CHAP. I. The Reasons why Ireland being so long under the Government of England, whose Policies in Trade are inferior to few Countreys, should yet be so little improv'd in Trade and Wealth.

1. FRom the Impediments or Obstructions Ireland hath met with, and is subject unto, not common to other Countreys.

The first and chief Impediment proceeds from the unsetledness of the Countrey, as to its subjection to [Page 2] England's Government; for though they have long prosest Allegiance to England's Crown, yet they have paid but a grudging partial obedience to its Scepter: And upon all occasions, less, or more ge­neral, have been attempting to draw their necks out of England's Yoke; as its briefly, but fully eviden­ced by Sir John Davis in his Intelligent Book dedi­cated to King James, Intituled A Discovery of the true cause why Ireland was never intirely subdued to the Crown of England, and he determines un­til the 9th. of King James, Ireland was never fully setled in subjection and obedience to the English Law and Government.

And if we take a view of the State of Ireland since then, and allow the Reign of King James, and part of King Charles the First to be Halcion days, compared with former times.

Yet we must consider the former frequent inter­ruptions of its Peace were not so worn out of me­mory, but that the aged in the succeeding Genera­tions would be discoursing of their former sufferings to their Children and younger Neighbours, which continued a fear and jealousie in the minds of the English, who were afresh startled by those lesser breakings forth of discontent in King James's time, &c. who was not Proclaimed King of Ireland without opposition. Several of the chief Cities, as Waterford, Co [...]ke, Lymerick, &c. stood out until forced to their duty: and within less than seven years Tyrone, notwithstanding all obligations of Honour and Favour the King heaped upon him to engage his Loyalty, was kindling a new flame with the finders [Page 3]of his old fire; but being timely by the smoke disco­vered, and ploclaimed Traytor, stole into Flanders, and from thence to Rome: And for his good servi­ces to that See was allowed a plentiful Pention the rest of his life, Anno 1607. Borlacy 184. And about a year after Odoghertyes Rebellion broke out in Ulster, who Sakt and Burnt Derry, and made havock up and down the Countrey, expecting Tyrones and Tyr­connels return with foreign Aid from Flanders, &c.

About seven years after Alexander Mac Donnell, with Brian Cross, O Neal, and other principle Gen­tlemen of Ulster, were discovered contriving another Plot to take Charlemont, with the principal Towns and Forts in Ulster, and to destroy the English in that Province, having expectation of Assistance from Spain, France and Rome.

Now though all these attempts to disturb the Set­tlement of Ireland were, by Gods Providence, some of them timely discovered and prevented, others soon supprest; yet hereby the Fears of the English, as to the safety of their Lives and Estates, were renew­ed: for they did observe, though the Fire did not flame out of the House-top, yet it lay smothering under the Ashes of the former Rebellions, which was manifest in the Discovery of the horrid bloody Rebellion 1641. that the Popish Minors had been at work under ground all along and the 23. of Octo­ber, 1641. was the day agreed on to spring their Mine: for in the year 1634. Mac Mahon a Priest discovered to Sir George Ratcliffe, a Design of a ge­neral Rising of the Irish, himself having been ingaged in the Conspiracy, and for several years imployed [Page 4]in Foreign Courts, to sollicite Aid to carry on the Work Vid. The Reverend Bishop of Meath 's Letter to Dr. Bor­lacy in the Preface to his History of the exe­crable I­rish Rebel­lion..

So that though Ireland had no open War from the year 1600. to the year 1641. yet these several at­tempts continued an inward Dread on the minds of the English, which discouraged their Industry in Trade and Manufactures, and what they had of Trade were chiefly in the hand of the Irish who had little Manufacture but Rugs, Mantles and Frizes, &c.

And from the year 1641. to the year 1660. I may spare troubling you with an account why Ire­land was not improved in Trade and Wealth; for thirteen years of the nineteen were spent in violent and bloody War, and that monster devours every thing but it self.

And for the other six years the new Landlords of Adventurers and Souldiers had their Heads and their Hands full, in procuring and setling their new E­states.

And not only themselves, but most persons that could command Mony, fell a trading in Debentures, and thereby obtained better Estates in one year, than by treble the sum they ever got in seven years before by Traffick.

So that until the year 1660. Irelands not improv­ing in Trade and Manufactures should not discou­rage Attempts now: for had the Country been much more capable than it is; and, I judge, few Countries in the World better qualified as to its Scituation, and natural Product, yet was there no encouragement for attempting any considerable Trade and Manufactures thus far.

[Page 5]And what hath since obstructed the increase of Trade, and frustrated all attempts propagating the Manufactures of Ireland. Vid. the Chapter of Ma­nufactures.

The second Impediment ariseth from the former, the unsetledness of the minds of the people; for a people inured to War, rather dispose their minds to idleness and rapine, than innocent Industry; and what is quickly so gained, is usually as soon spent in riot and excess: And as these sort of people hate honest labour and industry themselves, so do they by their frequent robberies discourage others; that when a years industry shall be forced out of their hands by an hours robbery, they conclude ease and la­bour will be all one at the years end; and there­fore choose scarcity, with ease and safety, ra­ther than by labour to gain a little matter about them; which will but make them the more sit Prey for the violence of Wood-kearns and Thieves.

The third Impediment is the great plenty of provisions, for fulness of Bread is the cause of abun­dance of idleness in Ireland as well as in Sodom; which argument I shall choose to give you in the words of our Ingenious Countreyman Sir William Temple, in his Observation on the Trade of Holland, pag. 187, 188. as followeth: Since the ground of Trade cannot be produced from Havens, or native Commodities, as may well be concluded from the Sur­very of Holland, which has the least and the worst; and of Ireland, which hath the most, and the best of both▪ [Page 6]it were not amiss to consider from what other score it may be more naturally and certainly derived; for if we talk of Industry, we are still as much to seek what it is that makes a people industrious in one Country and idle in another: I conceive the true original ground of Trade to be great multitudes of People crowded in­to small compass of Land, whereby all things necessary to life become dear, and all men who have possessions are induced to Parcemony, but those who have none are forced to Industry and Labour, or else to want: Bodies that are vigorous fall to labour, such as are not supply that defect by some sort of Inventions or Inge­nuity: Those customs arise first from necessity, but in­crease by imitation, and grow in time habitual in a Country; and where they are so, if it is upon the Sea, they naturally break out into Trade, both because whatsoever they want of their own that is necessary, so many mens lives must be supplyed from abroad; and because by the multitude of People, and smalness of a Country, I and grows dear, that the Improvement of Mony that way is considerable, and so turns to Sea, where the greatness of the Profit makes amends for the Venture.

This cannot be better illustrated than by its contra­ry, which appears no where more than in Ireland, whereby the largeness and plenty of the Soil, and scar­city of the People, all things necessary to Life are so ch [...]ap, that an industrious man by two days labour may gain enough to feed him the rest of the week, which I take to be a very plain ground of Laziness attributed to the people; for men naturally prefer Ease before Labour, and will not take pains, if they can live idle; [Page 7]though when by necessity they have been used to it, they cannot leave it, being grown a custom necessary to their Health, and to their very Entertainment: nor perhaps is the change harder, from constant Ease to Labour, than from constant Labour to Ease, &c.

The fourth Impediment is the Height of the In­terest of Mony; for Holland that hath Mony at three per Cent. and England at six, eat up Traders in Ire­land, where Mony is difficult to be procured at ten; whereby the one will underfell the other at his own doors, and run them down in Manufactures at home, and Markets abroad; having also the advantage of better and cheaper Workmen. The dearness of Provisions necessitating their poor to work, the same necessity moves them to inure their Children to Art from their Cradles, whereby they will per­form more and better in one day than ours in two.

The fifth Impediment is the lowness of the rate of Land; for when a man may purchase a better Rent for 1000 pound in Ireland, than he can for two in England, or three in Holland, or proportiona­bly Farm. What prudent man will undergo the Dif­ficulties and run the Hazards of Trade, when he may dispose of his Mony with much more ease and safety to his better advantage: and from hence it is we have so few wealthy Merchants in this Country: for if a man begin with a 1000 pound, and improve it to 9 or 10. in Trade, like wary Gamesters that have won at Play, they will venture no more, but lay out their Mony in Land, and of a rich Merchant become a Country Gentleman: and then parting [Page 8]with a few Guineys to procure a Dub, or Patent, the Knights Son will blush if you tell him his Father got his Estate by conversing with Tarpolins, &c.

Which brings me to the sixth Impediment, The low esteem the generous Calling of a Merchant hath in this Countrey, where every pedling Shopkeeper and Pettyfogger is stil'd a Merchant; that Ireland breeds Merchants as Beggars do lice, from its pover­ty and idleness: For turning Merchant is the last shift a lasie Mechanick or a beggerly Citizen takes to; whereas every Trade ought to bear the deno­mination of their peculiar Faculty. For though Clothiers, Drapers, Mercers, Milliners, Ironmon­gers, Grocers, Haberdashers, &c. may be of wor­shipful Rank, and principal Citizens, yet they are not Merchants; for none are properly Merchants but the Adventurers at Sea; from whence the most an­cient Corporation of Merchants in London was stiled the Company of Merchant Adventurers: But from this degrading of the reputation of Merchants, that Honourable Calling is of so low repute, that few Gentlemen, much less Noblemen, will put their Sons Apprentice to a Merchant, but rather breed them for Divines, Souldiers, Lawyers, Physicians, &c. though it may happen, under those Professions, they never attain to be eminent; that had they put another Son to a Merchant, the Divine might have been glad to become his Brother's Chaplain. Whereas in all Countries flourishing in Trade, their Nobles and chief Citizens are Merchants; as Venice, Florence, Ge­noa, Lisbon, Amst. and Lond. where his Royal High­ness & many of the Nobles about Court are inrolled [Page 9]Merchants in the Affrican and Canary Companies, &c. which his Royal Highness hath Honoured with bearing Office, Blooms Geography, in his Cha. of Traffick, pag. 50. &c. And this is no novelty; for Solomon, the most glorious King of Israel, was a Merchant; it was his Traffick, not his Crown-Rents, by which he made Silver to be as Stones in Je­rusalem, and Cedars as the Sicamore 1 Kings, Chap. 10. ver. 27..

And the Prophet Isaiah recording the glory of old Tyre, calls her the Crowning City, and Mart of Nations, whose Merchants were Princes, whose Traf­fickers are the Honourable of the Earth Isa. 23. ver. 8.. And this high esteem and noble reputation Merchants hath had both in ancient and modern times in all Coun­treys, knowing the worth of Trade, hath commen­ded them for Counsellors and principal Ministers of State to Princes and chief Senators in all Common-wealths, whereby the interest of Trade hath been greatly promoted, and persons of Honour encoura­ged to study it as a principal piece of State-policy to know how to encrease their own and lessen their neighbours Trade; the advantage thereof we have a notorious example in the modern Politicks of France, where it is manifest the Studies and Coun­sels of one Colbert hath in a few years trebled the Trade and Manufactures of France; whereby that aspiring Prince is not only become so powerful on Land, but so formidable at Sea above all his Prede­cessors, that he checks the swelling Trade of Hol­land, and threatens the ruine [...] the famous Trade of England, if not timely [...] which cannot be done without espousing the Interest of Trade as the Darling of State, and publick Counsels be qualified accordingly.

[Page 10]The seventh Impediment is the lowness of the Credit of the Tradesmen of this Countrey, pro­ceeding from their ill performances with their Cre­ditors abroad, which they are necessitated unto from these three Causes.

First, from the Delatoriness of Common-Law Proceedings in our ordinary Courts of Justice, where a man may be a year before he obtain Judgment up­on a Specialty, and much longer upon a Book-debt, especially if either the Defendant or his Sollicitor be well acquainted with Quirks in Law-proceedings: To prevent which, all Countreys flourishing in Trade keep their Court Merchant, which within a few days, by a Summery way of proceeding by the Law Me [...]catore, will determine a Cause. Lex Mercatoria pag. 458, &c.

The second Cause of the lowness of their Credit, is the smalness of the Stocks of our Tradesmen: A person of 500 l. Stock shall accept of 2000 l. Credit, which by reason of Goods lying upon hand, and Debts out, he is no ways able to comply with time; but what he buys at six months, may be three 6 months unpaid, and that intails him upon his Cre­ditor; though his Goods be bad, and dear, he dare not leave him, being at his mercy for old scores.

The third and chief Cause is, from the bad pay­ment some of the Gentry make to the Trader, whereby the Trading Stock of the Nation is stopt in its course, like the Blood stopt in its circulation, threatens the ruine of the Body by variety of Dis­eases.

For when the Gentleman pays not the Mercer and Draper, he cannot pay the Manufacturer, nor he [Page 11]his Workmen, nor they the Woolman, nor he his Landlords Rent: That could this one obstruction to Trade be removed, most others would fall in course.

And for removing of this Trade ruining Nation, scandalizing evil, I would propose that no Merchant or Retayler should recover in any of the Kings Courts any Debt contracted for foreign Manufa­ctures, but that it should be admitted a sufficient Bar against Judgment, if the Debtor could prove that the Debt were contracted for Goods manufactured out of Ireland.

First, This would not only restrain the Seller from trusting where he had confidence of payment, but excuse his refusal where he only credits, being loth to disoblige.

Secondly, This would restrain many Buyers, who whilst they can have time, will be profuse in their ex­pences; but if every superfluous fine thing they fancy cost them ready Money, the thought of part­ing with their Money would something moderate their fondness of the thing when they much need it not.

Thirdly, This would prevent mens Wives and Daughters from running them into debt for fine Clothes, if in stead of going, to the Tradesman to be trusted, they were constrained to go to him that car­ries the Purse; for Money, it might admit a debate whether the thing were so necessary as to part with present Money for it.

The second Expedient to remedy this immoral dishonourable ruine of Trade, is for the Magistracy [Page 12]in their places, and Ministers in theirs, by their testi­monies on the Bench; and from the Pulpit to shew the scandal of it, especially in persons of Honour and Quality; it being not only a transgression of all Di­vine rules in the Christian World, but of all Moral rules in the Civilized World, not to do to others as we would have others do by us. We read of seve­ral Pagan Nations that are so great abhorrers of this sort of Injustice, that when their Subjects through sloth or prodigality run more into debt than they are able to pay, deliver them to their Creditor for Slaves until the debt be satisfied, as being unworthy to enjoy the freedom of Citizens, much less the dignity of Se­nators or Magistrates. Saith Solomon, The oppres­sion of the poor is as a sweeping rain. He means poor Magistrates, who by vertue of their Office hath power to oppress: Therefore it would be an excel­lent Law, to provide that all Noble Families decay­ed in Estate, by serving their King and Countrey, or other unavoidable Providence of God, should be repaired by the benevolence of their Countrey, which were usual amongst the Greecians and Ro­mans in their prosperity.

And that others, who ruine their Estates by pro­digality and ill courses, should be degraded from their Dignities; for noble Titles void of noble E­states, and noble Qualities, renders Nobility con­temptible, and not only the reproach, but the pest of a Countrey. Therefore such a Court of Wards as might be intrusted with the Education of the Or­phant Nobility, &c. so regulated by Law, that no Guardian could make a prey of them and their for­tune, [Page 13]and also impowred where they saw need, to secure the Estates of Prodigals, at Age, from their wasting courses, for the good of their Posterity, would be of great use to this Kingdom, to secure it from Noble and Worshipful Bankrupts, who do not only ruine their own Families and Posterities, but usually many other industrious Families that had the ill hap to credit them.

The third Expedient to secure this Realm from this Trade and Wealth-consuming evil is, for the prudent and sober part of the Nobility and Gen­try both by their examples and advice, to dis­countenance these Prodigals in their ruining cour­ses.

First, by their examples to bring high Gaming, excessive Drinking, and all voluptuous living out of credit; for the reason why so many young Gentle­men are so extravagant in their expences, is, be­cause they think their Quality and Degree re­quires it.

Whereas true Beauties need no Paint; a Gen­tleman shall receive the respect of his Degree when clothed in Frieze, as fully as if arrayed in Scarlet. I remember since the Ancient Nobi­lity and Gentry of England, though they kept noble Houses, went very plain themselves: what Bravery they had was in their Atten­dants: And then how glad was a Tradesman to see their Stewards and Liveries coming to­ward their Shops; whereas now they dread it in some of them: and if they part with their Goods, will require the Steward or some of their mean Te­nants [Page 14]to be security for their Lord, my sometimes Citizens; and then, though the Lord or Master bears the Title, the Servant or Citizen enjoys the ho­nour of persons sit to be credited; which veils the glory of the Nobility, &c. of Ireland; who when by the merit of their Ancestors, or by the King's fa­vour they are raised in their degree above others, should raise their minds above those ignoble, vitious principles and practices of meaner persons, or be suspended their Titles till they do it. Shall a Law­yer for dishonouring his Practice, have his Gown pull'd over his Ears, and himself thrown over the Bar? Or if a Divine scandalize his Cloath, shall he be degraded, and thereby disgraced? And shall a Nobleman reproach his Dignity, and the fame of his Ancestors without blame! Heathens did not think so; the Athenians had their Goddess Nemesis, being stiled by them the Goddess of Indignation, for punishing those who behaved themselves unworthy of their degree and fortune. Heylins Cosm. fol. 588. The Nobility of a King­dom are the Pillars of it, and therefore called Peers; and if the Pillars of a House be made of rotten wood, wherein then consists the strength of it? Wise So­lomon, when he built his own House, as well as Gods, had all his Pillars of Cedar, 1 King. 7.2. or Brass, ver. 15. As the King is the Fountain of Honour, so the Streams should run clear; they reproach not the Spring-Head from whence they flow.

