her Rights and Preten­sions to those Provinces; but besides, the Act it self was so defective in Form, and full of Nullities, that according to the judgment of the most understanding and unbyass'd Per­sons, it could not pass for a Legal Act.

She renounces all her Rights and Preten­sions, without naming any in particular. She therefore resgn'd that which she knew not, and what she had not had the opportunity to examine, of what moment it was she was going to do, and this when she was under Age, rather out of a Motive of Obedience, than free Choice. And to this the Authori­ty of a Father and King, the want of Expe­rience and Knowledge of her own Interest, the Passion she had for the King's Person, and the prospect of having for her Spouse, one of the handsomest and greatest Princes of Eu­rope; [Page 62]All these, if taken together, what won­der is it, if the Infanta had not constancy e­nough to refuse the Request of the King her Father, and blindly to follow his Dictates.

Thus they had made her renounce to the Succession of the Empire of the Indies, of the Kingdoms of Castile, and Arragon, of Sicily, and Naples, Sardinia, and Majorca, to the Dutchy of Milan, and the Sovereignty of nine Provinces in the Low Countries; I say to the hopes, forasmuch as her Brother was alive, but so infirm, that it was supposed he could not live very long.

Another consideration, Charles II. King of Spain. which is of no slight moment, is, that this Renunciation was made without allowing her any other equiva­lent, Golden Crown 8 s. 6 d. Sterl. except five hundred thousand Golden Crown pieces, which indeed, was owing to her before on the account of her Mothers Dowry. Could any thing be more injurious­ly contrived than this? Another thing that makes this void and of no effect is, that this Equivalent (supposing it should be term'd so) was never paid to her, neither in her Fa­ther's life time, nor after his Death; nay, there was no tender made of it within the time limited in the Act; without which, it plain­ly appears, that the Queen did not make this Renunciation, but in consideration of the said summ, to be paid at the terms, mention­ed in the Contract. Who is so ignorant as not to understand, that in all conditional Contracts their validity depends on the ac­complishment of the Conditions therein con­tained?

Another Capital defect in this Act is, that it was not corroborated by these circumstances, which in a case of that moment, are prescri­bed by the Laws. As the order of Succession ought to be considered as one of the funda­mental Laws of an Empire or Kingdom, so the same is unalterable, unless by consent of the People Assembled for that purpose. The Queen being, after her Brother's Death, the unquestionable and immediate Heiress to the Crown of Spain, his most Catholick Majesty, when he intended to deprive and exclude this Princess of her Legal Inheritance, ought to have call'd together an Assembly of all the States of the whole Kingdom, and the Queen in their Presence ought to have made a pub­lick Renunciation, both for her self and Chil­dren, to the Succession of all these Domini­ons; after which, the said Renunciation must have been Published throughout all the Terri­tories under the Jurisdiction of Spain. But it being certain, that not the least of all these circumstances had been observed in this Act, it cannot be considered as a Legal Trans­action, but as surreptitious and forced upon the Queen without her knowledge. It ought to be look'd upon as a meer State-trick and contrivance of the Spaniards, to serve their own turn and ambitious designs, which being contrary to all Laws, could not in the least impair the Legal Right of the Queen, or of the Prince her Son.

Notwithstanding the King had thus all the reason in the World, neither wanted suffici­ent power to oblige the Spaniards to a full sa­tisfaction, he nevertheless offer'd to come [Page 64]with them to a Composition. The Queen-Mother made use of all her Interest to pre­vail with the Spaniards, either to give satisfa­ction to the King upon his demands, or else to accept of the King's Gracious offer, to take an Equivalent, and to release part of his Right, provided they would put him in quiet posses­sion of the rest. The Queen-Mother An­na of Au­stria dies Jan. 20. 1666. But all her endeavours pro­ved fruitless, the Queen dying before she could bring it to a conclusion. She was uni­versally lamented by the whole Kingdom, and that not without great reason; France having not for many Years before been blessed with a Queen more deserving than her self. She was of a very noble aspect, but endowed with a much more noble Soul, a Soul truly great; and elevated above the common rank, Pious, Obliging, and Honourable, whose greatest pleasure was to doe good, and who by her charming conversation, drew both Love and Respect from all who had the Ho­nour to know her.

After the Decease of the Queen, our King renewed his former demands at the Court of Madrid, and as the case then stood with Spain, there were very few, who balancing their Forces with ours at that time, were not of o­pinion, that, if it should come to a rupture, the Spaniards might think themselves happy, if they could come off with the loss of what they were so much afraid to lose. For their Troops in Flanders were in a very ill condition, their Fortifications had been neglected, and were neither provided with Ammunition, nor a sufficient number of good Troops. The Council of Spain could not be ignorant of [Page 65]all this, but whether it were that they rely'd upon the assistance of their Allies, or that they did not rightly measure the King's strength and resolution, certain it is, that he could never obtain any satisfaction as to his just Right, no not as much as a promise of ever obtaining any upon that score; so that after a fruitless Treaty of eighteen or twenty Months, The King enters Flanders, 1667. our King was obliged to have re­course to Arms. He marched therefore in Person, at the head of an Army of thirty five thousand Men, commanded under him by the Viscount Turenne, into Flanders. At the same time he ordered two Flying Camps, the one to enter the County of Luxemburgh, un­der the Command of Francis de Crequy, Mar­shal of France, to observe the motions of the Germans on that side; the other to take its march along the Sea Coast, under the Com­mand of Anthony d' Aumont Marshal of France, who took Courtray in two days, Dyxmuiden in four and twenty Hours; Furnes in one Day; and Armentiers surrender'd as soon as he ap­pear'd before it. The Army which the King commanded in Person, found as little resist­ance as the other, Charleroy was demolished by the Spaniards; Binch and Aeth opened their Gates at the same moment they appear­ed in sight of them; Tournay did not hold out above twice four and twenty Hours, and Do­vay and its Citadel no longer; Oudenarde not above one Day, and Alost but a few Hours: To be short, in less than four Months time they made themselves Masters of thirteen or fourteen places, all very considerable for their strength.

Lisle alone held out a Siege of eleven days, after opening of the Trenches. It is a large City, very well Fortified, and accounted the most Populous of any in the Spanish Nether­lands. There were at that time within the City, no less than thirty thousand Inhabitants capable of bearing Arms, besides four thou­sand Soldiers, and a great number of good Officers and Volunteers, who had thrown them­selves into the Place, to signalize themselves upon this occasion, under one of the best and most experienc'd Commanders in the Spanish Service. The King having received Advice that the Count de Marcin General of the Spa­nish Army, was on his march to relieve the Place, he detach'd the Marshal de Crequi (who had joyn'd him before with his Flying Camp) to possess himself of all the Avenues, thro' which the Count de Marcin must needs ap­proach the place. The City being in the mean while forced to Capitulate, the King re­solved to march streight to the Enemy; But the Marshal de Crequi on one, and Bernard de Gigant de Bellefons, likewise Marshal of France, on the other side, had saved the King this trouble; they having before routed the Spa­niards, of whom they killed five hundred up­on the spot, took from them several Standards and Kettle-Drums, and three hundred Priso­ners, among whom were many Colonels, and some of their General Officers. Count Mar­cin, who was not insensible that the whole fortune of Flanders depended on his Army, thought it most advisable to make a safe re­treat, and to throw his Troops into such places, as were most exposed to the Victori­ous Enemy.

This prodigious progress of the King's Arms, did alarm all the Neighbouring Princes, who did not without great reason fear, that the next Campaign, he would like a torrent, over-run all the rest of the Spanish Nether­lands. There had for many Years last past, been an implacable hatred between the Spa­niards and Dutch; but, as Love and Hatred among Sovereigns are swayed by Interest, these two Nations setting aside all former Ani­mosities, were soon reconciled, when the last being terrified by the late success of our Arms, found their own security to depend on the preservation of the first; to stop the Pro­gress of the King's Conquests, and to pre­serve Flanders from falling into his Hands, the Hollanders enter'd into a League with Eng­land and Sueden, by virtue of which, Jan. 23. 1668. these three engaged themselves to furnish each of them fifteen thousand Men (besides their quota at Sea) for the defence of Flanders: This League was called the Tripple Alliance. But, as their chief aim was rather to terrifie both Parties into a compliance, than to enter into an open War, they offer'd their Mediation with this Solemn Declaration, that they were ready to take up Arms, against either of these two Crowns, which they should find averse to the Peace.

The King, tho' in the midst of the Career of his Victories, yet was not unwilling to hearken to their Propositions; and, notwith­standing, what he had taken from the Spani­ards did fall far short from what his just Preten­sions were on the Queen's account, yet he of­fer'd to rest contented with his Conquests.

A Treaty was therefore agreed on to be set on Foot at Aix la Chapelle, to compose these differences; But the Spanish Ambassadours on­ly endeavouring to gain time by delays, the King, to oblige them to a more ready com­pliance, and not to let slip any opportunity of pursuing his Right, Fel 1668. conquer'd the Franche Compte in the very heart of the Winter. Nei­ther the Frosts nor Snow, neither the over­flowing of the Rivers, nor badness of the Ways, were able to stay him at home, nor to prevent his march, but with an eagerness sui­table to the greatness of his design, he appear'd at the Head of his Army, with such success, that the whole Province submitted within the space of eight days, A Conquest so sudden did not only surprize the Spaniards, but also the Mediators, to that degree, that without any further tergiversations, they offer'd to grant the King's former demands, provided he would restore the Franche Compte. The King was unwilling to part with so fair a Province, extreamly convenient for its situ­ation; but the Love of Peace prevailing over his Interest, he resolv'd rather to abandon that Province, than to continue the War, at a time when the Allies being more powerful at Sea than the French, might, in all probabi­lity, have made an attempt upon our Coasts, or at least have ruin'd our Trade at Sea; A Peace was therefore concluded at Aix la Cha­pelle, on the Second of May, in the Year 1668. by Virtue of which, our King restor'd to the Spaniards the Franche Compte, all their Fortifica­tions demolish'd; and these resign'd to the King all the places they had Conquer'd in Flanders, with their dependencies.

This Peace was soon follow'd by the re­establishment of an union in the Church, Jansenism suppress'd in France. which for these fifteen or twenty Years last past, had been interrupted by some disputes about the true nature of Grace, and were risen to that pitch, as to threaten the Church and State with great Commotions, if by the prudent Care of the King the Tempest had not been laid, and a perfect Calm introduc'd. The most surprising thing in the World! That Religion which should be the strictest tye of Charity among Men, proves two frequent­ly the scource of Contests and Divisions. What is more frequent, than to see Mankind follow blindfold the opinion of their Leaders with so much Zeal, as to involve the State in a Civil War; a Prince therefore, who truly understands his Interest, can never be too watchful to keep a strict Hand over those who sow the first Seeds of these Discords, and when he has nipp'd them in the bud, to take effectu­al care to prevent them from growing again, and taking root among his Subjects.

As it is beyond question, that Mankind are not capable of performing any good Works meriting Eternal Salvation without God's Grace, so it is very difficult to determine in what manner this Grace operates in us: This is one of those Mystery's which are not to be attempted without great hazard, the scrutiny proving frequently dangerous to the Under­taker, who flatters himself to exhaust their meaning, rather by subtilities than a plain in­terpretation, Into what gross errors are we not apt to fall, when flattering our selves to be more quick-sighted than others, we bid [Page 70]farewel to true Humility and Submission.

Under Pope Clement VIII. this point first began to be call'd in question betwixt two Religious Orders, who in order to take cog­nisance of the matter, appointed a Congregation composed of Cardinals, and the most Learned Divines in Rome. Pope Paul V. reviv'd the said Congregation, with an intention to give a final decision in the matter; but the diffe­rences arisen betwixt him and the Venetians, having diverted his thoughts another way, all these great preparations produc'd no other ef­fect, but only a Decree from the Court of In­quisition, forbiding all Members of the Ca­tholick Church to Write, or enter into any Dispute, or to accuse one another of presump­tion, or erroneous Opinions concerning the Doctrine of Grace.

But this prohibition was not sufficient to ter­rifie a certain Bishop of Ypres in Flanders, (whose Name was Cornelius Jansenius) a Man of ve­ry profound Learning, to write a Book con­cerning this Doctrine in a very lofty Stile, as believing, that his frequently perusing and pondering upon Austin, who was always look'd upon as the true Oracle of Grace, he had surmounted all difficulties relating to this Controversie. This Book was Print­ed the first time at Pa­ris, 1639. It was upon this assurance that the Bishop flatter'd himself to have found out the true meaning of this Doctor, and to have received his Doctrine in its genuine Purity, free from the errors, which had been neglected in the Catholick Schools for above five hun­dred Years past; but these his specious pre­tences were not able to exempt his Book from the censure of Pope Urban VIII. who con­demn'd [Page 71]it, without making the least Refle­ctions upon any of his Propositions in parti­cular, alledging only for a reason, because the Doctrine contained in this Book might revive some errors, formerly condemned, as such by Pope Pius V. and Pope Gregory XIII.

France had hitherto stood neuter, the Lear­ned there having espous'd neither side, but af­ter it began to make such noise in the World, a certain set of Men, of an extraordinary Zeal, and great Austerity of Life, besides this well vers'd in all manner of Learning, and Writing upon most Subjects with a great deal of Politeness, began first to make this Book the object of their Solitary Entertain­ment, and afterwards publickly to espouse the Quarrel with so much boldness, that they spared no Body in their Writings, a fault commonly belonging to those who are very zealous and passionate for Novelties. The ex­traordinary reputation of the Author, the moment of the point in question, but above all, the great and so much admired Name of St. Austin, who appear'd in the Frontispiece of the Book; add to this the merits of the Persons who had engaged in its defence, their intreagues and Cabals, all this together had made this Book so Famous throughout the whole Kingdom, that it was the chief object of Entertainment among the Learned, who for the most part talk'd of nothing so much as of the Triumph and Omnipotency of Grace over the Free-Will.

On the other Hand, those that oppos'd themselves to this new broach'd Doctrine, pretended to evince, that what was contain'd [Page 72]in the Bishop's Book, was no more than a repetition of those Errors maintain'd by Cal­vin in respect of the Mystery of Grace. Both Parties maintaining their Opinions with so much heat, that things seem'd to tend to some remarkable Revolution in the Church, if the Bishops had not given as many eminent de­monstrations of their Zeal for the suppressing of this new Doctrine, as its Defenders shew­ed eagerness in propagating and spreading it among the People.

France being about that time involv'd in heavy both Foreign and Civil Wars, it was impossible to call together either a National or Provincial Assembly, for which reason, fourscore and five Bishops writ to Pope Inno­cent X. to intreat his Holiness, to put an end to these Controversies, by giving his decisive Opinion, concerning these five Propositions, which they said, were the Foundation, and as it were the Abridgment of the whole Doctrine contain'd in the Book of Jansenius.

His Disciples on the other Hand were not negligent in the matter, but sent some of their Members to Rome, who endeavour'd to maintain their Doctrine, both in several Pri­vate Audiences which were granted them by the Pope, and in those Congregations which were held in the Pope's Presence, to debate upon a matter of so great moment. But all their efforts proved fruitless, their Arguments not being strong enough to convince the Ho­ly Father, who condemned and declared the following Propositions as Heretical.

Before the Condemnation of these Propo­sitions, there was no Body, who in the least doubted, but that they were the same which Jansenius had maintain'd in his Treatise, espe­cially since all those who had espoused his Par­ty had declared them to be so in Flanders, France, and Rome, both in publick and pri­vate, in their Writings and Disputes, as be­ing the true sense of the Doctrine of St. Au­stin. But no sooner were they condemn'd by the Pope, but the same Persons, who not long before had stood up in their defence with so much eagerness, declar'd publickly, that these five Propositions were no where to be met with in the Writings of Jansenius, or at least not in the same sense as they had been presented to the Pope, and that being only an Invention of some of his Proselytes, this Condemnation did not in the least impair the reputation of the Book or the Author.

This dispute caused so much heat among both Parties, that there appear'd greater ani­mosities about the matter of Fact, than there had been before concerning the true merits of the Cause; wherefore an Assembly of Bishops being called together, March 9, 1654. gave their Opinion in express Terms; That these were the Propositions of Jansenius, and were Condemned as such, in the same sense as he had maintained them in his Treatise. This Declaration was not long after confirm'd by a Brief from Rome, with a cer­tain Formular annex'd to it. In May 1654. In Septem­ber 1656. Two Assemblies were held in France on the account of this Formular, in which it was resolved by the Bishops there present, that the said Formular [Page 75]should be subscribed by all the Bishops and o­ther Ecclesiasticks of each Diocese. But these resolutions were not put in execution at that time, but the matter hung in suspense, till the King interposing his Authority, brought it to perfection.

After he had taken the Reins of the Go­vernment into his own Hands, his chiefest care was, how to find out suitable remedies against these Intestine Divisions, which revi­ved in him that most terrible Idea of all the mischiefs and misfortunes, which, occasioned by the followers of the Doctrine of Calvin, had afflicted the Kingdom for these thirty Years last past. When he recall'd to mind and seriously reflected how by the intreagues of this Sect, above a Million of the bravest of his Subjects had been Massacred, or kill'd in the Wars, how above three hundred goodly Cities had been destroy'd, and the most An­tient and Richest Families in France were ve­ry near extirpated; the more, I say, he re­flected upon these Calamities, the more he judged it becoming his present station, to sti­fle in the very Cradle this growing Evil, which in time might prove fatal both to Church and State.

The Followers of Jansenius refusing to sign the Formular, pursuant to the Orders of the Assemblies, alledging, that they had no Au­thority to oblige them to it, the King applied himself to Pope Alexander VII. desiring him to prescribe another Formular, and by his Bull to Command every Body to subscribe it. The Bull was dated Feb. 15. 1665. But after this Bull had been obtain'd, they publickly protested they could not in Consci­ence [Page 76]subscribe any Formular which declar'd the Propositions to belong to Jansenius, and that they had been Condemn'd as such: That neither the Pope nor the Church it self being Infallible in things relating to matter of Fact, they ought not to be forced to a blind Obedi­ence. That their Eyes and Reasons were the most natural Guides and Judges of matter of Fact; that indeed Pope Innocent and his Suc­cessor, and three several Assemblies of the Bi­shops had given their Judgment in the matter, and declared these Propositions to be the same, maintain'd by Jansenius, and they had been Condemn'd as such, but that it was impossi­ble for them to agree with them in their Opi­nion, they having perus'd and examin'd the Book of Jansenius with all the Candour and Exactness imaginable, and nevertheless had not been able to find out these Propositions.

To this it was answer'd, that to argue at that rate, was in effect, to declare in plain terms, that the Pope and the Bishops had un­justly Condemn'd an Innocent Prelate, and had declar'd a Book Heretical, which contain­ed nothing but the pure Doctrine of St. Au­stin. What a horrid confusion, said they, must this produce, if it be allow'd that the Church may err to that degree, as to declare and condemn a most excellent Book, which contains nothing but the purest Truth, as a Work of the Devil? Tho' it must be confess'd, that generally speaking, the Church is not in­fallible as to every particular in matters of Fact, it is nevertheless undeniable, that in matters of the greatest consequence, tend­ing absolutely to its Tranquillity, and the [Page 77]maintaining of Church Discipline, the Church cannot be in the dark, but ought to be the Test of our Faith; for how could she be the Pillar of Truth, if she could be guilty of such enormous errors, as to oblige us un­der the most severe punishments to receive that for real Truth, which in effect is notori­ously false.

These Disputes maintain'd with equal heat on both sides, were likely to have continu'd for ever, if the King to put an end to the Controversie, had not thought fit to put the last Bull in execution, and to exhort the Bi­shops to take forth with effectual care, that the Formular should be subscribed by all the Ec­clesiasticks, without exception, in their re­spective Dioceses; commanding his Officers to assist them in their Zeal, and to give him an exact account of their Proceedings.

When they saw the King absolutely resol­ved to break the neck of this Controversie by his Authority, all obey'd, and these Prelates themselves who had hitherto publickly protest­ed against the signing of the Formular, following the footsteps of the rest, Jansenism was quite suppress'd, all Disputes ceas'd, and Tranquil­lity was restor'd both in Church and State.

During this Calm the King employed part of his time in erecting most magnificent Stru­ctures in several places, In Octob. 1668. but especially the Palace of Versailles, which from a simple Hunting Rendezvous, was (by his Orders) in a little time made one of the finest places in the World: For, in less than two Years time, in a barren Ground, without Water, or any o­ther Advantages, there appear'd vast Allies of [Page 78]Trees, spacious Groves and Labyrinths, a whole Forest of Orange-Trees: Here you might feast your Eyes with Statues of the best Marble without number, and Cisterns of a prodigious bigness of the same Materials: Whereever you turn'd your self, you saw Fountains with their Cisterns adorned with Colossus's of Brass, or most excellent Figures of the most exqui­site Marble of a prodigious bigness, with an infinite number of Water-spouts, and a Canal that reaches out of sight. To be short, all that may be seen, that is either extraordinary or surprising in the most famous and most ac­complish'd Structures, is to be met with here, there being nothing that surpasses this Palace in Magnificence; if you see it from any of the neighbouring Hills, it affords the finest and most delightful Prospect, that can be ima­gined. The inside of this Pallace is in all re­spects answerable to its outward Grandeur. The most exquisite pieces which being done by the Hand of the greatest Master of our Age, Le Brun. adorn the chiefest Apartments; the fine Tape­stries, interwoven with Gold, inestimable both for their Beauty and Workmanship; that pro­digious Quantity of Plate, The King Sacrificed all his large Silver Ves­sels to the Necessity of the State, 1689. that variety of silver Cups, Basons, and other Vessels of all sorts, which are to be seen upon the Side­board Tables; all these admirable pieces being the Objects of our highest admiration, are to be valued by a silent surprize.

The King taking a more than ordinary De­light in so fine a place, he made it the con­stant Residence of his Court, which at that time appear'd in such splendour, that nothing was comparable to it in any other place, this [Page 79]great Prince sparing no Cost to make it appear the most magnificent in the World. All this did not proceed from any vain Ostentation, or purely to indulge his Pleasure, but from a real intention to augment thereby in the People, the respect and esteem due to the Soveraign; and to raise in Foreigners an Idea of the Riches of the Kingdom, and of the Grandeur of the Prince that sways the Scepter. But these were but weak and transitory Appearances of his Greatness; his Riches, Power and Generosity in affording timely Succours to his Allies, To the Ve­netians in Candia, 1669. A Turkish Chiaus, 1669. Ambassa­dors from Muscovy and Gui­nea, 1670. had rendred his great Name so famous among Fo­reign Nations, that the greatest and proudest Monarchs sent their Ambassadors from far di­stant Countries, to court his Friendship and desire his Protection. But as his growing Re­putation could not but be a great Eye-sore to his Jealous Neighbours, who were kept in continual Alarm by so Potent a Prince, so they left no Stone unturn'd to thwart his De­sign, and to stop the career of his good For­tune.

Among others, Charles IV. then Duke of Lorrain, was one of the most active against him. Conduct of the Duke of Lorrain He was a Person equally dexterous in advising and executing, a brave Soldier and great Captain, but the most unquiet and in­constant of all Men living, whose delight be­ing to fish in troubled Waters, was always in motion, always raising Soldiers, always in the Field; making a Trade of Soldiery, choosing one side to Day, and another to Morrow, pil­laging without distinction his Subjects, his Friends and Foes; a Character more suitable to a Cham of Tartary, than to a Soveraign of [Page 80]a small Principality, whose Interest is to be gentle, and live peaceably, and to observe ei­ther an exact Neutrality, or to shelter himself under the Protection of the most Potent of his Neighbouring Princes.

Lewis XIII. having seized upon Lorrain to chastise the Duke for his many malicious In­trigues, he marched with his Troops into Flanders, where he gather'd vast Riches, by selling their Service at an excessive rate, at the beginning of each Campaign putting his Sol­diers Pay into his own Pocket, and affording them no other Subsistence, than full liberty to live at Discretion where-ever they came, and to Pillage the Country at pleasure. The loud Complaints of the People, the little account the Duke made of the Spanish Ministers, with whom he would frequently make his Sport, having at last occasioned great Jealousies a­gainst him, he was secured, and not set at li­berty, till after the Conclusion of the General Peace. By vertue of this Treaty he was resto­red to his Dominions, but refusing to accept of these Conditions, some more favourable were agreed on, in a particular Treaty con­cluded not above two or three Days before the Death of Cardinal Mazarine.

The next following Year the said Duke having a Disgust at his Family, proposed his two Dutchies as a Gift to the King, and as a Pledge of his sincere Intentions, offered to surrender Marsal into his Hands. In Febr. 1652. The Treaty was no sooner concluded and signed, but the Duke, according to his wonted custom be­gan to make many Evasions, and by several Delays fifteen or sixteen Months passed with­out [Page 81]the least probability of performing his Promise, till finding the place invested by the King's Troops, who were ready to Besiege it, he was constrained to deliver it up.

During the Wars in Flanders, 1663. it was much against his Will that he assisted the King with four or five Regiments, as it plainly appear'd the Year following, when he left nothing unattempted to debauch them.

After the Conclusion of the Peace at Aix la Chapelle, it was the Wonder of all the World to see him augment his Troops, to make new Levies, and enter into new Alliances. The King was not wanting on his side to give him timely notice, that he was not ignorant of those Transactions; but his ill Stars having made him insensible of his true Interest, and incapable of receiving good Council, he con­tinued his former course, till the King found himself under an absolute Necessity to drive him out of his Dominions.

The Duke was so generally hated, The King seises upon Lorrain, 1670. that there appear'd not any Body that shew'd the least inclination to espouse his Interest, much less to lend a helping hand towards his Re­stauration. He himself seem'd not much con­cerned at his Loss, it being more suitable to his Inclinations to march from place to place at the Head of a good Body of his Troops, than to lie idle at Mirecourt, his ordinary Resi­dence in the Dukedom of Lorrain. Living in expectation of the next War, he imployed most of his time in making Cabals against France, being chiefly encouraged by the Hol­landers, who at that time made it their Busi­ness [Page 82]to embroil Europe, and consequently were extreamly glad to have met with a Prince of his Character, who might be very serviceable to them in spreading about fears and jealou­sies, thereby to raise against the King so ma­ny Enemies, as might, under pretence of protecting this Prince, serve as a Check to the Greatness of France. A fatal Maxim of State! which had almost proved the Destru­ction of the United Provinces, and in effect brought them to the very brink of ruine.

This Commonwealth, Causes of the Dutch War. which in the last Age was no more than a handful of Men confined to a small corner of the World, penn'd in be­twixt the Fenns and Waters, was since become so rich by its Commerce, so famous by seve­ral Victories; so dreadful for its Power and prudent Management, that they were the ad­miration of the World. But for four or five Years past they had been so much blinded with Vain-glory, and their Affluence of Fortune, that by their Vanities they had drawn upon themselves the hatred of all their Neighbours. They had been so insolent as to cause several Medals to be made, containing very injuri­ous Reflections against Crowned Heads; a­mong the rest there was one representing Hol­landia, leaning upon many Trophies with this Inscription; That she had restored vigour to the Law, reformed Religion, protected, maintain'd, and reconcil'd Kings; clear'd the Seas and secu­red the Common Tranquillity, by the force of her Arms. After the Conclusion of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, they made it their Boast, that it was by their means that the Spanish Nether­lands had been preserved, and that they had [Page 83]stop'd the Career of the King's Conquests and Victories. They did without intermission form Cabals in all Courts of Europe, being very prodigal of their Money to set on foot new Alliances against him, and that with so little respect to his Person, that they did not make any Secret of the matter, adjuging it to be of such a nature as to be pass'd all Dissi­mulation.

The King to make a suitable return, and to prevent their Designs against him, resolved to attack them with vigour, and to try whether he could humble these proud People, and re­vive among them the Modesty and Moderati­on of their Ancestors; and put them in mind what Obligations they had received from the French Kings, his Predecessors, as also from him in particular. Who can be so ignorant, as not to know that without the Assistance of France they would have been so far from be­ing able to make such a Figure in the World, that on the contrary it would have been im­possible for them to defend themselves against the Power of Spain? It is to Henry IV. and Lewis XIII. they stand indebted for vast Sums, and a considerable Body of their best Troops expended and maintained for their Defence; and by the Confession of the Hollanders them­selves, they scarce ever obtain'd a considera­ble Victory, but these Troops had some share in the Action; it was but lately that the King had espoused their Interest against the Bishop of Munster, and engaged himself in their Quarrel against the Crown of England; and upon all Occasions had given them such real Demonstrations of his Friendship, that they [Page 84]might have expected any thing from him, if by their Ingratitude they had not drawn his Anger upon them.

The Enterprize was doubtless very Glori­ous, but withal very difficult; they were well provided with Money, they had a good Fleet at Sea, and an Army on Foot; their Frontiers were covered on all sides with Fortifications; besides that, they were encompass'd betwixt the three Rivers, the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Yssel: Notwithstanding all these Advantages, the King was no sooner entred the Country, but he Conquered three of their Provinces, and in less than two Months time made himself Master of above forty of their best places: A strange Catastrophe! which ought to serve as a Lesson to the World, that soon or late God punishes the Proud and Ungrateful, and that it is his Pleasure to give us from time to time such remarkable Instances of the Frailty of all Humane Glory.

THE King having taken a firm Resolu­tion to declare War against the Hol­landers, The Cam­paign in 1672. he ordered New Levies to be made in all Parts; besides the Troops in his Garrisons, which consisted of fourscore Thou­sand Men, he had the like Number in the [Page 86]Field of his own Subjects; twenty Thousand Swiss newly raised, ten Thousand Italians, six or seven thousand English, and two Regiments of Swedes. This formidable Army was com­manded by the King in Person, and under him by Lewis de Bourbon II. Prince of Conde, and Henry de la Tour d' Auvergne, Viscount of Tu­renne, the two greatest Generals in Europe. He had laid up vast Sums of Money for the Pay­ment and Encouragement of his Soldiers, who were for the most part inured to the Hard­ships of War, and his Magazines were stored with every thing requisite for the Maintenance of so vast a Number.

But tho' it might be reasonably supposed, that such extraordinary Warlike Preparations must needs strike Terrour into all the Neigh­bouring Princes, their Eyes were so much dazzled with the imaginary Grandeur of the Hollanders, and with their vast Riches, that they imagined the King must have good For­tune, if in the first Campaign he could take one or two of their Frontier places. They were so strongly and generally prepossessed with this Opinion, that they thought it time enough to talk of relieving the Hollanders, and in the mean while to provide the best they could for their own Security. But the more difficulty they had proposed in attacking this Commonwealth, the more were they surprized a little after, when they received the News of the most stupendious Success of his Arms.

All the Low Countries were put into such a Consternation at the King's March, that Boisleduc, Husden, and L' Illo, tho' at a g [...]eat distance opened their Sluces. But they might [Page 87]have saved themselves that trouble, the Thun­derbolt being not to strike on that side. Af­ter he had provided all the small Places round about Mastrick, with good Garrisons, to block up that place, he directed his March towards the Rhine, where having divided his Forces into four several Bodies, he ordered Orsoy, Wesel, Rhinberg and Burick to be Besieged all at a time.

They being all Frontier Places, were very well fortified and provided with good Garri­sons and all other Necessaries for their defence; notwithstanding which they made but a feeble Resistance, the King's Troops having forced them to a Surrender within four or five Days time.

Rhinberg, which was Besieged by the King in Person, surrendred without Discharging a Cannon.

The Duke of Orleans, the King's Brother, was forced to make use of his Artillery for a few Hours before Orsoy. For which reason the King, to terrifie the other Garrisons from being so presumptuous for the future, as to re­fuse Surrendring at the first Summons, or­der'd that both the Officers and Souldiers should be made Prisoners of War.

Burick was but one Days work for the Vis­count of Turenne; and Wesel surrendred at discretion to the Prince of Conde, so soon as he had made himself Master of a certain Fort which commanded the place.

The unexpected Surrender of these four Towns, struck such a terrour into the Garri­son of Rees, that they did not hold out above two Days, tho it be undeniable, that its Forti­fications [Page 88]were at that time as compleat and regular as any in Europe. Emmerick was as soon Surrendred as Besieged; and Doctkum gave us no other trouble than to send thither a Brigade to take possession of it. Five or six more lesser places opened their Gates at the approach of their Victorious Enemies, without the least Formalities of a Capitulation.

All this being performed within the space of eight Days, the King was for improving the Consternation of the People to his Advantage, and for pushing on his Fortune with the ut­most Vigour; his first Resolution was to Be­siege Nimeguen, and at the same time to force the Prince of Orange in his Entrenchments. This young Prince, the only Off-spring, and true Heir of all the vast Possessions and noble Qualifications of those great Men of the same Name, (his Ancestors) who laid the first Foundation of this Commonwealth, lay In­trench'd near the Banks of the Yssel, with an Army of five and twenty Thousand Men; but both these Designs being not to be put in Execution, without the hazard of a great ma­ny Men, and the loss of much time, the King changed his Resolution, and order'd his Ar­my to march towards the Isle of Betaw, with an intention, to try, whether thereabouts they might not find a convenient Passage over the Rhine.

The Waters of the Rhine were very low at that Season, The King passes the Rhine, 12. June. by reason of the extream Heats, and that there had not faln any Rains for a considerable time before; so that as deep as it is at other times, it seem'd then to be forda­ble in several places. Two Gentlemen living [Page 89]thereabouts, having shew'd the Ford to the Prince of Conde, he ordered it immediately to be sounded, which proved so shallow that Horse might pass without much danger, they being to swim no further than about the length of an hundred Paces. The King be­ing extreamly rejoyced at this welcome News, resolved not to stay for the per­fecting of the Bridge of Boats, and there­fore, without loosing any further time, mar­ches by Break of Day out of his Camp, at the Head of his Gens d' Arms, his Guards and Chevaux legers, besides a Detachment of two Thousand Horse, towards the Banks of the Rhine, where he was to be met by the Prince of Conde.

It was observable, that the King appear'd more brisk and resolute at that time, than he had done for a great while before; the Glori­ous Assurance that appear'd in his Counte­nance, being a happy Presage of good Suc­cess to the Soldiery, he no sooner order'd the Signal to be given, but first a great number of Voluntiers, the French Regiment of Curassiers, and the Troops of the King's Houshold threw themselves into the River, with an unparallell'd Resolution, relying more upon their own Courage, than the use of their Arms. The Rhine, tho of a considerable breadth in this place, yet runs with a Current so swift and violent, as if it were forced through a very streight Channel. Besides this, it having blown a Storm the Night before, the high Winds tossed dreadful Waves against the Shore, which well might have terrified the Soldiers from at­tempting the Passage at that time; but being [Page 90]by their King's Presence inspired with a Cou­rage to despise all Danger, neither the swift­ness of the Current, nor the dreadful ap­pearance of the high Waves, nor the sight of their Enemies, who lay entrench'd on the other side ready to receive them, nothing of all this could daunt their Courage, or stop their Progress; there were but a few lost in this Passage, who being carried away from the rest by the violence of the Stream, were swal­lowed up by the Waves, or perished in the Whirlpools.

As they began to approach the other side of the Shoar, they were vigorously attack'd by three Squadrons of the Enemy, who being entred the River, killed and wounded some of our Men; but finding our Troops to advance without being daunted, they after their first Charge retreated, and betook themselves to their Heels: Then it was that the French Horse encouraging one another by their joyful Ac­clamations, reach'd the Bank of the River, and tho they were all dropping wet, pursued the Flying Enemy for above a League.

At the same time the Prince of Conde at­tack'd some Dutch Battallions that lay en­trench'd at the Entrance of a Wood; they were so terrified at the very sight of the French, that in lieu of making good the Pass, they threw down their Arms. The Prince promi­sed them Quarter, severely forbidding any Body to attack them; but his Nephew the Duke of Longueville, being ignorant of it, committed an act of imprudence, in firing one of his Pistols just near their Entrench­ments, which cost him his Life; for the Ene­my [Page 91]believing that they were advancing to cut them to pieces, betook themselves again to their Arms, and at their first Discharge killed the Duke with five more Persons of Quality, and wounded a considerable number, amongst whom was Armand du Cambout, Duke of Cosselin, a Peer of France; and the Prince of Conde, who was drawn thither by the noise and discharging of the Fire Arms, was woun­ded by a Pistol-shot in his Wrist. The French being exasperated at the loss of their Officers and Comerades, cut most of the Enemy in pieces, except some who saved themselves by flight.

The King in the mean while saw the other Regiments of Horse pass the River one after another, Squadron by Squadron, with less danger than before, the great number of Horse that swam close together, breaking in a great measure the violence of the Waves, and swiftness of the Current. The next Day following, the Bridge being got ready, all the Infantry pass over it with the whole Train of Artillery.

It is not to be express'd, what a noise this Action so bravely undertaken, and so prudent­ly manag'd did make in the World; the Prince of Orange, for fear of being surprised, thought it his best way to quit his Intrenchments, and by long Marches retreated deeper into the Country. The generality of the People being fill'd with Consternation, put all the hopes of their Safety in the Mercy of their Conqueror; which they endeavoured to purchase from his Hands, by striving (as it may be said) who should be the first that should put themselves [Page 92]under his Protection. The Soldiers got an incredible Booty, wallowing for two Months together in Plenty and Riches.

Doesburg and Arnheim did not hold out a­bove four and twenty Hours after opening of the Trenches.

The Fort of Skink (Shencken Skans) so fa­mous both for its Strength and Situation, and the long and vigorous Attacks it has so brave­ly sustained at other times, surrendred before the opening of the Trenches.

The Forts of Woeren and St. Andrew did the same.

The City of Utrecht, tho secured by seve­ral Places of good Strength, sent the Keys of their Gates to the Victorious Enemy at a good distance: All Places in the Betaw followed their Example, and there were very few Ci­ties upon the Rhine, the Meuse, the Wahle and Yssel, but what readily opened their Gates and received Safeguards.

In the Province of Holland, the Cities of Oudewater, Voerden, and Narden were also ta­ken by the King's Forces, and Amsterdam it self, that proud and potent City, was upon the point of Capitulating, and notwithstand­ing all the brave Efforts of some of the Magi­strates, would have been forced to submit to the King's Conquering Arms, if the Officer who commanded in our most advanced Quar­ters, had not been careless in intrenching himself immediately, in a small place called Muyden; from whence we might have bat­ter'd all their Ships going to Amsterdam; a fatal Neglect, which preserved the whole Pro­vince from falling into our hands.

Empires as well as other things have their certain Periods, and Critical Minutes, which if known and dexterously managed, prove commonly fatal to them. In the mean time Francis Henry de Montmorency Duke of Lux­emburgh, having with a considerable Body of Troops, and many experienced Officers, joined the Forces of the Bishop of Munster, and of the Archbishop of Cologne, (who being dissa­tisfied with the Hollanders) were re-entred into a League with the King against them) had Con­quered a third Province.

The Duke after having put Safeguards into seven or eight small places, Besieged in con­junction with the Bishop of Munster the City of Groll. This strong place having surrendred without making any resistance, the Archbi­shop's Forces being joined with the rest, they Besieged the City of Deventer, which being soon forced to come to a Capitulation, those of Zwoll and Campen, and generally all the other Places of the Province of Overyssel fol­lowed their Example.

To make due reflection upon these surpri­sing Events, they appear so extraordinary and prodigious, as to be almost past belief; for it is scarce possible to imagin, that so many brave Cities, which hitherto had past for im­pregnable, should, without making any De­fence, have surrender'd at discretion, especi­ally, if it be consider'd, that most of them being provided with good Garrisons, and that in a Country, which for a considerable time had been accounted the School of War in Eu­rope, scarce any of their strong holds to have defended themselves above four and twenty [Page 94]hours, except Zutphen and Nimeguen, the first of which held out four, and the last nine days.