Why is the Sentence of a Nobleman in Judg­ment admitted upon his Honour, of equal authority to others upon their Oaths; but that the Law pre­sumes, he is as tender of his Honour, as others are of [Page 15]their Consciences: and though the Wealth of a Country is disposed by Providence to Fools, and men of rude Education, Riches, saith Solomon, Eccles. 9.11. are not always to men of Understanding, there are rich Charles, as Nabal, 1 Samuel, 25.25. and rich Fools, Luke 12.20. and for such as these to be dignified with Honourable Titles, make Honour contemptible, saith wise Solomon, Prov. 29.1. Ho­nour is not seemly for a Fool; Solomons Fools were not Idiots, but rude vitious persons: Honourable Ti­tles were not designed to make men Honourable that were not so before, but to declare to others, it was the opinion of their Prince they deserved Ho­nour for the worthy Service they had done for their King and Country: When Titles of Honour are confer'd on persons of mean Birth, mechanick Education, and sordid disposition without respect to Honourable Service, when they are neither Testi­monials of the Kings Favour, or the persons Merit, it moves vertuous and worthy persons to slight them, if the most daring Heroick spirit in an Army shall perform, in the sight of his Prince, the most desperate Service, at his coming off he is dub'd; but whilst the was fighting, if the basest Coward in the Army be plundering the Enemies Waggons, forsaken by their Guard, and fill his pockets with Gold, he shall for a small part of it obtain a Patent for a Baronet, and take place of the other, as the more Honourable Man; which lowers the rate of Fortitude the highest vertue, and raiseth the price of Covetousness the most sordid of vices.

Theodosius the Emperor was so sensible of this [Page 16]prostrating Dignities to the ambitious humour of un­worthy persons, he makes his Edict against it, after this Preamble: Observing (saith he) many persons out of ambition to take place of others of better merit, had surreptitiously obtain'd Letters or Codicils for Ti­tles of Honour; which caused great animosities, and put all things out of order and decorum, &c. For, saith he, how can merit be rewarded, when without consideration of Service performed, Titles of Honour are conferred; and men best deserving deprived of their due? But to distinguish them, he ordains that persons honoured for Service should take place of others that had superior Titles by Codicil, alias Pa­tents: And for time to come, all Titles of Honour so obtain'd should be void, and they who procured the Co­d [...]cils fined 20 l. in Gold Howels History of the World, 356.. Saith Baker, Queen Eli­zabeth made Honour in her time the more Honourable by not making it common; She being a Virgin her self, would preserve the Virginity of Honour, and would not prostitute it to unworthy persons Baker's History of England, 388.. To be the Fountain of Honour, is the peculiar priviledge of Sovereign Princes; and though they may trust a Sub­ject with the Key of their Treasury, and Cabinet; yet the Key of Honour should always be tied at their own Girdles. King James in the 9th. year of his Reign Instituted the Order of Baronets with these qualifications.

But, saith Baker, he that will look how well the end of the Institution, and the Laws of it have been ob­served, shall find it to be here as it was in the Order of St. Michael in France, into which at first there were admitted none but Princes, and eminent Persons; but afterwards it became a question whether the Dignity of the Order did more grace the Persons, or the mea­ness of the Persons disgrace the Order: So Camb­den in his Eliz. records the saying of a French-man, The Chain of St. Michael was once a Badge of Noble­men, but now a colour for all creatures. Saith Ba­ker, When the Laws of an Institution are not observ'd, it seems to make a Nullity in the Collation Baker's History, p. 514.. The Nobility of Venice are distinguished by their Habits, and as Affronts offered them are severely punished; so are their Laws severe against themselves, if they do any thing to dishonour their Quality; saying, That Honour and Respect will not follow Titles, but Merit and Vertue.

I'll say no more on this Point, but do affirm the [Page 18]high value of Honourable Titles, and the low e­steem of Honourable Qualities. The humour of quick buying, and slow paying, is the ruine of the Trade and Wealth of this Countrey; whilst being Fine, is more creditable than being Just, neither our Credit or Wealth can be recovered.

CHAP. II. The Second Head of the Causes of Ire­land's not Improving in Trade and Wealth,

IS from its excess in spending; for where much is spent, and little gained, poverty and decay necessarily follows: And this consists in its excessive consumption of foreign Commodities. First, for the Belly, as Wines, Fruit, Spice, Tobac­co, &c.

Secondly, for the Back, as Silks, fine Linnens, Silver and Gold-Laces: all which may be esteemed superfluous, as not absolutely necessary, only con­venient. Now all superfluities ought to be regu­lated proportionably to abilities; for some Families may better afford to drink Wine than others strong Beer, and clothe themselves in Silks than others can in Serge, in regard they either come cheaper by them, or have Estates more able to bear. And so it is with Countreys; Naples may as cheap wea [...] [Page 19]Silk, as England Woollen-cloth; and Florence, and most part of Italy, are at no further charge for their gay Attire, than their hand-labour upon the raw Silks of Persia, &c. which also costs them little, considering they pay for them by their own Manu­facture, or in Goods received of other Countreys for them, which is still but the product of their la­bour; they consume nothing of the Stock of their Countrey. And it is the same with France; that Countrey would beggar themselves by their curiosi­ty in their Apparel, if they bought what they wear, manufactured: Whereas they gain by their frequent change of Modes, by the great Trade they thereby obtain from other Countreys disposed to imitate them. And so for the Belly; a Peasant in France may drink Wine, as cheap as a Farmer in England drinks Beer. So some Countreys on the Baltick-Shore may eat Sturgion, as cheap as Ireland can Salmon; that it is not the quantity, nor quality of the matter a Countrey consumes, that hurts them, but the price they pay for it. A person that spends forty Pounds per ann. in the Manufacture of the Countrey, consumes not so much of its Wealth, as another that spends but ten in foreign Manufacture. For the more full demonstration of the ruining con­sequence of this excessive consumption of foreign Manufactures, I shall propose to you this one In­stance:

Of Silks; wherein the excess is grown to that height, that where our Grandfathers spent one Shilling, we spend above a Pound, and twenty to one is great odds in expences: Then if a good suf­ficient [Page 20]Farmer that paid one hundred Pound a year Rent, or a substantial Yeoman of fifty or sixty Pounds per ann. in Land, had worn any other Gar­ment than of Cloth or Stuff, produced by the hands of his own Family, he would have been censured as a profuse Person, and his Wife for a slack Housewife, you will find he will bring his Hogs to a fair Mar­ket in a little time, would his Neighbours say. And though Citizens went more Gentile, yet generally grave and plain, according to their several Ranks and Callings: But now persons of this Rank will clothe themselves above the Garb of Knights in former days. Yeomen, or ordinary Tradesmens Wives wear not only Silk-Gowns, but oft-times two or three Silk-Petticoats appear as they walk, one under another, which is an intollerable expence upon the Countrey. For suppose forty thousand Families in this Kingdom that thus wear, and allow them but five Pound per an. each person, it amounts to two hundred thousand Pounds a year. And equal, if not more intolerable then this of Gar­ments, is that universal practice of wearing Silk-hoods and Scarfs, which every mean mans Wife and Servants, &c. yea Carmens and Porters Wives put on, which increaseth the number of the former double.

But compute these sorts of Silken Heads and Shoulders worn by these Gammers, to sixty thou­sand persons, and compute that expence but at twenty Shillings each person a year, it consumes of the Wealth of this Kingdom sixty thousand Pounds per ann. Besides, it turnes [...]elt-making, one of the [Page 21]expensivest Manufactures of Wooll in the Coun­trey, and consequently one of the profitablest. For it did not only manufacture a great proportion of our Woolls, but employed therein a great number of industrious people. And suppose the same num­ber of Servants, and mean mens Wives and Daugh­ters, &c. that now wear Silk-hoods, and Scarfs, wore Hats, or Searge-hoods, at five Shillings each, the Wooll being nor valued above half the price: the profit of the Countrey by the labour of the peo­ple that is now lost, would amount unto seven thou­sand five hundred Pounds per. ann. So that by this one consumption of foreign Silk-Manufacture, with its prevention of consuming of our own, damnifies this Kingdom sixty seven thousand five hundred Pounds per ann.

Obj. If this be so, how comes it England and France, that much exceed Ireland's expence in Garbs, and yet both flourishing Kingdoms in Trade and Wealth?

Answ. First, it is not granted they exceed Ire­land, the quantity and quality of the people consi­dered; for these Countreys are not only much more populous, but far more wealthy, and although the Nobility and Gentry of France are expensive, yet the Peasant, or ordinary People are restrained both by Law and Custom to wear the most ordinary pro­duct of their own Countrey. And as I observed before, the State of France gains, rather than loses, by the Garbs of particular persons: For they sell more to others than pays for the foreign matter they manufacture for themselves. But let us com­pare [Page 22]our selves with England, the State and Garb whereof being more generally known to us than that of France, and we shall find we much exceed England in the profuseness of our expences this way, if the quality and quantity of persons be con­sidered. First, England must be considered as a Family, after many years gathering by great pains and good husbandry, in possession of a great well-setled Estate; but Ireland as a young Beginner, if it have yet begun in the way to get Wealth. And if a Gentleman of a thousand Pounds per ann. will keep the Port, and spend at the rate of another of ten thousand Pounds per ann. the mischief of the Parity will soon appear, and England does not only possess ten times the Wealth of Ireland, but drives ten times his Trade, and twenty to one is great odds in expences.

Secondly, if England must be Irelands pattern in Garbs and Expences, then review Englands Garb and Expences when its state was more sutable to Ireland, and you will find it very mean and homely to what Ireland is now; and as it increased in Wealth, so in the expensiveness of its Garb and Port: and so soon as the people began to break bounds on that hand, the wisdom of those times saw reason to re­strain them by sumptuary Laws; as in the 17th. of Edward the Third, the Parliament ordained Rules for the Apparel of all Ranks and Degrees of per­sons, as followeth.

These Laws, with some addition and increase of Penalties, were again confirmed by Parliament the [...]ard year of Edward the Fourth; being near one hundred years after, with power given to the Justi­ces of the Peace to see the Statutes observed an­nexed to this Preamble. ‘Prayeth the Com­mons Assembled in Parliament / to our Sove [...] Lord the King / to call to his gracious Remembrance, that in the times of his Noble Progenitors / divers Ordi­ [...] [...] Statutes were made in this Realm of England for the Apparel and [...] Commons of the said Realm / no [...]ll Men [...] Women; so that none of them ought to use or wear ony inordinate and ex [...]ensive Apparel / but according to their Degrees; which Statutes are not [Page 25]observed / to the great displeasure of God / and impoverishing this Realm / &c.’ And again, in the twenty second year of the said King, in Parliament Regulated and Confirmed, with severe Penalties annexed to this Preamble. ‘Because that our Sovereign Lord the King hath conceived by a Petition made unto him by the Commons / that divers Statutes and Ordinances touching restraint of excessive Apparel / &c. by their not due executions / his said Realm is fallen into great misery and poverty / and like to fall into more / un­less there be better Remedy provided / &c.’ Again, in the seventh year of Henry the 8th. these Laws were corrected, and inlarged, with more se­vere Penalties, and all the former Acts repealed; annexed to this Preamble: ‘Forasmuch as the great and costly Array used within this Realm contrary to the good Statutes thereof made / hath been the occasion of great impoverishing of the Kings Sub­jects / and provok'd divers of them to Rob / and do Extortion / and other unlawful deeds to maintain their [...] Arrayes / be it therefore Ordained by the Authority of this present Parliament.’

It is true, as England increased in Trade and Wealth, so the rigour of these Laws slackned; not that it was best they should do so, but indulged as a more tolerable evil, which the Realm was better able to bear; yet to this day the middle sort of people in England are much more modest and sparing [Page 26]than those of the same Rank in Ireland.

Now whether it may not be convenient so far to revive Sumptuary Laws, as may give some Re­straint to the great Extravagances of this National Consumption, that so threatens the Impoverish­ing of this Kingdom, is worth the Governments Consideration: And when Ireland arrives to the same state of Trade and Wealth of England, then these Enormities will be more tolerable; but as the case now stands, the same Reason that govern­ed our Ancestors herein ought to bear sway with us.

But this Extravagancy in Garb is not only thus ruinous and destructive to the Wealth of Ireland, but also is accompanied with many other intolerable Inconveniences.

First, The most God-provoking Sin of Pride, for which the most dreadful Judgments of God hath laid waste and ruined Nations, as Esay 3, &c. is manifested by this Immoderateness in Garb.

Secondly, This Extravagancy of the meaner sort provokes the Nobility and Gentry to that height of Excess herein, to the weakning of their Estates, that the same Patrimony their Ancestors lived plentifully on, kept noble Houses, did many good Works, and yet increased their Estates, with­out raking their Tennants, they cannot live on with­out running greatly into Debt, some of them till Tradesmen will trust them no more; and all to keep themselves distinguished from their Inferi­ours.

Thirdly, It ingenders Emulation, or rather Dis­dain, [Page 27]in the minds of those of higher Degree against the meaner sort; when they observe they cannot put themselves into any Garbe or Mode, but they will be in it, nay out do the gravest of them. Ful­ler tells us of Sir John Collthrop, a Norfolk Knight in the Reign of Henry the 7. sent to his Taylor at Norwich as much Cloth of the Mode-colour as would make him a Garment, which a Shoomaker seeing, imployed the Taylor to buy him of the same; which so vext the Knight, that he caused the Taylor to pink his Garment full of Holes, which cured the Shoomaker of his proud Humour; he vowed never to be of the Gentlemans Fashion a­gain. But let the Knight now change his Fashi­on once a month, the Shoomaker will vie with him, if all the Shooes in his Shop will pay for it.

Fourthly, It abates and wears off that due Reve­rence and Respect Inferiours owe to Superiours; for my Gaffer thinks himself as good a man as my Lord, when he observes himself as fine; and where neither of them are known, shall contract as much Observation and Respect.

Fifthly, This unlimited Extravagancy of the meaner sort is the chief cause of our intolerable con­sumption of Foreign Manufacture: for the Nobi­lity and Gentry are not the twentieth part of the number that consume our Foreign Silks and Modes; and their Consumption would not be felt by the Nation, if the other were restrained, and injoyn­ed to wear our own Manufacture, it would treble the damage by imploying our own poor, and con­suming [Page 28]the Growth of the Country, which would inrich the Tennant, and proportionably raise the Rents and value of Land.

Sixthly, It necessarily raiseth the Wages of all Ar­tists, Labourers, and Servants; for they may better afford to work for two thirds of their wages, and live better of it, if it were not for the excessive increase of the Charge of their Families, by this vanity of living higher and being finer. And this increase of Wa­ges is the greatest Tax on the Nation, though the receiver is made no richer, only sprucer and lazyer.

Seventhly, This spruce Garb of both Sexes, especially the Female, is the greatest inticement to those filthy Lusts of the Flesh this age wallows in; as that Debauching Custom of Healthing is the great provoker to the swinish sin of Drunken­ness, so this spruceness of Garb and Apparel is the great allurement to those abominable Adulteries, so shamelessly practiced amongst us. For when the Debauches of a place observe mean mens Wives and Daughters adorned above the Ranks and E­states of their Parents or Husbands, they fancy they are designed for Invitations to incourage them to attaque their Chastity, and find themselves not always mistaken. That it would be seasonable to revive that Law or Custom in use amongst the Hebrews, that all persons convict, or notoriously f [...]med for Strumpets, should wear one sort of At­tire; which custom made Judah suspect his Daughter in Law Thamor, when he saw her in the Attire of an Harlot, to be one. And in the [Page 29]year 1353. the Parliament of England, on the Petiti­on of the Mayor and City of London, past an Act that no infamous Woman should wear any Hoods, or other Attire upon her Head, but stript Cloth of divers co­lours Stows Sur­vey of Lon­don, p. 553. We have not only abundant testimony in the Old Testament, of these notorious Remarks put upon lend Women in the Jews Common Wealth, but the Heathen themselves by Light of Nature provided against the same evil. The Ro­mans had their Law Oppia, that no Woman of what degree soever might have any Ornaments or Jewels bove half an ounce weight of Gold, nor wear any rich or gorgeous Attire, &c. which Law was made when the Punick Wars were at the height in the Consulship of Fabius, about the time Annaball won the Victory at Canne, and distressed Rome; but about 20 years after, in the time of Portius, Cato, &c. the Roman Dames clamour'd against it. In the defence thereof Cato made a large and vehement Oration, what would they have, saith he, marry this, that they may glister in their Golden Jewels, and shine in their pur­ple Robes, &c. that they may not be stinted in their excessive Expences, in dissolute Profusion, in costly Va­rieties and Supefluities, &c. Many a time, saith he, ye have heard me complain of the wastful and sump­tuous Bravery of Women, and as often have you heard me inveigh against the lavish spending of men, not only private persons but Magistrates also, and how this City of ours is sick of two contrary Diseases, to wit, pinching Avarice, and superfluous Prodigality; two Plagues, I say, that have been the bane and over­throw of all great Monarchs, and flourishing Empires, [Page 30]&c. To conclude, saith he, my opinion is, that at no hand the Law Oppia be repeal'd, and so I pray all the Gods to vouchsafe a Blessing on you Titus Livius, p, 1686., &c.

Oh! what miserable Christians are such, that are so far from Modesty or Shame, that they glory in those enormities moral Heathens were a­shamed of, that would rather let Common Wealth sink, and Posterity be ruin'd, than abate their Prodi­gality and Excess.

Zalencus the Lawgiver of the Locrians made a Law, Alian. Ver. l. 13. p. 24. That no Women should wear Gold, or imbroy­dered Apparel, but when they design thereby to de­clare to all that beheld them, they proffered them­selves to any that would hire them for Harlots; and that the men should not be spruce or effeminate in their Apparel, but when they went to the Stews or Harlots houses, by which all persons were restrained from Excess and costly Apparel.

And so high contempt and disdain hath several of the most Magnificent Emperors, and famous Re­nowned Princes had of this childish Bravery of gay Clothes, that they have seemed to err on the other hand, that their Glory might arise from the fame of their Heroick Noble Actions, rather than the Splendidness of their Garbs.

Lewis the 11th. King of France, who ( as Commin, one of his Council, who wrote the History of his Reign, affirms) was of so bountiful and generous a Hu­mour, that none equalled him; yet in his Apparel and Garb so homely and frugal, that there was sound in his Chamber of Accounts in Paris, in the year 1461. an Article of two Shillings for [...]ustian to sleeve the Kings old Doublet, &c.

[Page 31] The Puissant Emperour Charles the Fifth, Clarkes Mirrour, p. 233. when the Citizens of Milan had drest themselves in their Ornaments, and adorned their Streets, and beauti­fied their Houses in the most splendid manner, to en­tertain so Victorious and Mighty a Prince; provided a Golden Canopy to be born over his Head, expecting his Appearance in great Splendor: But when they saw him enter in a plain black Cloth-Suit, &c. they would not believe their eyes, but cried out, Which is he? Which is he? and then slunk away laughing at each other for being so disappointed in their expecta­tions.

The Great Emperour Augustus would wear no other Apparel than what was spun and made by his own Wife, and Daughters Drexas, p. 424..

The Emperour Rodulphus did not at all differ from a private person in his Apparel; that when the King of Bohemia came in a splendid Garb and Port to do him Homage, his Nobles prest him to put on his Imperial Robes, &c. No, quoth he, the King of Bo­hemia hath often laughed at my Grey Coat, and now my Grey shall laugh at him Lipse Monit. p. 357..

Plutarch relates of Marcus Cato the Elder, he never put on a Garment that cost him more than a hundred pence; and then he used to say, Nothing that is superfluous can be cheap; and for his part, he esteemed that dear of a half-peny, of which he had no need.

Severus when he came to be Emperor, sold the Jewels and Ornaments he found in the Palace, say­ing they were of no use to men, and did wear very or­dinary and plain Apparel, saying, the Glory of the [Page 32]Empire consisted in Virtue, not in Bravery.

It was an expression sutable to a noble mind of Sir Thomas Rookesby, when Lord Justice of Ireland, being controlled for suffering himself to be served in Wooden, Cups, replyed, These homely Cups and Dishes pay freely for that they contain: I had rather drink out of Wood, and pay Gold and Silver, than drink out of Gold, and make wooden payment Campion (91.). His humour differed from a modern person, of no mean Character, who swore it did not become a Gentle­man to pay his Debts: To whom I may reply, He that can, and will not pay his Debts, is more a Knave than a Gentleman.

I do not cite these Examples, as if I esteemed rich and sumptuous Apparel unseemly for Princes and Nobles, both Morality and Divinity allows, espe­cially in Solemnities; but to shew how far the most heroick noble minds have slited, and raised their spirits above it. And doubtless the more, least their examples should provoke their Subjects to excess, who are more apt to imitate their Princes vices than their virtues. And doubtless it is the interest of Princes to restrain their Subjects from such enor­mities as effeminates their spirits, and unsits them for warlike hardships and actions, or whereby they consume and weaken their Estates, which disables them from contributing those aids the safety of his Realms may require.

I could demonstrate, if his Majesty's Subjects of this Kingdom would but contribute what they vain­ly consume in rioting and excess, it would amount to more than all the establisht Revenue; but were [Page 33]the third part of their voluntary unnecessary Con­sumption taxed on them by their Prince, they would groan under it, as an unsupportable bur­then, so highly do they esteem their Lusts above their Loyalty.

And least my Notion for regulating Apparel by Law should seem a novelty, I commend to the Reader Mr. Fuller, an Author universally applaud­ed, who in his Pisgah Sight spends 14 folio's on the Subject of describing the Attire of the Hebrews and Romans for every Rank and Degree, faith he, Fuller fol. 99. They were no Fashion-mongers, English like, but according to the commendable Gravity of the Ger­mans, kept the same Fashion from Generation to Generation; and therefore we meet not with the Trade of a Taylor, though Weavers and Fullers, in Scripture or antient History; for every one knew how to make their own Clothes: Heliogabalus was the first that wore Silk in Rome, and Cardinal Woolsey was the first Clergy-man that wore Silk in England; but were the Cardinal now alive, there are many Parish Parsons would vie with with his Eminency who should be finest. fol. 106. Saith Heilin, The Women of England were once famous for their Gravity and Modesty in their Apparel a­mongst strangers abroad, but since they have been so apishly addicted to imitate the fantastical Garb of the French, they have lost their Repute.

Luther's Censure of Pride and Bravery was, The trading into those foreign parts (from whence are brought hither costly Silks, Cloth of Gold, and Spices, which serve only for Pride and no Profit, [Page 34]and exhausteth the Mony and Wealth of Country and People) ought not to be permitted, if we had good Government; but I intend not now to write thereof: for I hold, that at last it will fall of it self, when we have no more Mony. Luther Col­loqu. fol. 541.

And so much veneration had the antient Romans to Virtue, that the Noble Women threw away their golden Girdles, the Emblems of their Qua­lities, because Women of ill Fame were permitted to wear them; saying, A good Name was better than a golden Girdle: if our vertuous Ladies would manifest the like contempt and disdain of the vi­cious, by refusing all Visits and Familiarity with them, it might shame more of our wanton Ma­dams out of their immodest Behaviour, than our Whipping-post doth our Gammer Strumpets, who ought by the Law to be equally their Entertain­ment. But that I may vindicate my Assertions herein from precise singularity as well as novelty, I shall close my Discourse on this Subject with the words of that famous Light of the English Church Learned Doctor Hall the pious Bishop of Exon. saith he; Contem­plations. 383. From the pampered Belly we pass to the proud Back of the World, whereon he is blind that sees not a world of Fashions, in all which the price of the Stuff strives with the vanity of the Form, there is a Luxury in the very Clothes, which it is hard to look besides; Oh God! how is the world changed with us since our Britches of Fig-leaves and Coats of Skin, the Earth yields Gold, Silver, rich Stones, the Sea Pearls, the Air Fea­thers, [Page 35]the Field his Stalks, the Sheep her Fleece, the Worm her Web, and all too little for one Back, af­ter Necessity, Clothes were once for Distinction, as of Sexes so of Degrees, how curious was God in those Differences, the violation whereof was no less than deadly, Deut. 22.5. what shall we say to the Dames, yea to the Hermaphrodites of our time, whom it troubles that they may not be all man; but if Sexes be unknown by Clothes, what is be­come of Degrees? every base Terrivagus wears Artaxerxes his Coat: soft Raiments are for Courts, but Peasants degenerate to Gallants, and every Midi­anitish Camel must shine with Gold, Judg. 8.26. but Oh the mad Disguises of the world! especially in that weaker Sex, which in too much variety is constant still to a prodigious deformity of Attire, to the shame of other Nations, to the dishonour of their Husbands, to the shame of the Gospel, to the forfeit of their Modesty, to the misshaping of their Bodies, to the prostitution of their Souls, to the just Damnation of both. Away with this absurd and apish Vanity of the world, they that glister in Scarlet shall once embrace Dunghills, Lam. 4.5. yea it were well if no worse, let us that are Christians affect that true Bravery which may become the blessed Spouse of Christ. The Kings Daughter is all glorious with­in, Psal. 45.13▪ thus fashion not your Backs to the Disguise of the world. Thus that pious Bishop, who yet lived not to see half the Vanity now in mode. Saith Herbert.

CHAP. III. Of Chargeable Wealth consuming and Trade-obstructing Debaucheries.

THo this Head may be censured, as a Digression from a Discourse of Trade, &c. especially by such whose fondness of these Wealth-wasting Lusts incites them to sacrifice all real Interest to their Sensuality.

Yet it will be obvious to all sober and consi­derate persons, that the destructive Influence of these evils do not only hazard the eternal safety of immortal Souls, but also are superlatively de­structive to the Trade and Wealth of this Nation, both by retarding the Increase, and consuming its Stock, which I shall endeavour to demonstrate in these four particulars.

• 1. Prophane Swearing and Cursing.
• 2. Gaming.
• 3. Adultery and Fornication.
• 4. And chiefly, Drunkenness and Tipling, which is the Mother of all the rest of this cursed Brood.

CHAP. IV. Of Drunkenness.

CHAP. V. Observing the Spring from whence flow the Debaucheries of Christendom.

NOw to what shall we attribute the great in­crease of these Trade-obstructing and Wealth-consuming Debaucheries, that like a mighty torrent overflow the greatest part of Christendome, as well as Ireland, incompara­bly exceeding former ages, and all the Maho­mitan and Pagan Countries, we read of? it is not from a lax Principle in the Christian Religion; for that above all Religions in the world declares vehemently against Swearing, Whoring, Drun­kenness and all Immoralities; for though men may be good Moralists, and no good Christians, as Plato, Seneca, Plut. &c. yet none can be good Christians that are not good Morallists: its bet­ter for men they were swearing, blasphemous, lascivious, drunken Pagans, than such Christians, as our Saviour saith, It shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of Judgment, than for Chorazin, &c.

[Page 70]Therefore, if we trace these Debaucheries to their Spring-head, we shall find their Original in Romes Apostacy from its primitive Principles: For though, as she decayed in purity of Doctrine and holiness of Life, and grew in Wealth and Po­tency, as one of themselves observes, Golden Chalices ushered in Wooden Priests; yet did she not arrive to her stature in Prophaneness till she came to be burdened with Ceremonies, holy Pla­ces, holy Orders of Monks, holy Vestments, &c. crowded holy Lives out of her Fellowship, and then usurping the Supremacy, by the aid of that monster of men Phocus, she imbibed his Manners for his aid sake.

But as soon as this usurped Head over Christen­dom became potent, and submitted to by most Christian Princes, as the whole World once be­came an Arrian; so the whole Church became a Prophanist, till the intolerable Pride and Insolence of their Prelates, and Ignorance and Debauchery of their Clergy mov'd some of the German Prin­ces, who groan'd under their intolerable Yoke, to murmur at it, and discourse of Reformation, which encouraged John Huss and Jerome of Prague, and after them Luther, with many other both German and French Divines, to declare publickly against [Page 71]the Pride and Debauchery of the Clergy, with their cheating Indulgences; but his Holiness, with their Eminencies, though they confess'd there were cause, yet disdain'd a sorry Fryar should be the Pro­moter.

When I was at Worms (said Luther) the Bishop of Magdeburgh came unto me, and said, I know we have an evil Cause in hand, and that your Doctrine is right: yet for some reasons best known to our selves, we neither may nor will receive it. In like manner the Cardinal of Saltsburgh said un­to me, we know, and it is written in our Con­sciences, that Priests justly might marry, and that Matrimony is far better than the shameless and wicked Whoring which Priests drive and use; yet notwithstanding (said he) we must neither alter nor reform it; for the Emperor will not suf­fer Germany to be disturbed for the Conscience sake. Luth. Colloq. 325.

In the Council of Lateran, ann. Dom. 1515. they first concluded the Article of the Resur­rection, though the Pope had been infallible long before; and then also decreed, that a Cardinal might lawfully keep but five Whores and Youths to be his Chamberlains, &c. But they had his Holinesses stores of his tolerated Stews to supply their wants: besides his vast treasure of Indul­gences to pardon these venial Sins.

Surely, said Luther, some fearful Destruction at­tends them who practice such horrible abominations, [Page 72]that if with my eyes I had not seen them I should never have believed them, fol. 324. And then writes the Generation, as he titles it, of the abo­minable Desolations of Antichrist, the Son of Hypocrisie, the Son of the Devil: saith he;

The Devil begat Darkness, Darkness begat Ig­norance, Ignorance begat Error and his Brethren, Error begat Free-will and Presumption out of Self-conceit, Free will begat Merit, Merit begat For­getfulness of God, Forgetfulness begat Transgressi­on, Transgression begat Superstition, Superstition begat Satisfaction, Satisfaction begat the Mass-offering, Mass-offering begat the Priest of Unction, the Priest of Unction begat Misbelief, Misbelief be­gat King Hypocrisie, Hypocrisie begat Trading with Offerings for Gain, Trading for Gain begat Purga­tory, Purgatory begat the yearly solemn Vigils, yearly Vigils begat Church livings, Church-livings begat Mammon, Mammon begat swelling Super­fluity, swelling Superfluity begat Fulness, Fulness begat Rage, Rage begat Freedom, Freedom begat Rule and Dominion, Dominion begat Pomp, Pomp begat Ambition, Ambition begat Symony, Symony begat the Pope and his Brethren, about the time of the Babylonian Captivity, after the Babylonian Captivity the Pope begat the Mystery of Iniquity, the Mistery of Iniquity begat sophistical Divinity, sophistical Divinity begat rejecting of the holy Scri­pture, rejecting of holy Scripture begat Tyranny, Tyranny begat slaughtering of the Saints, slaughtering of the Saints begat contemning of God, con­temning [Page 73]of God, begat Dispensation, Dispensation begat wilful Sin, wilful Sin begat Abomination, Abomination begat Desolation, Desolation begat Anguish, Anguish begat Questioning, Questioning begat searching out the Ground of Truth, out of which the Desolator the Pope (called Antichrist) is revealed.

Thus you have the Rise and Growth of Error and Prophaneness how they gained ground against Truth and Piety step by step, by a person that lived in an age of Discovery, and made it his business to detect their Errors and Prophane­ness.

Now from this polluted Fountain hath flowed all the Debauchery of Christendom; and since the reformed Churches have so tenaciously con­tested about the true Forms, many of them have lost the true power and holy Life of Religion, and degenerated into Romes Prophaneness; and doubtless will lick up their Errors and Super­stitions, rather than part with their Lusts, when they come in competition; for when once a peo­ple have prostrated themselves to all sorts of viti­ous Manners, what should restrain them from im­bibing all sorts of corrupt Doctrines? Consci­ences once hardened by a custom in Immoralities can never much struggle for the truth of Divi­nityes.

And no History, sacred or civil, gives an ac­count of any age so depraved in their Morals, as this we live in.

[Page 74]Never did men so glory in those Vices Turks and Pagans would blush at, as the debauched Chri­stians of this age; never did any so attempt to outface Sobriety, Temperance, and Chastity, as if they were the properties of a sneaking peasant­ly Humour, compared with their Heroick Vices: how have men learned to degrade humane Na­ture, as if the Nature of Brutes were more excel­lent? that live as if they had abandoned the common hope of Mankind, relating to a future state; and even say, as their predecessors in Vo­luptuousness and Atheism, Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we shall die.

The Taverns, &c. are their Oratories, and their Devotion scurrilous Drollery at all things serious; as if they designed to jeer all Morality and Divinity out of the world; and esteem all men out of their wits, that are not mad enough to be free Denisons of their Bedlam: if these men do believe there is either Heaven or Hell, they must suppose the difference is so little, they would not give much to choose, or else they dream of a Paganish Elysium, where all sensual Delights will be enjoyed; and conclude, what is to be the Happiness of the next world cannot be the Sin or Misery of this: if they do believe there is a God, it must be as Psal. 50. a God that is alto­gether such an one as themselves: these Fools that make a mock of Sin are neer akin to those Fools that say in their Hearts there is no God, Psal. 14.1. for they'l worship none devoutly, but Bacchus and Venus, and their Servants ye are, [Page 75]saith the Apostle, to whom ye obey, &c. If their Senses did not convince them of the con­trary, their Reason is so depraved, they would conclude, grim Death durst not arrest persons of their Quality and Mettle; though every Vice they so welcom are Deaths Serjeants, and daily seise them, and post them away to their dreadful Eter­nity. Had they but leisure to consider how many of their jovial Companions have been haled out of the world by Adultery and Drunkenness, &c. and would but observe how many maimed Soul­diers to Bacchus and Venus creep up and down the streets, it might convince them, if God hath not given them up to a reprobate sense, &c. that this way of sin is not the way of safety either to Body or Soul.

If they believe a Judgment to come, they fancy they shall be there treated like Gentlemen, they can­not believe their own Consciences, who they have enslaved and kept silent all their lives, should be so rude, to accuse and condemn them then, when they will have no other Friend to plead for them, or that their faithful Ministers, who frequently warn'd them from the Pulpit, will be so little Gentlemen, as to witness against them at that Bar; or that the merciful Judge will be so se­vere, to send them away with a Go ye cursed in­to Hell fire, prepared for the Devil and his Angels, for the omission of so smaall a Duty, as they now esteem sincere and timely Repen­tance.

[Page 76]Or at the worst, if he should, the Devils will be afraid to seise them, lest they should take it for an Affront that deserves a Cudgel­ling; or, at least, will not be so ungrateful, as to torment such faithful Servants to their Inte­rest in the World, that were always at their beck, and never rejected one of their Tem­ptations: these are such as the Prophet Isaiah complains of in his time, who said, We have made a Covenant with Death, and with Hell we are at an agreement; when the overflowing Scourge shall pass thorough, it shall not come unto us.

I say no thought can be so vile, nor imagina­tion so absurd; no day-dream nor Enthusiastical delusion can parallel the depraved Fancies of these Professors of Prophaneness; if we may judge the Tree by their Fruits, or mens Hearts by their Lives; who Saint Paul reproves with Tears, Philippians 3.18. that they so walk, as they are a shame to the Christian Religion, whose God is their Belly, whose Glory is their Shame, &c.

And in vain shall we strive to rescue the Ob­struction of our Trade, and Consumption of our Wealth from the Desolating Influences of these four sorts of Debauchees, until Atheism and Prophaneness are esteemed more God-pro­voking Sins, and more ignoble and ingentile Qualities.