But, when People after the Fatigues of a tedious War, enjoy the fruits of a glorious Peace, they begin to abandon themselves to their pleasures, which renders them careless of their own security, and of improving Martial Discipline, one of the Pillars of the State. A Nation being thus inveigled and dazled with their present good Fortune, are soon brought into confusion, at the least mischance.

The Hollanders being reduced to this extre­mity, and seeing themselves in most imminent danger of becoming an absolute Prey to the K's Conquering Arms, judg'd it most conducible to their present condition to sue for Peace; for which reason the States deputed some to the King, to know upon what terms he would be pleas'd to grant it, and at the same time sent to Charles II. then King of England, to be informed concerning his Pretensions a­gainst them.

For it is to be observed, that it was not the French King alone, who was offended at the Hollanders; they had given great causes of complaint to the King of England, by their Insolence both to him and his Subjects, by troubling their Commerce, and especially by fomenting divisions betwixt that Prince and his People, which ever since the Peace con­cluded at Breda, they had look'd upon as the main pont of their own security. Our King being not ignorant in the Art of improving so favourable a juncture, and how to repre­sent the injuries receiv'd by the Dutch to King [Page 95] Charles II. it made so lively an impression up­on that Monarch, that he quitted the Triple-Alliance, and declar'd open War to the Hol­landers.

Having equipp'd a Gallant Fleet, the same was joyn'd by the French in the Channel, and the Dutch threatned with a most powerful In­vasion by Sea; but the Enemies had secured themselves so well at Sea, and had provided a Fleet so numerous, and well mann'd, that when the Fleets of both Crowns engaged them on the 7th of June, they could, after a most bloody and obstinate Fight, boast of no other advantage, than to have chased them towards their own Coasts, and made them re­tire to their own Ports.

The Propositions of Peace made by the two Kings were look'd upon by the Dutch as so ex­travagant and intolerable, that they resolved rather to bury themselves in their own Ru­ins, than to purchase the Peace at such a Rate. Being therefore reduced to that Extremity as to be forced to take such Measures as were most suitable to their present desperate Condi­tion, they had recourse to their Sluces and Dikes, which they opened and pierced through in many places, and put the Country under Water, to serve them as a Barricado against their Enemies, who were upon the Point of snatching from them their so much admir'd Liberty: The Remedy appear'd so dangerous in the Eyes of all the World, that the most considered it to be of worse consequence than the Evil they feared; but nevertheless it pro­ved the real cause of their Safety.

For our King finding all his Measures bro­ken by this insurmountable Obstacle left Hol­land, leaving the Duke of Luxemburgh to Command in his Absence, with Orders to take the opportunity of the approaching Win­ter, to push on his Conquests with all the vi­gour imaginable, under the favour of the Frosts and Ice. At his Return into France, the People charmed with his Presence after so Glorious a Campaign, received him in Tri­umph, and accompanied him through all places where-ever he pass'd, with all the joy­ful Acclamations and Vows due to a Con­queror.

The Dutch Troops having taken new Cou­rage after the King's Departure, Besieged Voerden under the Command of the Prince of Orange, with fourteen Thousand Men. All the Country round about it lay under Water, there being only one Passage left to approach it, which was a Dike on the side of Utrecht. To cut off from the Town all Communication and hopes of Succours, the Prince had caused two Forts to be erected on each side of the Dike, and betwixt both a Battery strengthen­ed with a good Intrenchment. But all these Fortifications were not strong enough to frighten the Duke of Luxemburgh, who after the Siege had lasted two Months, advancing early in the Morning, attack'd them in the Front; but being repulsed there, he was so far from giving over his Design, that having caused the Depth of the Waters to be sound­ed, and finding them not above four Foot deep in a certain place which he judged con­venient for the Attack, he led his Men with a [Page 97]marvellous Resolution through the Waters, and taking them in Flank made himself Ma­ster of one of their Quarters on that side, from whence assaulting the Forts, he took them not without a great Slaughter on the Enemies side, who being obliged to raise the Siege, the Duke provided the place with a sufficient Gar­rison, and marched back again to Utrecht, with a considerable Booty, and a good num­ber of Prisoners of War. The Prince of Orange raises the Siege of Voerden.

The bravest and most couragious Action that ever was undertaken, especsally if it be considered, that the Duke had not above three Thousand Men with him, by reason that he was not joyn'd by some Troops which he ex­pected to have met him in his March accord­ing to Orders, and because that the French Troops were not very numerous at that time thereabouts, the Viscount of Turenne having lately been reinforced from thence with a good Body of the best Regiments, to observe the Motions of the Elector of Branden­burgh.

The more all the Neighbouring Princes were surprized at the stupendious progress of the King's Arms, War with the Elector of Bran­denburgh the more they judged it for their Interests to put a stop to his Conquests. It is not to be imagined that it was so much out of Compassion, or the Consideration of the deplorable Condition, to which this so flourishing and potent Commonwealth had been reduced within the space of two Months, that made them take these Measures to prevent its ruine by their assistance; but their own Fears and Jealousies, which represented to them Europe in Chains, and as a Vassal of [Page 98] France, if the King should Conquer the United Provinces; what Wonder then if all were ready to lend a helping hand to preserve that from whence depended in a great measure their own Safeties; whilst some therefore en­deavoured to obtain their aim by secret In­trigues, others presented themselves with their Swords in Hand.

The Elector of Brandenburgh was the first who shew'd himself most concern'd for the Preservation of the Dutch, whether it was that their Money had had more influence over him than the rest, and made him more Zealous for their Interest; or whether it were that he was dissatisfied at our King for not restoring to him some Places, which belonged to him, and were taken by our Troops from the Dutch, I will not pretend to determine. It is unque­stionable that he was a Prince very aspiring and ambitious, one of the bravest Men living, and of great Experience in Martial Affairs, who maintain'd at that time an Army of twenty five Thousand Men, who wanted to be employed some where or other. Add to this the Sollicitations of his Nephew the Prince of Orange, who earnestly intreated him to employ his Forces for the Relief of Holland, which might serve as the most effectual means in the World to establish his Reputation among them. So sure it is that all the Ties of Con­sanguinity are weak, if not strengthned and link'd together by Interest. The Hollanders offered to one of the Elector's Sons all the Dignities belonging to the Prince of Orange in Holland, if that Family should happen to be extinct; the Prince of Orange was of a weak [Page 99]Constitution, and Unmarried at that time, who exposed his Person unto the hazard of War upon a thousand occasions. These glo­rious Hopes, tho very remote, a good Sum of ready Money, and the Glory of being the first that had so much Courage as to oppose the Victorious Arms of our King, and conse­quently to prove the Deliverer of so great and famous a Commonwealth, all these Con­siderations, I say, joyn'd together, induced the Elector to declare against France.

The number of his Forces was very consi­derable in comparison of ours at a time when the King having been obliged to disperse most of his Troops in his late Conquests, which a­mounted to fifty or threescore strong places, there was but a slender share left to keep the Field. So soon as we received Intelligence that the Elector's Army was ready to march, the Viscount de Turenne was ordered to march with all speed to meet him on the other side of the Rhing with his small Army, consisting only of twelve Thousand Men; the Elector's Army by several Reinforcements, was near thirty five thousand. But if the Elector was stronger in number of Men, the Viscount was superiour in Officers, and such as were all true Soldiers, who being all chosen Men, and flush'd with their late good Success, did breath after nothing so much, as fresh opportunity of acquiring new Glory.

No sooner had the Elector been advertised of our March, but he first made a Halt, and perceiving that the Viscount intended to expect his coming, he retreated, and repassed the River Weser; if it was a Surprize to all the World to [Page 100]see the Elector fly from an Army much infe­riour in number to his, it was the more asto­nishing to see the French pursue him over the Weser, with an incredible Swiftness, to force all the Places that durst oppose them, to ra­vage the flat Country, and to take up their Winter-Quarters in his Territories.

In the mean while the Prince of Orange ha­ving got together an Army of near fourscore Thousand Men, Siege of Charleroy was advanced towards Ma­strick, with an intention to free in some mea­sure his own Country from the Burthen of the War, by carrying it into another; for which purpose after several Marches and Countermarches, seeming to threaten some­times Tongres, sometimes Mastrick, he at last Besieged Charleroy, a place situate upon the Sambre, and of no small consequence to us, by reason of its most convenient situation to conduct our Convoys and Recruits into Hol­land.

The Spaniards, tho they had very lately gi­ven the King fresh assurances of their sincere Intentions, and that they desired nothing so much as to cultivate a good Understanding with him, nevertheless had furnished ten Thousand Men for the better carrying on of this Enterprize.

The Place was at that time unprovided with a sufficient Garrison to make a vigorous De­fence, the Governour was absent, and the French had no Army ready at hand to relieve it, so that every thing seem'd to concur for the advantage of the Prince of Orange, who, it was believ'd, would be Master of the place in eight Days. But our King in the same mo­ment [Page 101]he received the News of the Siege, dis­patch'd his Orders into Flanders, to assemble his Troops with all possible speed, he himself left Versailles in a few Days after to hasten their March, and to put himself at the Head of them in order to relieve the Place.

The Rumour of the King's Departure being soon spread in the Enemies Camp, Siege of Charleroy raised. struck such a Terrour among them, that without more ado they raised the Siege.

This was a killing stroak to the Elector of Brandenburgh, who being in hopes that by so powerful a Diversion the face of Affairs would soon change for the better on his side, and that the French would be obliged to recal their Troops out of his Territories, in order to suc­cour Charleroy; but finding himself absolutely disappointed in his Expectation, he took other Measures and sued for Peace. The King, to make him sensible of his Errour, kept him in suspense for two or three Months, in the mean while that his Troops consumed all what was left in the Countries of Marck and Ra­vensbergh. This obliged the Elector to be more pressing than ever for a Peace, which he at last obtain'd from the King, who in consi­deration of his Submission granted him more than he could have expected to have got by the War, and his own Courage. For the King promised to restore to him, within a certain time limitted, all the Places belonging to him in the Dutchy of Cleves, which was executed accordingly in the next following Year; but the Treaty was but little observed on the Ele­ctor's side, who was no sooner got into posses­sion [Page 102]of these Places, but took up Arms again, and declared against France.

After the Conclusion of this Treaty, the King having now laid aside his design of Con­quering Holland, nevertheless had taken a Re­solution to make himself Master of Mastricht, at the beginning of this Campaign, knowing it to be one of the main Bull-works of the Dutch.

This City has been famous ever since the last Age, when it was first surrounded with a good Fortification, by the Duke of Alva, af­terwards taken by the Forces of the States, and retaken by Storm by the Duke of Parma, and in the Year 1632. once more taken by the Dutch, after a Siege of two Months. Its situ­ation is one of the most convenient in the World, being built on purpose to keep the whole Province of Brabant, the Bishoprick of Liege, the Country of Limburgh, Cleves and Gueldres in awe, which together with the Fer­tility of the adjacent Country, Description of Ma­stricht. its Traffick, Number and Industry of the Inhabitants, has made it at all times to be considered as the Key and Bullwork of all the circumjaceat Provin­ces, which has been the reason the Dutch have not been sparing in any thing which might add to its strength. It is situate upon the Meuse, which separates it from the Suburbs called the Wick, very well fortify'd and joyn'd to the City by a Stone-Bridge. The Body of the Place, to the Land-side, is fortify'd with the fi­nest and most regular Fortifications that are to be seen in all Flanders, with Ravelins, Demi­lines, and many Hornworks, all secured with deep Ditches. Their Magazines were at that [Page 103]time well provided with all things necessary to sustain a Siege. There was in the Place with­out counting the Inhabitants that were capable of bearing Arms, a Garrison of six or seven thousand Men of their best Troops, under the Command of an old Officer, whose Name was Fariaux, a Man no less Brave than expert in all Matters relating to the Defence of a Place of such importance; and the States seem'd to be resolved to Sacrifice every thing for the preservation of it. Nevertheless, in spite of all these Advantages, this strong City so couragiously defended, was not able to hold out against the King above thirteen Days.

For the King was no sooner arrived in the Camp, Siege of Mas [...]icht but having taken an exact view of the whole situation of the Place, he ordered im­mediately the Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation to be made, and assigned the Quarters for their Batteries. Five of these were in a condition to play within three Days, and the Lines perfected much about the same time, tho the Lines of Circumvallation con­tained eight Leagues in Circuit, and that both of them were ten Foot high, and twelve broad. The next following Day the Trenches being opened, they advanced the first Night within a small distance from the convert way. It is next to an impossibility to conceive with what dispatch Matters were carried on in this Siege. But it must also be confess'd, that if the King's Subjects were not sparing in their Labour, and undergoing all the Fatigues that can be imagined; he on his side gave such Proofs of his Valour, Liberality and Con­duct, [Page 104]that all the World must acknowledge him to be worthy to Command such brave Fellows. For he appear'd every where, or­der'd the Attacks in Person, animating them by his Presence, by his Liberality, Praises and Promises of Rewards; he never rested all Night, not going to Sleep till Six a Clock in the Morning, and getting again on Horse­back immediately after Dinner. Amongst the Variety of Business which distracted his Thoughts without intermission, in an Enter­prize of such consequence, he was never for­getful to enquire after the State of the Woun­ded Souldiers, and would sometimes take his Round among them from Tent to Tent, e­ven of the Common Soldiers, to see whether they stood in want of any thing for their Subsistence or Recovery. The King having thereby gained the Hearts of all the Soldiery, as his Liberality and Promises had raised their Courage, they were ready to Sacrifice every thing for his Service, which was the reason that the Siege advanced so successfully, not­withstanding the Besieged did all that could be expected from Mortal Men to defend them­selves against us, the Governour being not sparing either of his Soldiers or Workmen, who seem'd to outdo the French in repairing their Breaches, and placing new Pallisado's instead of those ruin'd by our Cannon.

But the most memorable Action was per­formed in the two Attacks made at once upon the Counterscarp; and it may be said without the least Contradiction to truth, that never was a more dreadful Night known since the Memory of Man; for what [Page 105]with the continual Fire from the Fire-locks, Cannon, Mortars, and Hand-Granado's, what with the Cries and Lamentations of the fight­ing and wounded Soldiers, what with the Horrour and Slaughter which lasted from the Evening till Break of Day, it is confess'd by the consent of all the most experienced Offi­cers there present, that never any thing was seen like it before. Both Attacks were carri­ed on with equal Bravery, and by the con­fession of both Parties, both the Assailants and Besieged, gave a thousand Proofs of their Valour, which were for the most part buried by the obscurity of the Night.

The Granadeers followed by the Grand Mus­queteers, all brave young Fellows, and eager after Fighting, began the Attack, and were received with an unparallell'd Bravery by the Besieged, the Governour having posted there all the chosen Men of the whole Garrison, and a good number of Volunteers, who had thrown themselves in on purpose to signalize themselves upon so extraordinary an occasion. Thus the Engagement lasted with equal Bra­very on both sides, till the Besieged were for­ced out of a Half-moon; this was taken and re-taken three times in four and twenty Hours, before the French could secure them­selves in it against the furious Attacks of the Enemy. Two Days after, they took also from them the Horn-work, which the Governour Fariau endeavoured to regain, but with so ill success, that having caused a small Mine to be sprung in hopes to ruine ours, it sprung backwards, and carried five hundred of his Men up into the Air.

This new disaster, the fear of being Plun­dered, and the Miserable Condition into which the whole place was reduced by our Cannon and Bombs, made the Inhabitants re­solve upon a Capitulation: Having accord­ingly made their Address to the Governour, he refused to hearken to it, but they earnest­ly insisting upon their Demand, he answer'd, That he was resolved to hold it out to the last Extremity. But after a little while dreading a double Misfortune, to wit, the effects of the enraged Multitude, and of the Enemy, he thought it more prudent to Capitulate upon Honourable Terms, than to expose the Gar­rison, of which there was but one third part remaining fit for Service, to the Slaughter; accordingly he beat a Parley, Mastricht Surrendred after having defended the place thirteen Days after open­ing of the Trenches, with all the Conduct and Courage that could be expected from a brave Officer.

The Garrison marched out with Drums beating, Matches lighted, and two pieces of Cannon, the King being not unwilling to grant these Honourable Terms to Men that had behaved themselves with so much Bra­very.

The taking of Mastricht would in all likeli­hood have been followed by the Conquest of Boisleduc and all the other places of the Dutch Brabant, if the Storm that arose on the Ger­man side had not drawn the King that way.

To disperse these Clouds, The Ger­man War. or at least to pre­vent their Effects, the King, after having gi­ven his Orders for the repairing the Fortifica­tions [Page 107]of Mastricht, set forth on his Journey to Nancy, where he likewise order'd the For­tifications to be put in a State of defence, which was put in execution with incredible Diligence in less than three Weeks; at the same time he secured Colmar and Schlestadt in his Interest, where, as it was believed, the Imperialists had a secret Correspondence; and having obliged the City of Strasburgh by his approach to embrace a Neutrality, he possest himself of the City of Treves, to be even with that Elector for the Breach of his Word, and to make it a frontier place, to cover his Do­minions on that side. These so necessary Pre­cautions proved of such consequence after­wards to his Affairs, that among all those E­nemies that were ingaged in a League against him, during the space of five Years, whilst the War lasted, and threatned to Invade his Country, none of them could boast to have been able to enter his Dominions with so much as one single Squadron.

The Dutch Money, League be­twixt the Emperour, Spain, and Hol­land. of which they were very prodigal in most Courts of Europe, and the Intrigues of their Ministers, who had every where raised great fears and jealou­sies against the King, had at last drawn the Emperor and Spain into their Party, who ha­ving concluded an Offensive League with them, the Emperor brought together an Ar­my of thirty thousand Men, which he order­ed to march towards the Rhine. At their ap­proach the Viscount of Turenne, who was Ge­neral of the King's Army on that side, met them as far as in Franconia, in hopes to draw them to a Battle; but they being careful in a­voiding [Page 108]an Engagement, the Viscount could not prevent them from passing the Rhine, in conjunction with the Prince of Orange, and besieging Bonn.

This place was without a Ditch, its Forti­fications being not quite brought to perfe­ction, notwithstanding which, the French Governor, with his Garrison, consisting only of fifteen hundred Men, defended himself so valiantly against so powerful an Army, com­posed of three several Nations, that they did not become Masters of it, till after a fourteen Nights Siege. As the Conquest of this City, as well as that of Naerden, Siege of Bonn. a small but well Fortified Place in Holland, taken from us in the foregoing Month of September, by the Prince of Orange, seem'd to be the happy Fore-run­ners of the good success of this Alliance, so the Emperor and Spain flatter'd themselves with the hopes of all those Advantages which the Dutch Ministers had put them in hopes of when they enter'd into the League.

The Emperor enter'd into the Alliance not only upon that score, as having in view thereby to put a stop to the greatness of France, which if it should over-run Holland and the Low-Countries, would, like an impetuous Torrent spread all over Germany, but as look­ing upon this as a favourable juncture to en­crease his Authority in the Empire. It is very well known that for a considerable time past, it has been the main design of the House of Austria, to make themselves absolute in Ger­many, by reducing these Princes under their Obedience; This seem'd to be the most Cri­tical juncture that could be, to put this so [Page 109]long projected design in execution; the Kings Conquests in Holland, and his taking the City of Treves, were the most plausible pretences in the World to bring a good Army into Ger­many, without giving any suspicion to these Princes, whom they hop'd to ruin one after another, by drawing them into the Quarrel, under the glorious pretext of taking up Arms for the defence of the Empire.

As for what concern'd the Spaniards, they were cajol'd into a League by the fair pro­mises of the Dutch, who offer'd no less than the Restitution of Maestrick, after it should be retaken, and engaged themselves not to make either Peace or Truce with us, before the French King should have surrender'd to them all what he had taken from them since the Py­renean Peace. A meer Tinsey wherewith to dazzle the Eyes of the Spaniards, their inten­tion being, to keep no further to their pro­mises, than they should find it suitable to their own Interest; as it sufficiently appear'd at the Treaty of Nimeguen, when they oblig'd the Spaniards to accept of the same Propositions as they were projected by our King.

The Alliance of so many powerful Princes seem'd to foretel something extraordinary a­gainst France; but thinking themselves not in a condition to undertake any thing of mo­ment, unless strengthen'd by the Power of England, they left no stone unturn'd all that Winter, to bring that King over to their side. But all their great offers, and fair promises, would have proved fruitless upon this King, who stood immoveable in his Resolution of adhering to our Interest, if at last some of [Page 110]the Parliament Men, who being perhaps o­vercome with the charms of the Dutch Gold, Peace be­twixt Eng­land and Holland. had not pressed so hard upon that King, that being no longer able to resist their importu­nities, he made Peace with the Hollanders, without declaring against France.

Our King was no considerable loser by the conclusion of this Peace, his chiefest loss con­sisting in the recalling of a few English Troops; for what had been concerted betwixt these two Kings about a Descent to be made upon the Dutch Coast, had been found impractica­ble, they having been sufficiently convinced by Experience, that nothing of great mo­ment ought to be expected from Sea Engage­ments, as to the decision of the Fate of a War; witness those three several Sea fights betwixt the Fleets of the two Kings, and that of the Dutch, in all which, the ballance ap­pear'd so little different, that it was no easie matter to determine which of them ought with Justice carry away the Honour of the Victory, there having been scarce any other advantage obtained on either side, but to make a great noise without doing any considerable hurt. Thus the Hollanders imagined, that be­ing now Masters at Sea, they could not want an opportunity of ravaging our Coasts, and to make themselves Masters of some places in France; but they have been sufficiently con­vinc'd by their ill Success, that unless an Ene­my be assured of a good Port, it is a very difficult task to make a Descent, and cannot be undertaken without vast Charges, which scarce ever quit cost.

However, the Peace betwixt England and Holland appear'd to be the Signal to all the o­ther Princes of Germany, who now began to throw off the mask one after another, and de­clar'd against us, except the Elector of Bava­ria and the Duke of Hanover, who continued stedfast in their Neutrality. For the Electors of Saxony, Mayence, of Treves, and the Ele­ctor Palatin, Germany and Den­mark en­ters into a League. as well as the Landtgraves of Hesse, and Princes of Baden, with most of the Circles of Germany did immediately take up Arms in favour of the Alliance. The Elector of Cologne, and Bishop of Munster, left our Party, to embrace that of the Allies; and tho' the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Bruns­wick, and the Elector of Brandenburgh did not immediately declare against France, yet did they engage in the Alliance from that time, and promised to put themselves in a posture of assisting and promoting the com­mon cause.

Now it was that the Hollanders had all the reason in the World to rejoyce at their good Success, seeing they had by their good Ma­nagement transferred the Burthen of the War from their own into their Neighbours Coun­tries; the King, surrounded on all sides by his Enemies, which the Dutch had raised against him, having been obliged to abandon all his Conquests in the United Provinces, (except Grave and Mastricht, which served to bridle them) to make use of these Garrisons against the numerous Armies of the Allies. Notwith­standing all these Advantages, the States de­sired nothing so much as Peace, considering that having now recovered what they had [Page 112]lost, it would be very hard for them to main­tain at their own Charge a War, where now they had no further Interest, but what they had in common with their Allies.

After a whole Twelve Months Debate a­bout a Peace, all Parties concern'd having at last accepted the Mediation of the King of Sweden, sent their Plenipotentiaries to Cologne, the place appointed for the carrying on of the Treaty. The Conferences were frequent­ly interrupted by several Accidents, and new Difficulties which arise from time to time, the Plenipotentiaries of the States-General ap­plied themselves with great Assiduity, and were not without hopes of bringing this grand Affair to a happy Conclusion, if the Empe­rour, who was for continuing the War, had not caused Prince William of Furstembergh (since made Cardinal) to be seized by force in the open Streets, without the least Respect to his Character, he being Minister and Pleni­potentiary of the Arch-bishop of Cologne, and carried him afterwards Prisoner to Vienna. He also caused a House to be Pillaged about four­teen Days after, where there was some Mo­ney belonging to the French King, and refu­susg to give any reasonable Satisfaction for these Outrages, the Conferences broke off, and both sides renewed their Preparations with more vigour than ever for the prosecution of the War.

All Europe stood in expectation of the suc­cess of this War, there being very few but what were of Opinion, that the King would be forced to be upon the defensive, forasmuch as it was sufficiently known, that the Allies, [Page 113]had entred into a mutual Engagement not to hearken to any Peace, unless Lorrain were re­stored to that Duke, Alsace to the Emperour, and to Spain all what had been taken from them since the Pyrenean Peace. But they were not satisfied thus, they had laid their Designs to invade Burgundy, Picardy and Champaign, and to ravage as far as to the very Gates of Paris; but those vast Projects were less difficult to be conceived, than to be put in execu­tion.

For whilst the Allies were concerting mea­sures, The Cam­paign of 1674. and buoying up one another with these Chimera's, the King laid a real Design to make himself once more Master of the Franche Compte, thereby to cover his Frontiers, which lay almost exposed on that side, to encourage his Subjects by some great Enterprize, and to make his Enemies sensible, that he was in a condition not only to defend himself, but al­so to act offensively against them. When the State is threatned by some great and immi­nent danger, it must needs be oppress'd un­der the weight of it, unless the Prince do up­hold and cherish his Subjects by his good Conduct and firm Resolution; for if the Head prove defective, the Functions of the whole Body begin to cease.

When the Spaniards declared War against us, the King proposed a Neutrality for that Province, and the Swiss Cantons did all what in them lay to second the King's Endeavours, as being unwilling to see a Province border­ing so near upon them to become the Seat of War; but the Allies refused to accept the King's offer, which in lieu of proving advan­tageous [Page 114]to them caused the loss of it, or at least facilitated the King's Conquests there; the Cantons being exasperated at their refusal, having not only given their Consent for the King to attempt the Reduction of it, but al­so denied a Passage to those Troops that were intended for its relief. This was the only Ob­stacle the King had to surmount, or at least the most difficult; for tho the Spaniards, since the Conclusion of the Peace of Aix la Cha­pelle, had re-fortified most of their Places, yet it was look'd upon as a much harder task to di­spose a Free People to give their consent that a Potent and Victorious King should settle himself in their Neighbourhood, than to conquer two or three strong Holds, that were without hopes of relief.

Accordingly the King ordred his Troops to march into the Franche Compte, Conquest of the Franche Compte. who im­mediately in the Month of February made themselves Masters of Gray and Vesoul, besides many other small Places. But this being only the beginning of the Fray, the rest was re­served for the King's coming in Person. For Besancon being invested by his Forces in May following, Siege of [...]esancon. the King came himself into the Camp, his Presence being absolutely necessa­ry there, to qualifie the Minds of the Soldi­ers, who were forced to undergo incredible Hardships in this Siege. It was extream bad Weather when the Court set out for the Camp, and grew almost insupportable soon after, which continued thus to the end of the Siege. The great Rains that fell without intermission, the high Winds and cold Nights, the Waters that overflowed the Trenches, and the whole [Page 115]Camp, where the Soldiers stood Knee deep in Mud and Dirt; all these Fatigues would que­stionless have tired out the Patience of the Soldiers, if the King who exposed his Person to the same Hardships had not by his Exam­ple and Liberality upheld their drooping Courage.

Besancon is situate in a small Plain upon a very ill Ground, so rocky and full of Stones, that we had much ado to carry on our Tren­ches. It is divided into the higher and lower Town, the last is surrounded by the River Doux, which serves for a Ditch, and being at that time overflown by the frequent Rains, did extreamly annoy us in the carrying on of our Trenches. The place was provided with a Garrison of four Thousand Men, one half being of the Militia, besides a good number of Volunteers, all under the Com­mand of an Old and Brave Officer. Not­withstanding all this, they made but a slender Defence, the Citadel it self which was esteem­ed impregnable, not being able to hold out above eight Days. This Citadel was newly fortified on the very point of a Rock very near perpendicular on all sides, having no more than one Avenue leading to the top, which was well fortified with several In­trenchments, strengthned with Bastions and Half-Moons.

The place however had this disadvantage belonging to it, that it was commanded by two adjacent Rocky Hills, but of so steep and difficult an Ascent, that in all humane appear­ance, it was impossible to bring any Cannon to the tops of them. As they lay on the back [Page 116]side of the Citadel and within full reach of the Cannon, the King went in Person to view them. The Attempt seem'd to be the boldest and most dangerous that ever was undertaken, but Nature having not framed any thing un­accessible to the Couragious, the King com­manded, That all the Night long, by the light of a great number of Torches and Links, they should draw up the Cannon to the top of one of these Hills, and he did not stir from thence till he saw it put in execution. The Besieged surprized at the boldness of the Enterprize, however ply'd them warmly with their Cannon; but in spite of their Fire, which play'd without intermission, they con­tinued their Work, and raised a Battery which the next following Day began to play against the Citadel.

The inside being all built of Stone, the Can­non Bullets made a most terrible havock in a Fort which was of no great compass, so that you might see at every moment the Stones fly about as thick as Hail, which did great exe­cution among the Garrison, many of whom were slain by the Stones, the rest not daring to appear but in the Night time. Thus the Out-Works being taken in a few Days, the Gover­nour was forced to Capitulate.

After the taking of Besancon, the King laid Siege to Dole, the Fortifications of which place being not quite brought to perfection, it did hold out not above nine Days. Salins defended it self seven Days, and the strong Castle of St. Anne, which was hitherto esteem­ed inaccessible, beat a Parly as soon as a Bat­tery erected upon vast Wooden-Piles, be­gan [Page 117]to thunder against it. Thus the King conquered the whole Franche Compte in four or five Weeks.

After the Conquest of this Province, he di­vided his Army, one part being sent into Germany to reinforce the Viscount of Turenne; and the greatest part into Flanders to joyn the Army commanded by the Prince of Conde. Then he returned into France, to suppress by his Presence some Cabals, which it was su­spected had been set on foot by the Allies in some of the Maritime Provinces. The King­dom was at that time threatned on all sides; it was in no small danger of being Invaded on the German side: The Allies had three Armies in the Field in Flanders and Spain, another in Catalonia; and to make sure Work, the Dutch threatned either to make a Descent upon us, or at least to Bombard some of our Seaport-Towns. But all these vast De­signs vanished into Smoak; for our Frontiers remained unattempted all this Campaign, and the King had taken such sure Measures, that the Allies had nothing else to boast of, but of their own Disgrace, having been defeated by the King's Troops much inferiour in number to theirs.

They were no less than threescore Thou­sand effective Men in Flanders, all select and old well-disciplin'd Troops; whereas the King's Army commanded by the Prince of Conde, Battle of Seneff. did consist only of forty Thousand Men. The Enemy advanced towards him, but he was so advantageously posted, that they did not judge it advisable to attack him; thus failing in their aim, they decamped. The [Page 118] Germans cammanded by the General de Souches had the Van-guard; the main Battle was made up out of the Dutch Forces under the Command of the Prince of Orange; the Spa­niards Commanded by the Count de Monterey Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, had the Inner Guard, being covered in their March by a Body of five Thousand Horse, detach'd from the several Bodies of the three Nations. The Prince of Conde, who was advised that in their March they were obliged to pass se­veral Lanes, judged not without reason, that as they pass'd through these Defiles, they must march at such a distance, as not to be able to second one another timely enough, in case of an Attack. Looking therefore upon it as a most favourable opportunity to fall in with them, he was resolved not to let it slip out of his Hands.

Having therefore suffered the Imperialists and Hollanders to pass the Defiles unmolested, he charged the Spaniards so furiously, that he absolutely routed them, taking many Stand­ards and Colours, and a great many Prisoners, among whom were several of Quality. This first Victory did not cost the King above an Hundred, or an Hundred and fifty Men, whereas the Enemy lost above three Thou­sand; a happy Days Work, if the Prince could have been contented with his good Success! But having afterwards Attack'd the main Body, and likewise brought them in Confusion, matters seem'd to tend to a to­tal Rout, if the Imperialists had not found means to come to their relief. The Flying Enemy having got leisure in the mean while [Page 119]to Rally, and the three Generals to put their several Bodies in order of Battel, upon an Eminency, being cover'd with Bushes, Hedges and Ditches, and Cannon planted on all the Avenues, the face of Affairs began to change, and the Fight was renewed with more obsti­nacy and fury than before. The Enemies were posted in such a manner, that it was impossi­ble to come to Handy Blows with them, with­out sustaining the Fire of their whole Infan­try; but the greater the Danger, the greater the Honour; all this it seems was not suffici­ent to startle the Invincible Courage of the Prince of Conde, nor to terrifie his Soldiers flush'd with Success, but being resolved to compleat this Days Work by a third Victory, they fell on with incredible Bravery. As De­spair is the most powerful Motive to inspire Courage even in the Faint-hearted, so the E­nemy defended themselves with great Obsti­nacy; the Engagement lasted from Noon till Night, and the Slaughter did not cease on both sides, till Moon-light about Ten or Ele­ven a Clock at Night. The Enemy took few of ours Prisoners, and among them scarce any Body of note; but we lost abundance of brave Men and Officers, seven or eight Stand­ards, and had about five or six Thousand kil­led and wounded. The loss of the Enemy a­mounted to above seven or eight Thousand; we took near five Thousand Prisoners, among whom were four Princes of the Empire, a great number of other Persons of Quality, many of their Colonels, and two Hundred Offi­cers; an Hundred and seven Standards and Colours, three Field-pieces, two Mortars, [Page 120]several Kettle-Drums, Pontons, three Thou­sand Waggons, with all their Ammunition, and three hundred Thousand Crowns in rea­dy Money, design'd for the Payment of their Armies.

About a Month after, Siege of Oude­narde. they laid Siege to Oudenarde, but no sooner had they got notice that the Prince of Conde was marching to its relief, but they quitted the Siege with so much Precipitation, that they left behind them in their Trenches part of their Baggage and Ammunition, besides most of their Uten­sils used in carrying on of the Trenches.

Another Army composed of the Dutch Forces, Siege of Grave. and joyn'd by some Brandenburgh Troops, were for two Months together busi­ed in the Siege of Grave. The City of Grave is considerable for its strength, and was at that time very well provided with Ammuni­tion, a good Artillery, and a numerous Gar­rison; but the Besiegers being surrounded on all sides by their own Country, had great plen­ty of every thing in their Camp, and the place being but small, there was little appearance it should hold out long, the Place being gi­ven over for lost by the French, without the least hopes of being able to relieve it. The Dutch had made many Attacks upon their out­works, but with so little success, that they were repulsed without being able to maintain themselves in any of these Posts. The Besieg­ed made continual Sallies, nail'd up their Can­non, fill'd up their Trenches, kill'd abundance of their Men, and carried a great many Pri­soners into the Town. Their bravery and re­solution in undergoing with undaunted con­stancy [Page 121]all the Fatigues of War, the continual thundring of their Cannon, and their fre­quent Mines, which, for the most part, did great execution, had struck such a terror a­mong the Besiegers, that they Deserted by whole Troops, and got into the Town.

To revive in some measure, the drooping Courage of the rest, the Prince of Orange marched to their assistance with a Body of ten thousand fresh Men, who being also repulsed in several Attacks, it was the general Opinion that the Dutch, would in all likelihood have been forced to quit the Enterprise, if the Go­vernour, the Marquiss of Chamilly, had not re­ceived Orders from our King to Capitulate, who, after he had given a thousand Proofs of his Conduct and Courage, surrendred upon such Conditions as he himself thought fit to propose; the Prince of Orange being willing enough to grant him any thing, partly in con­sideration of his Bravery, partly for fear, lest the Siege, by the obstinate Defence of the Besieged, should protract, till Winter, when the Season would oblige them to raise it. The Garrison was extreamly diminish­ed, not so much by the Enemies Swords as by Sickness; and tho' they were streightned for Provisions, yet were they resolved to have en­dured all the extremities, and bury them­selves under the Ruins of the Place, if the King, who would not suffer that so many brave Men should Sacrifice themselves for the defence of a Place, which he judged of no great consequence to his Affairs, had not sent them his Orders to Capitulate. The King had, at the beginning of the War, made himself [Page 122]Master of this Place without the loss of one single Man, but the Dutch did not take it till after a Siege of three Months, with a prodi­gious Charge, and the loss of twelve thou­sand Men; besides, they run no small hazard of coming off with disgrace.

But they were less successful in their Expe­dition at Sea this Year; they had near an hun­dred and fifty Men of War, and after the Peace with England, were become absolute Masters of the Ocean, the King having sent most of his great Ships into the Mediterranean. One part of this great Fleet was sent to endea­vour the Conquest of the French Plantations in the West-Indies, the rest were to be employ­ed in making a Descent upon our Coast; but the best concerted measures prove not always infallible.

For Admiral Ruiter did not succeed in his Enterprise against the Isle of Martinico, and Admiral Trump, who for four or five Months threatned our Coasts with a desent, did no o­ther feats, but to Land in a small Island, from whence he carried away some Cattel, and plunder'd a certain Abby. The ill success of the Allies in this Campaign seem'd to be very ill presages to the League, especially if it be taken into consideration, that the King's Arms were Crown'd with the same success in several other places; for Frederick Duke of Schomberg had beaten the Spaniards in the Plains of Russilion; as the Vicount of Turenne had been Victorious over the Germans in three or four several Encounters.

For, after he had prevented the Duke of Lorrain from passing the Rhine, and conse­quently secur'd the King's Conquests on that side, he receiv'd Orders to hinder, if possible, the conjunction of the Duke with a Body of Imperialists, commanded by the Imperial Ge­neral the Count of Caprara. Pursuant to these Orders he marched three Days and Nights without intermission, and on the fourth came within sight of the Enemy, whom he found so advantageously posted, that it seem'd impossible to attack them with­out the greatest hazard in the World. For they were drawn up in order of Battle upon a rising Ground, being secured in the Front by a small Town, with a deep Rivulet, and many Hedges and Ditches, all which must be pass'd before they could be attack'd. But what is so strong or inaccessible to a Man who has an equal share of Conduct and Cou­rage?

To be short, the Town was taken in less than two Hours, and the Enemies Infantry which defended it, either cut in pieces, or taken Prisoners. But this was only the Intro­duction to the rest; our Troops were extream­ly fatigued with so long a March, and the heat of the Season; besides that, the Enemy having the advantage of the Wind, they were incommoded with the Smoak and Dust which almost choak'd them as they advanc'd towards the Enemy, where the Enemy stood ready to receive them: Notwithstanding all these dis­advantages, they were resolute in attacking them; the Viscount of Turenne's Army consi­sted of nine or ten thousand Men, and that of [Page 124]the Duke of Loerain was near equal in num­ber to his, with this difference only, that the last had more Horse, the other exceeded in Foot. The first attack was made with equal bravery on both sides, there being not a Squa­dron but what charged four or five times, and the Dukes Forces rallied and return'd to their charge seven or eight times, neither were they put to the rout till after a bloody and obsti­nate Fight of eight Hours.

About three Weeks after, the Prince of Bourneville General of the Imperial Forces, be­ing with a Body of seven or eight thousand Men joyn'd to the broken remainders of the Confederate Army. July 6th. The Viscount of Turenne passed the River Neckar at Ladenburgh, in sight of them, and followed them so closely, that he fell in with their Rear, which he put to the rout, forcing their Infantry to seek for shelter among the neighbouring Woods and Mountains; but their Horse being briskly pur­sued by the French, did not face about till they came to Franckfort, twenty Leagues from thence, where being cover'd by the River Maine, the Viscount could not pursue them any further; but they were scatter'd to that de­gree that they were not in a condition to ap­pear again in the Field, till being reinforced with fresh Supplies and Troops from the Em­peror, from the Elector Palatin, the Elector of Cologne, Bishop of Munster, Duke of Wol­fenbuttel, and all the neighbouring Circles, they made up an Army of thirty five or thir­ty six thousand Effiective Men.