CHAP. VI. Stating the intolerable Charge and Expence Ireland is at, by main­taining Foreigners to its pecu­liar Interest in the most profitable Imployments and Offices.

I shall only make my Observations of what Ireland hath suffered thereby these fifteen years, viz. from the 28th of July 1662. the Duke of Ormond first en­tred on the Government, until the 24th of August 1677. the Earl of Essex surren­dered, which Charge and Expence I shal reduce to these seven Heads.

• 1. By the Court of Claims.
• 2. By the Farmers of the Kings Revenue and Treasury.
• 3. By special Grants upon the Treasury of Gratuities and Pentions to Non-residents.
• [Page 79]4. By Foreign Merchants and their Fa­ctors.
• 5. By exporting and importing on Foreign bottoms.
• 6. By Absentees.
• 7. By the Chief Governours.

CHAP. I. Of Banks and Corporation Trade; I joyn them together, not that it is necessary in Countreys qualified to manage them di­stinct; but where Members and Stock is wanting, they are very consistent in the same hands, to be managed by the same united Stocks and Policies.

BAnks are of divers kinds designed for several uses, but still aiming at the same end, which is gain either to the State, or particular Per­sons, together with such credit to their Bills, that [Page 2]they become current in all places, and to all per­sons where, and to whom assigned.

These Banks sometimes consist of particular per­sons, but usually Societies, as the Chamber of Lon­don, Banks of Amsterdam, and Venice, &c. Some of which chiefly designs Exchange, as Placentia in Ita­ly, Lions in France; others Usury, as Genoa, &c. others both for the publick and private benefit, in increasing Trade, securing and employing Or­phans, Widows, and helpless people to money, &c.

Bodin p 672. observes, that in Florence, Siana, &c. they had their Banks nam'd Mounts of Piety, where­in he that would deposite any Sum at the Birth of a Daughter, should receive ten times so much, when they arriv'd at the age of eighteen years; where also Poor men might borro [...] Money upon Pawns at low interest, to prevent excessive Usuries, whereby the poor were opprest: and that Antonius Pius, and Ser­vius, &c. delivered the publick Money in the Trea­sury to industrious men, to imploy in Trade on Pawns, or other good security, whereby the Merchant gained by Traffick, and the publick Moneys increased by In­terest; besides (saith he) a greater benefit did arise, the publick Treasure was preserv'd from the paws of Thieves, and Horse-leeches at the Court, and from being otherwise wasted by the Princes prodigality.

But I shall only treat of Banks, as they relate to Trade and Commerce, and become useful to others by accident.

Sometimes Banks are erected from the plenty of Money, in places not capable of Trade, or where persons are not willing to adventure in Trade, and [Page 3]so employ their Money at Usury, or Exchange, to foreign places, as Genoa, Placentia, and most of the Banks in Italy, which are the greatest and ancientest Banks in the World: Heylin observes the King of Spain was indebted to the Bank of Genoa, a Tun and a half of Gold at one time, and eighteen millions at another.

But since their case is not like to be Irelands, I shall only insist upon Banks, for the supply of the want of Money, which may properly be called a Land, or dry Bank, yet not wholly without Mo­ney; but like some Merchants, who with a small Stock, and large Credit, will drive a great Trade.

This sort of Bank must be founded upon un­doubted visible Credit, that all persons who have Money to spare, may covet to lodge it there, rather than in any other place, having the knowledge of the Solvent Capital for their security; and the great Credit upon which the whole success of their Bank depends, it being with them as with some Mer­chants that are not so much concerned, to have twenty Bonds sued as one Bill of Exchange pro­tested.

From whence it is, the Rich in Holland are as glad to get their Money secur'd in Banks, or Cantors, as the Poor are to get their Children receiv'd into the Hospitals: which our observing Countrey-man, Sir William Temple 229. hath not omitted in his Observations: Whosoever is admitted to bring in his Money, takes it for a great savour; and when they pay off any part of the Principal, those it belongs unto, receive it with tears.

[Page 4]Not will what is proposed be found difficult for persons in Ireland, of very obscure Capitals, might obtain credit both at home and abroad, for treble the Goods they take up; and how much more then may be done on the Credit of such a Bank, espe­cially when we consider how many of our single Bankers, or Exchangers have fail'd within these few years, to the ruine of some, and weakening the Estates of others to this Kingdom, damage upwards of 50000 l. besides the scandal it hath brought on the credit of the Countrey, that no man knows who to trust, or where to lodge Money with security; these Bankrupts being as promising hopeful men as most they have left behind them. But since there is no security in Ireland can be so solvent, and satis­factory as Land-Security, other Stocks, though ne­ver so great, may be subject to decay, and the Cre­ditor not discern it, as hath been too evident in some of the most creditable Companies, and chief Ban­kers in London: Yet a Land-security may be so set­led by Law, as it cannot be weakned, in that it will not be in the power of the Bankers, in any case to alienate or incumber their Title in those Lands, otherwise than by Bank-credit, since all are perso­nally and equally concerned therein. As for Ex­ample:

Suppose Dublin being the chief Seat of the grand Bank, and twenty persons shall secure to each other Lands of 200 Pounds per. ann. by Feofment, or Statute-staple, in trust on Defeasance for Bank-security; if any former Settlements, or Statutes be, they will soon be discerned, and there can be no [Page 5]collateral Incumbrance on that Security; this will be a Security to a Bank of 4000 Pounds per. ann. Lands, being worth twelve years purchase, within ten miles of the City, which will raise a Bank-Se­curity of 48 thousand Pounds.

And that no place or person might be depriv'd of the benefit hereof, every chief Port may like­wise have their Banks, as Branches or Members of the Principal Bank, and take into their Company the neer adjacent places, and to hold a weekly correspondence with each other, and credit each others Bills, or Bank-tickets. Nor will such Banks restrain, or confine any man from the freedom of Trade; for though none have the benefit of the Bank-credit, that hath not a Bank-security, yet shall they have liberty, if they desire it, to trade in Company with the Bankers, and have equal profit with them, proportionably to their respective Ad­ventures; and at the end of every voyage, liberty to withdraw or continue their Stocks, as they shall see cause, and chuse the place they will adventure unto, and the Commodities they will export, or im­port, or else left to trade by themselves, as they please: by which also all persons that either want knowledge in Trade, or scruple Usury, &c. may imploy their Stocks, be they great or small, upon equal terms, with the Bankers, allowing only for Factorage, or provision towards the maintenance of the charge: And so in Holland, there is hardly a servant in a Merchants Family, but have their small Adventure in their Masters, by which way of Trade [...] States of Holland and Venice raised themselves [Page 6]from poor Fishermen, to the height and wealth they now are in: As I shall shew in my Treatise of Traffick, the great Trade which the World now flourisheth in, is but of yesterday: Holland and England were as low in Trade as Ireland is now, 100 years ago the East and West-Indies were un­known to them; and although the Spaniard and Portuguese made a discovery of the East-Indies, An­no 1417. yet all the Trade we read of, were some Negroes, of which they sent the Pope a Present; for which, he in requital, gives them all they could dis­cover in those Indies, which King John the 1st gives his Son, who discovered the Coast 100 leagues be­yond Cape de Verde, and then farm'd to Gomer, on condition he should every year discover 100 leagues more of the Coast; and in the year 1460. erected their first Fort in the Isle of Arguin, and named it Mina, from the plenty of Gold that Countrey afforded; but inconsiderable was their Trade for neer 100 years after, until the King and State espoused the Trade of the Indies on the pub­lick account Man­destos Tra­vels. pag. 213..

Then the Dutch in the year 1595. having had some of their Natives imployed in the Spanish In­dian Fleets, inspected the Trade so far, as to report the advantage thereof to their Countreymen, upon which they sent three Ships, and so continued a small Trade on particular Merchants Adventurers to no great profit, until Anno 1662. the States ob­s [...]ving the many different interests and humours of several particular Adventurers, would hazard the ruine of that hopeful Trade; to prevent which, sent [Page 7]for the Merchants, and prevail'd with them to in­corporate under the States Conduct for 21 years, the Prince of Orange to be Governour Man­destos Tra­vels, l. 3. p. 230.. Since which, the Dutch East-Indian Trade hath flourisht to a prodigy.

The Constitution of this Dutch East-India Com­pany is said to have in Bank six hundred thousand Pounds Sterl. of which Amsterdam hath one moy­ety, Middleborough a fourth part, Roterdam, Delph, Horn, and Enchusen, each a sixth part; nor is there hardly a Nobleman, or Burgher in the Countrey, but hath some Stock in this Bank.

For the Government of this Trade, and the In­terest of the Associates, they ordain a certain num­ber of Administrators, of which Amsterdam choo­seth twenty, Middleborough twelve, and each of the other Towns seven, and when any of these dye, the Chamber of the place names three, out of which the States General, or the Magistates of the Town chooseth one; from which number, at the acquip­ping of every Fleet for a Voyage, they elect a le [...]er number, to contrive and order the whole transacti­on of that Voyage: Amsterdam chooseth eight, Delph and Roterdam two, Midleborough four, Horn and Enchusen two; and by this method they have managed the affairs of this Company about eighty years, and thereby are become the greatest Mer­chants in the World, and have obtained the Sove­reignty over several Countreys in the East-India, and likewise secured to themselves a great part of the Portugals Trade in the Countreys of Siam, Pe­tam, Jeta, Beretan, the Islands of Amboyna: be­sides, [Page 8]this great Company, they manage a great Trade throughout the World, partly by single persons, but most by lesser Associations, where­by the common Interest of Trade is become the proper Interest of every particular person in the Countrey, their greatest Statesmen being their chiefest Merchants; so that there is no prejudice to any part of Trade, but all are equally interested and concern'd for relief; whereas in a scattered con­fused Trade, every man contrives his private profit, though the general Interest of Trade be ruined thereby. Much the same methods are observed by Venice, Lisbon, &c. and something like them by the East-India, Levant, Affrican, Eastland, &c. Companies in London.

Nor will the Bankers be without their profit; for each man will enjoy the Rents and Profits of his own Lands, until the Bank fail with any of its Creditors, and then they extend what part of the Land they like, till paid, and the Proprietor must seek his remedy from the Bank; for all their Tick­ets must bear the force of Bonds of the Staple a­gainst the whole Bank. Besides, the Bank en­joys the profit of the Interest paid for their Mo­ney, or Tickets, not exceeding one moyety of the current Interest of the Kingdom for their Tickets.

They will also enjoy the profit of Exchange, as likewise the profit of their Trade, which will be equal to others, at least; and the more profitable, in regard they will be enabled to trade in their own Ships, and on their own Credit, and buy at [Page 9]the best hand, and reserve their Goods for the best Market, without being streighten'd for Stock, or Credit; and therewith likewise they will merit the favour of their Prince, the love of their Coun­trey, and increase the publick Revenue and Trade of the Countrey, imploying and providing for the relief of the Poor.

In order whereunto, his Majesties Royal Stamp is requisite to secure them against all clamour or attempts on their Credit; for it is not the greatest Credit they can attain unto, by their great Capital Prudence, or Honesty, that can preserve them, if they are not esteemed the darling of their Prince, and that he will refuse, upon any occasion, to make use of their Bank to the weakening its Secu­rity.

An Instance of which, we have of Francis the First, who ruined as well as raised the Bank of Lions, by dying so vastly in its Debt, that though all Italy, Germany, France, &c. tumbled in their Money for his life, yet they scrambled it out as fast at his death.

For this reason part of the Oath of the Duke of Venice is, that neither Himself, nor any of his Mi­nisters of State, upon any occasion or pretence whatsoever, shall at any time, nor on any oc­casion, meddle with the Bank; and so great value hath the Great Mogull for the Bank of Agria, that He stiles Himself Protector of it; nor would the States of Holland have been so easily prevailed with, to exclude the Prince of Orange from future Command, contrary [Page 10]to the desires of the other States, in their Treaty of Peace with England, 1654. had they not retained a deep resentment of his Fathers menace put upon the Bank at Amsterdam about two years before, nor can his Majesty manifest his Grace and Favour more than in supporting so Sovereign and univer­sal remedy against all the pecuniary and mercantile maladies of this impoverished Kingdom; by which the Poor will be imployed, the Rich supplyed, and the Countrey planted, and civilized.

This Bank-credit will lower Interest; for when its Bills and Tickets shall be as acceptable in pay­ment either for Goods, or Debts; and with less trouble and hazard transferred from one to another, than the best Money current: few will give ten per cent. for Money, when they can have Bank-credit for half that rate, which will also necessitate the Usurer either to purchase Land, and thereby raise the rate of it, or otherwise imploy his Money in the Bank, or some other Trade; who now preys upon the necessities of all persons, those of the best Quality not excluded, who cannot on their single Bond or Mortgage of Land raise Money without double Bonds-men, and they must be also Citizens, with a Warrant of Atturney for Judgment, besides the charge of procuration, &c. and Interest deman­ded before-hand, or half yearly, which is the highest Interest upon Interest, whereby the best landed, and most ingenious persons in the Kingdom are many times distressed, and are inslaved to the most griping Usuries which this Bank credit will pre­vent, as also lower the Interest.

[Page 11]This Bank-Credit will lower Exchange to fo­reign parts, by increasing Traffick, and thereby al­tering the Balance of Trade, as is shewn in that Chapter, and remove all occasions of Exchange for Money at home; for Bank-Bills of 500 l. will not weigh one ounce, but be safely conveyed from place to place by Post, or otherwise, without danger of robbing: for the Bank-method of paying their Bills must secure against all counterfeiting, or mis­applications; so that whosoever shall rob, or other­wise obtain Bills surreptitiously, can make no use of them: which method of safety being only the con­cern of the Bank, and not of the Creditors, I shall forbear to publish it.

By this Bank our Manufacturies will be propa­gated, this being the proper means for it, and in which we are now defective, which will hereby be provided against: For when there are Merchants at Dublin as there are at London, to buy with ready Money, the Manufactures of the Countrey will a­bound, for we neither want Materials, nor Artists, only Markets, which will be the main business of this Bank to contrive; and having Shipping and Stock of their own, their Interest will prompt them unto it, since they can neither traffick into the Le­vant, nor Baltick-Seas, the two chief places for the Merchants of Ireland to inlarge their Trade unto, without woollen and worsted Manufacture, which now when made, cannot be disposed.

The abuses in our woollen and worsted Manu­factures, by which their value and credit is impaired, will be rectified; for they will not buy a piece but [Page 12]what is searched, and tried by persons of their own appointment, and place their own Seales as well as the Makers, upon every piece, which will bring our Manufacturies into credit in foreign Markets; and the like they will do for Leather, Butter, Tal­low, Flesh, Fish, &c. the want of which is the ruine of the foreign Trade of Ireland, which is now under so ill repute beyond Sea, that Irish Goods, and Nought, are terms convertible.

Besides, in whatsoever they shall observe the Artists of Ireland defective, they can easily procure a supply, which will also put life into the Ingenious, and Industrious, when they can have Bank-credit for their Ware at any time, which will inable a poor Clothier, &c. with twenty Pound Stock, to do more than now with an hundred Pound, not know­ing now what to do with Goods when made, which will imploy the Poor, and by their labour double the value of Lands, and fill the Countrey with Money; as is shewed in the Chapter of Manu­facture.

By which the Peace and Safety, as well as the Wealth of Ireland, will be increased; for whilst the [...]er sort of people have nothing but a miserable use to lose, the Boggs and Rodes will be pestered with [...]o [...]tes; want increaseth discontent, and that puts men upon desperate ways for relief, which this Bank will prevent; for no man need to have in his House, or travel on the Rode with other than small Sums of that debast Money described in the Chap­ter of Coins, and yet have five hundred or a thou­sand Pounds worth of Bank-Tickets; which, as [Page 13]was observed, would not be worth a Peny to the unlawful Possessor, and yet be as good as so much Silver or Gold current in their Houses, and much safer than other Specialties; which, if lost, he is in danger of losing his Money, but not so in this case, his Right appearing in the Bank-Books: And as it will prevent Robberies, so also discourage Rebel­lions, since the Money passing current, is of small intrinsick value to them.

Besides, these Banks are the only means to rescue our Trade out of the Hands of Foreigners, and will wear out foreign Stocks, by which the greatest part of our foreign Traffick is now driven, to the en­riching foreign Merchants, and beggering of our own: Foreigners having Money at low Interest, and gaining by their Exchange, they are able to un­dersell us in foreign Parts; so that our Merchants choose rather to be their Factors, than trade with their own Stocks; which is the reason we have so few wealthy Merchants, and those we have, after they have gained Estates by Trade, instead of in­creasing their Traffick, purchase Lands, and decline Trade.

This Bank will also be a means to fill the King­dom with Shipping to manage the Trade thereof. which is at present the great gain of Foreigners; which will hereby redound to the benefit of this Kingdom, as in the Chapter of Shipping.

And hereby also we shall be capable of impro­ving our Fishing upon the Irish Coast to the ut­most: The great advantage of which, you may read in the Chapter of Fishing

[Page 14]Nor will it be difficult to satisfie persons, that this Bank-credit of paying or receiving Money will be as ready, and as safe as the ordinary way of paying and receiving Money in Specia, since with much case these Bills may be transferred from one person to another; and the trouble and labour of telling, weighing, and judging of the goodness or badness of Coins, and danger of miscounting hereby pre­vented.