But this great Body was commanded by five Generals independant from one another, who [Page 125]being swayed by so many different Interests, did not agree in what measures to take; one being for the attempting the recovery of the Dukedom of Lorrain; another for the Siege of Treves or Philipsburgh; another for attacking the Viscount of Turenne with their joynt Forces, thereby to retrieve their former disgrace. The French Army was at that time not above fifteen thousand strong, but the renown of their General, and their late Victories had made them so dreadful to the Enemy, that they durst not attempt to attack them.

With this small Army he kept them in play for two Months together in the Lower- Alsace, till having at last receiv'd a reinforcement of some Regiments, he march'd directly against the Allies to give them Battle, before they could be joyn'd by the Elector of Branden­burgh's Forces, and those of the Duke of Brunswick. The Name of the Viscount of Turenne famous by so many Victories, was be­come so terrible to the Enemy, that most were of opinion they would scarce care to face him, but beyond all expectation they receiv'd him with all imaginable bravery, so that the fight was very obstinate and dubious for some time, till at last, Victory of Entsheim, Octob. 4. having brought them into confu­sion, they were forc'd to quit the Field with the loss of three thousand Men, ten pieces of Cannon, and thirty Colours and Standards. The French were so eager in the pursuit, that the Enemies, to fly with the more convenien­cy, threw away their Cuirasses and Arms, of which there was a great quantity found all round about the Field of Battel.

This Action, as brave as it was, yet was not the most glorious of this Campaign: For the Allies having been joyn'd by the Troops of Brandenburgh and Brunswick Zell, about the middle of October, were near threescore and ten Thousand strong in the Field; an Army so numerous, it was fear'd, would like a De­luge over-run all our Conquests on that side, but that the King, with an incredible reso­lution, without being in the least surprized at their number, knew by his Prudence so to manage the Matter, that all their Designs turn'd to their own disgrace.

For immediately after the raising of the Siege of Oudenarde, he had ordred a consi­derable Detachment from Flanders into Ger­many, to join with all possible speed the Vis­count of Turenne; at the same time he dis­patch'd his Orders to him, to keep upon the Defensive, and as much as possibly could be, to provide for the security of those Places, which were of most consequence.

The King wisely foresaw that this vast Multitude would soon be forced to disperse, by reason of the Divisions that were among the Generals, for want of sufficient Maga­zines, and the Incommodities of the Season, which must needs occasion many Diseases a­mong the Souldiers; or that at last whenever they should come to separate themselves, there could not be wanting an opportunity to en­gage and vanquish them. Accordingly the Viscount of Turenne quitted his Camp to se­cure a certain Port so convenient and com­modious for its situation, that with his small Army he conquered both Haugenan and Sa­verne. [Page 127]The Allies, who did not judge it ad­viseable to attack him in this advantageous Post, marched directly into the Upper Alsace, with an intention to take up their Winter-Quarters in this Province, and so to march in the Spring directly either into Lorrain, or the Franche Compte; thus they lived at discretion for the space of two Months, over secure in their own strength, till the Viscount of Tu­renne beat up their Quarters, and sent them back to the other side of the Rhine.

After he had received the abovementioned Reinforcement from Flanders, his Army con­sisted of scarce five and twenty Thousand Men; and tho he was sufficiently informed of the strength of the Allies, who had near three to one against him, he marched in the Month of December, taking a great compass about, as if he were retiring from before them, and shunning to come to an Engagement. Thus, in lieu of taking the direct Road, he marched through Lorrain, and having traversed the Mountains without any other Obstacle, but what proceeded from the natural situation of these Hills, Dec. 29. and the inconveniencies of a far advanced Season, he entred the Plains, where he found the Enemies scattered up and down in a fatal Security, without the least Appre­hension of danger from an approaching Ene­my; at the sight of whom they were struck with such terrour, that they were above half vanquish'd before they were attack'd; fourteen French Squadrons (a thing incredible, if it were not unquestionable, that when an Army is seized with a sudden and general Conster­nation, they have no leisure to reflect upon [Page 128]the number of the approaching Enemy) ha­ving passed the River Illin, a place which they found fordable, put their whole Cavalry to Flight.

Being recovered from their first Consternati­on, Victory of Turkheim 5th Jan. 1675. they resolved to stand the Brunt at a place call'd Turkheim, but with no better success than before, they being routed a second time, and forced to retreat in great confusion to the Rhine, which they repass'd on the 11th of January, in the Year 1675. there being not above twenty thousand left of that vast Army; the rest were either taken Prisoners, or pe­rished by the Sword, Famine, Debaucheries, and Distempers.

All these Victories as they were the happy Products of the King's Vigilancy, Campaign of 1675. and the Bravery of his Soldiers, so they struck such a Terrour among his Enemies, that they were resolved to try their utmost, the next follow­ing Campaign. The King finding their Pre­parations suitable to their Designs, set out ear­ly in the Spring for the Army, and having ordred the Seige of Dinant and Huy after the Reduction of these two Places, the first by the Marshal de Crequy, the second by Henry Lewis Dalenny de Rochfort, likewise Marshal of France, the City of Limburgh, famous for its strength, and being the Capital of the Pro­vince of the same Name, was immediately Besieged by Henry Julius Duke of Enguen, since Prince of Conde, which was forced to surrender within eight Days after.

It is true, the Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, in conjunction with the Prince of Orange, marched to its Relief with an Army [Page 129]consisting of fifty Thousand effective Men, but finding at their approach, that the place was surrendred, they retreated without doing any thing further that Campaign, than to con­sume all the Forage in Brabant, and to ruine their own Territories.

But Germany was the Theater of War, where the most glorious Actions were per­formed during this Campaign, Fortuneseem­ing to keep an equal Balance betwixt Us and the Allies on that side. The Enemies Army upon the Rhine appearing more numerous in the Field than it had done any time since the beginning of this War. The last Campaign there had been so many Factions as there were Generals among them, that, to speak impartially, they were without a Head to Command them.

But now things appear'd with quite ano­ther Face, the whole Army being Command­ed by the Count of Montecuculi, the same who two Years before had the chief Com­mand of the Imperial Army upon the Rhine. He was an old and experienced General, very well versed in the whole Art, and all the Stra­tagems of War, always upon his Guard, whose Ambition was, not so much to gain any particular advantage upon his Enemy, as to bring a whole Campaign to a happy Con­clusion.

The Viscount of Turenne; General of the King's Army on the Rhine, was not inferiour to him either in Experience, or any other Qualification belonging to a Great General; and it may be said without Flattery, that his Name was more famous, and his Reputation [Page 130]better established by an infinite number of glo­rious Actions, in all which he had given most ample demonstrations to the World, that ne­ver any General was comparable to, or at least never surpassed him in the Art of War. Among the most Renowned Heroes in for­mer Ages, who by their great Actions and Conquests have rendred their Names so fa­mous to Posterity, there are few who can boast of the same Skill wherewith this Great General used to Discipline his Troops, to provide them with all Necessaries, and to make use of all Advantages to thwart the Designs of his Enemies.

It was without all question a thing worth the notice and attention of all Europe, to see these two great Captains to use their utmost Endeavours to outvie one another in their swift Marches, in their Encampments, and to make use of all the most refined Strata­gems, to prevent one another from gair­ing the least advantage. The Viscount de Turenne had nevertheless the good Fortune to pass the Rhine almost in sight of the Con­federate Army, which done, he possess'd himself of so advantageous a Post, that without the least fear of being forced in his Entrenchments, he might cut off the ne­cessary Convoys from the Enemy.

An Action so Glorious which had broken all the Measures of his Rival at one stroke, was look'd upon by all Europe to be equiva­lent to a Victory. But the Viscount de Tu­renne not satisfied with this Advantage, unless he had also routed the Confederate Army, had enclosed them so narrowly on all sides, that [Page 131]it was impossible for them to march off with­out coming to handy Blows.

In order to this he went out of his Camp on the 27th of July to view a certain place, where he intended to raise a Battery the bet­ter to annoy the Enemy, where he was un­fortunately slain by a Cannon-shot, The Death of the Mar­shal de Turenne. which struck against his Breast, and laid him dead, upon the Ground.

Never was any General more universally lamented, neither did ever any one deserve it better. He was a Person of extraordinary Merit, a Great Captain and excellent Politici­an; a Man equally modest and agreeable in Conversation, who despised Riches, and was an Enemy to Pride, who was never backward in doing all the good he could, and never known to do harm to any Body, all his Pas­sion being directed to glorious Actions. It is not to be express'd how sensibly the King was touch'd with the loss of so great a Man, he heap'd Honours and Riches upon his Fa­mily; The Viscount dyed with­out Chil­dren. and to give the most ample Testimo­nies of the Value he put upon his pass'd Ser­vices, and to Crown the Vertues of so great a Man with due Rewards, he caused most magnificent Obsequies to be made in the Church of Paris, and order'd his Corps to be deposited in the Abbey of St. Denys, the ordinary Burying place of the Kings of France. But the greatest ornament of the whole Funeral Pomp was the inexpressible sorrow which appear'd in the Countenance of all the Chief Men of the Kingdom, and the everlasting Memory of his great and Glo­rious Actions.

But to return to the Rhine, the Viscount de Turenne having not communicated his design to any of his Lieutenant-Generals, the Count de Lorge, his Nephew, afterwards made Duke, Peer and Marshal of France, took upon him the Command of the Army, and immediately after his Death repass'd the Rhine, and intrench'd himself on the other side, till further Orders from the King. The Ene­my during his Retreat, Attack'd him in the Rear, but were so vigorously received by the French, that they lost above four thousand Men upon this occasion; nevertheless the Count de Lorge was not strong enough to prevent Mon­tecuculi from passing the Rhine, and marching into the Lower Alsace.

The French Army was at that time in a very ill Condition, in want of Provision and Fo­rage, much diminish'd by Sickness and Mor­tality, and so dejected by the loss of their General, that it was feared they would have been quite dispersed, if the Prince of Conde, who by the King's Orders posted in all haste thither from Flanders, had not found means to raise their drooping Courage by his Presence. Notwithstanding which the Count of Monte­cuculi laid Siege to the City of Hagenau in August, and in the Month of September fol­lowing fat down before Saverne, but upon intelligence that the Prince was marching to their Relief, he quitted both these Enterprizes. At last towards the latter end of the Cam­paign, the Imperialists were obliged to repass the Rhine, and to take up their Winter-Quar­ters in the Confederate Territories.

But the Dukes of Zell and Lorrain had much better Success in the Siege of Treves. Siege of Treves. For these Princes being advertized that the Mar­shal de Crequy, at the Head of an Army, was marching to the Relief of the Place, left a good Body for the guard of their Trenches, and other Works, and march'd with a Body of near twenty Thousand Men to meet the Enemy. The Marshal had not above nine or ten Thousand Men with him, notwith­standing this inequality of their Number, he resolved to try his Fortune. There are cer­tain happy Moments, when we have known a handful of brave resolute Fellows to have driven before them, and cut in pieces a whole Army, but these Fortunate Moments are so rare, that it is more expedient to relie upon the number and equality of our Troops, than upon these Accidents.

To be short, Defeat of the Marshal de Crequy this Day proved unfortunate to the Marshal de Crequy; for his Infantry be­ing ill seconded by the Cavalry, he was en­tirely defeated, and his small Army put to the Rout, and dispersed in such a manner, that he himself, with only three more, was forced to shelter themselves in an adjacent Wood, from whence he found means to get into Treves. He defended the place for three Weeks after with incredible Bravery against his Vi­ctorious Enemy, and would not-hearken to any Propositions of Surrender, tho all the Out-works were taken, and that there were several large Breaches in the Walls of the Place. The Garrison headed by some muti­nous Officers, were so exasperated at this de­sperate Resolution, that they resolved to ca­pitulate [Page 134]without him, and accordingly sur­rendred him, and many other of the French Officers to the Allies.

This being the first Campaign which since the beginning of this War had proved pro­sperous to the Confederates, they were so puf­fed up with their late Success, that forget­ting their former Misfortunes, and the many Advantages we had over them, they be­gan to boast, that in the next Spring they in­tended to put their so long projected great design in execution.

But it was not long, before the King made them sufficiently sensible, that by the loss of a Place and four or five Thousand Men, he was not become less powerful than before. For after having Besieged and Taken the City of Conde by assault, Conde ta­ken April the 26th. towards the latter end of April, he ordred the Duke of Orleans to Be­siege Bouchain. whilst he himself with the head Army covered the Siege to make head against the Enemy, in case they should come to its relief. The Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, and the Prince of Orange brought together a good Army, in order, as it was be­lieved, to attempt the Relief of the Place; but judging it not advisable to attack the King, they entrenched themselves under the Cannon of Valenciennes, in hopes to meet with a favourable opportunity to throw some Supplies of Men and Provisions into Bouchain, but they reap'd no other advantage by it, than to be Eye-Witnesses of the Redu­ction of the Place. The King endeavoured by all means possible to bring them to a Battle, but they were as careful to avoid it, not ha­ving [Page 135]made the least motion, but remaining in their advantageous Station for two Months together, whilst the King remain'd on the Frontiers.

But no sooner had the King left the Army, Siege of Mastrich and was returning into France, when the Prince of Orange with the Dutch Army, in conjun­ction with the Spaniards, and some Auxiliary Troops of several German Princes, who com­manded their Forces in Person, laid Siege to the strong City of Mastricht. The King be­ing sufficiently assured, that the present con­dition of the Place, provided with all Neces­saries for a vigorous defence, together with the Bravery of the Garrison, and the invinci­ble Courage and Experience of the Deputy Governour the Count de Calva, a Catalonian by Birth, who commanded in the Gover­nour's Absence, would keep the Enemy in play for some time, before they should stand in need of any relief, took the advantage of this opportunity, and whilst the Enemy was busied in that Siege, he ordred the Marshal de Humiers to sit down before Aire, one of the strongest and most considerable of that Country, situate on the Frontiers of the Pro­vince of Artois. The Marshal having made himself Master of it in five Days, he attack'd the strong Fort of Linck, which being soon forced to follow the Example of Aire, the whole French Army by easie Marches, mo­ved under the Command of the Marshal Duke Frederick of Schomberg, towards Ma­stricht.

The Besiegers had been employed in the Siege for near seven Weeks, without having [Page 136]been able to make themselves Masters of the Counterscarp or any Out-works; they had made many and very furious Attacks, but had been always repulsed with great loss; and their Army being by the many Sallies and Mines of the Besieged, as well as by Mortali­ty reduc'd to one half of what it was at the beginning of the Siege, they judged it most advisable to decamp, Siege of Mastricht raised, Aug. 26. and to quit the Siege so soon as they saw the French Army approach towards their Lines, they retreated with so much Precipitation, that they left behind them fifty pieces of great Cannon for Batte­ry, six Thousand Musquets, all their Provision and Ammunition, with a great number of sick and wounded Soldiers.

The-Fleet which the States-General had sent into the Mediterranean, Victories obtained in Sicily. to endeavour the Re­covery of Messina, which City two Years be­fore had shaken off the Spanish Yoak more out of a hatred of the Spaniards, than a real love of Liberty, had no better success than the rest. It is certain that France had not been in the least concerned in this Rebellion, but the King being two wise not to lay hold of so favoura­ble a juncture and to improve it to his own ad­vantage, he sent them some Supplies, which at first were but inconsiderable, but were by de­grees strengthened by several Reinforce­ments.

Lewis Vivone, Spaniards beaten at Sea. Duke, Peer, and Marshal of France, beat the Spanish Fleet that block'd up the Harbour of Messina, and brought a good supply of Provision and Ammuniti­on into the Place on the 11th of April, in the Year 1675. and in the same Sum­mer [Page 137]in the Month of August, made himself Master of Agousta, a Port of no less conse­quence and conveniency than the former.

The Spaniards being put under no small ap­prehension of losing the whole Island of Si­cily, solicited the Hollanders to send a Fleet to their assistance into the Mediterranean, and at the same time obtained from the States, that the said Fleet should be commanded by Admi­ral Ruyter, the most famous Commander at Sea, at that time, in all Europe. Our King gave the Command of his Fleet to another brave Seaman, who, tho less famous, yet was not inferiour to the other in Skill and Experi­ence in Maritime Affairs. This was one cal­led Duquesne, born at Diepe, who from a sim­ple Seamen, as well as Admiral Ruyter, had raised himself to the Supream Command of a Fleet.

Both Fleets joyn'd in Battle in January, in the Year 1676. The Engagement was so ter­rible and furious, that according to the Letter written by Admiral Ruyter himself, he never faw any thing like it in all his Life before. But Duquesne forced the Hollanders to retreat, and to leave a free Passage for his Ships into the Port of Messina, which he entred in Tri­umph with his whole Squadron, and the Convoy.

In the April next following, the Dutch in conjunction with the Spaniards, having at­tack'd the Port of Agousta, Duquesne forced them to quit the Enterprize. This Engage­ment was very bloody, Admi [...]al Ruyter killed. Ruyter himself recei­ved three Wounds; one in the Head, another in the Thigh, and the third in the Foot, of [Page 138]which he died in ten Days after. The Ene­mies being put into a great Consternation by the loss of their Admiral, durst not appear any longer at Sea, but retired to Palermo to refit and to expect a fresh Reinforcemont.

But the Marshal and Duke de Vivone re­solving to give them a Visit before they could be reinforced with fresh Supplies, set Sail with his Squadron towards Palermo, where he arriv­ed on the second of January following, he found them riding at Anchor at the very en­trance of the Port in very good order; but no sooner had he sent some Fire-Ships among them, which set two or three of their Ships on Fire, but the rest either ran a-shoar, sunk themselves, or blew up in the Air; some few getting into the Port. The Ennemies lost twelve of their best Ships in this occasion, The Dutch Fleet burnt in the Port of Paler­mo. six Gallies, with seven hundred pieces of Cannon, and above five thousand Men. The Houses odjoyning to the Port, and the whole lower Town were much endamaged by the pieces of Iron Bars, and the broken Cannon and Ships, which, by the force of the Pow­der were thrown into the place and crush'd all to pieces where-ever they happen'd to fall. The Marshal having obtain'd this Victory, which was one of the most compleat that had been obtain'd for many Years before, without any considerable loss on his side, made all Italy tremble, especially when they saw the French within two Months after, Masters of Taormine, of Sealette, of St. Placida, and many other small places along the Sicilian Coast.

The Confederates took in the Month of September the strong Fortress of Philipsburgh, Philips­burgh ta­ken by the Allies. which, after a whole Years Blockade, and a Siege of three Months, had been forc'd to Ca­pitulate; but the taking of this Place was look'd upon as a slender equivalent to counter­balance the losses the Allies had sustain'd this Campaign in other places. It must be con­fess'd that Philipsbourg is a Place of great con­sequence, both in respect of its Fortifications and Situation, as being the inlet into Alsace, and a Bridle to the Palatinate; but it ought also to be consider'd, that this long Siege cost the Enemy such a vast number of brave Men, that a conquest bought at so dear a rate, may well be judged less advantageous, when atten­ded with such fatal Consequences. For the Confederate Army was reduc'd to so ill a con­dition after this Siege, that the French, who observ'd them narrowly in all their motions, soon after oblig'd them, as they did the Year before, to seek for Winter-Quarters in their own Territories, and to recruit their broken Troops.

The next following Year the King open'd the Campaign with the Conquest of Valenci­ennes, Cambray, and St. Omer, Campaign of 1677. and a Signal Victory obtain'd over the Confederate Army in a pitch'd Battle; one of the most famous Expeditions that has been undertaken for these several Ages past, whether in consideration of the renown and strength of the abovementio­ned Places, or in respect of the little time the King spent in conquering them in a Season, when for want of Forage, there was but small likelihood of succeeding in such an En­terprise.

The City of Cambray is Situate at the very entrance of Flanders, where it joyn'd on our Frontiers, and was consequently very incom­modious to us, the Garrison having often car­ried Fire and Flame into our Territories, as far as the Isle of France, from whence they used to draw great Contributions, sufficient to entertain a good number of Troops, who frequently play'd the Masters over us in these parts, when for the rest we gave Laws to all the Spanish Netherlands. The Situation of St. Omer was such, as to be in a condition to make frequent Excursions into the Province of Artois, and the Boulonnese Territories, Va­lenciennes was of as great consequence to us as the other two; but, tho' the King was not ignorant long before of the advantage of the Conquest of these three places, yet consider­ing their strength, we durst scarce flatter our selves to be able to undertake such an Expedi­tion, as to Besiege them all three at once, or if we did, there appear'd but little likelihood of succeeding in so great an undertaking.

There was in Valenciennes at that time, Valenci­ennes be­sieged. a Garrison of three thousand Foot and a thou­sand Horse, besides two thousand of the In­habitants trained up in the Exercise of Arms, and a considerable number of Gentlemen, who had thrown themselves into the Place to sig­nalize themselves in its Defence. The City was secured on one side by the Watery and boggy Grounds, on the other, by many large Out-Works, surrounded with deep Ditches full of Water. The Inhabitants over-confi­dent in the strength of the Place, and recal­ling to their Memory the disgrace which the [Page 141]Marshal de la Ferte receiv'd before that Place in the Year 1656, were puff'd up with so much Vanity, that, when the King sat down before the Place, in lieu of being alarm'd at it, they shew'd not the least concern in the World, but pass'd their time in Feasting and other Re­joycings, and gave Balls upon their Bastions. But this Vain-Glory soon vanish'd, and it may be said, without the least contradiction to Truth, that there is scarce an Example to be found, where a place of such strength, and so much reputation, has made a more faint resi­stance than this.

In the foregoing Year the King had made himself Master of Conde and Bouchain, one of which being situate above, the other below Valenciennes, he by posting a good Body of Horse near these two places, had kept this City block'd up thegreatest part of the Winter.

It was Invested on the first Day of March, and the King being arrived on the fourth of the same Month in the Camp, the Trenches were opened betwixt the eighth and ninth, and push'd on the same Night for above sixteen hundred Paces. The chief Attack was carri­ed on against a Crown-Work, containing within its compass a half Moon, and behind that a Ravelin, call'd the Pasty. Our Cannon and Bombs had done great Execution upon these Out-Works for several Days together, when it was resolv'd to give the Assault on the next Morning by eight a Clock. The Troops Commanded to give the Assault fell like Lions in four several places upon the Counterscarp with so much fury, that the Enemy not being able to sustain them, first gave way, and soon [Page 142]after betook themselves to flight. Being pursued by the French, they retreated into the Crown-Work, but with so much preci­pitation, that our Men enter'd pell mell with them, and attacking them in Front, Rear, and Flank, cut eight hundred of them in pieces; the rest, who endeavour'd to save themselves by flight, were beaten from Post to Post with such an incredible Courage, that being quite frighted out of their senses▪ they neglected to draw up the Bridge which joyn'd to the Out­work. The Conquering Soldiers encourag'd as much by the opportunity as the good Suc­cess, make themselves Masters of the Bridge, and whilst the rest are busie in breaking open the Gates with Hatchets, some got upon the top of the next Bastion by the help of Lad­ders, turn the Cannon against the Town, whilst their Comerades that were got in thro' the Gates marched into the City, and barri­cado'd themselves in the great Street, in sight of the Garrison, and the City Militia, who being struck with a Panick fear at the bold­ness of the Enterprize, Valenci­ennes ta­kon by As­sault. threw down their Arms, and without any further Capitulation, surrender'd at Discretion.

Who is so ignorant as not to be sensible what prodigious Disorders used to be commit­ted in the ransacking of a Town taken by As­sault, when the enraged Soldier makes the In­habitants, without the least difference of Age, Quality, or Sex, feel the effects of his Fury. The dreadful Idea of all these Disasters, their late unseasonable Bravadoes, and that impla­cable hatred which they had shewn against the French upon many occasions, made the [Page 143]Inhabitants, not without great reason, trem­ble at the sight of their Conquering Enemies. But it was not long that they were in fear of becoming a prey and Victim to the French Soldiers, a few Minutes having deliver'd them from these direful apprehensions; for, no sooner had the King been advertised of what had passed, but he sent Messenger after Mes­senger, to forbid the plundering of the City.

The Soldiers had already began with some of the adjacent Houses, five or six had been forced to feel the effects of those misfortunes which happen in the pillaging of a Place ta­ken by Assault; and 'twas fear'd that the un­ruly Soldiers would scarce be prevail'd upon to let slip so fair an opportunity of satisfying both their Avarice and Revenge, and to be deaf to the Orders of their Commanders; but no sooner were they forbidden in the King's Name to plunder the City, but all vio­lence ceased in an instant, to the great asto­nishment of the whole City, who could not but stand amaz'd at the submission of the Sol­diery in the midst of their fury, who gave such eminent marks of their Obedience to the King's pleasure, by their alacrity in gain­ing the Victory, and their entire submission in relinquishing the Fruits of their Bravery. The whole Garrison which consisted still of two thousand eight hundred Men, were made Prisoners of War; but the Citizens had their chiefest Privileges confirm'd to them. In the Afternoon every thing appear'd as quiet in the City, as if they had not chang'd their Master. A most remarkable Victory, where a handful of Men, in half an hours time, [Page 144]carried several strong Works by Assault, passed four or five Ditches, and made themselves Masters of one of the strongest and most po­pulous Cities in all Flanders, and that with the loss only of Forty Men on our side.

The taking of Valenciennes, did, like a dread­ful Thunderclap, make the whole Country round about tremble for fear, there being scarce one City, tho' never so strong, in those parts, which did not dread to undergo the same Fate. To raise their drooping Courage, the Prince of Orange march'd at the Head of an Army of thirty thousand Men, composed of the Dutch Forces, to endeavour the relief either of Cambray, or St. Omer, which were besieg'd both at the same time, the first by the King in Person, the other by the Duke of Orleans, his Majesty's only Brother. Cam­bray being of such a strength and advantageous Situation, that it was reported, the Spaniards made more account upon it than all the rest of Flanders; it was generally believ'd the storm would fall that way, but beyond all expecta­tion, the Enemy rather chose to relieve St. O­mer than Cambray, partly because they might with less difficulty possess themselves of some advantageous Posts near St. Omer, partly be­cause they had flatter'd themselves with this Opinion, that without much resistance they might force our Quarters on one side, where they were not very well secur'd.

The Enemies march was so far from causing the least disturbance among our Soldiers, that both Sieges were carried on with the same Vi­gour as before, there being such an Emulati­on among the Soldiery, that one strove to out­do [Page 145]the other in performing their duties, the more, because they were plentifully provided with every thing necessary for their subsistence. For it is to be observ'd, that the King took al­ways this sure Maxim, to have his Magazins every Year very well provided during the Win­ter, with all manner of Provisions, to be in a condition to prevent his Enemies designs, and to appear as early in the Field as he judg'd it convenient.

Cambray was so furiously attack'd by the King, Cambray surrender'd April 5. that the City was forc'd to Capitulate within six days after opening of the Trenches; the next following Day the King order'd a Detachment of nine Battallions to march with all possible diligence to joyn the Duke of Or­leans, before the Enemy could force his Lines, or engage him. This Prince had in the mean while advanc'd so briskly in the Siege of St. Omer, that at that very time he had made himself Master of the most consi­derable Fort near the Place, and on which depended hitherto the whole safety of the Town. It was at that very instant he recei­ved certain intelligence that the Enemy were advanced within six or seven Leagues, in or­der to relieve the Place. His Troops were much harass'd, and less numerous than the Prince of Orange's, but having receiv'd the King's Orders to march against them, he marched out of the Lines, and having left only a Body of Militia, with some regular Troops, to guard the Trenches and Works, directed his march towards Cassel, being con­fident that the King had taken his measures so surely, as that the expected reinforcement [Page 146]would come time enough to his assistance; neither did he find himself in the least mista­ken in his hopes, the above-mention'd Battal­lions having joyn'd him at the very nick of time, as he expected, and so a propos, that if they had come sooner, they would have been less useful.

The Duke of Orleans strengthen'd by this reinforcement, and finding himself not infe­riour in number to the Enemy, sought only for an opportunity to execute the King's Com­mands; in order to which, with a generous resolution, he passed the next Day with his Army a small Brook which separated the two Armies, and attack'd the Enemy with great fury. Battli of Cassel April 11. The first Encounter was the most ter­rible that had been seen in the memory of Man, both sides fighting with an equal brave­ry, so that the success remain'd doubtful for some Hours, just as if Fortune had taken a particular delight to see so many brave Men dispute Victory to the utmost of their power. But after the Enemy had stood their ground bravely for three Hours,, they were at last forc'd to give way, and soon after be­ing broken on all sides, to seek for their safe­ty in their Heels; leaving as a pledge of their defeat, to the mercy of our Soldiers all their Ammunition and Baggage, seventeen Stan­dards, four and forty Colours, thirteen pieces of Cannon, three thousand Prisoners, and the Field all cover'd with dead and wounded Men; Six thousand of them were counted to be fallen upon the spot, the rest sav'd them­selves under the favour of the Hedges and Defiles; the approaching Night, and the vast [Page 147]number of small Channels, in which the Country abounds serving them for a safeguard against their Enemies, who durst not pursue them but with a great deal of caution.

The Duke of Orleans acquir'd immor­tal Glory in this Action, having shewn himself as great a General in the disposition of his Army, as he behav'd himself a brave Soldier during the whole Engagement, ha­ving receiv'd two Shot in his Armour, as he was rallying some Battallions and leading them on again to Charge the Enemy; he continued with his Army for 2 Days after, near the Field of Battle, the better to give his Or­ders for the pursuit of the Enemy, and to see whether perhaps they might be in a conditi­on to try their Fortune, and attempt the re­lief of the Place a second time; but having received certain intelligence that they were retreated far into the Country, he return'd with his Troops to the Lines, to continue the Siege of St. Omer without any further inter­ruption.

In two Days after his new Batteries began to Play against the Body of the Place, and the Trenches were carried on to the Glacis. The Counterscarp being taken, St. Omer taken. a wide Breach was made, the Ditch fill'd up in Order to give a General Assault, the Town Capitulated af­ter having defended it self with a great deal of Gallantry and Resolution.

Three days before the Citadel of Cambray had likewise been forc'd to a Surrender by the King. The Garrison was composed of seven old Regiments, whereof two were Spaniards, two Lorrainers, and three Walloons, under a [Page 148]Governor who had an equal share of bravery and skill in Martial Affairs. The Place was well provided with every thing for its Defence, and of such a strength, that its Fortifications were look'd upon as impregnable. Every thing seem'd to concur for a Vigorous De­fence against the King's Forces, who were not above nine or ten thousand strong. This seem'd to be a very slender Force, and little suitable to the greatness of the Enterprise, but the King, by his Presence, Vigilancy, and Example, did animate his Soldiers to that de­gree, that redoubling their Courage and A­ctivity, they, in spite of the continual Fire and frequent Sallies of the Besieged, carried all the Out-Works in nine or ten Days time. Our Cannon having soon after made a Breach in one of the Bastions of the Place, large e­nough for thirty Men to mount a-Breast, the Governour despairing of being able to hold out the Assault, demanded a Capitulation. It would have been no difficult matter for the King to have oblig'd him to surrender at dis­cretion, but being free to shew Mercy to one that had behav'd himself so Gallantly, The Citadel of Cam­bray sur­render'd. he a­greed to certain Articles to serve him as a comfort in his present affliction, pursuant to which the Garrison marched out at the Breach, with Drums beating, Colours Flying, and two pieces of Cannon.

The Conquest of these three important places, and the Battle of Cassel, put the Af­fairs of the Confederacy into such a confusi­sion, that it was a considerable time before they could recollect themselves. For it was not till three Months after that they held a [Page 149]Congress at Wesel, to deliberate concerning some Enterprize of moment, by which they might in some measure recover their former Reputation and Hopes. The Elector of Bran­denburgh, the Duke of Nieuburgh, who had lately declared against France, the Ambassador of the King of Denmark, the Pensionary of Holland, Admiral Trump, and the Envoys of the King of Spain, and several other Ele­ctors were present at this Conference, where the Siege of Charleroy was resolved upon, and the execution thereof committed to the Ma­nagement of the Prince of Orange. No sooner was the Place invested with threescore thou­sand Men, but the King's Army posted them­selves betwixt the Enemy and those Cities of Flanders, from whence they must draw their Provisions, so that their Convoys being inter­cepted, they were in a manner block'd up, and began to want Provisions in two Days time. There was no other remedy left, than either to fight us, or to quit the Siege, but the Confe­derates not judging it for their purpose to ha­zard a second Battle, they decamped not with­out some Confusion before eight Days were expired, laying the fault upon one another, and consuming what Forage they could meet with in the Country, without shewing any great inclination to oppose the King's Forces, who ravaged the Country, and exacted great Contributions.

The King's Arms were attended with the same success in other parts. Victory in Catalonia. Philip de Mon­taut Duke de Nouailles, had ravaged the whole Lampourdan, and defeated ten Thousand Spa­niards, as they were repassing the Pyrenean [Page 150]Mountains; there were three Thousand five Hundred of the Enemies killed upon the place, and eight Hundred made Prisoners, with the loss of only two Hundred Men on our side.

In Germany the Troops of the neighbour­ing Circles commanded by a Duke of Saxony, In Ger­many. had been worsted in several Encounters, and were at last forced to seek for shelter in one of the Islands of the Rhine. But what they in­tended for their Preservation, had very near proved their total Destruction, being in emi­nent danger of perishing either by Famine, or the Enemies Sword, if upon the intercession of the Magistrate of Strasburgh, the King had not granted them a Passport to retreat from thence in security, under condition that they should not bear Arms against the King the same Campaign.

The Passport being signed by the Marshal de Crequy, who commanded at that time on the Rhine, the abovementioned Forces, with their Saxon General, were marching home­ward, being conducted by a strong Guard, their main security against their Enemies, when Prince Charles of Lorrain came in time­ly to their Assistance to deliver them from so ignominious a Retreat. But it was not long before he paid dearly for the Glory of having rescued the Germans, for within few Days af­ter, the Cavalry of his Right Wing was to­tally routed and cut to pieces.

This Prince was Heir and Nephew to the old Duke of Lorrain, who died in the Year 1675.

After his Death, the Emperour to bring him over to his Interest, made him General over his Army on the Rhine, promising to give to him in Marriage his Sister the Queen Dowager of Poland, and to make use of all his Power and Interest to put him into the Possession of Lorrain, which belonged to him by right of Succession.

His projected design succeeded but ill in the Year 1676. But at the beginning of the Campaign, in the Year 1677, he thought himself so sure, that he puts this Motto upon his Standards, Maintenant ou jamais; that is, Now or Never. Full of these fair hopes, he passed the Saar, and advanced as far as Mou­son; but the Marshal de Crequy followed him so closely upon the Heels, that he scarce ever miss'd any opportunity to intercept his Con­voys, and thereby to cut off his necessary Supplies of Provisions; he kept his Army in continual Alarm, and by his Marches and Counter-marches, harrass'd them to that de­gree, that he broke all the Duke's Measures, who was at last forced to repass the Rhine, without having been able to do any thing of moment all that Campaign.

The Germans had no sooner repass'd the Rhine, Friburgh taken. but the Marshal de Crequy invested Fri­burgh, the Capital City of Brisgau. This Ci­ty is of a considerable bigness, and its Citadel very strong both by its Situation and several good Works; notwithstanding which, the Marshal attack'd it so briskly, that he became Master of it in less than eight Days time, be­fore Prince Charles of Lorrain could come to its relief.

About a Month after, St. Gillian besieged and taken. the King caused St. Gillian to be Besieged; this Place is situate in the midst of the Province of Heinault, of very good strength, and well provided with every thing necessary for its defence. The Soldiers were not only to fight against the Enemy, but also against the cold Season, it being in the Month of December; notwith­standing all these Difficulties, they carried the place in nine Days, a convincing Instance, that the King's Troops were used to outbrave all the Rigours of the Season.

These frequent Losses, and continual Dis­appointments made the People of Holland wish as much for a Peace, as the Prince of Orange had reason to oppose it. For it being the In­terest of that Prince to keep in his Hands as long as possibly he could, that great power wherewith he was invested as long as he was supream Commander both over their Sea and Land Forces, he left no Stone unturn'd to pre­vent the States from making either a general or particular Peace with France. But this small and troublesome War, which had already last­ed four Years, having exhausted all the Parties concerned, both of Men and Money, the Prince judged it most for his Purpose to make his application to the Court of England.

The English at that time overflow'd in Riches, they had in a manner managed all the Traffick of Europe alone for three Years last past. Their great affluence of Riches, had made them jealous of our King's growing Power, and being besides this desirous of Glo­ry, and of signalizing themselves abroad, they earnestly wished for a War with France, [Page 153]which had made them more than once to sol­licite King Charles II. to enter into the Confederacy. This appearing a favourable juncture to the Prince of Orange's Design, he undertook a Journey to London, as well to engage that King in an Alliance against us, as to espouse the eldest Daughter of the Duke of York. The Prince of Orange being K. Charles II. his Nephew, was much beloved and esteemed by him. The Prince's Religion, his great Capa­city and Riches, his Aversion to France, and his great Interest in Holland, had procured him great and many Friends in both Houses of Parliament. It is easie to be imagined, that upon this occasion he made use of all his En­gines to draw his Uncle into the Confederacy, for which reason he perswaded him to project certain Propositions of Peace, and to declare against those that should refuse to accept of them. League be­twixt Eng­land and Holland. France being unwilling to hearken to these Conditions, great Levies were made in England, and some of their Troops were tran­sported into Flanders. But neither this New League, neither the English Auxiliary Troops were sufficient to stop the Progress of our King's Victorious Arms, or to hinder him from making new Conquests in the next Spring.

The better to cover his design, Campaign in 1678. he took a Progress into Lorrain, the beginning of Febru­ary, where he continued all that Month with the Queen and the whole Court.

During this Progress, his Armies in Flan­ders, in Germany and Lorrain were continually in motion, so that these Marches and Coun­termarches did amuse the Enemy to that de­gree, [Page 154]that it was impossible for them to judge which of their Places was most in danger, and consequently to take any sure Mea­sures for the security of such places as they thought most exposed, for fear of leaving o­thers unprovided in case of an Attack. For the King having his Magazines well provided with every thing necessary for the carrying on four or five Sieges at a time from the Sea to the Rhine, the Confederates were put under a necessity of fearing all, without being a­ble to guess whereabouts the Storm would fall.

Whilst they were under this perplexity, the Marshal de Humiers made a faint, as if he in­tended to Besiege Ipres, which obliged the Go­vernour of the Spanish Netherlands, to send thither a great part of the Garrison of Ghent. But scarce were they on their March towards Ipres, when the City of Ghent it self was in­vested by threescore Thousand Men, who were order'd thither from all the circumjacent pla­ces; and at the same time Ipres, Charlemont, Namur, Mons, and Luxenburgh, where the Confederates had disposed most of their best Troops, were block'd up by several flying Armies.

Ghent has always been esteemed the largest City of the Low Countries; Siege of Ghent. it has a good Citadel with very fair Out-works, a strong Wall, surrounded with a large and deep Ditch. Its Fortifications, the number and Martial In­clination of its Inhabitants, besides its low situ­ation in a Marshy Ground, at the Confluence of three Rivers and two Canals, which serve for a Barricado against an approaching Enemy, [Page 155]did render this Enterprise so difficult in the Eyes of all the World, that after the Siege was begun, the News of it scarce met with credit in the Neighbouring Countries.

The King had taken such measures, and his Orders were obey'd with such exactness and alacrity, that, tho' the Place had not been Invested above three Days when he arriv'd in the Camp, the Lines of Circumvallation, which contain'd eight Leagues in compass, were very near brought to perfection, not­withstanding the rainy Season, and the many difficulties which were to be surmounted in these marshy Grounds. It was extreamly bad Weather when he set out from Stenay, not­withstanding which he travelled above sixty large Leagues in less than three Days, and arrived in the Camp before Ghent on the 4th of March, when without dismounting from his Horse, or taking the least refreshment or repose, he took, in Person, a view of the Place, and all the Works; the Governour of Ghent having the same Day open'd the Sluices, the King order'd so many Dikes and Ditches for the draining of the Ground to be made, that his Forces received no considerable da­mage by the Water, and were preserv'd in so good a condition, as to make themselves Masters the next Day of the Counterscarp, and some Out-Works. Nevertheless this great City defended it self for some time lon­ger, till the Inhabitants being made sensible of the effects of our Bombs, Carcasses, and fiery Bullets, which flew as thick as Hail-stones, and destroy'd their Houses, they beat a Parley. The next day after the Citadel was besieg'd by [Page 156]Noon-day, Ghent ta­ken. which being defended by four good Bastions, and a Garrison of a thousand Men, yet was forc'd to surrender on the third Day after opening of the Trenches.

After the taking of Ghent, Ypress be­sieged. the King with­out loosing any time marched directly to I­press, a well Fortified City, and conveniently situated for the King to keep correspondence with, and secure his other Conquests there­abouts. The Spaniards had lately drawn out of the place two Battallions of their best Men, whom they sent to Bruges to reinforce that Garrison; nevertheless there was, at the be­ginning of the Siege, a Garrison consisting of three thousand effective Men, old and well disciplin'd Troops; besides a great number of brave Officers and Voluntiers, who, by their Example encouraged the Soldiers to make a vigorous Defence. But by the bravery of our Troops, the Trenches were carried on to the Glacis and Counterscarp, and after a bloody En­gagement taken with Sword in Hand, so the City and Citadel being without any hopes of relief, Capitulated at the same time. The Siege cost us abundance of Men, tho' it lasted not above nine Days after the opening of the Trenches, by reason that the French were not only to overcome the obstinacy of the Be­sieged, who defended themselves very valiant­ly, but also the rigour of the cold Season, and the inconveniencies of continual Rains.

The King's Arms being thus every where crown'd with Success, it seem'd that nothing was able to resist his Power; those Princes that were enter'd into a League against him, ha­ving, for four Years together rais'd no other [Page 157]advantage by the Confederacy, than to add new Lustre to his Glory and Power: He had at that time two great Fleets at Sea, and five Armies on Land, which, together with his Garrisons, consisted of sixty thousand Horse, and two hundred and forty thousand Foot, all well disciplin'd Troops, and inur'd to the Fa­tigues of War. His Frontiers were enclos'd on all sides with strong Forts, and well For­tifi'd Cities; his Treasury in a good condition, and the whole Kingdom in a profound Tran­quility. He himself both delighted in and understood the Art of War. His Affairs be­ing in so flourishing a condition, what could hinder him from making new Conquests, if his desire of Glory had not been Counter­balanc'd by his Inclination for Peace, and seeing that his Enemies were reduc'd to a state of moderation, and his Frontiers secu­red on all sides, he resolved to restore tranquil­lity to Europe.

After Charles II. King of England was en­ter'd into the Alliance with the Dutch, King Ch. II. Media­tor at the Treaty of Nime­guen. his chief aim was, to make himself a happy instrument in procuring a general Peace, in which he succeeded so well, that his Media­tion was accepted. For hitherto matters had advanced but slowly at the Treaty of Nime­guen, where two Years were spent in setling some Preliminaries of little moment, in respect of the great Work they were to transact; to wit, in Disputes about the place of Treaty, in fixing the bounds of the Neutrality, in ex­changing their Credentials, and examining their Commissions, and such other Prelimina­ries as are commonly made use of to protract [Page 158]these Conferences, whilst in the mean while the longest Sword decides the principal diffe­rences in the Field.

It is sufficiently known, that scarce a Year had passed since the Declaration of the War, wherein Spain had not been a considerable lo­ser, nevertheless, they were the first who pro­tested with all the solemn expressions in the World, that they would never consent to the Peace, unless our King did restore all what he had taken from them: and the Empe­ror's Pretensions were as exorbitant as those of the Spaniards. For which purpose the King made his chief application to the Hol­landers, being sensible that if he could draw them from the Interest of the Confederacy, and perswade them to accept of a separate Peace, the other Princes would soon follow their Example. The King was sufficiently convinc'd that the Jealousy fomented by a cer­tain Faction in Holland against the Prince, and their fear, lest, if the War should continue much longer, they might be involved in some troubles by the Prince's departure for Eng­land; the decay of their Trade, and the im­mense charges they were at by bearing the burthen of the War in maintaining not only their own Troops, but also most of the Con­federate Forces, made them very desirous af­ter a Peace; but the more it was their Inte­rest to promote it, the more difficulties were to be surmounted before it could be brought to a happy conclusion.

For, tho' the Emperor and Spain had act­ed but with indifferent success in this War, yet on the other Hand the King of Denmark [Page 159]and Elector of Brandenburgh had had conside­rable advantages over Sueden, which had de­clared for us against the Confederacy in the Year 1675. In three Years time that the War lasted betwixt the Northern Princes, the Suedes had gain'd three Battles by Land, but they had been worsted in three several Sea-Engagements, and had lost the Isle of Rugen, and all Pomerania. This success against the Suedes seem'd to intimate to the Confederates, that the French might also be vanquish'd in their turn: The Emperor and Spain shew'd more inclination for the continuation of the War, than for the Peace, tho' it be evident, that their hopes were built but upon a very slippery foundation, to wit, upon the chance of Fortune, and those continual vicissitudes which are the constant Attendants of all hu­man Affairs.

This was the reason, that notwithstanding all the earnest applications of the States-Ge­neral to obtain a General Peace, yet the Trea­ty advanced but slowly, and might, perhaps, have been quite rendred ineffectual, if the King had not taken a firm resolution to see it brought to a happy conclusion, by taking such measures as should oblige the rest of the Confederates to accept of the Peace. The King himself drew up the Articles which he sent to his Plenipotentiaries at Nimeguen, to be communicated to the Mediators, under this condition, that in case the Confederates did not think fit to accept of them in forty Days, the King should be at liberty to alter them, or to propose some new time. By vertue of these Articles, he was to remain in possession of all [Page 160]his Conquests, unless Maestricht, and six Places in Flanders, to wit, Ghent, Courtray, Aeth, Ou­denarde, Charleroy, Limbourgh, and St. Gillian demolished.

That the King promised to restore Mae­stricht to the Hollanders, and the six above­mentioned places to the Spaniards.

That the Peace of Munster should remain in its full force.

That if the Emperour kept Philipsbourg, the King should remain in possession of Fribourg.

That the Prince of Furstemberg should be set at Liberty and restored to his Honour, Dignities, and Estate.

And that lastly, the Northern Princes should restore to the Suedes what they had ta­ken from them in this War.

Most of the Confederates exclaim'd against these Articles, but notwithstanding all their Protestations and Clamours, their Threats, Intreagues, and Cabals, they were at last ob­lig'd to accept of the same terms.

The Hollanders had no sooner embrac'd the King's offer, but the Emperour and Elector of Brandenburgh loudly exclaim'd against their Proceedings, upbraiding them with breach of Faith, and Ingratitude. But who is so unacquain­ed in publick Affairs, as to look for acknow­ledgment among Princes, or to imagine they think themselves oblig'd to one another for the assistance they give, when it is evident, that the same proceeds more from a motive of In­terest than Friendship? how can a State there­fore be charg'd with Ingratitude, unless it be call'd so when they search too narrowly into the true causes of a benefit they have receiv'd? [Page 161]But, to be short, these reproaches made but slender impressions upon the States, who were so far from changing their opinion, that they prevail'd upon the Spaniards to follow their Ex­ample; but when the Spanish Ambassadours were upon the point of signing the Articles, there arose an unforeseen difficulty, which was likely to have broken off the whole Treaty.

For in the Article concerning Spain, where­in the King had promised to restore to them six Places in Flanders, there being no certain time limitted, the States had interpreted it thus, that the Evacuation of the said Places should be made immediately after the Ratifica­tion of the Peace betwixt France and Spain. But the King's Intention being not so much that by restoring these Places to Spain, they should serve as a Barricado betwixt him and the Hol­landers, and to remove the Jealousie they had conceived at the Neighbourhood of so potent a Prince, as to be in lieu of an equivalent for those Places that were to be restored to Swe­den, he refused to surrender these Cities into the Hands of the Spaniards, before the Swedes had received full satisfaction as to their De­mands.

This Spark was like to have proved the occasion of rekindling the Flames, and re­newing the War with more Vigour and A­nimosity than before, the Emperour and Spain not being wanting to lay hold of this Oppor­tunity to revive the Jealousies, and to perswade the Hollanders, that the King had no real In­clination for Peace, his only design being by withdrawing them from the Confederacy, to sur­prize them hereafter with the more ease.

Our King had given most evident Proofs of his sincere Intentions for the Peace; to promote which, he had recall'd his Forces out of Sicily, under the Command of Francis de Aubusson la Feuillade, Duke, Peer, and Mar­shal of France; he had at the Intercession of the Hollanders, The French leave Si­cily. prolonged the Term which he had fixed to the Allies for the accepting the Propositions of Peace; and tho he had within the last Month extended his Conquests both in Flanders and Catalonia, by the taking of two considerable places, yet was he so far from ta­king any advantage of his good Fortune, that on the other hand he offered to restore them without any equivalent. But notwithstanding all these Demonstrations of his most fervent Inclinations for Peace, Matters hung in sus­pense for some time, neither could the Trea­ty be brought to a Conclusion, till the King of Sweden declared by his Ambassadors, That he not only consented, but also prayed His Most Christian Majesty to restore the above mentioned Places to Spain, and not to delay any longer to give Peace to Europe, on account of the particular Interest of the Crown of Sweden. This grand Obstacle being remo­ved, the Peace was signed betwixt the King and the States the 10th Day of August in the Year 1678.

Within four Days after, the Prince of Orange attack'd the Duke of Luxemburgh, who, whilst they were contesting at Nimeguen, kept Mons block'd up with an Army of forty Thousand Men. Peace of Nime­ [...]uen. The Prince of Orange had in view no less than the breaking off of the whole Treaty, or at least to obtain some more ad­vantageous [Page 163]Conditions, if he happened to succeed in this Enterprize. The Duke of Luxemburgh could not in the least suspect his Intention, as having received fresh Assu­rances, that the Peace was signed; Engage­ment near St. Denis. but by his brave Resolution he diverted the dan­ger that he had put himself into by his be­ing too confident of his own Security by the Peace.

The Action was very bloody, which was ended at Night without any considerable Advantage on either side, unless that the Enemy retired in some Confusion, and were pursued to their Camp. The next Day there was a Cessation of all Hostili­ties, the Peace was proclaimed the same Day in the Camp, and ratified within a Month after.

After the Conclusion of this Treaty with the Dutch, the Spaniards found themselves un­der an indispensible necessity to accept of those Conditions the Hollanders had procured for them. It was in vain for the rest of the Con­federates to make use of all their Perswa­sions and Intrigues, to prevent the Spani­ards from accepting of them, who signed the Peace on the seventeenth of September following.

This done, the King without losing any further time, order'd his Troops towards the Rhine, with an Intention to attack the Empe­rour and Empire with the utmost vigour be­fore the Winter; some of the German Princes dreading the Storm that threatned them, be­gan to withdraw from the rest, and to make their Applications to the Spaniards and States-General [Page 164]to be comprehended in the Treaty. But Spain, pursuant to asecret Agreement (as it was supposed) betwixt those two Branches of the House of Austria, made several Delays in the Ratification of the Peace, so that the time prefixed for the said Ratification, (notwith­standing it had been twice prolonged at the Request of the Dutch) was very near expired.

In the mean while the French Forces made frequent Excursions into the very Heart of Flanders, not sparing even those places that had hitherto escaped from being visited by them; they exacted such vast Sums from all the circumjacent Country, and pillaged all such as refused to pay them Contributions, that according to the computation and confession of the Enemies themselves, the flat Country suffered more from the time of the signing till the Ratification of the Treaty, than it had done in the heat of the War. The Cries and Lamentations of the People did at last over­come the Resolution of the Spanish Council, who in spite of all the opposition made by the rest of the Allies, caused the Peace to be rati­fied in December in the Year 1678.

Immediately after the King order'd his Ambassadors at Nimeguen to declare to the Emperour's Ministers, that in case their Master did not think fit to accept of the same Conditions as they had been proposed in the Project of the General Peace, within a limi­ted time, that after that there should be no further talk of Peace. This Declaration and the fear they were in of the King's Forces that were approaching the Rhine, made the Emperour and Empire at last resolve [Page 165]rather to chuse the Harbour, than to expose themselves in the open Sea, to so dreadful a Tempest, as threatned their Destruction.

Thus a Peace was concluded betwixt the Emperour and our King in the Month of Fe­bruary in the Year 1679. upon conditi­on, that the Peace of Munster should remain in its full force, and that the Emperour should resign all his Right and Soveraignty over the City of Friburgh, and the whole Alsace to our King.

During the Treaty at Nimeguen, the King at the Intercession of the Emperour, and the rest of the Confederates, had left it to the choice of Prince Charles of Lorrain, whether he would accept of the Possession of the Dutchy of Lorrain, without that of Bar, pursuant to the Pyrenean Treaty; or whether he would be satisfied, if the King restored him to the Possession of both those Dutchies, reserving only to himself the City of Nancy, and all the Grounds and Highways by which the King's Armies were to march into Germany. The Prince at first chose the last of these two, but soon after repenting his Choice, refused to accept either.

But tho the Peace was signed betwixt the Emperour and the King, the King of Den­mark, and Elector of Brandenburgh, protested against it, continuing to make vast Preparati­ons to maintain themselves in their Conquests taken from the Swedes in Germany. But when the French Troops began to approach the Fron­tiers of Brandenburgh, these Princes were foon brought to a compliance, and shew'd as much eagerness for the Peace, as they had [Page 166]shewn aversion against it before. The King of Sweden received full satisfaction, they being obliged to restore all that had been taken from that Crown, without any other Equivalent, but a good Sum of Money, which was paid them by our King.

It will, without all question, appear sur­prizing, and perhaps past belief to Posterity, how France should have been strong enough to withstand so many Enemies at one time; and that after they had been vanquish'd, they should have been obliged to accept of a Peace upon the same Terms, as they were proposed by our King. It is certain that France never made a Peace which proved more Glorious, or more for its Interest than this, or which has been managed with more dexterity. The chief Glory of it is due only to our King, who not only himself made the first Project, but also, according to the different pro­gress of the Treaty, directed every step to be taken by his Ambassadours and Ple­nipotentiaries Godfrey de Estrades Marshal of France, Charles Colbert Marquis de Croissy, afterwards Minister and Secretary of State, and Anthony de Mesmes Count de Avaux.

Thus Crown'd both with Lawrel and O­live-Branches, he was ever after the Object of Admiration, not only of his Subjects, but also of all Europe.

THE King having restored Peace to Europe, employed all his care in ren­dering it as durable as possibly could be; and having now laid aside his further thoughts of extending the limits of his King­dom, [Page 168]he judged it most conducing to his Af­fairs, to secure his Frontiers on all sides, by good Fortifications. For which purpose, af­ter he had consulted with his best Engineers, he himself made the Draughts of the most considerable Fortifications, appointed the Charges and all other particulars belonging to the perfecting of the Works, according to the best modern Rules. Never were any places seen exceeding either in strength or beauty some of those that were, by the King's Orders built in Flanders, and Alsace, the Franche Compte, to defend the Passages of the Lis, the Rhine, the Saar, the Moselle, the Meuse, and several other Rivers that border upon his Dominions; it has been computed, that since his accession to the Crown, two hundred and twenty Towns, Forts, Citadels, Ports and Harbours have been fortified by his Orders. As he was not insensible that the best safeguard of a Prince is to maintain his Re­spect among his Enemies, so not contented with having fortified his Frontiers, unless they were also guarded by a good number of Troops, he did only disband some of his For­ces, retaining the best in his Service, to render himself at all times invincible, tho his thoughts were now more bent to preserve Tranquility in his Dominions, than to conquer his Ene­mies.

He kept all the Officers of the Disbanded Regiments in Pay, and that he might never want a constant supply of good Officers, The Acade­mies for the Cadies. even in time of Peace, he erected many Compa­nies of young Gentlemen; these were brought up in all Warlike-Exercises, and entertain'd at [Page 169]the King's Charge in the Citadels, and when a Captain or Lieutenant's place became va­cant, it was these that supplied those Posts pro­portionable to their Deserts.

The better to encourage his Troops to glo­rious Actions by the assurance of a safe Re­treat in their Native Country, The Inva­lids. he caused that Hospital called the Invalids, to be built in one of the Suburbs of Paris, a truly magnificent Structure, where those that are render'd un­serviceable either by Age, or their Wounds, find an honourable Retreat and Reward for their past Labours and Toils.

To afford also fome relief to such Gentle­men as often ruine their Estates in the Service of their Country, The House of St. Lewis at St. Cyr. he founded a Community for three Hundred young Gentlewomen at St. Cyr. These young Ladies are educated in this House with particular care from the Age of Seven till Twenty, when they are either provided with some advantageous Match, or else, if their inclination be otherwise, are sent into a Nunnery. This Noble Communi­ty is without parallel in Europe.

For the rest the King order'd his Troops to encamp every Year, when he used frequently to take a view of them in Person, and in his Progress to visit some of his Frontier Places, to keep the Governours and Overseers of his Works and Places in awe, and to encourage them by his Presence to perform their Duty.

As he was in the Year 1683. returning from one of these Progresses, Death of the Queen of France. where he had been accompanied by the whole Court the Queen Maria Theresia of Austria, fell dangerously ill of a Fever, which put an [Page 170]end to her Life on the 30th of July, after four Days Sickness. She was a Princess endowed with extraordinary Qualities, very Devout, Charitable to the Poor, Liberal to her Dome­sticks, and Affable to all the World. She had the Happiness, before her Death, to see the Dauphin (who was Born at Fontainbleau in the Year 1661. the first of November seven Mi­nutes after Twelve a Clock at Noon) Married to a vertuous Princess, and a Father of a very fine young Prince.

Of six Children which she had brought in­to the World, The Dau­phin of France. Lewis the Dauphin of France, was the only surviving, a very Handsome, and Wise Prince, of great Moderation and Vigorous Constitution, as active and dextrous in his Military Exercises as courageous in en­countring of Danger.

Never any Prince had the advantage of a more Noble Education, in respect of the A­bility of those to whose Care and Tuition he was committed; the King having made choice of Charles de St. Maurice Duke of Montausier, and Peer of France for his Governour, and of James Bossuet Bishop of Meaux, so famous for his many Works, for his Preceptor; but not satisfied with this, he never was sparing in his Paternal Care, to give him in Person all the necessary Instructions for the Accom­plishment of a great Prince. A King, who really loves his Subjects, does in vain strive to raise the Glory of his Country by his great Actions, unless he also be careful to instruct his Successour to follow his Footsteps, and to preserve by his own Courage and Conduct the Reputation which he has acquired. It is [Page 171]easie to be imagined that there was never a Court in Europe, but what most earnestly de­sired to be joyn'd to us in Alliance by so ad­vantageous a Match, especially since that En­gagement which was some Years before nego­tiated with the Elector and Electoress of Ba­varia, on the account of Marriage betwixt the Dauphin and the Princess of Bavaria, seem'd to be broken by the Death of the Parents of the said Princess; but notwithstanding this Change, and that the said Match was not at­tended with the same Advantages as before, Dauphin Married. the King jealous of his Honour and Royal Word, Married the Dauphin to their Eldest Daughter, on the 7th of March in the Year 1680.

Notwithstanding all the Obstacles and Diffi­culties raised by the Imperial and Spanish Mini­sters about the execution of the Treaty of Ni­miguen, Europe enjoyed the Fruits of a Happy Peace for three Years: In the mean while the King looking upon it as a most Glorious Work to turn his Arms against the Enemies of the Christian Name, he resolved to employ his Forces against the Corsairs of Africa, a Nation whose chief Glory, Commerce and Employment, consists in pillaging and plun­dering; several of their Ships were sunk, the Sieur Du Quesne burnt eight more in the Port of Chio, in the Year 1681, and the Marshal de Estree, Vice-Admiral of France, Tripoli Bombarded in 1685. Bombarded Tripoli four Years after, till at last at the Inter­cession of the Grand Seignior, the King was pleased to grant them a Peace a second time.

The Algerines the most famous of all the Pyrates on the Coast of Barbary, for having in the last Age out-braved the power of that great Monarch Charles V. were so presumptu­ous as to declare War against France. To cha­stise their Insolence, the City of Algier was Bombarded three several times; In the Year 1682, 1683, 1684. after the se­cond Bombardment, they were forced to re­lease six hundred French Slaves without Ran­som; and in the third they received so much damage, that notwithstanding the Offers of the Genoueses and Spaniards to assist them against us, they sent their Deputies into France to sue for Peace. The Genoueses had also given great occasion of Displeasure to our King. They were accused of having fomented and en­couraged a Conspiracy which was laid to burn the King's Ships and Gallies in the Ports of Marseilles and Thoulon; they had lately embraced the Interest and Protection of Spain, and had built four new Gallies in order to joyn them with the Spanish Squadron. To make them sensible of their errour, the King ordered the City of Genoua to be Bombarded. Thirteen Thousand Bombs were thrown into the City with good Success, and the proud City of Genoua would certainly have been laid quite in Ashes by a second Bombardment, Genoua Bombarded if by the Intercession of the Pope, and their time­ly repentance, they had not prevented their own ruine.

The King of Spain had at that time among other Titles, taken upon him that of the Pro­tector of the Republick of Genoua, but could not prevail with our King that the said Com­monwealth should be comprehended in the [Page 173]Truce, which was about the same time con­cluded betwixt these two Crowns; but to ex­tirpate their former Miscarriages, they were forced to send in the Year 1685. in May, their Doge with four Senators, to make their Sub­mission to the King in the Name of the whole Republick, to implore his Mercy, and to re­ceive such Conditions as he was pleased to grant them.

But we have detain'd our selves too long in relating these Trifles, there are so many things of greater consequence to be taken notice of in the glorious Reign of so great a King, that these frivolous Matters ought only to be touch'd upon en passant, that we may have the more leisure to pursue the Thread of our History in relation to other Affairs of mo­ment.

By Vertue of the Treaty of Nimeguen, the whole Upper and Lower Alsace being grant­ed to the King with an absolute Soveraignty over it, and all its Dependencies, the King sent the next following Year his Summons to all the Princes, Cities, and other Vassals de­pending on the said Province, to give their appearance to do Homage and Swear Fealty to him. Some obeyed, but the most refused to appear. Upon their Refusal, the King erect­ed a certain Chamber of Re-union at Brisack, who adjudged their Lands and Fiefs forfeited to the King, according to the Laws of Fiefs, which enjoyn the forfeiture of the Estate of a Vassal, who either neglects or refuses to pay the Homage due to his Lord.

At the same time the Chamber of Re-union establish'd by the King's Order at Brisac, Chambers of Re-uni­on at Bri­sac and Metz. took the same Method in respect of those Fiefs, which had formerly belonged to, and were since dismembred from the three Bishopricks of Metz, Toul, and Verdun. As these Re-uni­ons extended over a vast Tract of Ground, so the Neighbouring Princes taking the alarm, made their complaints to the Dyet at Ratis­bonne, solliciting for aid to stop the further progress of these Proceedings. They were not wanting on their side, to represent to the Dyet the pressing necessity of applying a spee­dy remedy, but they were very slow in their Debates, and much slower in their Resoluti­ons. These Re-unions being look'd upon by some of the Princes of the Empire as an in­fraction of the Peace, whilst they pretended to evince them to be no more than the natural consequences of the Treaty of Nimeguen, the first were for taking up Arms for the Defence of the Empire, the others representing the danger of coming to these extremities in so critical a juncture.

Whilst they thus spent their time in con­tests, Stras­burgh Sur­renders. without coming to any final resolution, the City of Strasbourg, the Capital of the Low­er Alsace, and one of the most considerable in all Germany, submitted to the King in Septem­ber, in the Year 1681, before the King's Forces, that were on their March from all the circumjacent Ports, in order to Besiege it, came in sight of the Place.

They enter'd the City on the same Day that some of the King's Troops took possessi­on of the Citadel of Casal in Italy, Casal Sur­render'd. which the [Page 175]King had bought from the Duke of Mantua.

As the King set out on his Journey to Stras­burgh, (before he had receiv'd the News of its Surrender) he pretended to take a Progress to one of his Country Houses, but turning short, took the Road towards Germany. Be­fore he came to the Frontiers he was advertis'd that his Troops were already receiv'd within the City, but this did not hinder him from pursuing his Journey thither, where he receiv'd the Oath of Fidelity from his new Subjects.

The taking of this City, which was of vast consequence, serv'd only to augment the divisions among the Members of the Empire at the Dyet of Ratisbonne, the more, because the King propos'd to adjust all those Diffe­rences, if they pleas'd, in an irreconcilable way. The Ministers of the House of Austria at first rejected these Propositions, but dread­ing an Invasion from the Turks, they gave their consent, so that Plenipotentiaries were appointed on both sides, to meet at Frank­fort upon the Main, for setling the limits be­twixt the Empire and France.

But a whole twelve Months being spent, before the Conferences were open'd, by rea­son of some contests about Titles and Prece­dency, betwixt the Deputies of the Empe­ror, and those of the Empire, the King thought fit to recall his Plenipotentiaries, and to remove all occasions of further delay, decla­red by his Minister Lewis Verjus Count of Creci, then residing at the Dyet of Ratisbonne, that he was willing to renounce for ever to all the other Dependencies of Alsace, and [Page 176]the three above-mention'd Bishopricks, not­withstanding that his Pretensions comprehen­ded a vast tract of Ground, provided the Emperor, and the Empire, would, within a li­mitted time, oblige themselves to resign to him the City of Strasbourg with all its Territories, and those Lands which he was possessed off by vertue of the Re-union before the meeting of the Assembly at Frankfort. These Propositi­ons were advantageous enough, forasmuch as thereby the limits of the Empire and France might be settl'd upon a sure Foot, and a firm Peace establish'd betwixt these two Po­tent Neighbours. The Electoral College were of opinion to accept of the Conditions, but most of the Princes being of a contrary sen­timent, two years past without coming to a final Resolution, the King having from time to time prolong'd the prefix'd time, out of a pure motive to generosity, finding in most of the Members of the Dyet, a favourable Dis­position for a Peace, at a time when they dreaded an Invasion from the Turks.

It was not long before, the Ottoman Army, like an impetuous Torrent, over-run all Hun­gary, and carrying all before them, marched up to the Gates of Vienna, which was Besieg­ed by above an hundred thousand Turks. Siege of Vienna in 1683. The Siege continued two Months, and the place was reduc'd to the last extremity, when upon the approach of the Imperial Army, and the Auxiliaries of the Empire, in conjunction with the Poles, commanded by John Sobieski their King, who with great Bravery attack­ed the Enemy in their Lines: The Visier was forc'd to raise the Siege. The Ministers of [Page 177]the House of Austria puff'd up with their late good success, press'd the Dyet more than ever, not to conclude either a Peace or Truce with France. But as such vast Empires have many ways to recover their losses, the Turks, notwithstanding their late defeat, appear'd a­gain so formidable, that the Emperor and Empire, the better to enable themselves to re­sist them, or to extend their Conquests, ac­cepted of the King's offers, and about ten Months after, concluded and Sign'd a Truce betwixt the Empire and France for twenty Years.

Spain also agreed to a Truce upon the same conditions, Truee for twenty Years. to put an end to the differences for that time, arisen betwixt the King and them about the limits in Flanders. After the Ratification of the Treaty of Nimeguen, the King made reiterated instances to the Spani­ards, to send certain Commissioners to adjust matters concerning the Dependencies of such Provinces and Cities as were granted to him by vertue of the late Peace. But the open­ing of these Conferences was delay'd for some time, till the King of Spain had sent his full Power and Instructions, which, when they were produc'd, it was found, that a­mongst his Titles, that of Count and Duke of Burgundy was left out. The next Year the Commissioners appointed by both Kings met again at Courtray, but the Ministers of Spain intended nothing less than to terminate these differences, but in lieu of it, left no Stone unturn'd to create new Jealousies (as much as in them lay) betwixt our King and the Hollanders. The City of Alost furnish'd them [Page 178]with a fair opportunity to accomplish their design; which place being accounted to be a­mong the dependencies belonging to France, the States-General began to be extreamly al­larm'd at this Pretension. They alledg'd, they had in vain bestow'd so much labour and cost to fix a certain Barrier betwixt the King and them, if this place so near to their Frontiers, whose Territories reach'd to the Gates of An­twerp, should be put into his possession. The King, to calm their minds, and deliver them from what they dreaded so much, offer'd to be contented with an equivalent; and the Council of Spain endeavouring to gain time by various Intrigues, he order'd the Bloc­cade of Luxemburgh; but having receiv'd intelligence of the great Preparations made by the Turks to invade Hungary, he sent his Orders to him who commanded in Chief, to raise the said Blocade.

Spain was so far from being satisfied with this retreat, Courtray and Dix­muyden taken. that in a little while after they began to commit open Hostilties. Whereupon the French besieg'd Courtray in November in the Year 1683; both the City and Citadel Surrender'd in five Days; Dixmuyden without striking one stroke. The Spaniards, tho' with­out Money or Troops, or any other hopes of relief, but what they expected from their Al­lies, whom they suppos'd would not leave them destitute upon so necessitous an occasion, declar'd, in a Month after, War against France. But it was not long before they paid dear for their folly, the King's Troops having over-run, during the whole Winter, all Flanders, to the very Gates of Brussels, pilla­ging [Page 179]and exacting Contributions from the flat Country; and towards the end of April in the Year 1684, a strong Body was sent to form the Siege of Luxemburgh.

This Place is very strong both by Nature and Art, it being situate upon a Rock, Luxem­burgh ta­ken 1684. sur­rounded on all sides by a River. The King order'd a good Army to advance betwixt Conde and Valenciennes to cover the Siege. The Emperor was not wanting in his sollicita­tions to the Dyet; and the Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, as well as the Prince of Orange, made use of all their Interest, to en­gage the Hollanders to endeavour the relief of a Place which was of such consequence. But all in vain, for no succours appearing, the Place was forc'd to Surrender, after a brave defence of seven and twenty Days after open­ing the Trenches.

This done, the King offer'd to restore Dix­muyden and Courtray, and to renounce all his pretensions, provided the Spaniards would put him in quiet possession of Beaumont, Bovines, and Chimay, three small places without any strength, betwixt the Sambre and the Meuse, and would resign all their pretensions to Luxemburgh, which was to be the King's for ever, with the fifteen Villages belonging to it. The Spaniards refus'd at first to hearken to these Propositions; but the Dutch, who made se­rious Reflections upon the present condition of the Empire; the heavy War wherein the Emperor was engag'd with the Turks, and the little hopes there was of receiving aid from England, partly by reason of the misunder­standing that was at that time betwixt King [Page 180] Charles II. and his Parliament, partly because they were too well acquainted with the Incli­nations of that King, who prefer'd Peace and his Pleasures before a War, oblig'd them to accept of these conditions. Thus in the Year 1684 a general Truce was concluded for twen­ty Years; the Emperor, Spain, and the Em­pire having Sign'd the Treaty within four days one after another.

But in the mean while that our King was applying his thoughts to re-establish Peace in Christendom with good success, Differences with the Pope. the diffe­rences arisen betwixt our Court, and that of Rome encreased more and more every Day; the Pope being so far from hearkning to those gentle means that were propos'd for an ac­commodation, that on the contrary his whole behaviour sufficiently testify'd to the World, that he was resolv'd to carry things to the ut­most extremity.

The occasion of the Quarrel was given by the Regale, which is a certain prerogative be­longing to the Sovereign, by vertue of which they enjoy the benefit of the Revenues of the Bishopricks, and the right of bestowing all Dignities and Prebends, during the vacancies of the Episcopal Sees. But it is to be observ'd that the Provinces of Guienne, Dauphine, and Languedoc, pretended to be exempted from this rule, whether it were that the Law of Fiefs (which is suppos'd to be the Off-spring of the Regale, and by vertue of which the Lord enjoys the Revenues of the Fief, after the Death of a Vassal, till the time of the In­vestiture of his legal Heir) was never intro­duc'd in those Provinces, among a People that [Page 181]were very tenacious of their natural Liberty, or whether they enjoy'd this Prerogative by vertue of some particular privileges granted them by their Princes, before they were in­corporated with the Crown of France, I will not pretend to determine.

In the Year 1608, the Parliament of Paris, (which alone takes cognizance and decides matters concerning the Regale) on occasion of a contest about a Deanery, vacant in the Church of Bellay, declar'd by their Sentence on the 24th of April, that the King's prerogative or the Regale, ought to take place in all and every place belonging to the Kingdom, en­joyning the Lawyers not to argue any thing to the contrary. The Clergy being much alarm'd at this Novelty, made their applica­tion to King Henry IV. who order'd that this Sentence should not be put in execution, till the whole matter had been further debated and adjudged by King and Council. Accord­ingly these Provinces, by their Deputies ap­pear'd before the Council, and produc'd their Titles, by vertue of which they laid claim to these Privileges; they were taken into consi­deration, but it hung in suspense till the Year 1673, when after many Proceedings, which lasted near threescore Years, the Council con­firm'd, in February, the Sentence of the Parli­ament of Paris; to wit, that the Regale ought to take place in all the Provinces and Territories under the King's Jurisdiction.

The pointed contest being chiefly concern­ing the Province of Languedock, all the Pre­lates of the said Province submitted to thi [...] Decree, except the two Bishops of Alets [Page 182]and Pamiers, who made their appeal to the Pope. He was a Native of Cosmo in the Mi­laneze, his Name being Benedict Odescalchi, and afterwards assum'd that of Innocent XI. a Man of very Virtuous Inclinations, but sullen in his Temper; zealous to an excess, and too much addicted to his own Sentiments, which is the frailty of Men, that even the most Vir­tuous are too apt to indulge their own Hu­mour; these Prelats having by their Letters, and Agents in their Audiences, represented the Regale to the Pope, as a point of Heresie suf­ficient to destroy the true ancient purity of Re­ligion, he sent two Briefs to the King; and in a third, threatned the King no less than with the Fulmen Papale, or Thunderbolt of the Church, adding these following Words; That he would be made sensible in time, that he did not oppose him alone, but Jesus Christ him­self, against whom all human Force and Prudenc could not avail.

Most People of sense and unbyass'd judg­ment, who made it their business to dive into the Mystery of this matter, could not but be amaz'd, to see the Pope oppose with so much violence so potent a King, and who had so lately given such eminent proofs of his Zeal for the Catholick Religion, barely on the ac­count of the imaginary notion of the two Prelates. It was alledg'd by these wise Politi­tians, that the subjection of the Province of Languedoc under the Prerogative of the Regale, could not be imagin'd to be the true cause of the pretended affliction of the Church, no more than the same could be imputed to o­ther Provinces, that at all times had submitted to the same Prerogative.

A difference of this nature might have pro­ved of very ill consequence under another Reign, there being too many examples, when such a spark has broke out into a flame, which all the art of Men has not been able to quench. It being unquestionable, that those contests which arise with the Church are to be ma­nag'd with a great deal of caution, and that it is sometimes more conducible, to suffer with Patience, than to go about to set up a Reformation, which generally proves unsuc­cessful, unless with the hazard of occasioning a Schism in the Church.

There were not a few, who making seri­ous Reflections upon these differences, were of opinion, that the Court of Rome was not ill pleas'd to have met with this opportunity of the Regale, and some other matters of the like nature to serve them as pretences to come to a rupture with us; it has been, said they, the general Maxim of all the Popes for many Years last past, to keep up, as much as in them lay, the balance betwixt the most Potent Princes in Europe, for fear, least one of them should be put in a condition to prescribe Laws to the rest, Italy, and the Popedom it self might be in danger of being swallow'd up by the most Potent. That it was upon this score the Pope had laid hold of this specious pretence, to joyn with the Confederates against France; the King's Reputation, Prosperity, and Power being rais'd to that pitch, as to give more occasion of Jealousie and fear to the other Princes at this time, than the over-grown greatness of Charles V. did in the last Age. The firm resolution the Pope shew'd in ad­hering [Page 84]to his first sentiments, without giving the least ear to the remonstrances made on our side, seem'd to intimate to the World, that these conjectures were not ill grounded.

The King, both for his own satisfaction, and to endeavour by all means possible to per­swade the Pope to a compliance, sent the Cardinal Cesar d'Estree, in the quality of his Ambassador to Rome, a Man of a vast under­standing, a great Divine, and a greater Poli­tician, who besides that, had attain'd to a de­gree of Learning much above the common ranck; but neither the Conduct of this great Minister, nor the submission of the King, were prevailing enough with the Pope to make him alter his Sentiments.

The Bishops of France taking into their se­rious consideration, Assembly of the French Clergy 1682. this unfortunate conjun­cture, made their application to the King, de­siring leave to call an Assembly of the Clergy, in order to concert such measures as might either satisfie the Pope, or if that did not suc­ceed, might prevent the effects of his threats. The Assembly was very remarkable for its number, and the great capacity and known vertue of those that compos'd it. After ha­ving examin'd the Briefs, and well weighed the matter concerning the dispute about the Regale, the Clergy, with the King's appro­bation, came to this Resolution, that his Ma­jesty was willing to renounce any thing de­pending on the Regale, that should be found contrary to the Discipline and Practice of the Church. This Medium appear'd to be much more advantageous to the Church in general, than the pretended exemption from the Rega­le [Page 185]could be to those of Languedock; but this was so far from giving any real satisfaction to the Pope, that he look'd upon the whole transaction to be a Crime committed against his Authority; for which reason he sent no o­ther Answer to the Letter written to him in the Name of the Assembly, but a thundring Brief, in which he had annull'd all what had been done by them in this case.

The Clergy finding him more exasperated than ever, to put some bounds to his Zeal, and to make him sensible that his Power was not unlimitted, publish'd their Opinions, in which they represented to the People, that they ought to pay all due respect to the Au­thority of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, but that they ought not to stand in fear of his Power and threats, if they transgress'd their due bounds. It was at that time that the Clergy of France publish'd these following Proposi­tions.

These Propositions met with a very different reception in Foreign Countries. Some op­pos'd them with all their might, and even in opposition to their Sovereigns, condemn'd them, as containing a new broach'd Doctrine. But there were also many others who being of a contrary sentiment, maintain'd in their Writings, that this Doctrine was so far from being new fram'd, that it had been always taught and practis'd in the Church, before the eleventh Century. They represented to the World, that Pope Gregory VIII. upheld by the vast Treasures of the Countess Mathil­de, had been the first who had been so bold as to pretend to depose an Emperor, laying hold of the opportunity that offer'd to en­crease his Power by the Intestine Divisions and Civil Wars, which at that time had reduc'd the German Empire to the brink of destructi­on. That for the first thousand Years, the Popes had always submitted themselves to the Authority of the General Councils, and that by their own confession, they had acknow­ledg'd themselves to be under a more strict o­bligation than others, to observe their Ca­nons and Decrees.

There were others also, who look'd upon this Declaration of the Assembly of the French Clergy as very seasonable, at a time when the Court of Rome in all outward ap­pearance, had no other difference with the King but only to maintain the Privileges of some of the French Churches: To be short e­very one judg'd of the matter according to his Passion, it being no new thing that Inte­rest [Page 187]is for the most part the fundcmental Rule of any Doctrine.

But certain it is, that the Pope was so in­cens'd at the Declaration of the French Clergy, that when the King afterwards had nomina­ted some of the Members of the Assembly, to supply the vacant Bishops Sees, the Pope refus'd to approve of them, alledging that they had given their consent without suffici­ently weighing the matter, to a Doctrine di­rectly opposite to the Rights and Prerogatives of the Papal Chair. It was represented to him that these contests were no Articles of Faith, but in vain, for without being mov'd at our Remonstrances, he left above thirty Churches vacant in France, rather than he would grant his Bulls to any of those that had been Members of the Assembly.