In order whereunto, every person that either re­ceives or pays Money in Bank, hath his account in the Bank-book, and at the desire of the Creditor, his Stock in Bank, either in part, or in whole, is transferred to the account of such other persons as himself shall assign. As for example; A Clothier sells unto a Merchant or Draper an 100 l. worth of Cloth, the buyer having Credit in Bank, assigns 100 l. to the Seller; the Book-keeper makes the Merchant Debtor, and gives the Clothier credit for so much again. The Clothier being indebted in whole, or in part of the said sum to the Woollman, the Clothier is made Debtor, and the Woollman Creditor: The Woollman being a Farmer, &c. owes the like sum to his Landlord for Rent, the Woollman is made Debtor, and his Landlord Cre­ditor; the Landlord is indebted, or hath occasion to buy Goods in Town; the Landlord is made Debtor, and the said person is Creditor. If the per­sons to whom the Landlord was indebted be Re­tailers, that have occasion to buy Goods of the Mer­chant that first assigned in Bank, the Retailers have Goods, and the Account cleared without receiving [Page 15]or paying a peny of Money. The which is also pra­cticable in most other cases, and all these Assign­ments have the security of a Bond of the Staple, whereby not only the hazard and trouble of Mo­neys, (as before) but the hazard of disappointment, and the charge and delay of Law-suits is wholly prevented, and this is not only as to intire sums, but the 100 l. may be as easily assigned to 20 persons with a little more trouble in writing, and will not only be useful in this case of Traffick, and prevent the hazard and charge many Merchants now under­go, by the ignorance or unfaithfulness of their Ca­sheers, but also accommodate other persons that have occasion to pay or receive Money.

As for example; A Gentleman having an Estate in several parts of the Kingdom, far distant from his dwelling, may order his Rents to be paid in the next adjacent Bank; and being there lodged, he may transmit it to any other Bank in the Kingdom, and thou assign a Debtor or other person to receive it: And this sort of payment being all visible in Bank, will be a more certain Discharge or Acquit­tance than any other that can be given, and will wear all other Specialties much out of use, and prompt all men to choose Bank-Security before any other, where he may have his Money on Re­bate at any time, before it's due.

Besides, this Bank-credit will be a conveniency, and great incouragement to young Merchants, who may be both ingenious, and industrious; yet their small Stocks being lodged in Goods, which they cannot dispose, by reason the Market is cloyed, or [Page 16]other accidents; whereas upon the security of these Goods, they may have Credit in Bank to keep up their Trade, and pay off such Debts out of the pro­duct of such Goods, as they can dispose of them to their best advantage.

Or, suppose a Clothier, Tanner, or Chandler, &c. have disburst their Stocks, in providing Cloath, Leather, or Tallow, and Markets fail at the season expected; the charge of Ware-Houses, and Ser­vants, &c. lye upon them, though they have no free Stock to keep them at work, are thereby eaten up; but if they have this Bank to come unto, pro­portionable to the quantity of their Commodities, they are supplyed with Money, or Credit, to go on chearfully in their Callings.

Or it may happen, an honest and sufficient Man may be indebted upon a Statute or Judgment, and cannot raise the Money by the time limited, nor the Creditors occasions for his Money suffer him to forbear it, the Credit of one is preserved, and the Want of the other supplyed, without extremity of charge, and damage to either; since the Bank, up­on Security, answers the Money.

And besides the general benefit to the Kingdom by increasing Trade and Commerce, there will not be a person of the highest, or lowest Rank, but will find a conveniency and benefit by the Bank. A Nobleman of 10000 l. per ann. may have occasion for 500. or 1000 l. more or less, some short time before his Rent come in; but without Mortgaging part of his Estate, and paying six months Interest, no man will trouble himself to pay and receive [Page 17]Money, whereas if himself or any friend of his have Credit in Bank he is supply'd for what weeks or days he pleases.

And so a poor man, ingenious and industrious, could put himself into a way to maintain his Family comfortably, could he procure but a smal Sum of Money; if he goes to Pawn-brokers, it is ordinary with them to demand Six pence or Four pence a week for every Pound, which for a year is more than the Principal; whereas by the Bank Lumber he may be supplied (if not gratis, yet) at less than le­gal Interest; and by this the Jews and Dutch pre­serve themselves from Beggers; the feeblest a­mongst them, if not bed-rid, are put into a capaci­ty to get their livelihoods, and for others Hospitals are provided.

Therefore let not this Bank Traffique be reje­cted, as an unpracticable notion; for it is beyond contradiction, that England, &c. have raised them­selves from little to great Trade thereby, and so may Ireland, if not wanting to it self.

This expedient of Banks and Company-trade were the first foundation of the great Traffique of other Countries, flourishing in Trade, as Venice, Florence, Belgia, &c. where the very Constituti­ons of their Government are form'd principally for the promotion of Trade, their Princes and Nobles being their chief Merchants, and their Senates Coun­cils of Trade.

And the Hans-Towns of Germany raised their Trade by this means, who were the first Corpo­ration of Trade we read of, above sixty Towns [Page 18]and Cities united their Stocks and Policies, of which Lubeck, Brumswick, Danzick and Cullen were the chief places of their Residence, and so great was their Trade and Credit under that Con­stitution, that all Princes granted them Priviledges, and they kept their Courts by their Deputies, and Councils, at Bergen, Novagrade, Antwerpe and London, where King Henry 3. granted them great Priviledges, and the Still-yards for their residence, which they enjoyed near 300 years; and managed their Trade by an Alderman and Council, &c. cal­led the Yeild of the Hans, ingrossed the Trade of England for Grain, Cables, Mast, Pitch, Tar, &c. until, by their example, each Country learnt the knowledge of Trade themselves, and dismissed them.

And in the year 1551. being the 5. of Edw. 6. upon complaint of the English Merchants, their priviledges were seised into the Kings Hands, and the Trade ever since enjoyed by the Merchants of London, to the great enriching of that famous City.

And the best president I can lay before Ireland is England, who untill the Reign of Hen. 3. was as confused, and consequently as low in Trade, as Ireland is now, but hath been especially for these last 140 years, the most flourishing Kingdom in Trade in the world; and they must commence the rise and growth of their Trade from their beginning to trade by united Stocks and Policies, for which a Patent was first obtained by the Merchant Staplers from Edw. 3. from which time we find our Statute [Page 19]Books crowded with excellent Laws for the en­couraging and regulating Trade, which yet did not arrive to its height, and splendor, until about the be­ginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, who did not only confirm what was done by her Prede­cessors, but augmented and greatly enlarged the Priviledges of that ancient Company of Staplers, and confirmed the Charter of the Muscovy Company, newly granted by Philip and Mary, and ordained in her time three new Corporations for Trade, which enlarged the Trade of England abundantly, viz. the East-India, the Levant and Eastland Com­panies, the Priviledges of all which have been con­firmed and enlarged, with great respect, by all her Successors in Parliament; and His Majesty that now is hath added the African and Canary Com­panies; that if we had no other Argument, to prove united Stocks, and Policies in Trade, the great if not the only means to promote and increase Traffique and Commerce, the Examples of so many prudent Princes and States, and the Expe­rience of the Kings and Parliaments of England for this 300 years past might serve.

But I shall demonstrate by good reason, and un­questionable authority, when opposed, that this one expedient shall remove all the considerable impediments of Trade, in a short time, dam up the current of much of our Expence upon Foreign Growth, shall reduce our confused Trade to a method, improve the native Growth of the Country to its height, as to Value at home, and Credit abroad, shall rescue our Trade managed by foreign Stocks into our own hands, [Page 20]shall increase His Majesties Revenue, and enable his Subjects of Ireland to farm it upon terms more to the Kings profit and conveniency, and the King­doms benefit and content, and to advance consi­derable Sums upon the Security of any Branch of His Majesties Revenue, when his Affairs shall require it.

And I will further undertake to demonstrate, that all other Expedients without this shall never at­tain these Ends; let a Parliament pass all the Sta­tutes of England for the incouragement of Trade in Ireland, it shall signifie no more than good Laws without Courts of Justice to execute them; for though Interest prompts people to Industry, yet it neither qualifies nor governs them in right me­thods to attain their ends: A stragling Trade ma­naged by particular persons, each striving to ad­vance his private Interest, though to the ruine of the Trade in general, and obstructing it in other particulars, can no more make a Country flourish in Trade, than a stragling Army without Discipline and Order can preserve its peace.

But designing brevity, I shall only assert, that Ire­land is now much more able to erect & govern such a Trade, than England was about 300 years ago, when Ed. 1. incourag'd it, and Ed. 3. established by Char­ter the Company of Staplers, or Merchant Adven­turers, which was the Mother Company of England, and all it enjoy'd until Philip and Mary erected the Muscovy Company yet that one Company removed the Staple from foreign parts to our own ports, and soon after the Clothing Trade from Flanders, where­by the Growth of England, especially the Wools [Page 21]were improved to 5 and 7, and in some cases (after the Worsted-trade of Stuffs and Stockings was at­tained) to ten times its value.

I am not unsensible that this Work will meet with opposition from some particular persons, whose private Interest may seem to be invaded by it; for so did that ancient and beneficial Company of Sta­plers in England, as a Monopoly intrenching upon the Liberty of the Subject, to the Parliaments in Hen. 4. Hen. 7. Edw. 6. and Queen Maries time, yet all parties being heard, those Complaints were quash'd, and the Priviledges of the Companies rati­fied and enlarged.

Yet again in Queen Elizabeths time, the impor­tunity of the Clothiers prevailed against the Com­pany but after a short tryal, the Clothing Countries were ruined, to that extremity, that in the 29th. of Elizabeth the Lords of the Council sent for the members of the Company, and desired them to re­assume their Priviledges, and cheerfully proceed in their Trade, and they should receive all possible countenance and assistance.

So in the Reign of King James, Alderman Cocken of London, &c. prevailed to have the Com­pany dissolv'd, but after two years confusion, Trade so miserably languished, that the King pub­lished his Proclamation, Anno 1617. for the Resti­tution of the Company to its ancient Priviledges.

In like manner King Charles the first observing the decay of Trade, from the confusion intruding Interlopers brought upon it, publisht his Proclama­tion Dec. 7. 1634. Whereas we have taken into our [Page 22]Princely consideration, the manifold Benifits that re­dound to this Kingdom, &c. and finding how much Government and Order will conduce to the increase and advancement of the same, We have thought fit, with the Advice of our Privy Council, to de­clare our Royal Pleasure herein, &c. and then po­sitively and largely prohibits any to intrude upon the Companies Priviledge, upon pain of his high Displeasure, and of such Punishments as the Court of Star-Chamber, whom We especially charge with the Execution of our Royal Pleasure herein, shall think fit, to inflict, for such Contempts. After this, the 11th. of March 1643. both Houses past an Ordinance, intituled, For the Upholding of the Go­vernment of the Fellowship of Merchant Adventu­rers of England, &c. near to the same effect as His Majesties Proclamation before recited.

And as Corporation Traffique hath procured all the flourishing Trade England now enjoys, so the Portugals, Dutch, &c. have thereby altered the whole course of Trade that Venice had with India, Arabia and Persia; Venice, being the an­cient Mart for the Commodities of those Coun­tries, now buy of us; so the English Levant Com­pany hath wrested the India Trade from the Turks, and now sell where Venice used to buy. And that which gives England and Ireland the advantage in Traffique is, the staple Commodities they sell ne­cessary for Life; as Flesh, Fish, &c. for the Belly, Cloth, Stuffs, &c. for the Back; that in most Countries England trades with, they wear Englands Woollen Livery, eat in English Pewter, Seasons [Page 23]and Sauce with Englands Indian Spices, shod with English Leather; there is no Clothing in Spain esteemed like the English Bayse and Stuffs, nor no Food exceeds the English Herring and Pilcher: Sweden, Denmark, and all those cold Northeast Countries within the Sound, to the bottom of the Baltick, keep themselves warm by English woollen Cloth; and all this obtained by vertue of Englands Trade by united Stoks and Policy. For in little a­bove 100 years Europe was so far from trading with the East and West Indies, the West were unheard of, as I shew in my Treatise of Traffique; and the East unknown otherwise than by report to our Mari­ners and Merchants: Italian and Spanish Merchants were esteemed great Adventurers, until the Turkie and East India Companies were incorporated by Queen Elizabeth, who God made instrumental, not only to reform Religion, but to regulate and advance Trade: Englands and Hollands true Reli­gion and potent Trade came together, God grant they never go together, it is worthy our observa­tion, how the mighty flourishing Monarchy of Spain, since Charles the 5. and his Son Philip the 2. hath dwindled away, and decayed in Fame and Po­tency since they erected their barbarous Inquisition, which banished their Trade and Wealth to England and Holland; that Antwerpe and Sevils Ebb tide in Trade hath made it full Sea at London and Amster­dam; and as England and Holland hath gained their Trade and Wealth by being Receptacles and Shel­ters of persecuted Protestants; so will the contrary lose it: the Italians have a proverb, He that would [Page 24]improve Italy must destroy Milan, that is, disperse the multitude of Artists there setled to the other Cities that want them, which nothing so naturally effects, as Persecution. Let them beware they lose it not by persecuting them, and driving them away. The vast Trade Spain had ingrossed both in the East and West Indies, and in Africa they might yet have enjoyed, had not cruel de Alva, by his inhumane severities, forced the Dutch to cast off the Spanish iron Yoke, and defend their Liberties; whereby, as Sir William Temple observes, by the great multitudes of people crowded together in a narrow compass of Land, they were necessitated to improve their Industry at Sea; and after the Spaniards and Fortugals, who were then the Sub­jects of Spain, had entirely enjoyed the enriching Trade of the East Indies, &c. as before, for almost one hundred years, viz. from Anno 1498. until 1595. the Dutch sent a Fleet from Amsterdam; and then in 1600. the English sent four Ships, viz. the Assention, the Dragon, the Hector and Susan, under the Command of Captain Lancaster, since which, by the prudent Government of that Com­pany, hath equalized the Portuguies and Dutch, having erected Plantations and Factories at Or­mus, &c. in Persia, at Agria, Cambasan, Sura [...], &c. in the Moguls Country at Man, Salupan, Ar­magon, Pecana, Siam, on the Coast of Chorman­del the Isles of Sumatra, Bantam, &c. that now they furnish Italy and Turkie with all those Indian Commodities, which about fifty years ago they bought there, to the ruine of the Trade of Syria [Page 25]and Egypt, &c. who have now only an Inland Trade by Caravans from Aleppo, Damasco and Mecha, &c. And out of the Ashes of their Barbary Company, ruined by the Civil Wars of Fez, a­rose the Levant or Turkie, the most flourishing and beneficial, Company now in England, incor­porated by King James.

I do but hint these things here to evidence the undoubted advantage of Company Trade, insisting largely upon them in my Treatise of Traffique, in the Chapter of Discoveries of new Trades.

And that this way of Corporation-Trade has not only greatly enlarged Trade, but enriched the places of its Residence, we have manifold instances; the ancient Company of Merchant-Adventurers, now called the Hamborough Com­pany, erected by Edward the first, in 1296. was courted by the Duke of Brabant, to make their Residence at Antwerpe, where they first settled the English Staple, and had granted to them great Priviledges, and made the City flourish in Trade; which being observed by that inspectious Prince Edward the third, he, to bring the Trade to his own Ports, prohibited the Transportation of Wools, and granted great encouragement to Dutch Weavers to set up their Craft in England, and soon after prohibited all foreign Cloth from being transported into the Realm, confirmed by Edward the Fourth, who settled their Priviledges by Charter in the year 1406. which hath been confirmed and enlarged by all his Successors.

[Page 26]Queen Elizabeth, for the better vending their Cloths, when their Quantity exceeded home Mar­kets, gave them power under the Great Seal to treat with foreign Princes and States for places to settle the Residence of their Factors, and Stores; upon which all the Princes and States in Flanders, Holland and Germany strove who should enjoy them; and wheresoever they removed, they drew a vast Trade after them: their present Residence is at Dortrech for the Netherlands, and Hamborough for Germany, where the chief Court of their Fellow­ship now resides: they transport all sorts of Cloths dressed and dyed, Lead, Tin, Oyl, Stockens, Hats, Spanish Fruits, and Wines; and make their returns in Linnings, Rhenish Wines, Mather, Hops, Sope, Wire, Copper, Brass, Iron, Steel, Quick-silver, Gunpowder, Flax, Hemp, Allom, Wax, &c. This Company hath power, by their Charter, yearly to elect a Governour, Deputy Governour, and Assi­stants, and to settle their Residents & Courts in any parts beyond Sea, and several places in England, as London York, Hull, Newcastle, &c. with power of making Acts and Ordinances (so as they are not re­pugnant to the Law of England) for the better Go­vernment of their Trade, likewise power to hear and decide Causes, to implead, sine and punish Of­fendors.

This grew to be the most flourishing Company for Trade in the world, until Philip and Mary ere­cted the Muscovy Company, which soon wrested a great part of their Trade from them, which were at first called the Corporation for Discovery of new [Page 27]Trades, (a Design that would well sute with the present state of Ireland) whose great Priviledges were confirmed and enlarged, as before, by Queen Elizabeth, much after the method of the other, and their Trade much the same: and after this stu­dious Princess, for the Improvement of the Trade and Wealth of her Country, added to these, she found the three other Companies beforementioned, viz. the Levant or Turkie Company, which made the first Discovery of that vast Trade, since driven in the Signorie of Venice, and the Dominions of the Grand Seignior; and thereby oserved the vast Trade betwixt Aleppo and other Levant Ports with the East Indies, managed by Land carriage, which encouraged them to enquire into a more cheap and gainful way to obtain East India Commodities, at first Hand.

And that produc'd that most famous Country-inriching Company, called the East India Compa­ny, who obtain'd a Charter for great Priviledges from the Queen, and hath managed their Trade by a joint Stock, reported to be 600000 l. where­by they have built and maintained a gallnt Fleet of stately Ships for War as well as Burthen, imployed multitudes of people in their Plantations, Ships and Factories, to the great Honour and Wealth of their Country.