The Pope's refusal was look'd upon as very unseasonable, at a time, when most of the Churches in France, stood more than ever in need of the presence of their Bishops; the King applied all his care to root out Calvinism in his Dominions. Calvinism rooted out in France A most surprising under­taking, both in respect of the greatness of the design, and the many difficulties that were to be surmounted before it could be put in exe­cution. This Sect began first under the Reign of Francis I. neither appear'd they very con­siderable in the time of Henry II. but under the Reigns of his Children, they began to be so formidable, that they seiz'd upon many Cities, demolish'd the Churches, beat down the Altars, and broke the Images, committing such unheard of outrages in all places where they were Masters, that they did even not [Page 188]spare the grave of the Dead. After above a Million of brave Men who were destroy'd in the Massacre, in four pitch'd Battles, in the Sieges and Defence of several hundred places, and in above three hundred Engagements, they remain'd yet so Potent, at the time of Henry IV. that to restore Tranquillity to the Kingdom, he was forc'd to grant them liberty of Conscience, many Churches in all parts of France, Judges of their own Perswasion, and besides, a free access to all places of Honour and Dignities, to give them great sums of Money to pay off their Troops, and an hun­dred places as pledges of their future security, and to settle certain Funds to maintain both their Preachers and Garrisons.

King Lewis XIII. having, after a most bloo­dy War which lasted seven Years, taken from them and destroy'd these Sanctuaries, the pub­lick Nurseries of Sedition and Rebellion, they were ever since without any places of Refuge, or Head, being divested of all their Troops and strong holds; nevertheless they encreas'd daily in number, so that at the time of the King's accession to the Throne, they were computed to exceed two Millions.

The King immediately after he had taken the management of Affairs into his own Hands, prompted by a most laudable Zeal for the true Religion, and taking into serious con­sideration their many revolts, their dangerous correspondence with Foreign Princes, the several Conspiracies fomented by them with­in the Realm, the Cruelties executed by them in former Reigns, had at that time taken a firm Resolution to root out that Faction. But [Page 189]the first Years of his Reign being for the most part taken up with the reformation of the State, and the heavy Wars he was after­wards oblig'd to carry on against his Neigh­bours that were grown jealous of his prospe­rity, had made him to lay aside this design, or at least, till a happy Peace should furnish him with a more favourable opportunity. Af­ter a Sect has once got sure footing in a State, the most violent must serve only to make them the more inveterate, as too much lenity makes them on the other Hand the more bold and encroaching. The best way to humble them, and to make them dwindle away to nothing, is a prudent mixture of severity and indulgence, according to the different circum­stances of time, the greatest part of Mankind being more inclin'd to be govern'd by fear, than the dictates of right Reason.

The King being willing to make use of all possible means to suppress this Heresie without much noise and trouble, exhorted the French Bishops to take care, that the points in Con­troversie betwixt the Catholicks and Calvinists, should be fundamentally treated of in the Pul­pits, especially in those places that were most­ly inhabited by the last, and that a good num­ber of Prudent and Zealous Missionaries should be sent among them, who by their In­structions and good Examples, might bring back these lost Sheep to the Sheep-fold. To back their Zeal and Endeavours by his Royal Authority, he promised ample Rewards, Ho­nours, and Privileges to such of his Subjects as would return into the bosom of the Church. and to punish those that remain'd obstinate; [Page 190]he not only excluded them from his House­hold, and all other employments of Honour or Profit, but order'd also that Soldiers should be quarter'd in their Houses, till such time that they might be prevail'd upon to change their Opinion. In such a case as this it is not sufficient to give good and wholesome Instru­ctions, there being a certain benummedness (as it may be said) in Mankind, which owe­ing its Off-spring to a long Custom, makes them look with too much indifferency after the means of their Salvation, unless they be spurr'd on by fear. Most Men are so prepos­sessed with prejudices, especially if degenera­ted into a habit of carelesness, that they think it scarce ever worth their while to make a due search after Truth, unless they be forc'd there­unto by the apprehensions of danger, and the desire of living in quiet.

The King order'd all the Courts of Justice, erected by vertue of the Edict of Nantes, to be abolish'd, and in lieu of them made seve­ral Laws in favour of the Catholick Religion, which debarr'd them from that pernicious li­berty of abjuring the true Religion, and those of the Protestants who had embrac'd it, to return to their former Errors, and Heresie, under severe punishments; to shut up all such Churches as receive them, and to forbid the Ministerial Function to their Preachers. But these were too fond of maintaining and en­couraging their Faction, to give ear to the King's Commands, who, to punish their dis­obedience, order'd many of their Churches to be pull'd down, and laid level with the ground; especially in such places where the [Page 191]had exercis'd their Divine Worship, contrary even to those Edicts which were made in their behalf. It is in this place that with all the reason in the World may be apply'd this saying, That there are certain Truths which ap­pear so little probable, that they resemble more a Fable than Truth it self. Will it not appear incredible to Posterity, when they shall read that we have seen in our times so strong a Faction dwindle away to nothing, without any violence or commotion? For in four or five Years time whole Cities were re-united to the Obedience of the Church, who had this comfort to see by the conduct of her eldest Son, Two Millions of her Children return in­to her Bosom. Thus the King in the Year 1685, on the 22th of October, annull'd the Edicts of Nantes and Nismes, their Churches were all laid level with the Ground, their Mini­sters banish'd the Kingdom, and Calvinism was entirely rooted out without the least com­motion.

As by these so many and great Actions the love which the People bore to the King en­creased more and more every Day, so it is scarce to be express'd with what a general con­sternation the whole Kingdom was seiz'd, when about a Year after, his Life was in dan­ger. For seven or eighth Months before, In Decem. 1678. he had been much out of order, having at seve­ral times been seized either with a Fever or some other Distemper, till at last it breaking out into an Ulcer, an incision was judg'd the only remedy against the Evil, which being applied accordingly, prov'd so dangerous, that he could not possibly have escaped with his [Page 192]Life, if the Fever had return'd. But the cause of it is attributed by many to the excess of fear, which seizes the faint hearted Pati­ent in such an operation; so the King having born it without the least commotion, he scarce found any alteration, having receiv'd the visits of many the same Day, appear'd in Council the next, and during the whole time he was afflicted with this Evil (which lasted above five Weeks) he manag'd all State-Affairs, and dispatch'd his Orders with the same activity as he was us'd to do before.

As long as he was judg'd to be in danger, the whole Kingdom offer'd up their Vows for his recovery. Nothing was more frequent than to see the Handycrafts Men leave their Employments, and to run in prodigious num­bers to the Churches, which were always full from Morning till Night; the People flock­ing in vast numbers to Pray for the King's Health. But as they had given most evident proofs of their sorrow and grief hitherto, so they strove to out-do one another in their de­monstrations of Joy at his Recovery; the re­joycings made upon this Occasion being risen to that degree of extravagancy, that it was judged convenient to put a stop to them by publick Authority. But if his recovery fill'd all his Subjects with joy and satisfaction, his Enemies, jealous of his greatness, were the more surprised, when they found themselves deceiv'd in their expectation.

It was above a Year since the Prince of O­range, the Ministers of the Emperor, and the Duke of Neuburgh had fomented the jealousie, which the other Princes of Europe had concei­ved [Page 193]at our King's Prosperity. The Duke of Neuburgh especially, being a very active Prince, and a great Politician, who never miss'd the least opportunity of promoting his own Inte­rests, had made many Cabals against France, especially in Germany, and Spain, where by his perswasions he animated these Princes to enter into a League against us, insinuating to them, the danger that threatned them sm [...]e the conclusion of the Truce made at Ratisbonne in the Year 1684, which he represented to them more disgraceful than the Peace it self made at Nimeguen, and that therefore it would be more for their Interest to take up Arms for the recovery of their Losses and Reputation, an open War being less dangerous, than to suffer France to bid defiance to them in the midst of Peace; that they could scarce hope for a more favourable juncture than this, the present greatness of France being owing to their King, whose health being now impair­ed to that degree, as not to be able to get on Horseback, and to animate his Subjects by his Presence.

These insinuations and intrigues were at last so prevailing, that in the Year 1686, in July, an Alliance was concluded at Augsburgh against France, betwixt the Emperor, the King of Spain, the States-General of the United Provinces, the Elector Palatin, and the Ele­ctors of Brandenburgh and Saxony, many Ca­tholick, and generally all the Protestant Princes of Germany.

After the taking of Luxemburgh, and the conclusion of the Truce, the King had shewn more inclin [...] than ever to maintain the [Page 194]Peace of Christendom; he had let the Empe­ror gain several Battles, and Conquer a whole Kingdom, without any opposition, or ma­king the least Diversion, which might in all probability have prevented the Imperialists from extending their Conquests, and ruining the Ottoman Empire, which seem'd at that time to be brought to the very brink of de­struction. And notwithstanding that the Duke of Neuburgh by his Conduct, had gi­ven sufficient reason to the King to make him feel the effects of his Indignation, neverthe­less he resolv'd rather to sacrifice his present resentments to the interest of Christendom, than by sending an Army towards the Rhine to obstruct the progress of the Christian Arms against the Infidels.

In the mean time the Elector Palatin hap­pen'd to die without Issue, who being suc­ceeded in the Electorate by the Duke of Neu­burgh, The first Spouse of the present Duke of Orleans was Hen­riette Anne, Daughter to K. Ch. I. of Eng­land. Charlotte Elizabeth of Bavaria, the lately deceas'd Elector's Sister, and now Dutchess of Orleans, demanded from the new Elector all the moveables, Allodian Lands, and Fiefs belonging to her Family. The new E­lector did consent to give her all the movea­ables, but refus'd to restore the rest, of which he had taken possession. The better to back his pretensions, the Duke of Orleans was forc'd to make his application to the King, to lend him a sufficient number of Forces to put himself in possession of those Fiefs, which by Inheritance belong'd to his Dutchess. This seem'd to be the most favourable opportunity that could be expected for the King to chastise the Elector Palatin; but his inclinations for [Page 195]the maintaining Tranquillity in Christendom prevailing over all other considerations, he would not consent at that time, that the Duke of Orleans, his Brother, should prosecute his right by force of Arms, but prevail'd with him to leave the whole matter of the decisi­on to the Pope.

The Heads of this new Confederacy impu­ting this condescension of our King either to the present condition of his Affairs, or the ill state of his health, left no stone unturn'd, e­specially in the Court of Rome, to prepossess the Pope with fears and jealousies against us. He being extreamly rejoyc'd at the happy progress of the Emperor's Arms in Hungary, it was not without a great deal of satisfacti­on, that he saw our King give such eminent demonstrations of his moderation, as not in the least to obstruct their Conquests, besides which he could not be sufficiently sensible of these fresh demonstrations of the King's con­fidence in him, in having left the difference a­bout the Inheritance of the Palatinate to his Arbitration. But the Emperor's Ministers had so much the ascendant over him, that by their insinuations, they stifled all the fa­vourable Sentiments he had conceiv'd for the Interest of France; and on the other Hand, had so deeply engag'd him in their Party, that he only wanted an opportunity or a pretext to come to a rupture with us; it was not long before he thought to have met with the most favourable one that could be wish'd for, when a dispute arose about the Franchi­ses of the Quarters of Ambassadors.

The Palaces of Foreign Ambassadors be­longing not so much to themselves as those Kings and Princes whom they represent, Differences about the privileges of the Am­bassadors Quarters at Rome. ought at all times to be respected as such, and for this reason it is, that by the Law of Na­tions they are accounted Sacred and Unviola­ble. The Ambassadors of Crown'd Heads residing at Rome entertain generally a vast Re­tinue, so that their Palaces being seldom large enough to contain so great a number of Domesticks, they are frequently oblig'd to dispose of some of them in the next adjacent Houses, which upon that account were al­ways esteem'd at Rome as belonging to and en­joying the same Privileges with the Ambassa­dor's Palace it self. for which reason the Of­ficers of Justice were not allow'd to do their Office in these places, which were look'd up­on as a Sanctuary. But it happen'd frequent­ly, that the Ambassadors Domesticks, and sometimes they themselves made but ill use of this Privilege, which made several Popes for­bid their Subjects, under very severe punish­ments, to seek for refuge in the Ambassador's Quarters, and order'd their Judges not to suf­fer any thing like it for the future. But not­withstanding all these precautions, the Am­bassadors had maintain'd themselves in their right, till Pope Innocent XI. seem'd resolv'd to abolish them for ever.

For which purpose, he immediately after the Death of Francis Hannibal, Duke d'Estrees, (Brother to the Cardinal of the same Name) the King's Ambassador at Rame, by his Bull Excommunicated all such as should pretend to maintain the said Franchises of Quarters, and [Page 197]all those Offenders that should pretend to seek for refuge in those places. His judgment ap­pear'd too much inclining to severity by the consent of all the World; it being alledg'd, that since the Thunderbolt of the Church ought not to aim at any others but hainous Offenders, why should it strike at these, who perhaps, by misfortune being fallen into an error, or debts, shelter themselves in those places for the preservation of their lives and liberty. After the publication of this Bull, Henry Charles de Beaumonvil, Marquis of Le­verdin, who succeeded the Duke d'Estrees in the same station at Rome, and been present at Mass at Christmass-Eve in the Year 1686, in the Parish Church of St. Lewis, the Cardi­nal Vicar taking it for granted, that the Am­bassador was fallen under the censure of the above-mention'd Bull, order'd the said Church to be shut up; but two Months after the said Judgment was revok'd, and the Church open­ed again, notwithstanding the said Ambassa­dor had not given the least satisfaction, or a­ny demonstrations of Repentance.

The said Ambassador being, since his arri­val at Rome, not admitted to the Audience of the Pope, no body knew whether he had put himself into the possession of the Franchises of the Quarters, in order to maintain, or else to resign them into the Pope's Hands; having hitherto acted with so much circumspection, as to this point, that it was the opinion of most People, that he had receiv'd Orders from the King to renounce them, since he had not forc'd all suspitious Persons to leave his Quar­ters, but also giving strict Orders to his Do­mesticks [Page 198]not to give reception to any for the future. As there had not been any body to see him from the Pope, so he had not receiv'd the least notice of this Bull against the Fran­chises of the Quarters, tho' it was evident that it had been publish'd a considerable time before his arrival; so that if the high Character he bore in the Romish Court had not been a sufficient protection for him against the censure of this Bull, it would have pro­ved a very difficult task to evince that consi­der'd only as a private Man, he had fallen un­der the said Censure. Notwithstanding all this the Pope remain'd inflexible to all the re­monstrances of the Ambassador, who could never obtain to be admitted to his Audience.

The Allies finding the Pope's resolute dispo­sition so highly favourable to their present de­sign, made use of this opportunity, to bring over some of the Catholick Princes, that hi­therto had not shew'd much forwardness to enter into the Confederacy, by which means they hop'd to strengthen their Party to such a degree, as to be able to cope with the pow­er of France; for which reason also the Ele­ctor Palatin made pressing instances at the Em­peror's (his Father-in-Law's) Court, to con­clude a Peace with the Ottoman Port, and to sacrifice some of his Conquests in Hungary to enable them to prosecute the War with the more vigour near the Rhine. The Turks shew'd about that time great Inclinations for a Peace, which they stood much in need of, to recover themselves of the losses and troubles, which their misfortunes abroad and Intestine Divisions at home had caus'd in their [Page 199]Empire; But having observ'd the Imperia­lists to act with too much eagerness in what they desir'd themselves, they began to take fresh Courage and Resolution not to make Peace, unless upon very good terms. Peace is a thing so good and desirable in it self, as ought not easily to be refus'd, when offer'd, but nevertheless it is not always advantageous to act in a matter of such consequence with too much precipitation. In the mean while the Confederates left no stone unturn'd to strengthen their Party near the Rhine, by the choice of a new Elector of Cologne, such a one as they knew to be absolutely devoted to their Interest, and who should grant a free passage to their Troops upon all occasions. The old Archbishop was so aged and decay'd in strength, The Affairs of Cologne 1688. that seeing but little probability to live many Years longer, he gave leave to the Chapter of Cologne to chuse a Coadjutor. The Elector Palatin being a Prince who knew how to improve all opportunities to his own advantage, made use of all his Interest to ad­vance one of the Princes his Sons to that Dig­nity, being sensible that if he could succeed in this design, to make one of them Coadju­tor of this Bishoprick, and consequently there­by to make himself Master of two Electorates, there was nothing so great, that he might not hope for in time; and there were not a few who suspected, that notwithstanding this strict Alliance with the House of Austria, he had not laid aside all thoughts of meeting with a favourable opportunity to make way for his Sons to the Empire. However it was, both the Emperor and Hollanders made use of [Page 200]all their Interest to back his pretensions, but all their intrigues prov'd of so little effect, that of two and twenty of which the Chap­ter was compos'd, nineteen gave their Voices for William Eugene of Furstembergh, Cardinal and Bishop of Strasburgh, Dean of the Church, and Chief Minister of the Archbi­shop of Cologne. The extraordinary merits of the Cardinal, his great Age and Experi­ence, his past Services, but above all the re­commendations both of our King, and the Archishop of Cologne had been so prevailing with them, as to prefer him before all others. But these reasons were not convincing enough to his Holiness, who in opposition to all the remonstrances made to him in the Cardinal's behalf, persisted in his resolution of not con­firming the said Postulation, tho' it was con­fess'd on all sides, that every thing had been transacted in due form, and that his Confir­mation was look'd upon as the most proper means to secure the Peace of Christendom. The King writ a Letter to the Pope with his own Hand, which being given to a trusty Messenger, the said Envoy shew'd the Letter to the Ministers of his Holiness, and without discovering to them his Instructions, told them that he had something to propose to the Pope in the King's Name, which would give him all imaginable satisfaction. But what is more frequent, than to see even the wisest to be mistaken, when they are only guided and rely too much upon their own Counsels? For, how dangerous soever the consequences of this refusal were represented to the Pope, he could not be prevail'd upon to receive ei­ther [Page 201]the Letter, or to admit the Envoy into his presence.

In the mean while that these contests were in agitation in the Court of Rome, the Arch­bishop of Cologne came to die, and the Con­federates to counter-balance the Interest of the Cardinal of Furstenbergh, rais'd up Prince Clement, Brother to Maximilian II. the pre­sent Elector of Bavaria, as a Competitor a­gainst him. He was a young Prince of no small hopes, but being not then above seven­teen Years of Age, and no Member of the Chapter of Cologne. the Pope was forc'd to recede at this juncture from his wonted rigor and the strict rules of the Church Canons, and to grant him a Dispensation to qualifie him to be Elected Archbishop of the said Church. The Confederates strengthned by the Pope's Brief spared neither threats, offers, nor pro­mises or intrigues. And the Emperor's Envoy told in the Assembly of the Chapter, and in the presence of the Cardinal himself, that if they chose the Cardinal they must ex­pect to be depriv'd of all their privileges. But notwithstanding all these violent procee­dures, fourteen remain'd stedfast to the Car­dinal, there being only nine that gave their voices for Prince Clement of Bavaria.

The decision of this grand affair belonging to the Court of Rome, Prince Cle­ment of Bavaria Elect [...]r of Cologne. both these Competi­tors back'd by the interest of those Princes that had espous'd their Quarrel, made all their credit to obtain their Confirmation by the Pope's Bull, who call'd together a Congre­gation strictly to examine the matter in all its circumstances. But a business of such vast [Page 202]quence, and that in so nice a juncture, was not likely to be decided by such formalities as those, but by the powerful influence of the stronger party. The Enemies of France were not backward to represent to the Pope, that by making the Cardinal Archbishop of Cologne, was in effect, to put our King in the possession of Cologne and the whole Electorate; that the King when once Master of Cologne, would in a little time be also Master not only of the Low-Countries, but also of the Em­pire it self, Cologne being the Gate which o­pen'd the way into the Empire to over-run the neighbouring Countries at pleasure. There needed no more to create a jealousie in the Pope, who being already prepossess'd either with a prejudice or ill will against the Cardi­nal, and with a fear of augmenting the King's Power, was ready enough to give ear to the insinuations of these Emissaries, and to exclude the Cardinal from the hopes of the Archbishoprick, in preferring a Prince of se­venteen Years, before him, whom he him­self thought worthy of the Cardinal's Cap.

Our King having thus in vain try'd all pos­sible means to preserve the Peace of Christen­dom, The King takes up Arms in 1688. took at last a resolution to come to a rupture with the Pope, and without any di­minution to the respect due to the Holy Chair, to defend himself against his Aggressors, chu­sing rather to carry the War into his Enemies Countries, than to expect it in his own. To divert the storm that was arising from Rome, he order'd his Attorney-General to bring in an Appeal to the next General Council, a­gainst all the injustices receiv'd, or which for [Page 203]the future might be to be fear'd from the Pope's partiality: This kind of Appeal, when founded upon just reasons, making void and ineffectual all the Church Censures intended against this Act, the King could not have pitch'd upon a more Prudent and Commo­dious expedient to prevent the Popes future resolutions of hurting him, or at least to take away the means of puting them in Exe­cution.

He publish'd at the same time a Manifesto, In Sept. 1688. containing the reasons which had oblig'd him to take up Arms once more; and, as his chief design was rather to be upon the defen­sive than to act offensively against his Ene­mies, the said Manifesto had much more re­semblance to a new project of Peace, than to a Declaration of War. For the King propo­sed.

To put an end to the differences in Hand by an amicable composition, in reference to the Succession in dispute, concerning the Fiefs in the Palatinate.

He offer'd to demolish Friburgh and Phi­lipsbourg, after he should become Master of the last; provided the Emperor and Empire would agree on their side to convert the twenty Years Truce into a Peace, and would leave the Cardinal of Furstemburgh in the quiet possession of the Archbishoprick, and the Chapter of Cologne in the enjoyment of their Rights and Privileges.

To back these pretensions by the force of his Arms, Philips­burgh ta­ken in 1688 he order'd a good Army to advance towards Philipsburgh, which was besie­ged by the Dauphin on the sixth of October. [Page 204]This being the first time that the Prince ap­pear'd at the head of an Army in the Field, he gave such eminent proofs both of his Va­lour and Conduct in this Campaign, which lasted not above six Weeks, that thereby he gain'd the esteem of the whole French Army. There were many difficulties to be surmount­ed in this Siege, the far advanc'd Season, con­tinual Rains, and situation of the Place, which was surrounded with marshy Grounds, and the resolution of the Governor, who de­fended himself with great bravery, were such obstacles as seem'd to render the success of this Enterprise very doubtful. But the Place be­ing destitute of all hopes of relief, and not in a condition to resist any longer the fury of our Bombs, and vigorous Attacks, was forc'd to Capitulate on the twenty ninth of October, and the Dauphin celebrated his Birth-day three Days after being the first of November, by his Solemn Entry into the Place.

During the Siege of Philipsburgh the King reiterated his former instances for the con­clusion of a Peace, in hopes, that these light­nings being the fore-runners of those thun­der-claps that threatned the adjacent Coun­tries, might serve as a warning to the Con­federates. But finding all his endeavours in vain, and fore-seeing he must prepare him­self to sustain a long War, he order'd the Dauphin to make himself Master of the whole Palatinate, The Con­quest of the Palatinate in 1688. by the Conquest of the strong Fortresses of Manheim and Frankendal, and at the same time, sent several flying Armies towards Spires, Mayence, Treves, and Wormes, to take possession of these places; by which [Page 205]means he did not question but to oblige the Enemies either to accept of a Peace, or at least to put them under a necessity of regain­ing these places with vast charges and great loss of their Men, which had only cost him the trouble of being seiz'd upon by his Troops.

THE whole German Empire was ex­treamly alarm'd at these Conquests made by our King's Forces, but they were so far from being cast down at their loss, that on the contrary, they seem'd to [Page 207]have assum'd new Courage; each Circle in particular dreading the neighbourhood of so potent a Prince, strove to out-vye the other in making new Levies with great expedition, without entring upon the dispute (as they us'd to do formerly) about the Quota each of them was to furnish for the defence of the Empire. All the Electors and Princes of Ger­many, not excepting even the Elector of Ba­varia, declar'd unanimously against France, notwithstanding the Sister of the last was Married to the Dauphin. He had signaliz'd himself upon several occasions in Hungary, and was now resolv'd to maintain his Brother in the Archbishoprick of Cologne; besides, that he was flatter'd with the hopes of Succession in Spain. These Obligations were so prevail­ing with this Prince, that contrary to the Maxim practis'd in the House of Bavaria for many Years past, to balance the power of the House of Austria, he became one of the Heads and the most passionate adherents to the Confederacy.

It is scarce possible to be conceiv'd that so many Sovereigns as compose the German Em­pire should be sway'd by the same interest, The whole Empire de­clares a­gainst France. and be all of the same opinion, the more, since History can scarce furnish us with an instance for many Ages past, when they have been thus united in one League, especially in e­spousing the Emperor's Quarrel, it being look'd upon as one of the fundamental Maxims to maintain the Liberty of the Empire, rather to diminish than to favour the designs and grow­ing power of their Emperors. It appear'd to most Politicians, a thing the most impro­bable [Page 208]in the World, to see these Princes so forward in running themselves in a War, the benefit whereof would only redound to the Emperor, whilst they in the mean while disinabled themselves to resist his power, when at any time hereafter he should meet with a favourable juncture to fall upon them.

Notwithstanding the conjunction of the forces of Germany, the Emperor and Empire scarce thinking themselves strong enough to resist the King's Victorious Arms without fur­ther supplies, they made their applications to all the Princes of Europe, even the King of Poland, and to the other Northern Princes, who by their vast distance feem'd to have but little concerns in the affairs of those parts of Europe. The Swiss Cantons were more than once sollicited to enter into the Confederacy, or at least to grant a free passage to their Troops. But as they did not fear their threats, so they rejected all their advantageous offers, persisting in their resolution, to keep an ex­act neutrality, according to the examples of their Ancestors, who thereby drew the Mo­ney of the neighbouring Countries into their Country, and made themselves to be esteem­ed and courted by the most powerful Princes of Europe: among all the Princes of Italy, tho' there were very few but what were glad to see a check put to the King's power, yet not one declar'd against us except Victor Amadeus II. the present Duke of Savoy.

The Glorious Name of being Generalissi­mo over a great Army, which the Confede­rates had promis'd to send to his assistance, the [Page 209]fair prospect of enriching himself by the great subsidies from England and Holland; the hopes of having a share in the Conquests which the Allies propos'd to make upon France, and to make a better Figure in Eu­rope than he had done hitherto; all these fair pretensions, I say, were motives strong e­nough to induce that Duke to refuse all the King's offers of a Neutrality, The Duke of Savoy enters into the Confe­deracy. and to joyn with the Confederates against us. The War in Piedmont is always extreamly chargeable to France; all the Cannon, Ammunition, and Provisions, must be carried upon Mules thro' impassable Roads, and out Troops could not but suffer great inconveniencies in passing and re-passing these inaccessible Mountains, so that nothing could be more advantageously contriv'd for the Interest of the Confede­rates, than to oblige our King to carry on a War on that side, where besides all the before-mention'd inconveniencies, our Frontiers lay expos'd to our Enemies; it having been al­ways the Interest of Savoy to keep a good correspondence with France, and the strict Alliances betwixt these two Courts, the King's reputation and strength having been look'd upon as a sufficient safe-guard and Bullwark for the security of our Frontiers in those parts. It was upon this account that the Allies flat­ter'd themselves with the hopes of making a powerful irruption upon us, and to penetrate into the very heart of the Kingdom on this side, where it was least defensible; but tho' they promis'd themselves no small advantages from this diversion, the main foundation of their hopes was laid on the expected change of [Page 210]affairs in England, which prov'd to their sa­tisfaction, at a time when it was not so much as dream'd of by us.

There seems to be a great sympathy be­twixt the Climate and the humour of the English Nation, the Government being sub­ject to as many Revolutions, as the weather is changeable in that Island, which, tho' very frequent here, yet are nothing the less sur­prising in their events. The great diversity of Religions, which has been introduc'd since the time of their separation from the ancient Church, is an inexhaustible scource of the many intestine troubles and divisions, which at several times have brought this Monarchy to the very brink of ruin.

James II. when Duke of York, Revolution in England 1688. was upon the point of having been excluded from the succession of the Crown by one of the Houses of Parliament, notwithstanding which, he mounted the Throne, after the Death of his Brother, with the general Acclamation of the People, at a time when he made publick profession of the Roman Religion. This No­ble confidence of not dissembling his Religion, stood him in no small stead with the English, who look'd upon this his greatness of mind, as a pledge of their future safety, and that his Word would at all times stand inviolable to protect their Laws and Liberties. But it was not long before they chang'd their senti­ments, the whole Nation being alarm'd at the Zeal they observ'd in him of advancing the Roman Catholicks, which was improv'd to the King's disadvantage by a contrary Fa­ction, who nois'd it about in the ears of the [Page 211]People, that his main design was to overturn their Laws, and to establish upon their ruins an Arbitrary power. The whole Kingdom being put into confusion and fears, they be­gan to enter into an Association, headed by the Chief Men among the Commons, and most of the Nobility, who under hand treated with Holland, and obtain'd powerful succours with so much secresy, that there was not the least thing discover'd of it, till a few Months before the arrival of the Prince of Orange at the head of an Army in England. The train was so well laid, and the whole matter so well tim'd, that when the Prince of Orange landed in Torbay with twenty thousand Men, both the Nobility and Gentry flock'd to him in great numbers, all the Cities open'd their Gates, both the Fleet and Army declar'd for him, and abandon'd their King's Interest, that to save his Life, or at least to preserve his Liberty, he was oblig'd to fly and seek for refuge in France. A most notable instance of the instability of all human greatness! If this Prince had accepted of our King's offers, Things would in all probability never have been brought to that extremity; for no soon­er had his most Christian Majesty been adver­tis'd of what was in agitation in Holland, but he sent word to the King of England, that he would either send a French Army to his assistance, or else by giving a powerful di­version to the Dutch, prevent their design a­gainst him. But the King of England, who flatter'd himself with these hopes, that the Prince of Orange being his Nephew and Son­in-Law, would scarce be prevail'd upon to [Page 212]head a Faction against him, and that if he should have any such intention, his Fleet and Army were a sufficient guard to him against any attempts of the Dutch, was not, till it was too late convinc'd of his mistake. For no sooner had the Prince of Orange set Foot upon the English shoar, but he found the whole Nation ready to receive him, and e­very thing was thus dispos'd, that after the departure of the King of England, the Eng­lish Nation shew'd more forwardness in ad­vancing him to the Throne, than he did, in all outward appearances, in accepting of it. For at the first meeting of the States of the King­dom, the Throne of England being declar'd vacant, the Prince of Orange was Proclaim'd, Crown'd, K. Will. III. acknow­ledg'd King of Eng­land. and acknowledg'd as Lawful King of England, not only by the English Nation, and all the Protestant Princes, but also by the Emperor, Spain, by the Electors of Germany, an all the other Catholick Princes in general, that were enter'd into the Confederacy.

It having been always look'd upon as a thing past all dispute among the Confederates, that the power of England, if joyn'd with the Confederacy, would over-balance, or at least equalize that of France; they now be­liev'd themselves to be arriv'd at the highest pitch of their prosperity; for which reason they boasted in all places, that France would fcarce be able to hold out two or three Cam­paigns, after the Prince of Orange (King William III.) should have joyn'd the Forces of three Kingdoms with the Confederate Ar­mies. There were some who were foolish e­nough to imagine, and to represent the King­dom [Page 213]of France as reduc'd to the very brink of destruction, block'd up both by Sea and Land, scarce able to withstand five or six Ar­mies that were to attack it on all sides at a time; but these unexperienc'd Politicians were soon after convinc'd that they had tri­umph'd before the Victory was obtain'd. These vast preparations made by the Allies a­gainst France, rather serv'd to augment than diminish the Glory of our King, who in nine Years time gain'd several Battels, and took many of their best Towns, some of which they have been forc'd to re-gain with incre­dible charges, and greatloss of their best Men.

However, Campain in 1689. the Revolution in England was so considerable an addition to the reputation and strength of the whole Confederacy, that the same appear'd terrible in the Eyes of all the World, except to our King, who was so far from being terrify'd by this unhappy conjuncture, that by his indefatigable care and activity, he surmounted all these difficul­ties, which afterwards serv'd only as an Aug­mentation of his Glory. He receiv'd the King of England with all the imaginable te­stimonies of generosity, and demonstrations of honour and respect, alloting both to the King, and the Queen his Spouse, a sufficient allowance to keep a most magnificent Court, and shewing a great readiness upon all occa­sions, to satisfie them in any thing they could desire, and to find out means to afford t [...]em seasonable comfort in their affliction.

A great part of the Kingdom of Ireland remaining as yet stedfast in the Interest of their King, our King without any delay, French Forces sent into Ire­land. sent thi­ther [Page 214]a good number of Troops in the Year 1689, with a sufficient quantity of Arms, Ammunition, and other necessaries. The King of England having put himself at the head of these Troops, in conjunction with the Irish Forces that had taken up Arms for him, he advanc'd against the Enemy with indifferent success, there happening nothing of moment all that Campaign, as there was no great action in other parts, the Prince of Orange (King William III.) judging it more for his advantage at that time, to establish himself in England by his Presence, and our King having taken a resolution to be upon the defensive this Campaign, the better to enable himself to send more powerful Sup­plies into Ireland, and to try whether perhaps by some means or other, the Confederacy would not dissolve it self against the next Campaign. It is easie to be imagin'd, that among Princes of so many different Inclinati­ons and Interests, the War is generally not carry'd on with the same Vigour as it is un­dertaken, there being frequent Examples that the strictest Alliances have been broken with as much ease as they were made.

For, near the Alps there scarce appear'd a­ny Armies in the Field. The Duke of Noailles took Campredon in Catalonia, which was de­molish'd quickly after. The Armies in Flan­ders did nothing but look upon one another, there having been scarce any Action there a­bouts all that Summer, but the Assault made upon Wall-Court.

This being a place of small defence, the Marshal d'Humiers thought to have carri'd it [Page 215]by Storm, without making a Breach; but the Euemies who were retir'd before the Marshal, having posted themselves upon some eminencies behind the Town, so as to keep a communication with one of the Gates, they sent from time to time as many fresh Forces as were requisite to defend the Place; so that the Marshal was repuls'd with the loss of five hundred Men killed and wounded, among whom were thirty or forty Officers, and ma­ny brave Volunteers, who paid with their lives for the mistake of the Marshal, who had been misguided by his Spies.

The Allies Forces near the Rhine consisted of threescore and ten thousand Men, divided into three several Bodies, under the Command of Prince Charles of Lorrain, and the Electors of Bavaria, Saxony, and Brandenburgh. To prevent the Enemies taking up Winter-Quar­ters too near our Frontiers, we were oblig'd to ravage all the Country of Wirtemberg, and the whole Palatinate, and to lay all desolate as far as Strasburgh. The Cities of Spires and Worms were laid in ashes, and all the other Places thereabouts, of which we had taken possession the Year before, were demolish'd, except Mayence, Bonn, Philipsburgh, and Key­serwaerth; the last of which being a small Town of little strength upon the Rhine, was by Frederic II. Elector of Brandenburgh, (Son to the Famous Frederic William, who died in May in the Year 1688) taken in four or five Days.

The City of Mayence was Besieg'd by the Imperialists, Siege of Mayence. under the Command of Prince Charles of Lorrain, the Electors of Bavaria and [Page 216] Saxony, who joyn'd their Forces with the o­thers. This Place was the Year before, when the Elector of the same name receiv'd a French Garrison into the Town, so inconsiderable in its Fortifications, that tho' a great number of Workmen were employ'd all the Winter long to put them in a state of defence, they could scarce bring the Out-works to perfection. Its chiefest strength at that time consisted in a good Garrison of nine or ten thousand Men, all resolute brave fellows, who unanimously resolv'd to hold it out to the last extremity. If it was Attack'd with all imaginable Vi­gour, there has not been a Place in the me­mory of Men defended with more bravery, In forty eight days after opening of the Trenches, the Besiegers had only made one Lodgment upon the utmost point of the Counterscarp. The Besieg'd made frequent Sallies at Noon-day, with their Colours flying, and Drums beating, sometimes three or four times in one Day, within two hours of one another. They marched out sometimes with a Body of two or three thousand Men in or­der of Battel, engag'd the Enemy, cut in pieces those that guarded the Trenches, nail'd up their Cannons, fill'd up their Works, and once drove the Enemies back at such a distance from the Place, that their main Horse-guard took Post at the very Head of their Trenches. The Confederates having often felt the effects of the desperate resolution of the Besieg'd, re­solv'd to Attack and carry the Counterscarp, let it cost what it would. Pursuant to this resolution, all their Batteries play'd most furi­ously by break of Day, and thus continu'd, [Page 217]till by the throwing of certain Bombs, the Signal was given for the Assault. In a few moments you might have seen the Ground cover'd with dead Carcasses, the Cannon of the Besieg'd, their Hand-Grenadoes and Bombs, their Fire-Arms, but especially their Swords made such havock among the Ene­my, as is rather to be conceiv'd than to be express'd. The Assault lasted five Hours, when the Besieg'dbeing at last over-power'd by the great number of their Enemies, who with­out intermission, seconded their Men with fresh Troops, were forc'd to give way, and to leave them Masters of the Counterscarp, but with the loss of four thousand Men on the Confederate side. The Besieg'd having, besides this, lost, during the Assault, all their Ammunition, by a Bomb which blew up their Magazin, they offer'd to try the next Day to regain the Counterscarp with their Swords in Hand, but the Marquis d'Uxelles, their Governor, being unwilling to Sacrifice so many brave Fellows in the attempt, beat a Parley, and the Allies being not backward in granting him very Honourable Conditions, the Garrison march'd out of the Place with their Colours flying, and six pieces of Can­non.

Whilst they were busied in the Siege of Mayence, the Elector of Brandenburgh, Siege of Bonn. who commanded a separate Body, Invested Bonn. The Place was batter'd for two Months toge­ther, with an Artillery of an hundred pieces of Cannon, and most of their Houses, and some of their Out-Works were laid level with the Ground by the Bombs; notwith­standing [Page 218]which the Besieg'd defended them­selves with a great deal of resolution, endea­vouring to out-vye the Garrison of Mayence in the defence of this Place; they were very successful in their Sallies, in one of which they miss'd but narrowly of the Elector him­self, who being left by his Guards, was in great danger of having been carried Prisoner into the Town. After the taking of Mayence, the Prince of Lorrain march'd with a conside­rable reinforcement to Besiege the Place in due form, but could not make himself Ma­ster of it till a Month after, the brave Gover­nour Bidal, Baron of Asfelt refusing to hear­ken to a Capitulation, till all the Out-works were taken, and that he had neither Provision nor Ammunition left, nay not so much as room enough to make new Entrenchments behind the ruin'd Bastions.

These two Sieges cost the Enemies near twenty thousand Men, and the remainders of their Army were so harass'd, by these conti­nual Fatigues, that they were forc'd to seek for Winter-quarters in October following, in their own Territories.

The bravery the French had shewn in the vigorous defence of these places made such a noise in the World, Campaign of 1690. that most People began to alter their opinion concerning the success of the Confederacy, who had been forc'd to buy their Conquests at so excessive a rate. But all the World stood amaz'd when they saw the King's Arms Crown'd with Victories on all sides in the next following Campaign.

The Confederate Army in Flanders consist­ed at that time of forty thousand Men, un­der the Command of the Count of Waldeck, an old General, and in great esteem among them. The Duke of Luxemburgh General of the King's Army at the same time in Flanders, Commanded a Body not inferiour in number to the Confederates, and being come within sight of them, prepar'd to Attack them, accor­ding to the King's Orders, at Noon-day, be­ing the first of July. Victory of Fleurus. The Enemy having po­sted themselves as advantageously as the time and ground would give them leave, with their Infantry in the Center, cover'd on both sides by their Horse; they fir'd prodigiously on us for a whole Hour, their Cannon charg'd with Cartruches, making most terrible havock a­mong our Troops as they were advancing a­gainst them; but this was their main effort; For their right Wing being broken at the first Onset, the left did not hold out long; the Cavalry soon gave way, but their Infantry charg'd three times with a great deal of Bra­very, till they were put to the rout in the fourth, when what escap'd the Sword, re­tir'd and shelter'd themselves in the adjacent Woods. The loss of the Enemy amounted to six thousand kill'd upon the spot, and five thousand wounded, and near eight thousand that were made Prisoners of War, among whom were nine hundred Officers. We took from them forty nine pieces of Cannon, four­score and twelve Standards, eight pair of Ket­tle Drums, and an hundred and fifty Wag­gons loaden with Ammunition. We had on our side three thousand killed or wounded, [Page 220]among whom were many Persons of note, who were much lamented. After the loss of this Battle, the Elector of Brandenburgh came with a strong reinforcement to joyn the bro­ken remainders of this Army, but they did nothing further this Campaign than to pillage Flanders, Victory at Sea. which after this Battle became a prey both to Friends and Foes. Scarce ten Days were expir'd after this Victory, when the King's Arms were bless'd with another at Sea, over the Confederate Fleet of the Eng­lish and Dutch. In the Reign of Henry IV. there was not one Galley or Man of War in all the Ports of France. King Lewis XIII. was the first who began to settle our Maritime affairs, which yet he left but in a very indifferent condition. The present King, immediately after his accession to the Crown, spar'd no costs to draw into France from the Neigh­bouring Countries, as many able Seamen and good Officers as he could; notwithstanding which, his Naval strength was for a conside­rable time much inferiour to the English or Dutch, till in the Year 1681, he gave such ef­fectual Encouragement to the Seamen, that in the same Year threescore thousand of them were Registred, of whom twenty thousand are in their turns employ'd in the King's Ser­vice, and the other forty thousand in Mer­chant-Men. His next care was to encourage the building Men of War, to keep his Ports in such a condition, as to be able to contain a good number of stout Ships, and to erect Magazins in convenient places with all sorts of Naval Stores, in all which he succeeded so well, that without reckoning thirty Galleys, [Page 221]which he always maintain'd in the Mediterra­nean, he had a Fleet of an hundred Men of War for the line of Battle, in the Year 1690, in the Ocean, so well equip'd and provided with every thing, that there were some, who affirm'd, that one of ours was equivalent to three of the Enemies.

The King had no sooner receiv'd intelli­gence that the English and Dutch Fleets were joyn'd in the Channel, but he immediately dispatch'd his Orders to the Count of Tourville Vice-Admiral in the Levant to fight them. The Count de Tourville is a younger brother of a Family in Normandy, a Man of Fortune, The Count de Tour­ville. but who in lieu of an Estate, had all the Qua­lities belonging to a great Commander, so that even in his younger days, he gave all the imaginable hopes of becoming one Day one of the best Sea Commanders this Age has produc'd since the Death of de Ruiter and Du­quesne, and his gallant Actions have been most evident demonstrations to the World, that if he did not surpass them, he alone did not fall short of them both.

The Enemies Fleet consisted of thirty Fire­ships, as many Frigats, and fourscore Men of War. The French Fleet was not above three­score and fifteen Men of War for the Line of Battle, besides twenty Fireships, six Frigats, and twenty other Ships loaden with Provisi­ons and other necessaries. The Enemies had the Wind of us for seven days together, but shew'd no inclination to come to an Engage­ment, but not being able to avoid it at last, Engage­ment at Sea with the Eng­lish and Dutch. they made towards us, being favour'd by the Tide. They were receiv'd by the French with an un­parallell'd [Page 222]bravery, the Count de Tourville, and all the rest of the Sea-Commanders shewing upon this occasion, their utmost skill in the management of a Sea-Engagement, which lasted seven hours, and did not cease till the Enemies bore away towards their own Coast. The loss on our side was very inconsiderable, one of their Bombs carried away the Stern of one of the King's Ships, the rest receiv'd very little damage. There being not one a­mong them that had lost her Masts. The E­nemies had at least four thousand Men kill'd in this Action. The English bearing away in good time, came off without much loss, on their side, but the Hollanders fighting like Lions, we took one of their Ships of sixty Guns; another was sunk, and a third burnt; besides, there were twelve more of their best Ships so much disabled, in their Masts and Riggings, that not being able to carry them off, they were forc'd to sink and to burn them. The Count de Tourville pursu'd them for two days after, and would in all probability have destroy'd their whole Fleet, if the Wind had not turn'd against him, which gave the Ene­my opportunity to bring the rest of their Ships into a place of security.

This disgrace put the Enemies into no small consternation, forasmuch as they had flatter'd themselves that they were much superiour to us at Sea, and that no body hitherto had been bold enough to dispute with them the Sove­reignty of the Sea. The Prince of Orange (King Willian III.) laying the cause of this disaster to the mismanagement of the English Admiral, he was tryed and acquitted of what [Page 223]was laid to his charge. But, whilst the Eng­lish and Dutch made heavy complaints on both sides, laying the loss of the Battle at one ano­thers Doors, the French obtain'd another signal Victory about five Weeks after, being the eighteenth Day of August.

For the Spanish Auxiliaries, Defeat of the Duke of Savoy. with a good Body of Imperial Troops having joyn'd the Duke of Savoy, he took the Field, and after several marches and counter-marches, encam­ped boldly within sight of the French Army, being cover'd on the Right by a large Wood, on the Left by boggy Grounds, and having in the Front a small Rivulet. Both the Armies were near equal in number, that of the Allies being Commanded, under the Duke of Savoy, by some of their best Officers. The Sieur de Catinat, Commander in Chief of the French in those parts, appear'd the first time in this Campaign at the Head of a great Army; He was descended from a Family that ow'd its Off-spring to the Gown, but by his many Ser­vices render'd himself not inferiour to any of our age, that have rais'd their Families by the Sword. This wise General having taken a view of, and found a passage thro' the Boggs, attack'd the Enemy on that side with incredi­ble bravery, that their left Wing was brought immediately into confusion; the right Wing held it out for some time after, but being likewise broken at last, a great slaughter en­sued, most of their Infantry being cut to pieces, and their Cavalry sav'd themselves by repassing the River Po, leaving the Field, and their whole Artillery, (except one piece of Cannon, which was thrown into the River) [Page 224]with I all their Ammunition and many Colours and Standards to the mercy of the Enemy. Four thousand of them were kill'd upon the spot; whereas on our side we had not above an hundred and fifty dead, and four hundred wounded Men. The Con­quest of Savoy, which with some part of Piedmont submitted immediately after to our King, was the first Fruit of this Victory. For Saluzzas open'd its Gates the very next Day after the Battle; The Town and Castle of Su­za surrender'd soon after, so that we remain­ed Masters of the Field, and all the flat Coun­try, till the time of withdrawing our Forces for the conveniency of our Winter-Quarters. As we had been successful even beyond hopes near the Alps, so there pass'd nothing of mo­ment near the Rhine, the Germans being very careful in avoiding an Engagement. For, no sooner had they receiv'd intelligence, that the Dauphin had passed the Rhine, but they in­trench'd themselves so strongly on the other side the River Neckar, that it was impossible to force them in their Post, or to bring them to an Engagement. Thus this Campaign would have prov'd as successful as any since the beginning of the War, if the French Troops in Ireland under the Command of the King of England, had met with the same success on that side.

For after the Prince of Orange (King Wil­liam III. Battle fought in Ireland near the Boyne in July.) had taken a resolution to pass o­ver into that Island in Person, to reduce it to his Obedience, he gave Battle to the Irish with­in twenty Days after his arrival, near the Ri­ver Boyne. Seven thousand French, seconded [Page 225]by the Irish Horse, who behav'd themselves very well, sustain'd for some time the whole power of the Enemy; but the Irish Foot be­ing immediately brought into confusion, the rest were entirely routed. The loss of this battle put the whole Kingdom into such a consternation, that the King of England not thinking himself secure there, immediately repass'd the Seas, and arriv'd safely at Brest. The Marshal and Duke of Schomberg, who had acquir'd immortal Glory whilst he was in our King's Service, was kill'd in the En­gagement. His obstinate perseverance in the Calvinism had oblig'd him to quit France, and to engage himself in the Service of the Prince of Orange (King William III.) who also re­ceiv'd a slight hurt. About five Weeks after the Battle he besieg'd Limerick. The Garri­son of the Town consisted of near six thou­sand French, under the Command of Monsieur de Boisleleau, Captain of our King's Guards, who had, after the last Engagement, thrown themselves into the Place. The Siege was carried on with the utmost Vigour, but by the bravery of the Garrison, and the help of fresh Supplies brought into the Place, together with the scarcity of Forage, continual Rains, and sickness that had infected the Camp, the Prince of Orange (King William III.) was oblig'd to raise the Siege.

After his return into England he appli'd all his care to make the necessary preparations for sending a considerable Body of his Troops into Flanders, Campaign in 1691. and to appear at the Head of them in Person, for fear least some of the [Page 226]Allies might in his absence enter upon a se­parate Treaty with France. He was met at the Hague by the Electors of Bavaria, and Brandenburgh, by the Landtgraves of Hesse, three Dukes of the House of Brunswick, Congress at the Hague. be­sides thirty other Princes; by the Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, the Emperor's En­voy, those of Spain, and several other Elect­ors, and of the Duke of Savoy, and all the General Officers, who were at this Council of War, to concert measures concerning the operations of the next Campaign.

But whilst they spent their time in debates, they receiv'd the unexpected News that the City of Mons had been invested by the French on the fifteenth of March, and that the King was expected in the Camp by the twentieth or one and twentieth of the same Month. This sudden News, like a Thunderclap, dis­pers'd the whole Congress. Most of the Princes there present return'd straightways into their respective Countries, either because they did not think it convenient to be Spe­ctators of the taking of the Place, or to ha­sten their Troops to march to the relief of it.

The City of Mons is situate upon a rising ground, surrounded with Boggs, and conse­quently strong, both by Art and Nature. It is a very large Town provided with good Out-Works, having three several Ditches, which are always full of Water, by means of some Sluyces built for that purpose. There was within the Place a very good Ar­tillery, the Inhabitants were train'd up in all sorts of Military Exercises, and the Garrison [Page 227]consisted of five or six thousand Men, all well disciplin'd Troops. But the time of the Win­ter-Quarters being not expir'd, most of the Officers were absent from their Commands, and the Lines of circumvallation were so well guarded, that notwithstanding all their en­deavours, not one of them got into the place. The Lines being brought to perfection, the Cannon began to play from the Batteries with incredible fury, one battery seconding the o­ther without intermission, and with so much dispatch, that by the confession of the most expert Engineers, never any Artillery did greater execution. Siege of Mons. Four and twenty Mor­tars, and sixty pieces of great Cannon were continually employ'd against the Place; there was above a million of Powder laid up in the Camp for the supply of them; so that where­ever you turn'd your Eyes you saw nothing but Bombs and hot Bullets flying in the Air, which set the whole City on Fire, so that you might behold the Flames rise beyond the tops of the highest Steeples. The King was Day and Night in motion, there passed not a Day but that he visited the Trenches once or twice, encouraging by his presence every one in his station to do his Duty, with such suc­cess, that both the Officers and Soldiers shew­ed so much eagerness in out-braving one a­nother, that the King, to moderate their heat, saw himself oblig'd to forbid them not to work uncover'd, and to carry their Fascins (as they did frequently) at Noon day, in spite of the continual fire of the Garrison, to the Trenches; for they seem'd to have put their chief hopes in their Artillery, they ha­ving [Page 228]not made one Salley during the whole Siege. The only place which was defended with much gallantry was a Horn-Work, which the French, making their way thro' the Gra­nadoes and Carcasses of the Enemy, which fell as thick as Hall among them, carried with Sword in Hand. The Citizens of Mons were all along in hopes that the Prince of Orange (King William III.) would come to their re­lief; and in effect he march'd with an Army of forty thousand Men as far as Hall, within six Leagues of Mons, but finding himself not strong enough to Attack our King, he re­main'd in thar post till after the Surrender of the Place, which finding it self not in a con­dition to sustain a General Assault, came to a Capitulation, after a Siege of sixteen Days.

After the taking of Mons, the Troops on both sides return'd to their Winter-Quarters, and the following Campaign was spent in marches and counter marches, without any remarkable Action. The Confederates had boasted ever since the beginning of this Sum­mer, that they would Besiege some Place or other in Flanders; they Attack'd Beaumont, a small Place without defence, the Garrison consisting only of one hundred and fifty Men. This done, the Prince of Orange (King Wil­liam III.) leaving the Army in Flanders to the Conduct of his General Officers, went to the Hague, in order to his return into England; but at the same time that he imagin'd the Campaign to be over, he receiv'd the unwel­come News of the defeat of his Cavalry.

The Marshal of Luxemburgh had so narrow­ly observ'd the motions of the Confederate Army for some time, Engage­ment near Leuze. that on the eighteenth of September he found an opportunity to fall in their Rear. He advanc'd with eighteen Squadrons, at the head of whom were the Troops of the King's Houshold towards the Enemy, who with threescore and fifteen Squadrons, posted in three Lines, covered with a deep Ditch, and a Rivulet on each side, received us very briskly: But the Troops of the King's Houshold advancing without fire­ing, receiv'd the Enemies first discharge at twelve paces distant, when breaking in upon them only with Swords in Hand, they attac­ked them so furiously, that the first Squa­drons were immediately brought into confu­sion, after they had returned four several times to the Charge. The Enemies loss a­mounted to fifteen hundred, besides which we took three hundred Prisoners, and forty Stan­dards. Their whole Cavalry was engaged in this Action, except five or six Squadrons, which being posted too near their Infantry, we durst not attack them. This brave Acti­on was perform'd only with the loss of four hundred Men killed and wounded on our side.

In all other places the King's Arms were Crown'd with the same success. The Duke of Noailles had Conquer'd the whole County of Sardagne. The Marshal de Lorges had ra­vag'd the German Territories, and had by continual marches so harassed the Confederate [Page 230]Army on that side, commanded by the Duke of Saxony, that without striking one stroke they were ruined for want of Forage and Provisions.

The Marshal de Catinat (I call him so at present, tho' he was not invested with that Dignity till two Years after) had since the Month of March taken Villa Franca in less than fifteen Hours; the Town and Castle of Nice in five Days after opening of the Trenches. Villa Franca is a very good Port, and the only one in Piedmont. The Castle of Nice is one of the strongest in Europe, built upon a Rock surrounded on all sides with precipices. But both their Magazins being blown up with Bombs, and five hundred of their Men kill'd, the Governor was forc'd to Capitulate. After the taking of Nice, Carmagnole and Veillane surrender'd at the first Summons. Coni was likewise besieg'd to open our way to Turin; but he that commanded in Chief being terrified, raised the Siege with much pre­cipitation, before he could be reinforc'd with necessary Supplies. But the Duke of Savoy had no better success before Suza; for tho' he receiv'd a considerable reinforcement of Brandenburghers, yet he was forc'd to quit the Enterprise at the approach of our Army.

The Marshal de Catinat to put a glorious end to this Fortunate Campaign, and to make himself Master of the Chief and only re­maining Key both of Savoy and Piedmont, besieged Montmelian about the middle of No­vember. This so famous Fortress defended it self very courageously; but the French, in [Page 231]spite of the bravery of their Enemies, and the rigour and inconveniencies of a far ad­vanced Season, forc'd the Garrison to a sur­render, after a Months Siege. All these most glorious Conquests were look'd upon as in­considerable, in respect of the hopes we had conceiv'd of the restauration of the King of England. Gampaign in 1692. But we found our selves frustrated in our expectation. The hour of this Prince, was, as it seems, not yet come, and all the efforts made on our side in order to assist him in his design, serv'd for nothing else but to give us new proofs of the aversion of his People towards him, and that his ill Stars were as powerful as ever to render him un­fortunate. He had lately lost the Kingdom of Ireland, which was Conquer'd by one of the Prince of Orange's (King William III.) Ge­nerals, who had taken Limerick, and oblig'd the French Forces to return into France. In recompense of this loss he was buoyed up the next following Spring, of being suddenly restor'd to his Throne. There were many of his Adherents and Creatures left in England, be­sides a good many of his old Servants who being employ'd in bringing over the Officers of the English Army and Fleet to their side, perswaded themselves to have managed mat­ters with so much dexterity, that it was im­possible to fail in the Enterprise. Full of these hopes, this Prince craved assistance from our King, who granted him a good Fleet, and a sufficient number of Land-Forces to be tran­sported into England. Then he marched with his Troops into Normandy, expecting the suc­cess of our Fleet, which under the Com­mand [Page 232]of the Count de Tourville, Vice-Admi­ral of France, was gone to Sea in quest of the Enemy.

But we found our selves soon mistaken in our fond expectations, for the English were so far from running before us, or to declare for the King of England, (as we had been perswaded they would) that they gave Tour­ville a very warm reception. Loss of fif­teen Fr. Men of War in May. The French Fleet was much inferiour in number to the Enemies, consisting only of forty four. Men of War for the Line of Battle, whereas the Confederate Fleet was fourscore and ten strong. Notwithstanding this great inequa­lity, the French Attack'd them so briskly, that for three hours together they had the advan­tage over the Enemies, who were extreamly damnified in their Masts and Rigging, lost one of their Ships, which was sunk, and most of their Fireships, whereas we lost not one Ship during the whole Engagement. Both Fleets being separated by a thick Fog and the Night, Tourville fearing, not without reason, that considering the inequality of their Forces, he should not be in a condition to cope with the Confederate Fleet a second time, thought it most advisable to take this opportunity of making the best of his way towards the French Coast. But his Fleet being separated by the darkness of the Night, one and twen­ty of his biggest Ships gain'd the Port of St. Malo, where they were sufficiently secur'd against any attempt of the Enemy: But fif­teen others not being able to steer the same course, by reason of the contrary Winds, [Page 233]were so closely pursued, that being in danger of being taken, they run a-shoar, and after having taken out all their Cannon, and most of their Rigging, the French set fire to them, rather than to leave them a prey to the English and Dutch. Nothing is more common in the World than to lay the ill success of an Enter­prise at the Door of him who has had the su­pream Direction and Management of it, most People looking upon a disaster of this nature to proceed chiefly from the ill Conduct of the General; whereas they attribute the happy suc­cess of a Battle merely to Fortune. But it must be confess'd, that Tourville had the satis­faction to hear his Enemies give him this Character; That he had acquitted himself upon this Occasion as a great Commander.

But the taking of Namur did surprise the Confederacy and all Europe in such a manner, Siege of Namur by the French. that our success in Flanders soon effaced the re­membrance of the disgrace received at Sea.

Namur is situated at the confluence of two Rivers; the City lies in a Plain; the Castle is built upon a Rock, both are very regularly fortified; this being one of the most conside­rable places in all Flanders for its Situation, and of such consequence, that in the last Age, this being the only Place in the Netherlands remaining in the Spaniards Hands, they by the help of it, recover'd all the rest of the Low-Countries, which have been in their possession since. The several Works belonging to the Castle were like so many Citadels, each of [Page 234]them being provided with its Out-Works, Ditch, a particular Garrison and Comman­der. In the Fort William alone was a Garri­son of two thousand Men, and a train of Ar­tillery, sufficient to defend a great City. These Forts being built upon an assent which reaches up to the body of the Castle command one another. And defend the avenues leading to it. At the time when it was besieged by the King, the Place was provided with a Garrison of eight or nine thousand Men, with great store of Ammunition and Provision of all sorts, under the bravest and most expert Offi­cers among the Confederates. The Prince of Orange (King William III.) was at that time in Flanders, and the Confederates were so nu­merous on that side that they could bring to­gether an Army of an hundred thousand Men. But all these obstacles were not capa­ble of altering the King's resolution, who, after every thing was in a readiness for the carrying on of so great an Enterprise, order­ed two separate Armies to take the Field in Flanders; the less numerous of the two was employed in the Siege, the other to cover it against any attempt of the Enemy. These two Armies consumed every Day two hun­dred and fifty thousand Rations of Bread, and thirty thousand French bushels of Oats, al­lowing half a bushel for each Horse a Day. And the King had taken such sure measures as to all the necessary Supplies, that as long as the Siege lasted, there was always in both Camps no less than for fifteen Days Provision. Twenty thousand Pioneers were employed in [Page 235]making the Lines of circumvallation and con­travallation, and the Trenches were opened in three Days after. The City made at first a vigorous Defence, but capitulated on the eighth Day, finding it self not in a condition to sustain a general Assault. The surrender of the City made the Enemy fear, that the Ca­stle, tho' accounted impregnable, might fol­low the example of the City; for which rea­son the Prince of Orange, (King William III.) Count Waldeck General of the Dutch Forces, and the Elector of Bavaria, who had lately been made Governour of the remaining part of the Spanish Netherlands, advanced and po­sted themselves near the Banks of the River Meheigne. These three Bodies made together an Army of near an hundred thousand Men, which was continually in motion to intercept our Convoys, or to endeavour to force our Quarters, if they should find an opportunity. The Marshal de Luxemburgh, not inferiour in number to the Confederates, being encamped on rising Ground on the other side the Me­heigne, at about half a Leagues distance from the River, expected them in good order, there being a large Plain betwixt them and the E­nemy. But the Prince of Orange (King Wil­liam III.) had either no inclination to hazard a Battle, or else could not meet with a favou­rable opportunity to put his design in execu­tion; for he caused five or six several times Bridges to be laid over the River, but they were immediately broken down again. Thus these two great Armies encamped within sight of one another for a whole Month, exactly [Page 236]observing and following one another's mo­tions, frequently saluting one another with their Cannon, without coming to handy­blows. In the mean while the Siege was carried on with all imaginable vigour, the King not only giving his Directions upon all occasions of moment, but also seeing them put in execution. Being seiz'd with the Gout when they were just ready to attack a covert way, he caused himself to be carried in a Chair to a certain Place, from whence he could see all what passed, and give the ne­cessary Orders, as occasion should require.

Here it was that Lewis Alexander Count of Tholouse was wounded by his side. It was observable that there did not appear the least change in this young Prince's Countenance at this mishap, a happy presage of those many courageous Actions, he has since that time gi­ven such eminent proofs of in the following Campaigns. The King's Forces being ani­mated by his Presence, and Example, never behaved themselves so well in any Siege what­ever, giving every Day innumerable demon­strations of their Courage and Patience, for the besieged fired without intermission. The weather was extreamly bad during the whole Siege, the Soldiers being continually fatigu'd by the Rains and Tempests; besides which, they met with so many Rocks in the carrying on of the Trenches, that they could advance but slowly, and with a great deal of difficul­ty, they being forc'd to carry them round a­bout several great Hills, and large Valleys, which took up a vast compass. But all these [Page 237]obstacles served only to augment the Patience and Courage of our Soldiers. It was next to a prodigy to see some of them crawl up bold­ly to the Breaches, and to endeavour to keep their Post only with their Swords in Hand, a­gainst a vast number of Enemies, who power­ed whole showers of small-shot at them, whilst they return'd them as many Hand-Gra­nadoes as they were able to throw. The first and the bravest Action that happened in the whole Siege was near a certain Eminency, where the Enemy having strongly Entrench­ed themselves, we were forc'd to drive them from that Post before we could open our Trenches before the Castle. The King's Troops attack'd them with Sword in Hand, and Bayonetts in their Fusees: They fired very briskly from their Entrenchments, which our Troops having sustained with great bra­very, the Enemy at their approach quitted the Post, after they had lost two or three hundred Men. Within six Days after we forc'd their retrenchments and redoubts of the Hermitage. The Fort William defended it self ten Days: On the tenth we carried the Covert-way, not without great slaughter on both sides, when the Dutch Garrison came immediately to a Capitulation. This done there was remain­ing as yet the Castle with all its Out-works. This was the most difficult task, but by the King's presence the Works were carried on so vigorously, that in five Days time we made an Assault upon the Counterscarp. The Be­sieged defended themselves with all the cou­rage imaginable, but were at last forced to [Page 238]way to the numbers of the Besiegers, who were from time to time seconded with fresh Troops; soon after all their Cannon be­ing dismounted, one of their chief Maga­zins blown up by two of our Bombs, and a­nother being fallen into the great Cistern which furnished the Castle with Water, and our Mines ready to spring under one of the Bastions of the Horn-work, what with hun­ger and thirst, what with fear of not being able to sustain a General Assault, for want of Sleep, occasioned by the continual throwing in of Bombs, they were necessitated to hear­ken to a Capitulation, notwithstanding that the body of the Castle was entire, and that they had as yet a Horn-work left which would have cost us no small trouble to take. Out of eight or nine thousand Men, of which the Garrison of Namur consisted at the be­ginning of the Siege, there were but twelve hundred left in the Fort William, and two thousand five hundred in the Castle, when they marched out. The rest perished either by sickness, or were killed by our Bombs, or in the several Attacks and Sallies.

The taking of Namur in the sight of an Ar­my of an hundred thousand Men, put all the Spanish Netherlands under a most terrible con­sternation; the common people being ex­treamly dissatisfied that the relief of a place of such consequence had not as much as been attempted by the Confederate Army, affront­ed, nay assaulted the Dutch at Brussels, and se­veral other places, and did not stick to grum­ble [Page 239]at the Prince of Orange, (King William III.) who to appease them, and to raise their droop­ing Courage, resolved, within a Month after, to give us Battle.

Every thing seem'd to conspire for his ad­vantage: Battle of Stenkerk, Aug. 3. He was now thirty thousand Men stronger in Insantry than the Duke of Lux­emburgh, who labour'd also under another in­conveniency, that his Cannon was left be­hind, his Artillery not arriving till the Night before the Engagement. The Grounds on that side where the Enemy intended at At­tack us being full of small Bogs and Rivulets, with very thick Hedges and large Ditches, was only fit for the Infantry to Engage in. Here it was that the Troops of the King's Houshold were posted, who being cover'd by one single Brigade, (the rest of the French Infantry were at least a League's distance from thence) the Prince of Orange (King Willi­am III.) did not in the least question but they would soon be over-powered by the whole English Infantry, that were to begin the At­tack; all the circumstances appearing so fa­vourable on his side, that he thought himself assured of Victory. To amuse the Enemies Spies, he issued out his Orders the Night be­fore the Engagement, that they should go a Foraging the next Day, which done, he kept all the General Officers of the Army with him in his Tent till ten a Clock at Night, when having sent them back to their respe­ctive Posts, the march was begun about half an hour after, to be within sight of the French [Page 240]Camp at break of Day. There appear'd so much satisfaction and joy both in his Counte­nance and Words, that when they arriv'd at the appointed place, without being discover­ed by the French, he spoke out a loud to his Soldiers, that they were going to an assured Victory, not to fight, but to cut to pieces their Enemies; tho' many were of Opinion, that this assurance he gave to his Soldiers of an undoubted Victory, was rather done with an intention to enflame their Courage, than to express his own sentiments, it being unque­stionable, that it was always consider'd as one of the chiefest qualifications belonging to a General, to know how to inspire his Soldiers with a seasonable assurance of Victory. It is more than probable, that if at that instant he had led his Army towards the Enemy, his design would have succeeded; but whilst he stayed for the coming up of the Elector of Bavaria, and Count Waldeck, who stayed a­bove an Hour longer than was expected, the French had leisure given them to put them­selves in a posture to receive them. It is in vain to chose ones time, unless it be impro­ved to the best advantage. For in the mean time the Duke of Luxemburgh order'd his best Battallions to advance with all speed, who being posted where the Enemy must At­tack us, sustained by the Troops of the King's Houshold, and these again by several other Bodies of Horse. The Pass was so nar­row that not being able to extend our Lines in Front, we were forced to double them. [Page 241]For the first two hours they fir'd most terribly on both Sides, the Battallions advancing so near, that they discharged their Musquets cross one another. The Enemy fir'd more briskly than we for some time; they got Ground of us, and made themselves Masters of four of our Pieces of Cannon; but the French perceiving that their Musquets were not likely to do the Work, threw them down, and being led only by their Officers, but es­specially by the Princes, the Duke of Chartres, the Duke of Bourbon, the Prince of Conty, Duke de Maine, and others, charged the E­nemy with their Swords in hand, so furiously, that they forced them to retreat, many of whom were cut in pieces, the rest saving them­selves in an adjacent Wood. They were pur­sued for an hour after, and the Field of Battle for a League together, was covered all over with dead Carcasses, which in some places lay six Foot high upon one another. This Victo­ry cost us two or three Thousand of our best Men, among whom were many Persons of Merit and Quality; especially the Prince of Turenue, eldest Son to the Duke of Bovillon, who died the day after the Battle, of his Wounds. The loss of the Enemy amounted to nine Thousand kill'd upon the spot, and as many wounded. We took nine Colours, and ten pieces of Cannon, but only thirteen hun­dred Prisoners, the English refusing to ask Quarter.

It was much about the same time that the Duke of Savoy made an Irruption into the higher Dauphine, The Duke of Savoy invades France in August. where he lost abundance of his Men without striking a stroke. The Con­federates [Page 242]had for a considerable time before, formed a Project of entring Dauphine and Provence, flattering themselves with hopes, that the new Converts would revolt and join them from all Parts of France. To put their so long projected Design in execu­tion, the Governour of Milan, and the Impe­rial General Caprara, joined with their Troops the Duke of Savoy; They carried along with them Arms for thirty Thousand Men, and were provided with Ministers, who in all places, through which they passed, endeavour­ed in their Sermons to sow the Seed of Re­bellion and Calvinism among the People. But they found themselves entirely mistaken in their Expectation, the new Catholicks being so far from shewing the least Inclination for a Revolt, that they were the most forward up­on all Occasions to do what Mischief they could to the Enemy, by drawing them into Ambushes, and killing without Mercy, all such as they met with stragling, or otherwise de­tach'd from their main Body. This was the Reason why the Confederates made but little Progress, and their proposed Conquest turn'd to a very slender Account. They took Guil­lestre in three days; Ambrun held out six, Gap being only provided with ten Men to keep the Gates, receiv'd them without the least Re­sistance. Guillestre is at present no more than a Country Town, without any other Defence but two old ruin'd Bastions. Ambrun is in­deed a small City, but defended only by a sin­gle Wall; But the Besieged supplying the de­fect of their Fortifications by their own Cou­rage, defended the Place so well, that the E­nemies [Page 243]nemies were not Masters of it, but with the Loss of above fisteen hundred Men. Thus ended this Expedition of the Duke of Savoy, who being faln ill, and finding his Army con­siderably diminished by Sickness and Fatigues, repassed the Alpes, carrying no other Spoils a­long with him, but the Bells of Ambrun and Gap.

In the same Month the Marshal de Lorge ob­tained a Victory over six thousand German Horse, in the Country of Wirtembergh, if the Pursuit of a flying Enemy, vanquish'd with­out effusion of Blood, may be dignified with that Name. For no sooner did the German Horse perceive the Vant. Guard of the King's Army, but they betook themselves to flight, The Ger­mans rout­ed near Phortzhe­im to­wards the latter end of August. nine hundred of them were kill'd in the pur­suit, and six hundred taken Prisoners, among the last was the Duke of Wirtembergh, who commanded this Body in Chief. The City Phortsheim was taken the next day by our Forces, where they had laid up all their Pro­visions for the rest of the Compaign. The Landgrave of Hesse was at that time taken up with the Siege of Eberenburgh, a small Place, fortified by the French, for the conveniency of their Magazines; but as soon as he re­ceived the News of this Defeat, and the ap­proach of the Marshal de Lorge, in order to relieve the place, he raised the Siege with so much precipitation, that they left behind them some of the Cannon, with all their Am­munition, and all other Necessaries belonging to a Siege.

Most people were of Opinion, that these frequent Distasters would have both exhausted the Strength and Hatred of the Confederates; [Page 244]but flattering themselves with these vain hopes, Campaign of 1692. that these Conquests would at last turn to the destruction of France, they resolved to abate no­thing of their Resolution in vigourously prose­cuting the War, and remaining steadfast in the Confederacy; especially since the Prince of Orange (K. William III.) did not cease to insinuate to them by his Ministers, that this was the only way left for their mutual Preservation, since if they were not able, when joyn'd together, to ballance the Power and Success of our King's Arms, it would be no difficult Task for him, to vanquish them singly, whenever he should take a Resolution to dispossess them of their Estates, after the breaking of the League. Both sides therefore, made all ima­ginable Preparations to prosecute the War with more vigour than ever; The Confede­rates to defend themselves against the Power of France, our King to attack them afresh in the next Campaign. This Campaign was opened in Flanders in the Month of January, Furnes taken. by the taking of Furnes; its Garrison con­sisted of four thousand English, and the Ele­ctor of Bavaria made all the necessary Pre­parations to Relieve it, but it was surrendred in fifteen Hours, being a Place of great Con­sequence to us, to cover our Frontiers, and to disappoint the Confederates in their Design of Besieging Dunkirk.

The Prince of Orange (K. William III.) had at several times promised the Allies to make a Descent in France, which he now being re­solved to put in Execution, ordered a Fleet to be Equipp'd for that purpose, provided with a good number of Flat-bottom'd Vessels, for [Page 245]the Conveniency of Landing his Forces, which were drawn together near the Sea-side, opposite to the French shoar. The King be­ing not ignorant of this Design, to encourage his Subjects, and take all necessary Precauti­ons, the King ordered a good Army to serve as a Guard of his Sea-Costs, under the Com­mand of his only Brother, the Duke of Or­leance. The precaution, as it was founded upon a sure Maxim of Prudence, so it prov'd useless in its Consequence; For, all these vast Preparations and Threats vanished into Smoak, the Troops design'd for this pretend­ed Expedition being sent into Flanders; which was only made use of to oblige our King to remove part of his Forces from the Frontiers to defend his own Coasts. But this Amuse­ment, which was not carried on without vast Expences, turn'd but to a very slender Ac­count on the Enemies side, without reaping any other Advantage by it, than to Alarm our Sea-Coasts, with the danger of an Invasion, which being soon vanished, the People took fresh Courage, and were prepared to encoun­ter it with less Surprize for the future. For the King was so far from shewing the least Fear upon this Occasion, that he attack'd the Enemies with new Vigour on all sides.

The Marshal de Noailles besieged Roses in Catalonia, which place, Roses taken. tho' considerable for its Strength, he took in eight days after open­ing of the Trenches, to wit, on the 29th of July. Smyrna Fleet in­tercepted by Tour­ville.

The Marshal de Tourville, was ordered to­wards the Streights, to intercept the Smyrna Fleet, of the English and Dutch, of which, [Page 246]he, on the 29th of June, betwixt Cadiz and the Bay of Lagos, took, burnt, and sunk, above fourscore Merchant men. The rest were dispersed, and the Squadron of Men of War, which serv'd for a Convoy, made the best of their Way towards the English Coast.

For many Years before, neither of these two Nations had received such a Check in their Trade, their Loss being esteem'd at thir­ty Millions of Livres.

In the beginning of this Spring, our King appearing in Person in Flanders, it was the ge­neral Rumour, that he aim'd at Liege; but after having given his final Orders concern­ing the Operation of the Campaign, and de­tach'd near thirty thousand Men, under the Command of the Dauphin, to reinforce his Army near the Rhine, he return'd into France.

The Mashal de Lorge had in the Month of May, Heidel­bergh tak­en and ras­ed by the French. made himself Master of Heidelbergh, the Capital City of the whole Palatinate, be­fore the Enemy could march to its Relief; and after having rased the Fortifications, both of the City and Castle, was marched di­rectly against the Prince of Baden, who Com­manded the Confederate Army on that side, and at the approach of the Marshal, retreated before him; but after the arrival of the Dauphin, with the beforementioned Detach­ment, he entrenched himself strongly at a Pass, which he knew impossible to be forced, chu­sing rather to undergo the Inconveniencies of Famine and many Distempers, which afflicted his Troops in these inaccessible Places, than to hazard a Battle, or to decamp before the Dauphin, for fear he should force him to come to an Engagement.

The Prince of Orange (K. William III.) did not entrench himself, but kept the open Field in Flanders, yet so as to avoid all Occasions of Fighting. The Duke of Luxenburgh, who had positive Orders from the King, to engage him, fained to march towards Liege, to at­tack the Lines and Redoubts, which surround that great City. This succeeded according to expectation, for the Confederate Army ad­vancing near to the Duke to be ready to suc­cour the City, the Duke marched directly to­wards them, and arrived in sight of their Camp, about six or seven a Clock at Night.

The Prince of Orange (K. William III.) was not a little surprised at the suddenness of his March; but finding himself under a Necessi­ty to stand an Engagement, the next Day he improv'd those few Hours he had, to his best Advantage, in putting his Troops in Or­der of Battle, raising Batteries in conveni­ent Places; in fixing Pallisadoes at the Ave­nues leading to his Camp; he caused two Villages, which covered his Right and Left to be Fortified, and lin'd the Houses and circum­jacent Hedges with his best Infantry; and strengthned his Front, which reached to, and took up all the Ground betwixt these two Vil­lages: He employed a great number of Pio­neers all the Night long, in making a Ditch six Foot broad, and three quarters of a League long, strengthned without with good Pallisa­does, and defended within by a good Line, and Redoubts, upon which were mounted near a hundred pieces of Cannon. The main Body stood behind this Entrench­ment, sustained by the Cavalry, which [Page 248]was posted behind them in two Lines. They were the finest Troops that could be seen. On the other hand, is it possible to imagine, that our Soldiers could be so courageous, or rather Fool-hardy enough to attempt the attacking of sixty thousand brave Men, guarded by such strong Entrenchments.

The great Artillery began to play at break of Day, Battle of Neerwin­den. 29. July. on both sides without inter­mission, till four a Clock in the Afternoon. That of the Enemies did great Execution among us, being placed upon an Eminency, which commanded the Plain. The oldest Officers did acknowledge never to have seen Cannon to play with so much Fury, and at so little a distance, for so long a time together, which at a distance resembled more a Sea-En­gagement, than a Field-Battle. The Ene­mies fired more frequently than we, and their Artillery did much more Execution, so that this Victory must be meerly ascribed to the invincible Courage of our Soldiery; and it must be acknowledged, that Philip, Duke de Chartres, the Duke of Bourbon and de Maine, the Prince of Conty, and the Count de Thou­louse, had a great share in the Success of this Day. There was not a Battallion in both the Army's but what was Engaged in the Battle; but the chief Attack was at a Village, call'd Neerwinden, which covered the Right Wing. This Village was taken and retaken twice with great Slaughter; till at last our Troops, having maintained and strengthned themselves in this Post, they entred the Plain, and at­tacked the Enemy both in Front and Flank, who received us very Courageously, especial­ly [Page 249]the English in the main Body, who Charged six times with incredible Bravery; but their Cavalry being brought into Confusion, and drove into a River, the whole Army begun to disperse, and to quit the Field by whole Troops and Companies, leaving the Victori­ous Enemy Master of the Field, with three­score and sixteen pieces of Cannon, eight Mortars, nine Patteroons, twelve pair of Kettle-Drums, abundance of Arms, three­score Standards, two and twenty Colours, and above two thousand Prisoners, among whom were two hundred Officers. The French lost above three thousand Men killed, and four thousand wounded. The Loss of the Enemy amounted to near twenty thousand Men, both in the Engagement and Flight, there being a great number drown'd in endeavouring to Ford the River, which for a considerable time af­ter was rendred passable by the Bridges made by the dead Carcasses of Men and Horses. This vast Army was dispersed in such a man­ner, that they could not get together in a Bo­dy again till six days after, when being rein­forced with fresh Troops; and especially with the Detachment commanded by the Prince of Wirtembergh, they appear'd again in the Field.