And after this, in the 21. year of the Reign of that most famous Queen, that is, in the year 1579. did she incorporate the Eastland Company, and en­dow them with great Priviledges and Immuni­ties, to trade in Denmark, Sweden, Poland, Prusia [Page 28]and Pomerland, from the River Odera Eastward.

And it is worth observing how small beginnings in Trade beget great increase; Trade, like that Grain of Mustard-seed our Saviour speaks of, being cast into the ground, grows up to a great tree, that the Fowls of the air may lodge in the Branches of it; and it is also observable, if foreign Traffique did live, yet it never flourished in this part of the world, until it was managed by united Stocks and Policies, as in the forementioned instances in our own Country, besides what is of the same kind amongst all our Neighbours flourishing in Trade.

And as in these many examples from past times evidence that they esteemed this way of Traffique the only way to increase Trade, so is their Wisdom approv'd and confirm'd by the prudent in this age, His Majesty that now is hath set to his Seal, that Corporation-trade is the strength of foreign Traf­fique, by his not only confirming what his Royal Predecessors before did, but also by his adding the African and Canary Companies; the first not only endowed with priviledge, that sounds like Prince­ly Prerogatives; as power of Peace and War, raising Forts, building and equipping Ships of War, &c. to appoint Governors, to constitute Laws, &c. and dignified with the title of the Royal Company; and well they may, when His Royal Highness hath bore Office, and the chief Princes and Nobles of England enrolled Members, as Prince Rupert, Duke of Buckingham, Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Peterbo­rough, St. Albans, Sandwich, Bath, Arlington, Shasts­bury, &c. and the Teritories of this Royal Company [Page 29]is from Sally in South Barbary to Cape de Bona Es­peranza, a Princely Dominion. And having thus briefly hinted, how the Wisdom and Experience of past ages, and many Nations have set to their Seals, to the rationality & peculiar advantage to this way of improving Trade by united Stocks & Policies. I shall hint some inconveniencies attending its omission.

First, the want of settled Correspondency for want of Intelligence is the ruine of Trade; for when men grope out a Trade, as blind folk do their way, they stumble at many a stone, and run their heads against many posts which light would prevent.

And few single persons, at least in Ireland, are able to carry on such a Trade as will maintain Ser­vants, or Factors, to inform them how the Rates of Goods rule at the several parts they trade with, but must depend upon the Advice of such persons upon the place, whose Interest it is to encourage their Principles to confine to them, let Goods turn to Profit or Loss, they will de­duct their Provision, &c. which contracts much perplexity and confusion in Trade; whereas Trade in Company, managed with united Stocks, pre­vents them, being able to bear the charge of able Factors in the Country they trade unto; and able to bear a considerable loss, which would ruine a particular person, able to keep their Goods when Markets are low, till they rise, able to ingross the Bulk of a Commodity when brought low by unad­vised clogging of Markets, and thereby raise Rates; for by their well governed Correspondency they are inform'd not only what Rates Goods go at, [Page 30]but what quantity of them are in the Stores, at each foreign port, and what time they will probably take for consumption, what kind of Vintage or Crops is in the Countries producing them, &c. and by these views can discourage their increase at home, until their Markets mend abroad, that they may make their Commodities pay Interest for their ly­ing; and without these and the like expedients, no man can secure a Trade to turn to any certain Ac­count; but as a meer Lottery, some Voyage brings a prize, and some a blank; whereby men of small Stocks are oft times undone, and the best perplex'd and discouraged.

Secondly, This Trade in Company with a con­siderable united Stock, will preserve a Trade from ruine by Interlopers, that will be nibling at Traf­fique they understand not; as Pedlars at Land, so these at Sea, perplex and ruine the Trade of skilful able Merchant, sand do themselves no good: for, as Pedlers may undersell the ablest Shopkeepers in some small Wares, by living after a beggerly va­grant way, paying no Rents, nor bearing no charge in their Country, and maintaining themselves by conditioning where they sell small Markets to have Victuals, &c. into the bargain; so these Sea-ped­lers much after the same manner maintain them­selves, and thereby are able to undersell the Mer­chants, who have great Families to maintain at home, besides chargeable Factors abroad, great Duties to pay to the King, chargeable Offices to bear in their Cities, &c. and if the Merchants shall have no more priviledge from the State than the [Page 31]Interloper, he will be discouraged, &c. and the Trade of the Country ruined from these and the like inconveniencies, &c. which I have observed to at­tend the Trade of Ireland, by the small Trade I have driven there my self.

1. In the Trade of Wools, one of the chief Commodities of the Country, greatly damnified, their Wools sometimes vended at half their value, near to the undoing of the Sheep-master, &c.

Proceeding principally from the abuse of Trade by Interlopers: for, although Wools must rise and fall with the Manufactures of England, where they are chiefly vended, yet as the principle Clothiers of England will store up their Cloths and Stuffs when Markets fail, until they can sell them to profit; so should the principle Sheep-masters reserve their Wools, and the Wool-Merchants store up poor mens small parcels until Trade mend, and then not tumble over great quantities, to clog and lower Markets; but to feed Markets as they observe their Trade requires; by which means the Wools of Ireland were kept up to a competent Rate for 7 years together by my self, as both the Sheep-masters and Skinners in the Province of Leinster and Con­naght have often owned to me.

2. So for Tallow, and Butter, &c. trading in them becomes a Lottery from the same cause, as my self experienced several times, and perticularly in the year 1670. having occasion to buy a considerable quanty, I agreed for several Tuns at 24. and it fell, I bought more at 23. it still fell, to 22. and in some parts of the Kingdom 21. I marvelled at it, my [Page 32]Intelligence giving no advice that any great quan­tities were in the Merchants hands, either at London or in foreign Markets, but bore a competent rate, only low in the West of England; I suspected it on­ly proceeded from our Blind man buff Merchants cloging the Market; I stopt shiping my own, and presently bought up all I could in Dublin at price current, and writ to my Correspondents and Fa­ctors in all parts of Ireland, to do the same upon my account; upon which the Price presently started, and rise to 24 and 25. and so held it that season.

By which Experience in these and several other Commodities, I observed the Trade of Ireland was ruined by disorder; and was preservable, and capable of Improvement, if rightly managed by considerable Stocks, either in single hands, con­ducted by the prudence of an experienced Mer­chant, or in Company, by a prudent Governor and Court of Assistance, according to the paterns of the aforementioned Companies of England, &c.

3. This is the only Expedient to rescue the Go­vernment of our Trade out of the hands of foreign­ers, at whose mercy we are, whether we shall have a high or a low Rate for our Native commodities; for they that command the largest Capital, or Stock of a Kingdom or State, will rule and govern the Trade of it, and set the Rates on all Commodities exported or imported.

Object. Englands Trade is divided into Com­panies, which you have named, as Hamborough, Muscovy, Levant, East India, &c. and would you [Page 33]propose all the Trade of Ireland to be contained in the circuit of one Company?

Answ. Though the great Trade of England and Holland, &c. may well bear and fully imploy several Companies with joint stock, &c. yet the Trade of Ireland will not; England began with one Corpo­ration for Trade in Edw. the thirds time, and ere­cted no more until Philip and Mary, who granted their Patent for the Muscovy Company, which was upwards of 200 years: for Trades as well as Pa­stures may be overstock'd, and thereby starved; for no Trade thrives where the Merchant grows not rich, as well as the Country benefited, and as the best of Trades may be made bad by too many of the same Faculty in one City; so the best expedient for Foreign traffique may be rendred unsuccessful by erecting more Corporations than the commerce of the Country will bear: for Traffique like Wa­ter runs with the deepest and strongest current, when it is by banks reduc'd to a narrower channel; and when it begins with Nilus to overflow its banks it is time enough to increase its channels; as I shew in the Chapter of the Progress of Trade: and from hence it was, after London began to gain a further inspection into Foreign traffique, they grew so soon weary of the Yeild of the Hance, which from the time of our Henr. 3. to Philip and Mary were not only permitted, but courted and encouraged in their Commerce with us, enjoying great Priviledg­es and paying small Duties; from which time their Customs were enhanced from one to twenty per Cent. the Hance not only complain'd, but clamour'd [Page 34]aloud, for breach of their ancient Priviledges con­firmed unto them by long prescription, from thir­teen successive Kings of England, the which they pretended to have purchased with their Money: King Philip undertook to accommodate the busi­ness, but Qeen Mary dying, and he retiring, no­thing was effected; complaints being afterwards made to Queen Elizabeth, she answered, that as she would not innovate any thing, so she would protect them still in the immunities and condition she found them; hereupon their Navigation and Traffique was suspended a while, which proved very advan­tagious to the English Merchants; for upon this they tryed what they could do themselves herein; and their Adventures and Returns proving success­ful, they took the whole Trade into their own hands.

This so nettled the Hance, that they devised all the ways that a discontented people could to draw upon our Staplers the ill opinion of other Nations and States; but that proving of too small a force to stop the current of so strong a Trade as they had got footing into, though they applied themselves to the Emperor, as being a Body incorporated to the Empire, and upon complaint obtained Ambas­sadors to the Queen, to mediate the business, but they returned still re-insecta: hereupon the Queen caused a Proclamation to be published, that the Merchants of the Hance should be treated and used as all other Strangers within her Dominions in point of Commerce, without any mark of distincti­on; which they so ill resented, they quit the Coun­try; [Page 35]and so ended the Yeild of the Hance, after 200 years flourishing.

Obj. Is there not a great hazard in this affair to the principle Bankers in the mismanagement of it, either for want of skill, care or fidelity in its mini­sterial Officers? &c.

Answ. There is no humane affair but is subject to injury; a Prince runs some hazard in the choice of his Counsellors, and a State in the election of their Senators, and since there proceed no Angels from Adam, the best of men will be subject to err.

But this constitution of Corporation-trade is as capable of a solvant rational security, as is in the power of man to devise; and to that height, we ne­ver heard nor read it ever failed any Undertakers these 400 years in England, or elsewhere; but on the contrary, as it hath raised many Principalities and States, as is before observed, from poor and low condition ro great wealth and potency, so ma­ny particular Families hath it raised from low and mean, to worshipful and honourable Ranks; for the method of managing this Society gives so clear and full an inspection into its constant state, that each of its principle Creditors may inform himself at pleasure by the Comptrollers Books, whether its Capital decays or increaseth, and what profit or loss the Return of every Ship at the end of her Voy­age produceth: besides at every Quarter Assembly the Governours, &c. are to give an account of the whole Transaction since the last Assembly, and themselves receive an account every month of the [Page 36]proceed of the Officers, and how they observe the Instructions and Institutions of the general Assembly, which are always recorded in the Of­fice.

Then the general Assembly of the original Ban­kers, &c. at their annual Meetings have the whole transaction of the year past, with its product presen­ted to them fairly ingressed by the Register, of which as many of them as desire it may have Co­pies, and at the same Meeting they elect their Go­vernor, his Deputy and Counsel of Assistants for the ensuing year, and regulate what they find de­ficient in the last years Transactions; and make a new Establishment for the ensuing years Pro­ceed, from which the Governor, &c. must not vary, without first summoning a general Assembly, and proposing the matter to them; at which Assem­bly the Divident is to be made of the past years Profit, which every man may either receive, or otherwise have it added to his Capital in Bank, and so increase his Stock there.

So that upon the whole, the Stock in Bank is never out of the owners possession, nor view, but lieth as ready and as visible as his Cash in his own coffer.

And although the original Bankers cannot with­draw their Stock, to the weakening of the grand Capital, yet they may assign it to others, which the Company will be obliged to accept; or other­wise give the same Rate others offer for the In­terest; so that a Stock in Bank will not be sub­ject to so much hazard as in a Merchants own [Page 37]hands, managed by his own Factors or Servants, or in a Gentlemans hand managed by his Steward, &c. in regard few persons are capable of keeping a dayly check upon their private concerns, either in respect of capacity, or time to perform it. Thus having not only proposed the erecting a Corpo­ration, who by united Stocks and Councils will propagate and improve the Trade and Wealth of Ireland, but also strengthened my Proposi­tion with Examples of all Kingdoms and States flourishing in Trade, who have greatly increased their Trade and Wealth thereby, and answered such Objections as I conjectured might arise a­gainst it, I shall only speak of its Method, and submit the whole to the consideration of the pub­lick spirited Judicious.

Object. If we were informed at least something of the Method of managing this Bank, it might fur­ther give satisfaction.

Answ. The Method for managing this Bank, &c. to be settled by common consent of the ori­ginal Bankers, according to the Rules of the Eng­lish or Dutch East India Companies, or such other Method as they shall agree upon.

1. That the Persons to manage this Affair, viz. the Governor, Deputy and Council of As­sistants be annually chosen by the original Bankers, who shall be enjoyned to observe such Rules and Methods as shall be given them from time to time, [...]nd the said Governor and Deputy, &c. to propose, [...]nd the general Assembly to approve of their Regi­ster, Treasurer, &c.

[Page 38]2. That the Trade & Commerce of this Society be prescribed by the major part of its Members at their annual Councils, at which time the Governor, &c. are to give an account of their whole Trans­actions for the time past, and to propose to the ge­neral Assembly what they shall think fit to be then considered, for the Proceed of the Company the ensuing year.

3. That a known place be provided near the Exchange, and the Office to be open from nine to twelve in the forenoon, and from three to six in the afternoon, and as business increaseth so the time to be enlarged.

4. That a Bank Lumber be erected, to supply the occasions of the poorer sort with small sums of Mony upon Pawns at reasonable rates.

5. That the whole Constitution of the Bank, and Corporation with its Priviledges and Securities, be confirmed by Act of Parliament.

6. For the mutual Security not only against each other, but also betwixt the Bank and all per­sons it shall give or receive Credit from; that they do agree, that all their Bills and Tickets do bear the force of Bonds of the Staple, by prevailing with the City of Dublin, &c. until a Parliament meet: that the Governor of this Society to be still chosen Mayor of the Staple, the profit of all Statutes ac­knowledge for Debt, not relating to the Bank-trade, to be still entred in the City Book, and paid to the City Treasurer, or whom they shall appoin [...] to receive it; as also all their Entries and Certifi­cates to bear the Credit of a Publick Notary, by [Page 39]swearing one Clerke of the Office in that capaci­ty, which will strengthen the credit of their Securi­ty, and facilitate all their transactions.

Besides, this Affair, upon the Foundation of the Law of the Staple, will give a legal stamp until the Kings Patent be obtained, and a Parliament of Ire­land meet to enact the same. It may be service­able to both Kingdoms, in executing the Laws a­gainst Transporting our Irish Wools into Foreign parts, which hath been the bane of the Clothing Trade of England as well as Ireland; for by the ad­vantage of our Irish Wools both France and the Low Countries have been able to work up their own Wools to the height of our English Staple, which otherwise they were not capable of; for as the Wools of Spain, and the more southerly parts of France, are too tender and fine for strong, thick Cloth, so the Northerly Wools are too course and harsh to produce it; but mixing our Wools with either, they produce Cloth of what sort they please; by which advantage the great Trade for Woollen Manufacture of the Hamborough, Eastland and Mus­covy Companies are much damnified, who vended the greatest proportion of our Northern course and middle Cloths, &c. Poland, Silesia, &c. having not only much increased the number of their Sheep, but improved the Staple of their Wools of late years, and encouraged great numbers of the Eng­lish Weavers, &c. to settle amongst them; besides the Prince Elector Palatine hath carried over into his Country many thousands of English Families, all Artists in the Woollen Manufacture, within these [Page 40]twenty years: But if the transporting of our Irish Wools could be prevented, it would put a violent check to their progress, for which we have good and severe Laws, only want persons interested to prosecute and execute them; and it would be the interest of this Corporation, to use their utmost diligence therein, both in order to increase their own Manufactures for the supply of their Ex­portations, and discourage foreign Manufactures to preserve their Market. And as it would be much their Interest, so will they be in a capa­city to effect it above any other Judicatures, by the advantage of their Factors and Correspon­dents in all Ports, who will easily discover all attempts of that kind, especially having the Au­thority and observing the method of the Staple, which,

1. Limits the Transportation of staple Com­modities to certain known publick places, to be bought and sold, as Newcastle upon Tine, York, Lincolne, Norwich, Westminster, Canter­bury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter and Bri­stol; in Ireland, at Dublin, Waterford, Droghe­da and Cork; and for Wales, Carmarthen, where all Wools, Wool Fells, Leather, Led, &c. were to be brought, and weighed at the Kings Beam, and every Sack or Bag of Wool to be sealed by the Mayor of the Staple, &c.

2. As they are by the said Act confined to places for Markets, so to Ports for Shipping; as for York at Hull, Lincoln at Boston, Norwich at Yarmouth, Westminster at London, Canterbury at [Page 41] Sandwich, VVinchester at Southampton, to be again weighed at the Ports before the Customers; and an Indenture signed betwixt the Mayor of the Staple and the Customers; all which, with the Weight and Custom paid, to be express'd in the Cocket at that time; every Sack of Wool paid six shillings eight pence, two hundred Wool Fells twenty shillings, a Last of Leather thirteen shil­lings four pence, and every Sow of Lead three pence; Foreigners paid a third more besides the Merchant, to take an Oath before the Mayor of the Staple, &c. that they should hold no Staple beyond the Sea of the same Commodities accor­ding to the 27th. of Edward the Third, Chap. 1. State Staple. Now if our Ancestors found reason to keep this methodical Check upon the Transportation of Wools only, to preserve the Kings small Duty, before England attained the Woollen Manufacture, much more ought there now to be a stricter Check observed, when not only the Kings great Duty, but Manufacture, which is the Wealth and Glory of the Country, depends upon it.