It is to be taken notice of here, that since the beginning of this War, our King had or­dered certain Lines or Entrenchments to be made from Mabeuge to the Sea-side, to serve as a Barricado to cover his Conquests on that side. The Duke of Wirtembergh having been detached from the main Army with a Body three times stronger than the French, that [Page 250]guarded these Lines to attack them, had forced these Entrenchments, and was just then preparing to ravage the Country, when re­ceiving the News of this Defeat he was forc­ed to turn back in order to join with all speed the Prince of Orange (King William III.)

Within two Months after, Victory of Marsaglia the 4 O­ctober. the Marshal de Catinat obtained another no less compleat, but less bloody Victory over the Confederate Army in Italy, under the Command of the Duke of Savoy. The said Marshal's Army had hitherto been much inferior in Number to the Allies, which was the Reason that he had not undertaken any thing of moment, but only to observe the Enemies Motions, and to har­ress them with Marches and Countermarches. The Duke and Spaniards willing to improve this Opportunity, resolved to besiege Pignerol; but being discouraged by the Resistance they met with in the Taking of St. Brigitt, which being built but a Year before, at some distance from the Town, commanded the chief Ave­nues leading to it, and had held out fifteen days before it was taken; they altered their Resolutions, contenting themselves with throwing a vast number of Bombs and red hot Bullets into the Place. Whilst they were flattering themselves with the hopes of either reducing or destroying the City of Pignerol by Fire, Messengers after Messengers came to bring the sad News to the Duke of Savoy, that not only the French had burnt one of his Country Houses, but that also the Marshal de Catinat, having received a Considerable Reinforcement, had made himself Master of the [Page 251]Plains. The Duke immediately directing his March towards those Plains, he was met by the Marshal. The Battle began about nine a Clock in the Forenoon; the right Wing of the Enemy was brought into confusion at the first Encounter, the left follow'd not long after the Example of the right Wing, yet they Rallyed, and return'd to the Charge twice or thrice, but without any great Effect, for their Cavalry being entirely routed, the rest were cut to pieces, except those who saved themselves by flight; and to fly with the less Inconveniency, threw away their Arms, enough to Arm sixteen thousand Men. The flying Enemy were pursued to the very Gates of Turin, the whole Plain being cover­ed with dead Carcasses, and in some places with entire Battallions, especially of the Spa­niards and Hugonots. The Enemies lost nine thousand Men in this Engagement, besides two thousand taken Prisoners, a hundred Colours, forty five Standards, and thirty four pieces of Cannon. We had twelve or fifteen hun­dred killed and wounded on our side. The Gens d'Arms behaved themselves to a miracle; Our Infantry fought with their Bayonets in their Fuszees and Sword in hand. After the Loss of this Battle, the Duke being reinforced with the German Troops that block'd up Casal, yet durst not appear in the Field; so that the Marshal de Catinat, without opposition, over­run all the flat Country, and carried away a prodigious quantity of Provision.

The King received the News of this Victo­ry, and of the Surrender of Charleroy in one day. This place is situate betwixt Mons and [Page 252] Namur, and was besieged in November, when the Prince of Orange (K. William III.) was just ready to pass over into England; Siege of Charleroy but upon the News of this Siege return'd into Flanders, and advanced with an Army as far as Brussels, but did not attempt the Relief of the Place, which, tho' considerable for its strength, was forced to surrender in six and twenty days.

About the end of the same Month, English Expedition against St. Malo. an En­glish Squadron was sent towards St. Malo, to attempt the destruction of that Place, not so much by their Bombs, as a certain Engine, by which they hoped to blow up that City, or to lay it in Ashes. This Engine was a three Deck'd-Ship, of about four hundred Tuns, lined and vaulted within with Brick-Work. Betwixt each of these Decks, there were placed many Barrels with Gun-powder, mixt with a certain Composition of Tarr, Pitch, and Rosin, a great number of Bombs, Car­casses, and other Casks, fill'd with all sorts of Combustible Matter. It was a fair and clear Night, very calm and Spring-tide, when this infernal Engine came swimming up with the Tide, but by good Fortune was forced upon a Rock, within Pistol-shot of the Walls of the City. The Engineer, who had the manage­ment of this Vessel, perceiving that she took Water was so over-hasty in setting her on Fire, that both He and his Attendants were blown up in the same moment, before they had time to get out of reach. The springing of this Engine made a most dreadful Noise, and shook all the circumjacent Ground for three or four Leagues; The whole City felt a most violent Confusion, and in a moment all the [Page 253]Streets were covered with Slates and Tyles, which, like a Shower of Hail, powred down from the tops of the Houses. This was the whole Loss sustained by this dreadful Engine, which carried along with it, more Terror than Damage, there being not one House in the whole City that receiv'd any further Da­mage, neither was there one single Person kill'd or wounded. For the Powder having taken vent, and being besides that, spoil'd by the Water, did not answer the pretended Effect in throwing the Bombs and Barrels full of Combustible Matter into the Air. At low Water, near seven hundred Bombs were taken up from the Sands, and abundance of Powder out of the Wrack of the Vessel.

We could scarce have wish'd for a more prosperous Campaign on our side than the last; Campaign in 1694. but as there is no human Felicity without some mixture of Adversity; so when the State suf­fers within, all its outward Prosperity appears to be but superficial. I say, we could not have wished for a more glorious Campaign, if a general Scarcity had not almost ruined several Provinces in the Kingdom; but espe­cially the City of Paris, with the circumja­cent Parts. France is a very fertile Country, abounding especially in Wheat, so as to be able to furnish its Neighbours with a consi­derable Quantity of this useful Commodity; which, for several years before had been so cheap, that the common People liv'd easie enough, tho' by reason of the long War, and the decay of Trade, there was but slender Gain among them. But the Harvest in the Year 1693, both for quantity and quality of [Page 254]the Corn prov'd so excessive bad, that it was sold for four times the Price than before. In this unhappy Conjuncture, the King sent a great number of Ships, both to the North, and the Coast of Barbary, Dearth in France. to supply our Wants; he obliged the Corn-Merchants to carry their Stores to Market, to furnish the Country with Seed for the next follow­ing Year; he caused a great quantity of Bread to be destributed to the poorer Sort, at half the price it cost him, and gave every Week a good Sum for the Sustenance of the Poor of each Parish. To these Supplies and human Aids, he join'd the Prayers of the Church, and God was pleased so to bless his Endeavours, that his Subjects were soon Re­liev'd, and freed from their present Misfor­tunes, the next Harvest proving so plentiful, that within five Weeks time, the Price of Corn fell to such a degree, that it was sold at the same rate, as before the time of the Dearth.

This general Scarcity however (the con­stant fore-runner of a great Mortality) was a sufficient In ducement to perswade the Prince of Orange (K. William III.) that this was the most seasonable Juncture that could offer to Invade the Kingdom of France, The Confe­derates encouraged by the hopes of Success, augmented their Forces on all sides with fresh Troops; and the English, who ever since the beginning of this War had not been sparing of their Money, being now more liberal than ever in granting new Supplies, he Equipp'd two Fleets to back his Design. But the Suc­cess was in no wise answerable to these vast [Page 255]Preparations. For in Piedmont, the Campaign passed without any Siege or Action of Moment. In Germany the Confederate Army had passed the Rhine, in order to ravage the Lower Alsace, but no sooner did the Marshal de Lorge march against them, but they re-pass'd the said River without any further Action.

The Dauphin Commanded at that time in Flanders, attended by the Flower of all the French Nobility, his Army was composed of the best Troops, but did not exceed fifty thousand Men. The Confederate Army con­sisted of fourscore thousand Men, under the Command of the Prince of Orange (K. William III.) and the Elector of Bavaria; and it was given out that they intended to Besiege Na­mur and Dunkirk, but notwithstanding the inequality of their Number, there passed not any thing of Moment all this Campaign.

Towards the latter end of the Month of August, the Confederate Army decamped from about Liege, directing their March to­wards our Lines, in hopes to force them, and to put our Conquests under Contribution, and to open the way for some Enterprize of more moment. To put the Design in Exe­cution, they advanced towards the Shelde, in hopes to be able to lay their Bridges over that River without much opposition, there being not above seven or eight thousand Men, (as they imagined) to guard our Lines; But their Astonishment was such, as is pass'd all Expression, when they saw on the other side of the River several Batteries mounted with Can­non, and the Dauphin's Army ranged in Battle-Array, ready to receive them. It was a good [Page 256]while before they could believe their own Eyes, thinking it impossible, that, whereas they had got two days march before the Dau­phin, and the Road they had taken was by one half shorter, they should be prevented by the French Army, which had many Defiles, and four Rivers to pass. For, no sooner had the Dau­phin receiv'd Intelligence of their March, but he immediately dispatch'd his Orders, to get every thing in readiness upon the Road, which might conduce towards the hasty March of his Army, to prevent, if possible, the Ene­mies Design. His Orders were so strictly ob­served, that in all places through which they passed, they found Forrage, Provisions, and all other Refreshments in abundance, many Bridges were laid ready over the Rivers, great Numbers of Waggons and Boats attended every where, to carry the Soldiers that were unable to follow the rest, or to convey these with more Expedition, who were intended to be the first, that should join these Forces that kept the Guard of the Lines. Never were any Solders seen to March with more Alacrity. Neither the Weight of their Arms, nor the Heat of the Season, nor the Fatigues of so long and Expeditious a March, did abate the least of their Vigour and Activity; they strove on the contrary to out-viegh one ano­ther in their March, aiding and encouraging those who staid a little behind. This gener­ral Emulation prov'd so successful, that the whole Army, with their Cannon and Baggage, march'd forty large Leagues in less than four days time. The Confederate Army was so much surprised at this unexpected Sight, that [Page 258]they retired immediately without attempting any thing further, that Campaign; But be­fore they went into Winter quarters, they sent a strong Detatchment towards Liege, which in conjunction with the Forces of that Bishoprick, took the Town and Castle of Huy in six days, a small place; and one of those, that commonly fall to the share of those, who are Masters of the Field. Three­score pieces of Cannon, and thirty Mortars were made use of in this Siege; an Expence suitable to a much greater Enterprize, but scarce worth the taking of a Place of so lit­tle Consequence.

The Conquest of Huy seem'd to be but a slender Recompence to the Allies; for the dis­appointments of this Compaign, which had passed without any Action of moment, and for the loss of a Battle, and four considerable Places in Catalonia.

For the Marshal de Noailles, having imme­diately after his arrival in those Parts, re­ceived the King's Orders, to find out, and fight the Enemy, he found them entrenched to the number of sixteen or seventeen thousand on the opposite shoar of the River Ter, which is pretty broad, but fordable in many places. The French Army was not inferior to that of the Enemy, Battle near Ter. 27 May. consisting of twelve thousand re­gulated Troops, the rest of the Militia. Se­veral Squadrons of Granadiers, and of the Carabiniers, having thrown themselves with break of day into the River, some with only their Swords in hand, the rest with their Fus­cees and Bayonets; the Enemy fired very fu­riously upon them; notwithstanding which, [Page 259]they advanced with an undaunted Courage, and attack'd them with so much Bravery, that they entring Pall-mall with them in their Camp, forced them to quit their Entrench­ments. In the mean while, the best of the whole Army, having passed the River, advan­ced in good Order to give them Battle. The Spanish Horse received them with an extraor­dinary Courage, whereby their Infantry got leisure to retire. The Cavalry was brought several times into confusion, and Rally'd as often, till at last being quite broken, most of them were cut to pieces, they being pursued for three Hours together to the Defiles. A good part of the Infantry underwent the same Fate; so that we obtained a compleat Victory, with the loss of only two or three hundred Men on our side. The Enemies had betwixt four or five thousand kill'd and woun­ded, and we took above three thousand Pri­soners, all their Baggage, Provision, Ammu­nition, and sixteen Colours. Immediately after the gaining of the Battle, Siege of Palamos. the Marshal de Noailles besieged Palamos, a small Maritime Town, but well fortified. There was a Gar­rison of three thousand Men in the place, which did defend themselves only five days after the Place began to be Batter'd by our Cannon, both by Sea and Land. For whilst the Marshal attack'd it by Land, a French Squadron of Men of War, batter'd it by Sea. After we had made our selves Masters of the Counterscarp, there were two Breaches in the Wall, but so narrow, that not above one Man could mount it at a time in Front; Some Soldiers having taken notice of it, shew'd it to their Officers, [Page 260]who approving of their Design, they moun­ted the Breach, entred the City, and taking advantage of the general Consternation; this unexpected Sight of the Enemy upon the Ramparts, had put them into, they soon made themselves Masters of the City, on the 7th of June: The Fort or Castle, being forc­ed to Surrender at Discretion, within three days after; the Marshal, without loosing time, sat down before Gironne

This Place was so considerable for its Strength, that in the Year 1684, Gironne taken. it obliged the French Army to raise the Siege. But our late Victory near the River Ter, the taking of Palamos, the furious discharges of our Batte­ries, and the vast number of our Bombs, which did great Execution, and set the Town on fire; besides the little hopes there was of being relieved, obliged the Inhabitants and Garrison to Capitulate in five days. We made our selves Masters of several other places betwixt Gironne and Barcelona, and all the Country round was seised with such a Con­sternation, that their Capital City it self would scarce have been able to hold out a Week against our victorious Arms, if the Heats had not been so excessive, as to prevent us from undertaking the Siege; and the Confederate Fleet was so seasonably to their Assistance, and had supply'd them both with Ammunition and Men. This was the only Fruit they reap'd from the Equip­ment of so numerous a Fleet, it being fear'd otherwise, that the Spaniards might have con­cluded a separate Peace with us, if they had not come to their Relief; It was also sup­posed [Page 261]that at the Sollicitations of the Duke of Savoy, this Fleet was to endeavour the re­gaining of Villa Franca. It was composed of one hundred and thirty Sail, among which were threescore and fifteen for the Line of Battle. It was given out that they were to Retake Nice, to Bombard Thoulon, and to lay Marseilles in Ashes. There were also some who pretended that they were to chastise Genove, for refusing to join with the Confederacy. But all these Projects vanished into Smoak, they being disenabled for want of Provisions, and by the many Distempers that reigned among the Seamen, to undertake any thing of moment; they kept the Sea for some time after, till the approaching Winter Season forced them to seek for a safe Retreat in the Spanish Ports.

Their Fleet in the Ocean made more Noise, but did not much more Damage. Descent in Camaret- Bay. They made an attempe upon Camaret-Bay, at the neck of a Land, which juts into the Sea, near Fo­rest. Of eight or nine hundred Men, who Landed by the help of their Chaloops, be­twixt three and four hundred were killed, the rest made Prisoners. The rest of their Forces that were to second the Attack, being de­terr'd by the ill Success of their Comrades, and the continual Fire from our Entrench­ments upon the Sea-shoar, did not judge it advisable to attempt any further Descent; but under the Protection of some of their Frigats, return'd to their Ships. On the 22th day of July, Diepe Bombarded they Bombarded Diepe, which was laid in Ashes; most of the Houses of this City being of Wood, and closely built; [Page 262]the Inhabitants fled from their Habitations, with their best Moveables; the Fire consum­ed the whole City, there being no body to stop its Fury. But the Enemies were great Gainers by this Bargain, it having been computed, that this Expedition cost them more than the re-building of the whole City could amount to.

On the 20th of July, they appear'd before Havre de Grace, which they likewise Bom­barded for some time, as well as Calais, but without doing any considerable Damage; the Fire having been soon extinguished by the Care of the Inhabitants. This done, they made an attempt upon the Forts which guard the Entrance of the Port of Dunkirk; two En­gines, not unlike to that they had made use of at St. Malo's, advanced towards the said Forts with an Intention to blow them up; but by the help of the Cannon mounted upon several Batteries along the Sea-shoar, these two Vessels were blown up into the Air, at about a thousand yards distance from the Mole.

The little Success of this Campaign on the Confederates side, Campaign 1695. did in some measure abate the Heat of the English and Dutch, who for these seven years last past, had bore the greatest Share in the vast Expences of the War. In Holland, the common People cry'd out aloud for Peace, in London, tho' they did not do it so publickly, yet they were very de­sirous of it. The Parliament took an Ac­count of the Supplies granted for the use of the War, and what Share each of the Allies ought to have in the Expences, pursuant to [Page 263]the Treaty's, concluded for that purpose. They excluded the Speaker of the House of Commons from their House, and imprison'd several of their Members. They also Sum­mon'd the Earl of Danby (Duke of Leeds) President of the Privy Council; but these Proceedings ceased with the Session of Parlia­ment.

There were some who look'd upon this Af­front put upon one of the Prince of Orange's Favourites (K. William III.) as a Spark of Fire, which being couch'd for some time un­der the Ashes, might in time break out into a Flame. And their Conjectures seem'd not ill grounded, considering that since the Death of the Princess of Orange (Queen Mary) el­dest Daughter to the King of England, who died on the 18th of December, in the Year 1694. Queen of Englands Death. King James's Party began to appear more formidable than before; and that the Differences betwixt the Court and the Prin­cess of Denmark, only Sister of the deceased Princess (Q. Mary) might furnish them with an opportunity to Foment the intestine Divisions in that Kingdom; or that perhaps some of the Confederates, discouraged by the change of Affairs in England, might not prosecute the War with the same Vigour as before. But it was not long before these Hopes were frustrated in the end. For the Prince (K. William III.) either by his good Fortune or Conduct, prevented all these Dangers, there being not the least appear­ance of any Commotion. On the contrary, he shew'd such an unparallell'd Resolution in the whole management of his Affairs at that [Page 264]time, that he seem'd to bid Defiance to all Dangers, and inspite of all the Intrigues, and the Hazard of quitting the Helm, at so criti­cal a Juncture; he passed over into Flanders in the next Spring; to encourage and pro­mote by his Presence, the Zeal of the Con­federate Princes, who having augmented their Forces, made all imaginable Preparati­ons to attack us with more Vigour than ever.

According to the measures concerted be­twixt the Confederates, they were to under­take three several Sieges at once; one in Flanders, another in Italy, and a third in Ca­talonia, whilst two good Fleets were to Alarm our Coasts, and to destroy our Sea-Port Towns. It must be confess'd, that the Con­federates were at present in a much better Condition than ever since the beginning of the War, to undertake something of Moment to raise the drooping Courage of their Sub­jects; and it must also be allow'd, that they were more successful this Campaign than be­fore, tho' at the same time, they succeeded but in one of these three. For the Germans were not in a capacity to act offensively, having been much diminished by several large Detachments, sent to re­inforce their Army's in Flanders. The Spaniards besieged Castle Follit in Catalonia, but at the approach of the Duke of Vendosme, who Commanded instead of the Marshal de Noailles, who was faln sick at the opening of the Campaign, they quitted the Siege.

Towards the end of the Summer, they sat down before Palamos, but with no better suc­cess, for after five days of opening the [Page 265]Trenches, they raised the Siege, upon notice that the Duke was marching against them.

For these two years past, the Emperour and Spain had press'd the Duke of Savoy, to lay Siege to Casal, a Place situate upon the River Po; and so considerable for its advan­tageous Situation, betwixt Savoy and the Mi­laneze, the Petty Principalities of Man­tua, Modena, and Parma. The Spaniards (who within fifty or sixty years have besieged this Place five several times) have for a consi­derable time been very ambitious of becom­ing Masters of this Place, which for its con­venient Situation would open to them the way to the Conquest of all Italy. The Emperour's Design being founded upon the same Maxim, the Duke of Savoy, for fear of endangering his own Liberty, had hitherto refused to join with them in the Siege of this Place. But the Council at Viena having at last found Means, to remove all Jealousy, perswaded the Duke to consent to it. Accordingly they made prodigious Preparations for the carrying on of this Siege, and that with so much Expe­dition, Siege of Casal. that the Lines and Batteries were fi­nished in the Month of April. But the first Attempt prov'd fruitless, the Snows and cold Season having obliged the Confederate Army to return to their Winter Quarters; so that the Siege was not renew'd till five Weeks af­ter. The neighbouring Italian Princes find­ing them to persist in their Resolution, were extreamly Alarm'd at it, being sensible that the Emperour, who had already under the Pretext of providing his Forces with Winter Quarters, got a footing in Italy, would by the [Page 266]Conquest of a Place of such Consequence, o­pen himself a way into Italy. To ward this Blow, these Princes took a Resolution, either to endeavour to oblige the Allies to desist from this Attempt, or else to intercede with our King to restore the said Place to the Duke of Mantua, with its Fortifications rased, un­der Condition that he should be reimbursed what this Place had cost him; for which the said Princes engaged themselves to be Guarantees. The King had bought this place for five Millions of Livres, and it had cost him three more since, without reaping any other Advantage by it, than to be ready at hand to succour the Princes of Italy; whereas we were obliged to maintain in it a constant Garrison of our best Troops, who might be better employed elsewhere. The King having well weighed the Matter, and that our Army in Piedmont was at that time not strong enough to engage the Enemy, or to oblige them to raise the Siege, rather accepted their Propo­sitions to rase the Fortifications of the Place, than to sacrifise four or five thousand Men in the defence of it. The Swiss Cantons, and the Venetians, having prevail'd with the Duke of Savoy to consent to this Treaty, the Em­perour and Spain were obliged to accept of the same Terms. Casal Sur­rendred. Accordingly Casal was sur­rendred on the tenth of July, when the Ene­mies were not as yet Masters of any of the Outworks after thirteen days of opening of the Trenches.

Whilst the Confederates were before Casal, the Grand Confederate Fleet, which had been this Winter in the Spanish Ports, appear'd [Page 267]continually upon the Cost of Provence, to oblige our King to employ part of his Forces for the defence of his Sea-Coasts on that side, and consequently prevent the sending of re­lief to Casal. The Fleet was but in an in­different Condition by reason of the great Mortality among the Seamen, occasioned by the want of fresh Provisions, and many other Necessaries, which they could not be furnished withal, but from England; yet they appear'd so formidable, that it was given out they in­tended to Bombard Thoulon and Marseilles; but knowing us to be ready to give them a warm Reception, they did not think fit to at­tempt it. They were cruising the rest of the Summer in the Gulph of Lyons, in the Seas of Cardaigne and Liguria; and having been over-taken by a most violent Storm, in which they lost five of their great Ships, they came to an Anchor before Palamos; Having re­ceived Intelligence that we began to equip at Thoulon, they chose the open Sea, cruising from one Place to another, without any other Design than to pick up now and then some of our Privateers, and to disturb our Commerce.

The Second Fleet of the Confederates in the Ocean consisted of Thirty great Ships, St Malo bombard­ed. Twenty Bomb-Vessels, and many other Ships loaden with Ammunition, and other Neces­saries. This Squadron bombarded St. Malo, but did no further damage than to burn Ten Houses, and to endamage several others; the whole Loss being computed at One hun­dred thousand Livres. But Dunkirk being the Place which the Enemy aim'd at, they were [Page 268]so well prepared for their Reception, that they appear'd rather like Men, with hopes of a Victory, than discourag'd with fear at the Approach of an Enemy; the entrance of the Harbour being well pro­vided with Batteries, with Chains, and a good number of Chaloops full of armed Men, commanded by our best Marine Officers. Attempt upon Dun­kirk. The first Bombs of the Enemies falling a­bove two hundred yards distance from the Town; the Inhabitants, even to the Children got on the top of the Houses, and upon the Bastions, to be Spectators of this Bombard­ment. Four Fireships approached the wooden Forts that defend the Mole, but were met by the Chaloops, who blew them up into the Air, in the open Sea, in the Sight of the People; the same Chaloops also boarded and took one of their great Ships, which they set on Fire. They threw in all be­twixt eleven and twelve Hundred Bombs, which did so little damage that it might be all repair'd for thirty Pistols.

In hopes of better Success, Calais Bombard­ed. the same Fleet Bombarded Calais twice in the Month of August. But the loss sustain'd by both these Bombardments did scarce amount to ten thousand Crowns. Another convincing Instance of what we said before, that their Enterprizes at Sea succeed but seldom, and that they rarely prove answerable to the vastness of their Expences.

The main effort of this Campaign, as well as of most of the others, was made on the side of Flanders. The Armies Encamped ve­ry numerous in the Field on both sides, and [Page 268]thirty Thousand brave Fellows lost their Lives, without coming to a Field Battle. For these three years last past the Confede­rates had formed a Design to attack our Lines, to ravage our Conquests, and to be­siege Dunkirk. To prevent their Design, the King ordered new Lines to be made from the Schelde to the Lis, and from Courtray to the Sea-side. Twenty Thousand Pioneers made a Ditch of fourteen Thousand Foot long, fifteen Foot broad, and twelve Foot deep, with an Entrenchment behind it of ten Foot high, in less than eight days time. These Lines being a fresh Obstacle to the design of the Prince of Orange (King Wil­liam III.) he assembled the Confederate Ar­my with all possible diligence near Ipres, to endeavour to obstruct the Perfecting of this Work, the Lines on that side being not quite brought to Perfection. Our Army was above five and twenty Thousand Men inferi­our in number to theirs, and much harassed by a long March of twice four and twenty hours, and consequently not in a condition, without taking some repose, to make any considerable resistance; besides that, not a­bove one half of their Train of Artillery was arrived in the Camp. The Confederate Ar­my consisted of above an Hundred Thousand Men, all fresh Troops, provided with a pro­digious Train of Artillery, so that every thing seemed to concurr to their advantage; but they let slip the opportunity of attacking us at the right nick of time; for in a few hours after our Cannon arrived in the Camp, and our Troops having refreshed themselves a [Page 269]little, the Lines were brought to Perfection the next following Night.

Thus having miss'd their aim, they made an attempt upon Fort Knock, Attack of Fort Knock. which they at­tacked three several times, and were as often repulsed, with the loss of two Thousand Men, so that in eight days time they had not got an Inch of Ground. But a little time convinc'd the World that a much great­er Design was carrying on under the pretence of this Attack. For in the mean while the Prince of Orange (King William III.) had sent some of his best Troops towards the Mesue, and so soon as he had received advice that the Troops of Liege and Brandenburgh had invested Namur, he and the Elector of Ba­varia followed in Person, with the rest of the Army to assist at the Siege, leaving only thir­ty Thousand Men under the Command of the Prince of Vaudemont in the Lower Flan­ders.

Namur was so well provided with every thing necessary for its defence, that it was not questioned but it would make a long and vigorous resistance. Lewis Francis, Marshal of Bouflers had thrown himself into the place the same day it was Invested. There was a Garrison in it of ten Thousand eight hundred Men, many good Officers, and a great num­ber of brave Volunteers, and Ammunition more than was requisite for its defence; all which advantages appeared to be such obsta­cles to the Enemies, that most were of O­pinion they would be too many for them to surmount, and that they would be forced to quit this Enterprize. [Page 270]The Marshal de Luxenburgh died in the be­ginning of January of a Pleurisie, Death of the Mar­shal de Lu­xenburgh. which proved a considerable loss to the King, there being not a General left who surpassed him in Experience and Conduct, by which he had made his Name glorious to the World, and dreadful to the Enemy.

The King having received news of the Siege, sent his Orders to Francis de Neuville Villeroy, Marshal of France, who suceeded the Duke of Luxenburgh in the Command of the Grand Army in Flanders, to enter the Lower Flanders, and if possible, to fight the Prince of Vaudemont. Retreat of prince Vaudemont Pursuant to these Or­ders he advanced towards the Enemy, who would infallibly have been put to the rout, if the Prince, pursuant to his Orders of a­voiding any Engagement, had not found means to make a safe Retreat; so that in lieu of routing the whole Army (of which in all humane appearance but few could have escaped) we were forced to be con­tented with the defeat of two of their Re­giments, who were most of them cut to pieces in the Pursuit. The most Fortu­nate Retreat that ever was made; for if the Princes Army had been routed, the Con­federates must of necessity have raised the Siege of Namur.

Ten days after this retreat the Duke de Villeroy Besieged Dixmuyden, The ta­king of Deinse and Dixmuy­den. which place sur­rendered in four and twenty hours; Deinse opened its Gates at the approach of our For­ces. There were above eight thousand Men of well disciplin'd Troops in these two pla­ces, who were all made Prisoners of War, [Page 271]besides which, we found the Magazine as full of all sorts of Ammunition, and this part of the Country having been preserved on purpose by the Confederates, our Soldi­ers got an incredible Booty.

By the Conquest of the two Places, our Forces having open'd themselves the wayto­wards Ghent and Antwerp, the Flemmings as well as the Hollanders were extreamly allarm'd at it, especially when they saw them advance but slowly in the Siege of Namur, tho' they were plentifully provided with every thing for a vigorous Attack, and that they had the advantage of very fair Weather, where­as at the time when we besieged it, our For­ces were not only to fight against the brave­ry of the Garrison, but also against the In­conveniencies of a Rainy and Stormy Season. They had raised before it thirty Batteries, upon which were mounted an Hundred and thirty pieces of Cannon, Siege of Namur by the Allies. and Fourscore Mortars. This dreadful Artillery play'd without Intermission against the Place, as long as the Siege lasted, in which they consum­ed three Millions of Powder. Their Army was very formidable, and constantly rein­forc'd with fresh Troops; what Place is a­ble to hold out against such an Attack? Not­withstanding all these Advantages, the Con­federates could not be Masters of the whole, till after a Siege of two Months, the Besieg­ed, like brave Soldiers, disputing with them every Inch of Ground. Of this we saw an Instance at the taking of the Entrench­ments, which were made only in haste at some distance from the Town, to hinder the sud­den [Page 272]approach of an Enemy. Monsieur de Reg­nac, who commanded them in Chief, made so many Sallies as fill'd up their Trenches, threw up whole Battallions by the springing of his Mines, into the Air, that it cost the Enemy eight days time before they could make themselves Masters of them, after they had been repulsed in the first Assault, and that the French had been reduc'd to these streights as not to have room enough left to make new Entrenchments. The Trench­es opened before Namur, betwixt the 11th and 12th of July. The City did not Capitulate till after four and twenty days of opening of the Trenches, all their covert ways, and other Outworks being so entire­ly ruin'd by the Enemies great Artillery, that without the utmost hazard they could not pretend to sustain a third Assault. The first assault was the most terrible that had been seen in the Memory of Man, it being no less obstinate than bloody. It was a most dreadful Sight to behold the dead Carcasses lying in great Heaps, and to hear the dole­ful Groans and Cries of the dying and wounded Soldiers. The Allies renew'd the Attack four several times, without being a­ble to lodge themselves within either of the Trenches, though all the same time these were seconded by a shower of Carcasses, Bombs, The City of Namur taken. and red hot Bullets, which were shot within the Works of the Town.

This brave Resistance giving us all imagi­nable hopes that the Castle would be able to defend it self much longer, the Marshal de Villeroy advanc'd with his Army towards Brussels to Bombard that Place, unless the Confederades would agree not to Bombard [Page 273]any place for the future without a formal Siege. Never was any Enterprize more ad­vantageously undertaken, and more dexte­ously manag'd than this Bombardment. For within the place was a very strong Garrison, Brussels Bombard­ed. and the Prince of Vaudemont with his Army was Encamp'd under the Walls; besides that another flying Body of at least Twelve Thousand Men was continually in Motion to observe us, and one side of the Town was laid under Water. At the end of a great Causey (the only way by which we could approach the Town,) the Enemies had made an Entrenchment of twenty Foot high, having before it a low way, which served for a Ditch. But all these Obstacles were not sufficient to hinder the Marshal de Villeroy from opening his Trenches, and rai­sing his Batteries in spite of all their En­trenchments, neither the Garrison, or of Prince Vaudemont's Army which laid En­trenched on the backside of the Town, ma­king the least Motion, either at our Arrival before, or at our Marching off from before the Place. All the Batteries being ready to Play, the Marshal de Villeroy sent his Propo­sitions, of not Bombarding any Place for the future without a formal Siege. But the E­lector of Bavaria, whose Intention was to gain time, being come to Brussels, the Marshal threw four Thousand Bombs in three Nights time into the Place. 'Tis impossible to ex­press the Confusion and Terrour occasioned by the fury of our Bombs in so populous a City. The best and strongest Edifices being destroyed, and two thirds of the whole City [Page 274]either Burnt, or laid Level to the Ground.

From hence our Army Marched towards Namur. The Prince of Orange (King Wil­liam III) having received Intelligence of their Approach, and being joined by the Prince of Vaudemont, and another Re-inforcement drew up his whole Army behind his Lines, leaving only Twenty Thousand Men to guard the Trenches, with a Resolution to avoid Fighting as long as possible he could, and to keep on the Defensive, being cover­ed on all sides by unpassable Boggs, thick Wood and Hedges, and defended by dou­ble Entrenchments at all the Avenues. The Marshal de Villeroy left nothing unattempt­ed upon this Occasion; he himself went in Person to take a View of the Woods and Defiles, to see whether by some way or o­ther it were not possible to force the Ene­mies Quarters without too much exposing the Soldiers to the Slaughter, but found all the Avenues so well secur'd, that it was impos­sible to attack the Enemy,

All the hopes of Relief being cut off by the Retreat of the French Army. The Con­federates attack'd the Castle with new Vi­gour. Their great Artillery had done such terrible Execution against the Castle, that all the Out-works appear'd no otherwise than like so many heaps of Stone or Rubbish, the poor Soldiers being for the most part forced to shelter themselves in the Vaults a­gainst the Fury of the Bombs and Bullets which made Breaches every where, each of which was big enough for a whole Battallion to Mount in Front. The Marshal de Boufleurs [Page 275]having refused to hearken to the Summons sent him by the Confederates, they prepa­red for a general Assault, which was made in eleven several places at once.

The day appointed for this Bloody Action being come, the Besieged saw about ten a Clock in the Morning the Enemies In­fantry appear in two Columns above the Trenches, advancing in good order to­wards the Breaches. Three Thousand of their best Men, at the Head of whom were the English Granadiers, did out-brave all the rest in attempting to mount the Breach made in the Body of the Castle. There was at least six Hundred Yards distance betwixt the head of the Trenches and the said Breach, defend­ed on both sides with several Out works, well provided with a sufficient number of Soldiers But those brave Fellows made their way thro' all these Obstacles, and advanced so briskly in spight of the Enemies Fire, which galled them so in Front and Flank, that the first Battallion planted their Colours on the top of the Breach. This Battallion being brought into Confusion by the irresistible Bravery of the Besieged, the second took their place, till being quite broken as well as the former, the flying Soldiers pressing upon one another, brought the rest that were to Second them likewise in Coufusion, who thereupon re­treated in great disorder. All the other As­saults were made and repulsed with the same Bravery, notwithstanding the Garrison was quite exhausted of Strength by the continual Fatigues, and for want of Rest; but being animated by the Example of the Marshal▪ [Page 276]and the rest of the Officers, who also remon­strated to them that the Honour of the Na­tion laid at Stake, and that their safety de­pended only on the points of their Swords; they gave such Signal Proofs of their Brave­ry, that the Enemies were repulsed in all their Attacks with great Slaughter, which lasted till five a Clock in the Afternoon. This was a most glorious day for the Besieg­ed; but they had lost so many of their Men in this occasion, that finding themselves not in a Capacity to sustain another Assault, the Marshal de Bouflers was forc'd to Capitulate, The Ca­stle of Na­mur sur­render'd. and to surrender the Castle on the first day of November. Namur was purchased at a ve­ry dear rate by the Confederates, who, be­side the immense Expences bestowed in the carrying on of this Siege, lost twenty Thou­sand Men, the Flower of their whole Ar­my.

The Confederates being flush'd with this Success, Campaign 1666. boasted every where of this Con­quest, but the wiser sort among them were not much overjoyed at this Advantage, as looking upon it as a means to retard the conclusion of a Peace. For the People being exhausted with Taxes, wished very earnestly for a Peace, as the only means to free them from those heavy Impositions. Their Com­merce was considerably diminished, our Pri­vateers, who continually infested their Coasts, taking some of them every Day; it having been Computed, that the English alone have since the beginning of this War, lost four Thousand two Hundred Merchant Men, valu­ed by themselves at thirty Millions of Ster­ling. [Page 277]But there appeared in England many other Causes of Intestine Divisions and Con­fusion. For the Money began to be very scarce, and was so much Clipp'd of late Years, that its intrinsick value did not amount to two thirds, sometimes not to one half of what it ought to be. As nothing is more pernici­ous and destructive to Commerce than the adulteration of Money, so these Disorders made many grumble against the Government, it being a customary thing for the Com­mon People to impute any publick Disaster to the mis-management of those at the Helm, which was also improved by a Party, who insinuated into the People that great store of the English Coin was Transported into Holland. The Agents of the King of England believing the present juncture very favourable to their Design, set all their Engines at work for his Restauration. They brought over many to their side, some out of Novelty, others being moved by a seasonable Repentance, others out of Affection to their King joined in the Design of restoring him to the Throne. They could scarce have wish'd for a more favourable Opportunity, the Prince of O­range (King William III.) having left the King­dom destitute of Troops, and without a Fleet to guard the Coasts. All his Troops were transported to Flanders, the grand Fleet was at Cadiz, and a good Squadron of his best Ships lately gone out of the Downs, to join those in the Streights. The King of England encourag'd by these hopes of Success, came to Calais with a Body of Sixteen Thousand Men of old Troops, un­der [Page 278]the Command of several experienc'd Ge­nerals, who were ready to Embark at an hours warning. But the Winds proving con­trary for some time, the whole Design was discover'd, and we lost at once both the time and hopes of putting it in Execution. For no sooner had the Dutch received In­telligence of this intended descent; but they put to Sea with a Squadron of twelve stout Ships, which cruised before Calais. The Prince of Orange K. William III. without shewing the least Concern at the greatness of the Danger, soon found means to disperse these Clouds. He secured many suspected Persons, recalled his Fleets, and some of his Troops out of Flanders, and secur'd the Sea-Coasts on that side, which was most exposed to danger, with a good Body of the Militia. A Plot, when once discover'd, seldom takes effect [...], and in lieu of proving destructive to those against whom it was intended, prroves ge­nerally the chief means of their Establish­ment. Both the Houses of Parliament gave upon this occasion new Demonstrations of their Zeal and firm Adherence to the Inte­rest of the Prince of Orange, (King William III.) by entring into an Association not only to maintain his Interest against all Pretenders, but also to revenge his Death if he should happen to be snatch'd away by some sinister Attempt against his Life. Having received these fresh Assurances of their Zeal for his Person and Interest, he took such sure mea­sures to prevent all future Danger of this kind, that without any further delay he passed over into Flanders.

At his Arrival in Flanders he found the King's Armies in the Field before him, and in the Spanish Territories. The King having taken a Resolution to be upon the defensive, and sent his Orders to the Marshal de Villeroy, who was to Command the French Army in the Lower Flanders, to possess himself at the beginning of the Campaign of some advan­tageous Post, from whence he might both observe the Enemies Motions, and prevent their Designs, and subsist in their Territo­ries till the end of the Campaign. The Ar­my near the Meuse was Commanded by the Marshal de Bouflers, who, pursuant to the King's Orders, had divided his Army into four several Bodies, at such a convenient di­stance as to be able to join upon any occasion, and at the same time to cover the French Conquests. All the measures taken by the Confederates being broken by these seasona­ble Precautions, they were forced to con­sume their own Territories, all the Summer long, without being able to undertake a Siege, or come to an Engagement, though they ap­pear'd more formidable now than ever. Their Fleet consisted of an Hundred and Thirty Sail, but did no other feats but to burn a few Houses at Calais, near the Sands of Cologne, and at St. Martins. They had three Armies in the Low-Countries, one consisting of five and twenty, or thirty Thousand Men, under the Command of the Prince of Vaudemont in the Lower Flanders, which however was not strong enough to Encounter the Marshal de Villeroy, who Forraged to the very Gates of Ghent, and exacted Contributions from all the [Page 280]circumjacent Countries. Their Grand Army at least half as strong again, threatned some­times one, sometimes another Place with a Siege, but could not meet with a favourable opportunity to put it in Execution. A third Army of eighteen or twenty Thousand Men, all Germans, advanced towards the side of Namur, under the Command of the Land­grave of Hesse-Cassal. They remain'd in that Post for about a Month, when for want of Pay, or opportunity of being employed in Flanders, they returned towards the Rhine.

Neither did the Confederates act with much better Success on the German side. The Prince of Baden keeping close within his Lines till the latter end of August, not thinking it advise­able to meet the Marshal de Choiseul, who had passed the Rhine with the French Army, and stayed on this side near six Weeks. After the return of the Landgrave of Hesse, the Prince of Baden passed the Rhine, and in Conjuncti­on with the rest, Marched towards Philips­bourgh, without attempting any thing against the Place. They afterwards advanced nearer the Marshal, but spent the rest of their time in Cannonading one anothers Camp, without coming to an Engagement.

The Duke of Vendosme had but a small Army in Catalonia, more considerable for the goodness of his Troops than their Number. Yet he remained Master of the Field all that Campaign, being belov'd and esteem'd by the Inhabitants of the Country, and dreaded by the Spaniards. He defeated the Body of their Cavalry, much Superiour in number of Squa­drons to his. He demolish'd many of their [Page 281]Castles which served them for places of Re­treat. He observed so closely the Motions of their Army, that he enclosed them be­twixt the Mountains and their Entrench­ment, where, without striking a Stroak, they lost more Men than they could have done in an Engagement.

In Italy the Marshal de Catinat appear'd in the Field with a very numerous Army, composed of some of our best Troops, the King having taken a resolution either to Con­quer all the Country as yet remaining under the Obedience of the Duke of Savoy, or to oblige that Prince to accept of a Peace. So soon as the Enemy receiv'd Intelligence that the French were preparing to pass the Moun­tains, they employ'd a great number of Work­men to cover the City of Turin against any Attempt, by making strong Lines and En­trenchments, they carried all the common Cattle into places of Security, and by their Army, and numerous Parties which they sent abroad every Day, endeavour'd to hinder our Communication with Pignerol. Our Army finding nothing else to subsist on but what they were supply'd with by our Convoys, did suffer Extreamly in their March, which was not very hasty, we being at the same time in Treaty with the Duke of Savoy, and upon the point of concluding it.

After the Breach of the Truce, the King had in his Manifest sufficiently testified his Intention of Sacrificing all his Conquests to the re-establishment of the publick Tranqui­lity, and that he had not taken up Arms to enlarge his Frontiers, but to defend him­self [Page 282]against the Attempts of the Confederate Princes. Upon the same score it was, that both before the Siege of Philipsbourgh and af­ter the reduction not only of that Place, but also of the whole Palatinate, he pressed the Allies to change the Truce made at Ratisbonne, in the Year 1684. into a lasting Peace. Up­on the same account also after taking Villa Franca Nice, and Montmelian, he offer'd the Duke of Savoy to restore to him all the Conquests he had made on that side. Ca­sal being demolish'd since that time, the Duke of Savoy's Inclinations began to bend strong­ly towards a Peace. Peace is so desirable in it self, that when offer'd ought not to be re­fus'd. Happy is that Prince who knows how to improve such an Opportunity to his own Advantage.

'Tis true, the Duke made some Preparati­ons in the next Spring to Besiege Pignerol, but his Intention was rather to oblige us to demolish it than to reduce it by force of Arms. He had Espoused one of the Daughters of the Duke of Orleance, only Brother to our King, who having no Daughters, had Marri­ed the eldest of his Nieces to the King of Spain, the second to the Duke of Savoy. The Queen of Spain died without Issue, but the Dutchess of Savoy had had three Princesses; to one of these the King resolv'd to Marry the eldest of his Grandsons, to renew by this Marriage the ancient Alliance betwixt France and the Duke of Savoy.

This Alliance and the present Advantage of removing these inconveniencies which attend­ed the War at so great a distance, made the [Page 283]King consent to the demolishing of Pignerol, and to restore the Duke into the immediate Possession of all his Territories, except Susa, Nice, and Montmelian, which were to be left in the King's Hands till the Conclusion of the general Peace.

The Duke on the other Hand oblig'd him­self by a separate Article, Peace with the Duke of Savoy in August. to propose to the Confederates a Neutrality in Italy, and if they refused to accept of it, to join his For­ces with France to oblige them to it.

During the Treaty with Savoy, the King had granted a Truce for one Month, which afterwards was prolonged at the Request of the Pope, and the rest of the Princes of Ita­ly, who were not willing to let slip this op­portunity that offer'd, to rid their hands of the German, and other Forreign Forces.

But the Confederates were so far from ac­cepting the Dukes Propositions, that on the contrary they left no stone unturn'd, by threats, and Promises, to perswade him to alter his Resolution. But he stood immova­ble to all these Insinuations, and the time of the Truce being expir'd, Siege of Valenza. join'd his Forces with those of our King's, who advanc'd to­wards the Milaneze Territories, to form the Siege of Valenza.

The Marshal de Catinat Commanded both these Armies under the Duke of Savoy, and the Trenches being opened before the Place towards the end of September, we cari­ed on our Works with such Success, that the Place was just upon the point of Capitu­lating, Neutrali­ty for Italy when a Messenger arrived in the Camp on the ninth day of October, with this agreea­ble [Page 284]News, that at last the Ministers of the Emperor, and Spain had accepted of the Neu­trality; the chiefest Conditions were,

That the Princes of Italy should allow a certain Sum to the Emperor, to redeem the Winter-Quarters.

And that the German Forces should be­gin their March, in order to return into their own Country, the same day that the King's Army in Italy, should return into France.

The King gain'd great Advantages by the Peace of Italy; Thirty Thousand Men of his best Troops, with a great General, who had hitherto been Employed on that side, might be made use of with much less Ex­pence against the Enemy in another place, which must needs oblige them then to make a Peace with us, or to continue the War with more Vigour, and greater Expences than before.

We reap'd also another Advantage by it, which ought not to be pass'd by in Silence, which was the Princess Maria Adalaida, The Dut­chess of Burgundy. El­dest Daughter of Victor Amadeus II. Duke of Savoy, and Anna Mariae of Orleance, Spouse to the Duke of Burgundy. After the Ra­tification of the Peace, this Princess was conducted into France, though the Consum­mation of the Marriage was deferr'd for fif­teen Months longer. She was all that time not quite Eleven Years of Age, but shew'd such a vivacity of Wit, and so much Con­duct in all her Actions, that she was the ad­miration of the whole Court; the Duke of Burgundy being not then above fourteen years;

Maria Victoria of Bavaria, Dauphine of France, died in the Year 1690. in the Flower of her Age; Death of the Dau­phiness. she was a Princess of Extraor­dinary Merit, of a great Soul, whose chief­est aim was to see the Princes her Sons Edu­cated in the love of Vertue and glorious A­ctions.

Betwixt this Princess, and Lewis, Dau­phin of France were begotten three Princes, Lewis Duke of Burgundy, born the eighth day of August, in the year 1682. Philip, The three sons of the Dauphin. Duke of Anjou, born on the 29th day of De­cember, in the Year 1683. and Charles Duke of Berry, on the 31st of August, in the Year 1684. Never had any Princes in the World more noble Education, their generous Incli­nations being improved, not only by their Governour Paul, Duke de Beauvilliers Saint Aignant, and their Tutor, Francis de Salignac Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray, but also by the singular Care of the King and Dauphin, who with so much Application did shew them the way to true Vertue, that following both the Footsteps and Instructions of such Guides, there never appear'd in any Princes in the World more noble Sentiments, and generous Inclinations, than in these three; the Eldest having given already to the French Nation, by his happy disposition to Vertuous Actions, all the imaginable hopes of beco­ming one day a great Prince. If the vertu­ous Inclinations of Princes are like Springs, which derive their noble Effects, and Com­municate them to their Subjects, nothing is so great but what may be expected from the happy Marriage of so accomplish'd a Prince, [Page 286]with a Princess, whose Merits equalize, if not surpass her high Extraction, and that most eminent Station she is placed by Pro­vidence in the World.

The Peace of Italy proved the happy fore­runner of a general Peace. It was two years since, several Proposals had been made upon that Account, which were often changed, according to the several change of Affairs in Christendom, matters being at that time not brought to a perfect Maturity. But to­wards the latter end of this Campaign there appear'd more disposition in the Confede­rates for a Peace, than before; and the Peo­ple both in England and Holland shew'd much eagerness for it, the Allies were for the most part discouraged by the many Disap­pointments they had met with, and most of them having no particular Interest in the War, began to hearken to these Proposals, which were made on our King's behalf, to give Satisfaction to some of the Confederate Princes; thus every thing seem'd to tend towards the Conclusion of a general Peace, if an un-foreseen Obstacle had not overturn'd all these fair hopes.

Charles II. Charles II. K. of spain. the present King of Spain, hap­pen'd to fall ill in the beginning of October, so as to have three several Relapses in less than six Weeks time. This Prince having no Issue, and all Europe taking Interest in the Quarrel which was like to arise after his Death about the Succession; the Confede­rates shew'd not much forwardness to bring it to a Conclusion, till after the recovery of this Monarch. It was perhaps upon this score [Page 287]that the Ministers of the Emperor, and of some of the rest of the Confederate Princes, found means to raise many difficulties con­cerning the Passes, and the place where the Ambassadours were to meet to carry on the Negotiation of Peace. The Conferences were already begun at the Hague, as being the Center where the Ministers of the Con­sederacy used to meet, besides that the Dutch shewed more Inclination for the Peace than the rest, and made use of all their Endea­vours to promote so great a Work. Money began to be so scarce among them, that they were hardly put to it to find means for the raising of new Troops, to furnish their Quota of Men and Money, which made up the largest share of the whole Confederacy. They were also under some apprehensions that the Catholick Princes might be pre­vail'd upon, either by the Mediation of the Pope, or of the Duke of Savoy, to conclude a separate Peace. For since the Conclusion of the Peace in Italy, the Emperor's Mini­ster remain'd still at Turin. The Governour of Milan had also taken several Journeys thither; the Count de Tesse resided there in our King's behalf, and the Marshal de Cati­nat had stayed there for some time before he repassed the Alpes. The long stay of these Ministers in a Court which so lately had changed its Interest, their frequent Confe­rences, the many Messengers that were con­tinually sent forwards and backwards, betwixt Paris, Vienna, and Madrid, raised no small jealousie in the Dutch, and made them fear, lest, if the Emperour, the King of Spain, the [Page 288]Elector of Bavaria, and the other Catholick Princes should make a separate Peace, they would be left a Sacrifice to France.

But whilst these debates lasted, both Par­ties began to make greater Preparations than ever for the Prosecution of the War. Campaign of 1697. The King's Power appear'd more formidable than it did nine Years ago, for he had more Mo­ney, more Troops, and better Officers, than at the beginning of the War. His Forces, both in Garrisons, and in the Field, were counted to consist of four hundred and twen­ty thousand Men, to wit, three hundred and fifty Thousand Foot, and threescore and ten Thousand Horse, without reckoning those Employed in the Sea-Service, who were no less considerable this Year than at any time before, the King having applied all his Care to Arm in all his Ports, and Equip all the biggest and best of his Ships. The Confede­rates on the other side having taken a resolu­tion to make their last Efforts this Campaign, the Prince of Orange, (King William III.) and the Dutch made a defensive League with the King of Denmark, by Vertue of which he was obliged to furnish them with a certain number of Troops, and a Squadron of Men of War.

But in the midst of all these vast Preparati­ons, the Plenipotentiaries of all the Princes that were engag'd in this Bloody War, began to open the Conferences for the Conclusion of the Peace. Delft and the Hague were pitch'd upon for the Places of Residence of these Ministers, and the Castle of Riswick, which lies betwixt these two Places, to hold their [Page 289]Conferdnces in. A considerable time be­fore the opening of these Conferences, Neutrall­ty propo­sed for Ca­talonia. a Negotiation had been set on Foot at Turin, to conclude a Neutrality for Catalonia. The Spaniards cannot be more sensibly touch'd in any part of their Dominions than in Cata­lonia, which lying so near to the Center of the Kingdom, and Danger threatning from that side, puts the People of Spain into a Fer­ment, which is more dreadful among the Spaniards than other Nations. The King of Spain wanted the necessary Funds for the carrying on of the War; the Duke of Sa­voy having not disbanded any of his Troops, either because matters were thus concerted betwixt our Court and him, or because he intended to improve the present Conjuncture to his Advantage, the Spaniards could draw but few of their Troops out of the Milaneze. The Confederates had no Fleet in the Me­diterranean, and were consequently not in a Condition to succour them with any of their Troops in Catalonia; besides, that these Fo­reign Auxiliaries prov'd more troublesome to the Inhabitants than the Enemy; consi­dering all these disadvantages the Council of Spain were inclin'd to accept of this Neu­trality, if it had not been represented to them by the Emperor's Ministers, that if our King should be freed at once from the War, both near the Alpes, and the Pyrenean Mountains, it would be so great an Additi­on to his Strength, that the Confederacy would be reduc'd to a necessity of prevent­ing their Ruin by the Conclusion of a disad­vantageous Peace: These Considerations were [Page 290]so prevailing with the Spaniards, that they neglected their own Interest for that of the Confederacy, and refused to accept of the Neutrality with Catalonia.

The glorious success of the French Arms for these nine or ten Years last past, had given new occasion of Jealousie to the Empe­ror The Continuation of the War was a plausible pretence to augment his Authori­ty in the Empire; he had all the Reason in the World to be afraid of the ill state of the King of Spain's Health, and his in­firm Constitution; he did also imagine that after the Conclusion of the Peace, the Ger­man Princes would not be very forward to assist him against the Turks; all which In­ducements were sufficient to diminish the Emperor's Inclinations for a Peace.

It was supposed that the Prince of O­range (K. William III.) was also rather in­clined to continue the War, but conside­ring that both the English and Dutch so ear­nestly desir'd it; there was not any reason which could oblige him to oppose this Ne­gotiation. For the several Plots which had been contrived against him since his Elevati­on to the Throne, the decay of Commerce, the vast quantity of false and clipt Money and the scarcity of good Coin had caused' such Confusions in England, as could not be better repair'd than by a speedy Peace, es­pecially since the English sustain'd such con­siderable Losses, both by our Privateers, and the heavy Taxes, that many of their richest Merchants were ruin'd by the War. Add to this that the People in Holland were [Page 291]so pressing for a Peace, that for fear the States-General should be prevail'd upon to consent to a separate Peace with France, the Emperor and the other Princes judged it most adviceable not to delay any longer to send their Plenipotentiaries to assist at the open­ing of the Conferences.

The King had for some time before sent Francis de Calliere, a person in whom he put a singular Confidence, to the Hague, to adjust the main Preliminary Points with the States General of the United Provinces, and to remove all Obstacles which might retard, or obstruct this grand Affair, he kept upon the defensive, for fear of raising new Jealousies against him among the Confede­rates. But finding that this only served for a means to retard than promote the Peace, some of the Confederates being buoyed up with the vain hopes of obtaining more ad­vantageous Conditions by these delays, he took a resolution to act with more Vigour this Campaign.

Since the end of the last Campaign the King had ordered his Magazines upon the Rhine to be fill'd with all manner of Provi­sions: The French Forces which hitherto had been Employ'd in Italy, were put into Win­ter-Quarters in Alsace, and other adjacent Countries, and our Troops had been in Motion all the Winter, the better to amuse the Enemy. The Neighbouring Princes be­ing greatly Alarm'd at these vast Preparati­ons, caused their Territories to be cover'd by strong Entrenchments, defended by a vast number of Pallisadoes; and Batteries, with [Page 292]Redoubts, and Forts built on all the prin­cipal Avenues, as if they all were to sustain the whole Force of France the fol­lowing Campaign. A Rumour being also in­dustriously spread abroad, which was con­firm'd by the Motions of our Forces on that side, that the King intended to have two great Armies in Germany, one near the Ʋp­per Rhine, to give a Diversion to the Ene­my, the other under the Marshal de Catinat, to undertake a Siege upon the Lower-Rhine, the Confederates fortified Mayence, and pro­vided this as well as other places thereabouts with fufficient Garrisons. This Rumor con­tinued till towards the end of April, the King having managed the whole Design with somuch Conduct and Secrecy, that the Generals, who, were to serve under the Marshal de Catinat, were upon the Road to­wards Germany, in expectation to make the Campaign there, when they receiv'd Orders to the contrary; and that they should with all speed repair to Flanders, whither the said Mar­shal was gone to form the Siege of Aeth.

This Enterprize was look'd upon as the most glorious that could be undertaken, Siege of Aeth. the Place being strongly fortified with eight Bastions, surrounded with a broad and deep Ditch, full of Water. It was the sixteenth day of May, when the Town was Invested, at which time, there was a Garrison in it of three thousand seven hundred Men. Ne­ver was a place attack'd with more precau­tion, and so much vigour; at the same time the King having given express Orders to the Marshal, to spare as much as possible could be [Page 293]his Troops, but to play against the Place the more furiously with his great Artillery. But the besieged made but a feeble Resist­ance; they fired not very briskly, nor made one Sally, when our Men made the Assault upon the covert Way, they left their Post after the first Discharge; so that as soon as we had made two breaches large enough to mount them, this strong Place, which by reason of its many Outworks, Surrender of Aeth. was fear'd would cost us a great many Men, surren­dred by Composition the 6th day of June, in thirteen days after opening of the Tren­ches, with the loss only of a hundred Men on our Side.

The Confederates had at the same two great Armies in Flanders, being both com­puted at a hundred and twenty thousand Men. Our King, to disappoint the Ene­mies design of relieving the Place, had or­der'd the Marshal de Villeroy, to post himself on that side, where there was the most ap­pearance of danger. The Marshal de Bouflers was Encamped on the other side of the Town, and three other Bodies were to guard some other Avenues leading to it; all which were posted at such convenient distance, as to be able to second one another in case of an Attack; so soon as the Enemy had been advertised of the Siege, they advan­ced towards our Lines, but whither it were that they fear'd the Desertion of many of their Soldiers, who were very ill paid, or that they did not think it for their Inte­rest to hazard a Battle at this juncture of time, when the Peace was so near a Con­clusion, [Page 294]for fear, that if the Success should not answer their Expectation, they should be forced to rest contented with the less advantageous Conditions, they divided their Army into several Bodies, the better to co­ver their other Places in Flanders, without attempting the Relief of Aeth.

Soon after the taking of Aeth, they re­ceived a fresh Reinforcement of eighteen thousand Men, but notwithstanding their vast Number, they Entrenched themselves in their Camp, which they made impregnable by many Redoubts and Batteries. The French Army's continued all this Summer in the Spanish Territories, without being di­stubr'd by the Confederates, who avoided a Battle or Engagement. The remaining part of the Campaign was spent without any further Action, the Allies seeming to have no other Aim, than to prevent our Forces from undertaking any thing of moment; and both Parties being actually inclin'd to expect the issue of the Siege of Barcelona, and of the Diet Assembled in Poland, for the chusing of a Successor to their lately deceased King John.

John Sobieski, Grand Marshal of Poland, ow'd his Elevation to the Throne of Poland, not so much to his own Credit and Interest, as to our King's Protection, and the pru­dent Management of the then Bishop of Mar­seilles, Coll. John­son. and the King's Ambassadour in Po­land; a great Politician, and one of those extraordinary Persons, who by their singular Merits become honourable to their Age, and Highly Serviceable to the Church and State. [Page 295]This King acquir'd immortal Glory about nine Years after, when he left his Kingdom, and marched in the year 1683, to the relief of Viena. But ever since that time he had altred his measures, and in lieu of prose­cuting the War with vigour against the In­fidels, had given himself over to Idleness, his main Care being to heap up such Trea­sures for his Children, as to put them in a Condition either to obtain the Crown after his Death, John So­bieski, K. of Poland. or at least to put them beyond the want of it; whereas the best Treasure he could have left to his Children, would have been to bless them with the Love of the People. But these gave such evident de­monstrations of the little esteem they had for his Family, by pillaging his Estate du­ring the Interregnum, that it sufficiently ap­pear'd to the World, that his memory was become odious to them.

After the Death of this Prince, a general Diet was call'd together, in order to chuse a Successor to the Crown. At this critical Conjuncture, when most Princes of Europe were engaged in a War, it was no wonder, if each Party pretended to maintain their Interest at this Election. The Election of a King of Poland inclining either to the Inte­rest of France, or the Confederacy, being look'd upon at this juncture of time of such Consequence, as to carry along with it no small Influence towards the raising or dimi­nishing the Hopes of the Confederate Prin­ces; each Party therefore were not sparing in making Intrigues for or against the In­terest of such a Person, as they either wish'd [Page 296]to be elevated, or excluded from the Throne of Poland.

Among the rest that pretended to the Crown, was the present Czar of Muscovy. His Empire is of a very vast extent, Candidates for the Crown of Poland. Czar of Muscovy. reach­ing from the Boristhenes to the utmost Con­fines of the North, and on the other side from the Frontiers of Sweden, to the River Tanais. It was represented to the Poles, how glorious 'twould be to their Nation, to chuse a King, who Commanded over so vast a Country; but they wisely consider'd that their Liberty would be in no small danger under so Potent a Master, who was able to bring them under Subjection, by the Force of his own Arms. Duke of Lorrian.

The young Prince of Lorrain, eldest Son to the late Prince Charles, entred also the List of the Candidates, not so much in hopes of succeeding in it, as out of an Am­bition of being put in the same Rank with the rest, in his younger Years.

There was also much Discourse of Prince Lewis of Baden; Prince Le­wis of Ba­den. This Prince was a great Master of the Art of War, and had had great Success against the Infidels in Hungary, whom he had vanquish'd at several times. The Emperour, in acknowledgment of his Services; and the Prince of Orange (K. Wil­liam III.) out of a particular Respect for his person, would without all question, have espoused his Interest; if by joynt-consent of the Confederates, it had not been judged more advisable to support the Faction of Prince James Sobieski, Pr. James of Poland. Brother-in-Law both to the Emperour, and the Elector of [Page 297] Bavaria. Every thing seem'd to concur for his Advantage; He was eldest Son to the late King, he wanted not Riches to purchase the Voices and Protection of the Great ones. The Princes of Germany had espoused his Interest, as well as the Dutch; the Emperour, and Prince of Orange (K. Wil­liam III.) made use of all their Credit to promote his Elevation to the Crown; But all these Advantages, which in all outward appearance seem'd to be the most proper means to compass his Design, prov'd per­haps the true cause of his Disappointment. For, his near Alliance with the House of Austria, had raised a Jealousy in the Polish Lords, lest, he should, when once their King, improve it to their disadvantage, and be encourag'd by the Neighbourhood of the Emperour to make use of his Power, to the prejudice of their Liberty. The pressing Sollicitations made in his behalf by the Ger­man Princes, began to be suspected by the Populace, by reason of a certain Jealousy and Emulation, which is always to be ob­served betwixt two Potent neighbouring Na­tions. He was as Liberal in his Promises to pay the Debts of the Crown, in case he was elected King, as profuse in his Money to gain the Hearts of the Poles, but in vain, nothing being able to remove the Aversion they had conceived against him.

The Confederates finding the Poles thus disposed, began to despair of the Success of the Prince, for which Reason they raised a new Faction, for the Elector of Saxony. The Elector promised to turn Catholick, and there [Page 298]were not wanting those, Elector of Saxony. who assured them that he had abjured the Lutheran Religion two or three Months before, notwithstanding that since that time he had made publick Profession of it. He offered ten Millions for the Payment of Arrears due to the Ar­my, who during the time of the Interregnum had revolted for want of Pay. He promised also to maintain at his own Cost, fifteen thousand Men, and never to make Peace with the Turks, till he had restored all what they had taken from the Poles. These specious Offers would perhaps have influenced the Poles to prefer the Elector before the rest, if the Eyes and Hearts of the Polish Nobility had not been guided by the real Prospect of more solid Advantages.

The French Ambassador the Abbot Male­hoor de Polygnack, recommended to them, Francis Lewis de Bourbon, Prince of Conty. Prince of Conty, the eleventh Prince of the Royal Blood of France, who promised to pay their Troops all their Arrears in ready Money, and to retake Ca­minieck, without the least Expence to the Commonwealth. The Prince of Conty had gained the Esteem of all Europe, not only by his Courage, but also by many great and ge­nerous Actions, and his unparallell'd Mode­ration. He had Signaliz'd himself in the War in Hungary, and since his Return, had given many Demonstrations of his Valour to the World. At Steenkirk, and in the Bat­tle of Neerwinden, he had shew'd himself both an expert General, and a brave Soldier. These great Qualifications, which made ve­ry favourable Impressions in the hearts of a [Page 299]War-like People, received a new Lustre by our King's Recommendation to the Chief Men of Poland. But, this Negotiation met with no small Difficulties, as being opposed by almost all the rest of the Princes of Eu­rope. The Ministers of these Princes insinu­ated without intermission to the Poles, that to chuse a French Prince, would be to put all their Neighbours into a continual Alarm; that this, whether true or false, would at one time or other, turn to the disadvantage of Poland, which thereby would change its present happy Condition for the Miseries of a long War. That their Riches and Forces would be employed to promote the ambitious Designs of France; the Prince of Conty, tho' invested with the Royal Dignity, not being discharged from the Obligations due to our King, whom both in point of Gratitude and Interest, he could not be able to refuse, whatever he desired.

They were also not sparing both in their Threats and Promises; but the King's Inte­rest prevailing over all their Intrigues, the Prince of Conty was Elected by the plurali­ty of Votes. For of thirty two Palatinates, that appear'd in the Field, eight and twen­ty declared for him, the Elector of Saxony having only four on his side. This Prince being so much superior in Number of Voices to his Competitor, was immediately pro­claimed King by the Archbishop of Guesna, Pr. Conty proclaimed King of Poland. Primate of Poland, who has the Administra­tion of Affairs in Poland, during the Interreg­num, and who alone has a Right of Pro­claiming a King.

But the Elector of Saxony, against all the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom, was likewise proclaimed King by the Bishop of Kujavia, who falsely pretended to this Pow­er. The Elector's Faction raised great Di­sturbances in the Kingdom, Elector of Saxony proclaimed King of Poland. endeavouring to maintain themselves by Force and violent Means. The most speedy way to disperse these Clouds, and to restore a perfect Calm in the Kingdom, and to remove all future Danger of any civil Commotions, was the calling of a new Diet, to determine the Difference concerning this Election, and to maintain the Prince de Conty in his Preten­sions, and to confirm his Election by the Authority, if not of all, at least of the ma­jor Number of the Palatinates.

The issue of this grand Affair kept all Europe in suspence for some time, but the Siege of Barcelona, which had been carried on for two Months together with the utmost Vigour, Siege of Barcelona. was look'd upon by most to be of no less Consequence. Barcelona is one of the most Considerable Forts in all Spain. It is a very large, rich, populous City, Famous for its Traffick. It is tollerably well Forti­fied on the Land side, having a Fort at a quarter of a Leagues distance from the Town, built upon a steep Rock. The Place was at that time provided sufficiently with Am­munition, besides which, they received con­stant Supplies, the Town being not begirt on that side where the Fort lay. The Gar­rison consisted of eleven thousand disciplin'd Troops, besides four thousand Miquelets. They play'd without Intermission with their [Page 301]Cannons, Bombs, Granado's, and other Fire-Arms, and sometimes made four Sallies in one Night. They disputed every Inch of Ground with us in their Outworks, some of which they retook twice or thrice, and at last made new Entrenchments within the old Bastions, and inspite of the Prayers of the Inhabitants, and Threats of the common People, they stood it out, with an unparalel­led Bravery to the last Extremity. The Count de la Corsana, Governour of the City, and the Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, Com­mander in Chief of the Garrison, acquir'd immortal Glory in the Defence of this Place. On the other hand, what Pen is able to give due Praises to those who vanquished such brave Men, who by their invincible Courage overcame their Resolution, and were not discourag'd by the Fatigues and Dangers of so long and bloody a Siege? The number of the Besieged did bear no pro­portion to the Besiegers, the Duke of Ven­dosme's Army consisting of no more than thirty thousand Men, at the beginning of the Siege, and the Reinforcement which he received from Provence and Languedock, not above eight or nine thousand strong, being all Militia. But what is unaccessible to a General, who has an equal share of Courage and Conduct, who knows how to manage his Troops to the utmost Advantage, who by his Example teaches them to out-brave all Fa­tigues and Dangers, and to be rather en­couraged than dismay'd at the Bravery of their Enemies?

Thus the Siege was carried on with all imaginable Vigour, tho' for want of suffici­ent number of Forces, we could not carry our Lines quite round the Place. The co­vered Way was attack'd three several times, Attacks up­on the co­vered Way. and in three several places. In the first as­sault we lodged our selves upon one of the Angles, but were beaten back from the two others. We had a second Assault the next day, but without Success, not being able to maintain us in our Posts till the third. Then the Batteries on the Counterscarp be­gan to play most furiously; The Bombs and red hot Bullets laid two thirds of the Town in Ashes, and the dead Carcasses buried un­der their Ruines sent forth such a nauseous Scent, as infected the whole City. Soon af­ter we had made Breaches both in the Ba­stions and Courtines; but the Duke of Ven­dosme did not think it convenient to give the general Assault, till he had routed the Viceroy, to take away all hopes of relief by Land, from the Besieged, of which they had no hopes left by Sea, the Allies having at that time no Fleet in the Mediteranean, and a Squadron of nine French Men of War, many Frigats and thirty Gallies laying be­fore the Port. The Count d' Estree was Commander in Chief of this Squadron; the Forces and the Officers that were embarqu'd on board of these Ships, did great Service in this Siege; The taking of the covered Way in the third Assault, being as chiefly owing to the Valour of James de Noailles, Lieutenant General of the French Gallies. All the remaining hopes of the Besieged, [Page 303]were in the Relief they expected from the Viceroy, who kept the Field with four or five thousand regular Troops, and a good Body of Miquelets. They had also another small Body of about seven or eight thousand Horse, and a thousand Foot, which being posted betwixt the Mountains, made frequent Incursions to annoy and intercept our Con­voys, and to prevent our Peasants from car­vying Provisions to our Camp.

The Enemies Design was to attack our Lines in two or three places at once, and to force them, if possible, under the favour of a General Sally, to be made by the whole Garrison at the same time. The Spa­nish Army surprised. The Duke de Vendosme, thinking it the safest way to pre­vent them in their Design, and having re­ceived Intelligence by his Spyes, that they were very carelesly Encamped, marched out two hours before break of Day with six thousand of his best Men, and at the same time fent a Body of three hundred Horse, two hundred Dragoons; and a thousand Fu­siliers, under the Bommand of the Count d' Ʋsson, to surprise the Spaniards that were posted betwixt the Mountains.

The Cavalry and Outguards being cut in pieces, the Duke advanced without the least Resistance to the Viceroy's Quarter, where there was nothing but Confusion, as may easily be supposed to be the Effects of such a Surprize. Every one was for following the Example of the Viceroy, who saved himself in his Shirt, without being able to take along with him his Papers, or Scru­tore, in which was a good Sum of Gold. [Page 304]Two or three hundred of the bravest among them, who made some resistance, were cut in pieces, and the rest dispersed in an in­stant. The whole Camp, with all their Baggage fell a Prey to our Soldiers, who burnt their Tents and every thing else that was not portable.

The Count d' Ʋsson, having at the same time had the good Fortune, to drive the Spaniards from their Post in the Mountains, we had all the reason to believe that the Besieged, being discouraged by this ill Suc­cess, would alter their measures, and give over their Design of holding out to the last Extremity. Assault up on Barce­lona. But we found our selves deceiv'd in our hopes, for they received us with incredible Bravery, as we were giving the Assault about a Week after, upon the Breaches of the two Bastions. They retook one of these Bastions with great Slaughter, and after they were drove from thence a second time, retreated into a strong En­trenchment they had made behind the Breach of the Bastion. Thus we were to encounter the Danger of a new Siege, there being behind the Entrenchment a strong old Wall, fortified with Towers. Our Miners were set at Work, and every thing ready for a general Assault, when the Besieged were a­gain summon'd to a Surrender; but with­out being in the least terrified at the Dan­ger that threatned them in case the Town should be be taken by Assault; they refused to hearken to a Capitulation, till at last, being overcome by the Lamentations of the Cirizens, and the Consideration of their [Page 305]present Condition, which was such as not to be able to sustain another Assault, without hazarding all, they accepted of the Condi­tions offer'd them by the Duke de Vendosme, who, to shew the Esteem he had for their Bravery, allow'd them very honourable Con­ditions, to wit, to march out thro' the Breach, with six Mortars, and thirty pieces of Cannon. Besides which, we found in the place six Mortars, Surrende [...] of Barce­lona. more and one hundred pieces of Can­non. This Siege cost the Lives of many brave Men; we having lost betwixt four and five thousand on our side, and the Enemy above six housand.

It was was much about the same time, that we receiveed the welcome News of the good Success of an Expedition against Car­thagena, a Place belonging to the Spaniards in the West-Indies. The Spaniards are so o­ver-jealous of their great Riches and vast Possessions in the new World, that they do not suffer any Foreigner among them there. This Project had been in Debate several times before; but never came to Maturity, till the Sieur de Ponty obtain'd Leave from the King, to undertake this Eppediti­on in Person. The King, to encourage the Design, provided the Ships; many particu­lar Persons furnishing their Quota for the Equipment of them, in proportion to the Share they expected to have in the Booty. The Sieur de Ponty was an expert Seaman, and had rendred himself Famous in several Exploits.

Accordingly he set Sail in the Month of January, Expedition against Carthage­na. with seven Men of War, three Fri­gats, two other Ships, and one Bomb-Vessel He met with all the imaginable Success in his Voyage; and in the beginning of March following, without having met with any Tempest, or other Encounter at Sea, came to an Anchor before the Port of St. Do­mingo, where being reinforced with fifteen hundred Buckaneers, he pursued his Voy­age to Carthagena, where at his Arri­val, he found the Enemies, who had receiv­ed Intelligence of his Design, making pre­parations to receive him.

Carthagena is one of the most Famous and best Ports the Sponiards are Masters of in America. Description of Cartha­gena. It is a very large and populous City, built upon a Peninsula, its Avenues is being guraded by several Forts. There the Lower and the Upper City; The last is defended by several Bastions, and the first by a strong Fort. There were above one hundred pieces of Cannons mounted upon their Walls and Forts, their main Hopes; they avoiding all Opportunities of coming to Handy-blows; Our Troops act­ing not with the usual Precautions, be­twixt eight and nine hundred of them were killed at their Landing by the Enemy's Cannon. In the Assault of the first Fort, the Buckaneers attack'd them with such Bravery, that they took it with little Re­sistance; the other Forts were also aban­doned by the Spaniards, without striking a Blow. They defended the Fort which guards the Lower Town for some time; but that [Page 307]being carried by Assault, we fired so furi­ously with our great Artillery against the Upper Town, that they were forced to capitulate on the third day after. The Sieur de Ponty entred the City in Triumph; The taking of Cartha­gena. and after he had put them to Ransom, he demolished all their Bastions and Forts. We got a prodigious Booty in the Place; For, without reckoning the vast Sums which each Officer and Soldier squeez'd out of their Landlords, betwixt eight and nine Mil­lions of Livres in ready Coin and Ingots were brought into France, and a Million more in Emeralds; other precious Stones, Moveables and Gold, and one hundred Brass Pieces of Cannon. With this vast Treasure they set Sail from Carthagena, but were not long, before, at about fifty Leagues di­stance from that place, Ponty es­caped the English. they were met by a Squadron of twenty English Men of War; they made a running Fight for two days; but on the third, the Sieur de Ponty sound means, under favour of a thick Mist, to al­ter his Course, and to escape the Danger, without loosing any thing of his Booty.

The Expedition made much Noise in all Parts of the World, every body standing amaz'd at the Boldness of the Buckaneers, it being chiefly owing to their Bravery, that this dangerous Expedition was brought to a happy issue, tho' carried on with a much less Number of Ships and Men than seem'd proportionable to the Greatness of the Enterprize.

These Advantages so lately obtained on our side, prov'd very instrumental to hasten the Peace

The Jealousy which the Confederate Prin­ces had conceived at the King's good For­tune and Power, The Gene­ral Peace. and the hopes of reducing him into more narrow Bounds had been the chief occasion of this War. But finding themselves deceived in these great Expecta­tions, there was nothing left now, but to restore Tranquility to Europe, by a solid and durable Peace, founded upon the same Ba­sis with that of Nimhegen. In this nice Conjuncture, the Prince of Orange (King William III.) acted the Part of a great Po­litician; and finding that the Desires of the People were absolutely bent for Peace, he made the first steps towards Accomplishing it, and by his Perswasions, prevailed upon the rest of the Confederates to follow his Example.

Accordingly the Peace was Sign'd with Spain, England, and Holland, on the twen­tieth day of September; and with Germany, about six Weeks after.

Among other Conditions, Peace Con­cluded. one was, either did propose to the Emperour, one was, either to keep Strasburgh, and to give an Equiva­lent, or else to keep the Equivalent, and to restore Strasburgh; and, that, in case the Empire did not within a certain limited Time, accept of the Equivalent, he would be at his own Liberty to alter the whole Conditions of the Peace. The Imperial Cities opposed the Session of Strasburgh, and were seconded by most of the Electors, who, knowing that the Places offered as an Equivalent for Strasburgh, must be surren­dred into the Emperour's hands, were not a I [...]t [...]le Jealous of this increase of his Power. [Page 309]The Circles of Suabia and the Ʋpper Rhine made their Complaints against it, alledging, that if our King was left in the possession of Strasburgh, they would be forced to keep even in time of Peace, a good number of Troops on Foot, for their defence against so Potent a Neighbour. Whilst these Con­tests were in agitation in the Empire, our King at the Intercession of the Prince of Orange (K. William III.) granted a further delay, that by the Interposition of the said Prince and the Hollanders, the Germans might be prevail'd upon to grant the ab­solute Possession of Strasburgh to him.

They succeeded so well in this Negoti­ation, that at last this Famous City, which had been so long the main obstacle of the Peace, was at last surrendred for ever to France.

Our King restored to Spain, all that had been taken from them since the Conclusion of the Peace of Nimeghen.

The young Duke of Lorrain was restored to his Estate, under certain Conditions.

The Elector of Treves put again into possession of his Capital City of the same Name.

And to remove for the future, all Pre­tences of Contest betwixt the Empire and France, it was agreed that the Rhine should be the common Boundary betwixt these two Nations; That France was to remain in Possession of what they had Conquer'd on the other side of this River, and to re­store, or demolish all Places on this side.

King James II. K. Will. a knowledg­ed as King by France. having several times re­quested our King, not to delay any time to put a happy Conclusion to he General Peace of Europe, in respect of his particular Interest. William III. Prince of Orange, was acknowledg'd King of Great Britain by the French Plenipotentiaries.

Let us trace the most authentick Monu­ments of Time. Let us view the most an­tient Histories of all Nations, to be con­vinced whether they can furnish us with an Example parallel to the Greatness of our King. Will not Posterity stand amazed, when they Read, that there has been a King in France, who, alone, for ten years toge­ther, has been powerful enough to carry on a War against so many and great Ene­mies, with such Success! France never was fensible of its own Strength till now; but it must be confess'd, that it is owing to the Conduct of their Prince, who knows how to improve it to the best Advantage.