And for Ireland, the Staple being confined to the four Ports beforementioned, all upon the English Sea, both for Markets and Shiping, if it were now observed with these following Rules added, they could never wrong us of a Bag of Wool.

• 1. That as our Ports are prescribed, so the Mar­kets of the Staple appointed, as before observed in [Page 42] England, and every Town prescribed its Port to ship, that the Staplers at every such Market should maintain a sworn Weigher, who should certifie to the Staple Port the Quantity and Quality of the Wool then weighed, and to whom sold.
• 2. That no person be permitted to buy or sell Wools, &c. but a Brother of the Yeild of the Staple, who upon their Freedom are sworn not to transgress its Laws: If Foreigners, to give Securi­ty to observe the Staple Rules.
• 3. That no Ship be permitted to transport Wool, that do not belong either to the Port where it was taken in, or the Port in England it is consign'd to.
• 4. That no Security be accepted, but known substantial Inhabitants of the Port the Goods are ship'd from.
• 5. That the Clerk of the Licenses register eve­ry License, and issue no more to that person, until he bring a Certificate or a Copy of the Cocket from the Custom-house, of the due shiping of the former to be [...]il'd.
• That the Certificate of its true landing be re­turned in six months after the date of the Cocket to the Customer, and he to send a Copy of it to the Clerk of the Licenses, or otherwise the Bonds be deliver'd to the Mayor of the Staple to be put in suit.

These Rules being observed, I dare undertake to answer for every pound of Wool wrong transported, and without some such Expedient, the Manufactures of England as well as Ireland will be ruined by the Transportation of Irish Wools to foreign Markets.

[Page 43]This Company of Staplers being the first Cor­poration of England for the Regulation of Trade, it was dandled and hugg'd by the State, as that which contained the spirit and life of all the Traf­fique of the Kingdom, not only to regulate the abuses of Trade, but to recover their Trade out of the hands of Foreigners, especially the Yeild of the Hance beforementioned, who by reason of their great Stock and Credit from so many foreign Cities incorporated with them, ingrossed the chief Trade of England, particular Merchants being not able to thrive under their shadow, which was the reason the Staple was so often removed from Coun­try to Country, and City to City, still to way-lay and interpose betwixt the Yeild of the Hance and the Trade of England.

The original or beginning of the Yeild of the Hance I find not; but Fitz Stephen a Monk of Canterbury, who wrote in the time of King Ste­phen, observes that Merchants of all Nations had their distinct Keys and Wharfs in London, the Hance or Dutch had the Still-yards, the French for the Wines, the Vintry, &c.

William of Malmesbury, who wrote in the time of the Conqueror, called London a Noble City, fre­quented with the Trade of Merchandizes from all parts of the World: Malmesbury cites Clifford, declaring the same in Edward the Confessors time, 1042. and how long before is uncertain; but so long it was that they had ingrossed the chief Trade of England, &c. and had taken such deep root, it cost the State great trouble, and the Staple great [Page 44]labour before they could loosen them: Edward the first began it at Westminster, then removed it to Canterbury, in Honour of Thomas Becket, then to Bruges in Flanders, from thence to the divers places in England and Ireland beforementioned, next to Calice, in order to strengthen and support that Garrison, at which time the King had grant­ed him in Parliament, the twenty sixth of his Reign, Fifty shillings upon every Sack of Wool trans­ported for six years, and at the same time there were yearly transported more than one hundred thousand Sacks of Wool; that during the six years the said Grant brought into the Kings Ex­chequer one Million five hundred thousand pounds sterling.

In the 37th. of Edward the third, it was grant­ed to him for two years, to take twenty six shil­lings and eight pence upon every Sack of Wool transported; and the same year the Staple (not­withstanding the Kings Oath, and other great E­states) was ordained to be kept at Calice, and twenty six Merchants, the best and wealthiest of all England, to be Farmers there, both of the Town and Staple, for three years, every Mer­chant to have six Men of Arms and four Archers at the Kings cost; he ordained there also two Mayors, one for the Town, and one for the Staple; and he took Mala capta, commonly cal­led Mallorth, twenty shillings, and of the said Merchants, Guardians of the Town, forty pence upon every Sack of Wool.

In the 44th. of Edward the third Quinborough, [Page 45]Kingstone upon Hall and Boston were made Staples of Wool, which matter so offended some, that in the 50th. year of his Reign, in a Parliament at London, it was complained, that the Staple of Wool was so removed from Calice, to divers Towns in England, contrary to the Statute, ap­pointing, that Citizens and Merchants should keep it there, and that the King might have the Profits and Customs, with the Exchange of the Gold and Silver that was there made, by all the Merchants in Christendom, (esteemed to amount to Eight thousand pounds by the year) the Ex­charge only; and the Citizens and the Mer­chants so ordered the matter, that the King spent nothing upon Souldiers, neither upon Defence of the Town against the Enemies; whereas now he spent Eight thousand pounds by the year: in the 51th. year of Edward the third, when the Staple was settled at Calice, the Mayor of the Staple did furnish the Captain of the Town, up­on any Road, with one hundred Bill-men and two hundred Archers, of Merchants and their Servants, without any Wages.

In the year 1388. the 12th. of Richard the se­cond, in a Parliament at Cambridge, it was ordain­ed, that the Staple of Wools should be brought from Middleborough in Zealand to Calice.

In the 14th. of his Reign there was granted for­ty shillings upon every Sack of Wool; and in the 21th. was granted fifty shillings upon every Sack transported by Englishmen, and three pounds by Strangers, &c.

[Page 46]It seems that all Commodities of the Realm are staple Merchandizes by Law and Charter, as Wools, Leather, Wool Fells, Led, Tin, Cloth, &c.

King Henry the sixth had six Wool-houses with­in the Staple at Westminster, those he granted to the Dean and Canons of St. Stephen at Westminster, and confirm'd it the 21. of his Reign. Thus much for the Staple have I shortly noted out of Stows Sur­vey of London, fol. 496, 497.

Now by this account of the Staple, it is easie to imagine of what a high value it was both to the Kings and Parliaments of England, for upwards of 200 years no new Corporations for Trade were constituted; and as they increased in Trade, it a­bated of its ancient vigor and splendor, after it had worn out all Foreigners, and rescued the Clothing Trade from the Dutch, that the Wools of England were prohibited, the Transportation of which be­ing its chief support.

But Ireland yet transporting most of its Wools, it can lay the Foundation of a Corporation for the Increase of its Foreign Traffique upon no better basis; the Statute Staple being yet in force in Ire­land, it will make their Constitution legal until a Parliament be called, and no better Methods and Rules can be contrived than what the Statute Staple institutes.

CHAP. II. The second Expedient to recover Irelands Decays in its Trade and Wealth is, to endavour to convince England, that it is the Interest both of King and Realm to promote it.

CHAP. III. The third Expedient to recover the lan­guishing state of Ireland in its Trade and Wealth is, to assert Irelands Interest in its own Government.

THat it is not only the Interest of Ireland, but of the Crown and Realm of England, that Ire­land be governed by its own members, or persons peculiarly interested in its prosperity, is manifest.

Although it will be granted to be Irelands great advantage, to have not only their Lord Lieutenants but most other Ministers of State sent from Eng­land, provided they then purchase, plant, and settle themselves and Families in the Country; for no other Expedient will advance the Prosperity, and strengthen the English Interest in Ireland like it: for if the Noble and Worshipful Families of Ire­land would examine the original of their first Ancestors in that Kingdom, few would be found that came over on purpose to purchase or plant, but ra­ther incouraged to transport themselves for the sake of publick Imploys, either Civil or Military; but most by the later: every new Rebellion called over new Troops and Companies, to strengthen the standing Army to suppress it; and at the end of e­very War were garrison'd and quarter'd in those Countreys, where the Insurrection was first rai­sed, or had been most powerful, and in places most [Page 97]convenient to secure the future peace, where they obtain'd Grants of forfeited Lands, and from thence after some time of settlement of themselves and Fa­milys, their Soldiers would marry, and take Farms, or set up Trades, and so erect English Plantations in the most dangerous Irish Countries, where none but Souldiers with their Swords in their hands, or others under their shelter durst adventure to plant.

Therefore it was a rational project at the end of the last War, in order to promote the English Plantations.

1. In the disbanding part of that Army, to pitch upon such Troops and Companies as were best ac­quainted with the Country, and most likely to plant their Lots; and then to give some of them peculiar advantages by select places for their incouragement, whereby many of the reducted Troops and Com­panies had the advantage of the standing Army, who were confin'd to their Lots.

2. To contrive the planting of the Country by the standing Army, by instructing the Officers to encourage their Souldiers to marry, and plant about their Garrisons, and Quarters, especially if Trades­men, and past their middle age: and then once in 2 or 3 years to change their Quarters at a good di­stance from the place, whereupon the married Soul­diers that had settled their Familys would petition to be dismist, which much increas'd English Plantations, who for their incouragement were continued in Muster six months Duty free: and whilst Pay is to be had a General shall never want Souldiers, and young beardless Lads that have nothing to care for, [Page 98]but to keep their Arms sixed, and their Knapsacks furnished, are the best Souldiers for a Field-Army, and so esteemed by all Authors I have read: and whilst a Troop or Company retains one half old Souldiers, viz. File-leaders, Half File-leaders and Bringers up, the young Souldiers will do as well as others to fill up Files, and after a few months care­ful Exercise will be as ready for any Service, and perform their parts equal with the rest: for though Experience and Skill is necessary in Officers, yet Courage and Subjection are the more necessary Qualifications in private Souldiers; which none like the young stripling, who is lately come from under the severer Discipline of Family Govern­ment, to whom Military Discipline seems easie: and these having no Wives nor Children to cry after them, &c. are the freest from care, and consequent­ly the readiest at the Beat of the Drum to march where and whensoever they are commanded.

The neglect of this was the ruine of the English Interest the last Rebellion, the standing Troops and Companies consisting much of the Officers Tenants, &c. could not be drawn together at short warning, without exposing their Families and con­cerns to the merciless mercy of the Enemy; where­as had they been qualified as beforementioned, the King might have had a marching Army, and the Country a standing Militia consisting of the same Inhabitants, march'd from them in the Kings Pay, to have stood by them, and defended them, at least, against the small parties of straggling Cut-throats, by whom the greatest number of the [Page 99]naked English were massacred: therefore it is the Interest of this Kingdom, it should be penal in the Officers of the Army to inlist and muster any of the settled Inhabitants capable of serving in the Militia; for thereby the Country is weakned in its Military strength, and the King disappointed of a marching Army: whereas were all persons thus qualified disbanded, and the Officers prohibited listing such, without special License from the Ge­neral, you would soon have the Foot Companies filled with young brisk Lads, who would throng out of England for Entertainment, which would more tend to increase and strengthen the English Interest in Ireland than any other Expedient that can be proposed.

As it is the Interest of Ireland to give incourage­ment to English Protestants to come and enjoy Mi­litary Imployments and Preferments among them; so is it the same for Civil and Ecclesiastical Im­ployments, provided still they settle and abide with us.

But that which is the Grievance of this Kingdom is, that either Military or Civil Imployments should be enjoyed by Nonresidents, or otherwise persons who only come over to enjoy the Profit of their Office, and so soon as they have received what Benefit it affords, to return for England, and carry their Gains with them; of which sort, Ireland has most suffered by English Chief Governours, and English Farmers and Commissioners of the Reve­nue, and their Attendants and Dependants coming and returning with them; the Damage sustained [Page 100]by this Kingdom in the period of 15 years thereby is computed in the Chapter of Irelands involuntary Charge and Expence.

And that which I shall further endeavour to de­monstrate is, that it is not only its damage in respect of the Charge Ireland sustains, but many other ways inconvenient and prejudicial.

1. For the chief Governour, though there might be some reason of State in times past, why they should not only be of English Blood, but English by Birth and Interest; yet the case is altered now: and the Act of Parliament in the 10th. of Hen. 7th. that none but such as were born in the Realm of Eng­land should be Constables of the Castles of Dublin, Trim, Athlone, Leistipe, Carlingford, Wicklow, &c. had no respect to the civil & politick Government, but the Execution of penal Laws upon Offenders, those Castles being made use of as Prisons to secure dangerous persons in, which is declared in the body of the Statute, viz. ‘Which Castles have been negligently kept / and such as have been committed to the Constables or Keepers of them for Treason / Felony / &c. suffered to escape wilfully / to the great prejudice of our Soveraign Lord / and of all the said Land; therefore be it ordained and enacted / &c.’ so that other Act 23d. of Hen. 8th. to regulate the E­lection of the chief Governour, by the Council on the death of the Lord Lieutenant, &c. until the Kings pleasure was known, did not respect prefer­ring English by Birth before English by Blood; but to secure the Sword from unfit Hands, who by their [Page 101]powerful Interest might awe their own Election, and be mischievous before the King could declare his pleasure; as appears by the said Act Irish Stat. fol. 214, 215., as fol­loweth; ‘The said Counsellours have full Power and Authority by vertue of this Act / to elect and chuse one such person as shall be an Englishman, and born within the Realm of England, being no spiritual per­son to be Iustice / and Governor of this Realm of Ireland, during the Kings High­ness Pleasure / if there shall be at that time any such person within this Realm / &c. if not / then to elect and chuse two per­sons of the said Council of English Blood and Sirname / being no spiritual person / &c.’ which I cite to refute that vulgar Error, that the Lord Lieutenant, &c. must be born in England, be­cause otherwise he is not capable of governing in the Castle of Dublin; whereas the Office of Constable is a distinct inferior thing from the Governor of the Castle: but whatever reason of State former times might have, the case is otherwise now: for, as it is shewn in the Chapter of Englands Interest in Ire­lands Prosperity, the state of the English Interest in Ireland is changed, from a weak infirm state, that needed Physick, to a strong healthful state, that on­ly requires Food; the Propriety of Lands, the Plan­tation of Cities and strong Towns inhabited and governed by English, the Countries so planted with English, as all our High Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, &c. all English, and the English Laws are duely and equally in all parts executed [Page 102]by English Judges and Officers &c. [...] [...]j [...]rity of both Houses of Parliament Engl [...] [...] was never the case of Ireland [...]fore; that [...] [...]ow needs nothing but diligent [...] c [...]ro­borate and improve its advantag [...] [...] which none but such who are acquainted with [...] and Con­stitution, and thoroughly [...] prosperity are capable of [...]

1. Being un [...]qu [...]i [...] with intelligent persons of the several Parties, they [...] understand the various and different [...]nou [...] and Interests of the people: indeed if the Inhabitants were all Irish Pa­pists, or all English Protestants, or were these two grand parties of entire Interest among themselves, their work were more easie; but as they have each their grand Interest and bond of Friendship; the Papists the Interest of their Church, by whose aid and countenance they expect their Succour; and the Protestants the Interest of their Prince, by whose Authority and Favour they enjoy all they possess: yet they have each amongst themselves their different and peculiar Interests, both Religi­gious and Civil; as I shall after shew.

And a Chief Governour unacquainted with per­sons and things will find it difficult work to carry himself to the equal satisfaction of all parties, with Security to the Government, and Incouragement of Trade, &c.

2. The short continuance, sometimes two, some­times three years, rarely four; we had three in less than eight years, viz. from the Lord Roberts entring September 18th. 1669. to the Earl of Essex's sur­render [Page 103] August 24th. 1677. so that by that time they understand their Work, they are called from it: saith Borlacy, The vicisitude of Governours hath been observed (by some) to be exceeding prejudicial to the publick; private Respects often introducing no­table things in the State, according to their Interests who governed, not the publicks, diversi Imperatori­bus mores, diversa fuêre studia, sometimes to the degenerating of the old English into the Irish customs, through their negligence, and indulgence, other times to the alienating the Irish by their severity, from the benefit of a well tempered and orderly Government, both equally destructive to the Prince. And yet too long a Residence in so eminent a Place may over-heat a great Spirit, if not bounded with excellent Prin­ciples. Whence the Romans (those great Masters of Government) rarely admitted their Vicegerents to brood on a Province, that their Continuance there might not increase Self-interest.

The longest time any continued in this Government (how honourable soever) was never made up with Happiness suitable to the anxiety of their Mind and Body: Sir Henry Sidney (who left as clear a Fame as any man that enjoyed the Place) parted with it with the words of the Psalmist, When Israel came out of Egypt, and the House of Jacob from a people of a strange Language, Judah was his San­ctuary, and Israel his Dominion; intimating how little satisfaction could be took in so slippery a Place, amongst such a people, whose Language he knew not, and variety of Interests; though the most that have miscarried there, have fallen through other [Page 104]mens Interest rather than their own failing.

And I judge the three last Noble persons sent out of England to govern Ireland will set to their Seals, that it is not a short and easie work to understand their Humour and Interest; none of them could please all, and others of them very few; although they were persons of eminent Parts and great Integrity, both to the Crown and English Interest: yet the Interest of our Trade and Manufactures so withered under their Sha­dow, that they languish to this day; of fourteen hopeful Manufactures they sound thriving, they left but the stumps of one standing; which hath put such a Damp upon the hopes of Success, none have attempted either to erect new, or revive the old since.

2. They oft come with a prepossession of the danger of Irelands encroaching upon the Trade and Wealth of England, and from thence rather fear than design Irelands prosperity in Trade; and what our chief Governor fears we have little ground to hope for.

3. As the proverb is, New Lords, new Laws; so new Governors, new Councils; it is to be ob­served the Successor very rarely elects the Favou­rites of his Predecessor to be his Confidents; and then that natural Emulation the Heart of man is addicted to diverts them from building on Foun­dations laid by others; whereby some publick un­dertakings after a hopeful progress have miscar­ried, to the great discouragement of future At­tempts; [Page 105]as several notable Instances might be given if it were convenient.

4. By reason of their immediate Relation to, and probable sudden Return for, England, they are most concerned so to manage the Af­fairs of Ireland, as may consist with the present advantage of their Credit in England. Now though we honour a Lover of our Country, as being Englishmen our selves, and glory in its Honour and Wealth, as younger Branches in the Honour and Wealth of the elder House of their Family; yet we may expect a younger Brothers Portion; and to be trusted with the Conduct of our own Estates, in Subjection to our politick Father; and not under the Tutelage of our elder Brother: When Abraham sent his Sons he had by Keturah from Isaac Eastward, and gave them Portions, he left them to manage their own Affairs.

We do not read that ever the Sons of Isaac or Jacob were entrusted with the Affairs of the Children of Ishmael and Esau, though they en­joyed the Birthright and Blessing; and it is none of the least Discouragements to English Gentle­men, that have great Estates in Ireland, from coming to live upon them, than that by quitting their Dwellings in England, they quit their Priviledge as Englishmen, both in respect to their Liberty of Traffick to several parts of the World, which they before enjoyed, and al­so their Interest in Magna Charta, of being [Page 106]being tried for their Lives and Estates by a Jury of known honest men of their Neighbourhood: whereas Noblemen or Gentlemen of Ireland may be impeached in England, sent for over in custody, and there arraigned before Judges, put upon their Tryal by Jurors, whose Faces they never saw be­fore, and unto whom they are altogether unknown, further than the Evidence then given in Court de­scribes them, which is an Issue few would be plea­sed with when it comes to be their own case; espe­cially considering the moral impossibility for per­sons of ordinary Estates to bear the Charge, and of small Interest to prevail with necess [...]y Witnes­ses, &c. to go from Ireland to England, to give their Testimony in their beh [...] and to imagine that either Judges or Jurors of England can be e­qually concern'd to suppres [...] [...] and Sedition, tending to the disturbance of the Peace and Safety of the English [...] in Ireland, with English Judges and Juro [...] Ireland appears very im­probable, to such as admit [...] safety is a stronger motive to all people than Ne [...]hbors welfare: and though England may be grieved to hear of Irelands Troubles, yet the English in Ireland must certainly more sensibly feel the Misery that befalls them­selves. A Merchant on [...] may be grieved to behold a Ship (wherein he hath some Adventure) sinking by a violent storm at Sea; but the Mer­chants and Mariners aboard, that see no way to escape from perishing with her, must be under a different consternation; which represents the true state of the different case.

[Page 107]2. As there is much Reason of State against Irelands being governed by Foreigners to its pe­culiar Interest; so have we many Presidents, both ancient and modern, of Soveraign Princes govern­ing their Tributary Provinces by their own Coun­trymen; the King of Spain discerning the Genoua's were discontented at his governing them by Spa­niards, &c. and impatient for a King of Naples and Duke of Milan born in Italy; to secure his In­terest without that hazard, he borrowed of them vast Sums of Mony, they being great Usurers, de­signing thereby to keep them in awe, lest they should lose their Mony; so the Kings of England could never satisfie the Welshmen until Edward of Carnarvan (being their Countryman born) was made Prince of Wales; which hath since been the Title of the Kings eldest Son.

God himself promiseth it, as a chief part of Is­raels Prosperity after their return from their Cap­tivity, that their Nobles should be of themselves, and their Governours should proceed from the midst of them, Jeremiah 30.21. which Promise was performed in Ezra's, Nehemiah's and Zerkabal's Government: so Moses appointed understanding and wise men, who were known amongst their Tribes, to be Rulers in their respective Tribes, Deut. 1.13. Saith a great Statesman to King James, To hold Ireland in better obedience, let there be sent o­ver such a Lord Deputy as is well acquainted with their Humours and Customs, and well beloved of the people Sir Hen. Wootens State of Christen­dom. p. 2.18.: saith the same Author, The Spaniards lost the Low Countries by sending Spaniards or other [Page 108]Strangers to govern them, having engaged to govern them by men born in their own Country Sir Hen. Wootens State of Christen­dom. p. 17..

And how much this hath been the practice of the Kings of England, to place persons peculiarly inte­rested in the State of Ireland in chief Government, our Histories give us ample examples: Earl Strong­bow, the first Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1176. was Prince of Leinster, by right of his Wife; Rey­mond le Gross, who married the Earls Sister, suc­ceeded him as Justice; John Courcy, Robert Fitz Stephen, and Miles Cogan, Adventurers with Strong­bow in the first Attack, and possessors of Lands for their Service, succeeded him; next to them suc­ceeded Hugh de Lacy and Robert le Power, both in­terested persons in Ireland; Le Power being then Governor of Waterford and Wexford, was possest of a great Estate in those Countries Cambden of Ireland.; and Hugh de Lacy marrying the Daughter of Rodorick King of Connaght, had a considerable Interest in Ireland by her right; the King still approving interested per­sons fittest to govern Ireland, that designing to send over his own Son John, he first made him King of Ireland to give him a peculiar Interest in that Kingdom Hoven­den p. 77.: from his time, being anno Dom. 1185. until Lionel Duke of Clarence 1361. near 200 years, that Edward the Third's Son was sent over, who by right of his Wife was Earl of Ulster, and Lord of Connaght, I find Ireland governed, for the most part, by Butlers of the House of Or­monde, Fitz Morris, Fitz John, Fitz Gerralds, &c. of the Houses of Kildare and Desmond, with Woggans, Barrys, Powers, Bourkes, Burminghams, [Page 109]&c. and in intervals by Dignitaries of the Church, or other Ministers of State in Ireland; I find very few but either had considerable Interest in Ireland, or otherwise settled on them at their sending over, or purchased by them in the time of their Service, and settled there with their Fa­milies.

In all which time we read of very few Facti­ons, until that of Desmond, who raised a Dissen­tion betwixt the English of Blood and English of Birth; which bred such ill Blood in his own Fa­milies Veins, as boyled up to the ruine of it: af­terwards, in the Queens days 1583. and from the time of the Duke of Clarence 1361. until 1385. the Earl of Oxford was created Duke of Ireland and Marquess of Dublin at his coming over, of Twelve Lord Lieutenants and Deputies, &c. in that time, not above two or three at the most, but Butlers, Gerralds, &c.

Next Richard the Second sent over Mortymer Lord Lieutenant, but first created him Earl of Ul­ster, Lord of Trim, Clare and Connaght, 1398. from him until the year 1449. I find not above four or five, viz. Sir John Stanly, Scroop, Sutton de Gray, &c. and they but short times, but persons of Ireland, viz. Talbots, Gerralds and Butlers, the later six times in this short space of about fifty years.

Then was Richard Duke of York, being Earl of Ulster, Lord of Connaght and Meath, by De­scent from Lionel Duke of Clarence, Lord Lieu­tenant.

[Page 110]But for a more distinct Account of Irelands Chief Governours since the Conquest, I shall re­fer the Reader to the ensuing Catalogue, as I find it recorded by Borlacy, Spencer, Campian, Hanmer, Marlburroughs, Hooker, &c. wherein I have only noted some few remarkable things that happened under some of their Governments, designing only a brief Catalogue of both sorts, to make good my Position, that the Policy of England hath still found it best to govern Ireland by its own Members, or persons peculiarly interested in its prosperity. But this is observable, when Noblemen, &c. were sent out of England to govern Ireland, it was not of choice, but rather of necessity; as in these and the like cases.

First, to ballance Factions amongst the English Lords of Ireland, when their animosities grew so high that Interest of State required a more indiffe­rent Hand at the Helm; which proceeded from their great Power ruling their Tenants, &c. as So­veraign Princes over large Teritories, by the Brehon Laws, whereby multitudes both of English and Irish more depended upon their Favour than the Kings: but that sort of Lordship is utterly extinguished root and branch, the greatest Lords of Ireland are as subject to the Kings Laws as the meanest man, and the whole Militia of the Kingdom under the Kings immediate Commission and Pay: therefore that Reason ceaseth.

Second Reason was, to ballance Factions in the Court of England, especially in the Barons Wars, and in the Contest betwixt the two Houses of York [Page 111]and Lancaster, &c. but the two Roses now are not only graffed, but so well grown upon one stalk, that danger is over.

Thirdly, in times of considerable Rebellions, when either of these two Reasons swayed.

1. When the Work required persons of greater Experience in Martial Affairs, than it it was sup­posed Ireland afforded: but Ireland is now so well furnished with Noble persons of approved Courage and Conduct, that it is able to supply Eng­land, if the Kings Affairs should require it, with Officers from the Truncheon to the Halbert, to conduct a Royal Army.

2. When the great Lords of Ireland were in Factions one against the other, especially those of English Race; as the Geraldines, and Butlers, &c. which two Houses mantained an inveterate Feud for several Generations; yet by turns were chiefly employ'd by Henr. 7th. and 8th. till the 20th. year of the Raign of Henry the Eighth, Thomas the Son of Gerrald Earl of Kildare, then Prisoner in the Tower, broke out into Rebellion; from which time the King sent over English Governours du­ring his Life, as Skeffington, the Lord Gray, Brereton, St. Leger, &c. which course his Son Edward the Sixth, and both his Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth imitated him in, for the most part; the like King James and Charles the First: but the reason thereof must be attributed to the Change or rather Reformation of Religion; most of the Noble Families of Ireland, capable of chief Trust, still adhering to the Roman Superstition, and con­sequently [Page 112]uncapable of promoting a Protestant In­terest, which case is now otherwise, most of the ancient Nobility of Ireland are Protestants, as may appear in my Schedule of Irelands Nobility; and as that reason of State is ceased, so hath the practice since. About two years after the Rebellion, Jan. 1643. James then Marquess now Duke of Or­monde was sworn Lord Lieutenant; since which time, being 39 years Jan. last, he hath born the Honour of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, except from the 18th. of September 1669. the Lord Ro­berts entred, until the [...]4th. of August 1677. the Earl of Essex surrender'd, not full eight years; so that the Duke hath born the Honour 31 years, and actually exercised the Regency 19 years, being interrupted about 12 years, viz. from December 1650. he left Clanrickard Deputy, until the 28th. of July 1662. when His Grace was again sworn Lord Lieutenant; and as he hath exercised the longest Regency, so hath he had the most difficult Work of any chief Governor since the Conquest: First, Commander of an Army for some years un­der great wants, the hardest task to a noble spirited General. Secondly, Fighting against a people he desired and endeavoured the Welfare of, that would not believe him until they found it to their cost, that their Ingratitude and Treachery to him and their Princes Interest, that he asserted, sell upon their own pates. Thirdly, Fighting for a Prince in no capacity to support him, much less to re­ward him; yet when his Princes State and Affairs were at the lowest ebb his Loyalty was at hihgest, [Page 113]at full Sea, rejecting the greatest proffers of Liber­ty and Estate from the Parliament, and chose Po­verty in Exile with his Prince before it; as is ele­gantly express'd by Orinda, fol. 150.

Yet their Proffer did him so much right as to de­clare to the world his Services in Ireland were esteemed by Englands Commons (in their worst humour to the Royal Interest that he served) as useful to the English Protestant Interest there; but from these and the like causes the Crown of England hath had its Counsels more perplexed, and its attempts for Irelands Reduction and Settle­ment more obstructed by its own people in Ireland than by the Irish themselves, since the time of Ed­ward the Sixth, viz. by the viciscitude of its Govern­ment being so often under the Regiment of per­sons that were Aliens to its peculiar Interest, and strangers to its Humours and Customs: it is not rational to suppose the most judicious States-man in the world can understand the Interest and Hu­mour of a Country he never saw before, propor­tionable to another that hath track'd it from end to side, who must see by others eyes where to place Garrisons and Quarters for the most Safety and [Page 114]Quiet of the Country, how to understand the humour and capacity of persons fit to be imployed in the Kings Service civil or military, who are the most dangerous persons, which the most dis­quiet people, to have an eye upon, &c. I say, there are many necessary points for a chief Gover­nour to know not to be learn'd in three or four years time, the usual length of our Lord Lieute­nants, &c. Regency; and where persons have neither time to understand their Work, nor to fit and whet their Instruments they must work by, what performance can rationally be expected?

In Spencer Eudox proposeth to Iren how many Men would be a competent Army to reduce and keep Ireland? he demandeth ten thousand Foot and one thousand Horse: saith Eudox, Where will you garrison and quarter them for the safety of the Country? saith Iren, Perhaps I am ignorant of the places, but I will take the Maps of Ireland and lay them before me, and make mine eyes my Schoolma­sters to judge of the place; and then proceeds to garrison and quarter his Men by the Map. Saith Eudoxus, This might do if you knew where to find the Enemy; but it is well known, he is a flying Ene­my, hiding himself in Woods and Boggs, &c. from which he will not be drawn forth, but into some streight passage, or perilous so [...]rd, there will he lie in wait till he find an advantage, and then will en­danger your Army: therefore to seek him that still flincheth, and to follow him that can hardly be found were vain and bootless. Spencer pag. 68.

So Geraldus Cambriensis Chap. 38. to the same [Page 115]purpose compares the Difference between the French and Irish Wars, shewing how far Souldiers trained up in Campaign Countries, fighting pitch­ed Battels with their Enemies always in sight, would be to seek in Ireland, where the Enemy rarely imbodies, but at great advantages, but must be driven out of their Fortresses of Woods and Boggs, &c. where heavy Armour and Weapons were more cumbersome than useful; But, saith he, such Souldiers as are in the Marshes of Wales, who by reason of continual War are of great experience, and valiant, who can endure any pains and travels, who can abide watching, hunger and thirst, &c. such kind of Souldiers were they who first conquered Ireland, and by such must it be fully subdued and kept.

Obj. Why do you term English Protestants Ali­ens to Irelands Interest, are we not all the Sub­jects of one King, and Members of the same Commonwealth.

Answ. We may be the first, and not the second, though the Scots are Subjects to the same King, yet Members of a distinct Commonwealth, that as England makes Laws to secure their Trade from Scotch Invasions, so doth Scotland for the securing theirs from English Retrenchments.

So the twelve Tribes of Israel were all the Children of one Abraham, and the Subjects of one David, yet had they their distinct Interest peculiar to each Tribe; the members of one Tribe were never admitted to bear rule, or enjoy the beneficial Offices of another; the Mosaical [Page 116]and judicial Law were expresly against it, Numb. ch. 1. v. 4. And with you there shall be a man of every Tribe: every one Head of the House of his Fathers. ch. 13. v. 2. ch. 34. v. 18. Deut. 1.13. which Sta­tutes of Israel were observed in Davids time, 1 Chron. 8.1. and by his Son Solomon, 2 Chron. 8.2. and so continued to the end of that Kingdom; which were no ways ceremonial, but moral, that every man and every Country that had not for­feited their Birthright might enjoy the priviledge of it. And not only Divine but Humane Laws and Policies have still observed the same, where the Interest of the Prince or State was not hazard­ed: the most ancient Monarchies, as the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman practised it in all their tributary Countries, still committing the ma­nagement of the civil and military Governments of their new conquer'd Countries to the Colonies they sent to plant and guard them, though they consisted not of their own Countrymen; as for instance, the new planting of Samaria was by peo­ple of divers Nations, Ezra names nine, ch. 4. v. 9. as the Dinaites, the Apharsathchites, the Tarpelites, the Apharsites, the Archevites, the Babylonians, the Susan­chites, the Dehavites and the Elamites, and the rest of the Nations, whom the great and noble Asnapper brought over, and set in the Cities of Samaria: yet these several Nations being upon the place, incor­porated into one common Interest against the Jews, were all intrusted with the Government and Safety of the Country; as appears by their joint Letter sent to the King, to inform him of the danger of [Page 117]his Interest in that Country, if he suffered the Jews to repair the Walls of Jerusalem, he would not on­ly lose his Revenue, but his Dominion in Samaria, vers. 13. compared with the 16th. which they esteemed themselves bound to inform him of be­ing maintained from the Kings Palace, that is, they enjoyed the profitable Offices and Imployments of the Country, for which they received their Salaries out of his Exchequer.

And from hence it was Paul pleaded the privi­ledge of a Roman, Acts 22.25. who was no other­wise a Roman, but as he was born of a member of a Roman Colony sent to Tarsus to plant, and secure the Country to the Roman State, and thereby were endowed with the priviledge of Roman Citizens, to oblige them to Fidelity and Serviceableness a­gainst the Natives, who were never trusted with the Safety of the Victors Interest in their own Country, unless they submitted, and became Tri­butaries under Compact before conquered. Not only these ancient but our modern Monarchs pra­ctice the same, as the Grand Seignior, and the German Empire, consisting of many distinct Prin­cipalities and States; yet all governed by their own Princes and Senators, except what are in slavery; and they by those Colonies sent to plant and keep them under: the like are the Principalities and States of Italy under the Papal Regency; which I hint to vindicate my Assertion from Novelty, it having been the universal Policy in all Ages and Countries; as all that are acquainted with Histo­ry must grant.

[Page 118]But the case of the English in Ireland is far be­fore these other cases, they are not only English by priviledge, as Paul was a Roman, but English by Blood, and many of them English by Birth; they are so far from being a conquered, or a tri­butary people, that they are the Conquerors, by vertue of whose Blood, and the Blood of their An­cestors, the Scepter of England is there swayed; and the chief Security the Crown of England hath for its Regency is the Strength and Potency of the English in Ireland: 1000 men raised for the De­fence of Ireland of its own Inhabitants is worth two (for the suppressing a Rebellion) of new raised men out of England; for besides their subjection to the Diseases of the Country at first, which usually de­stroy a great part of them before they have been six months in the Field, they have no motive to encourage them, nor Interest to fight for, but Ho­nor and Profit; whereas the other, who have their Title from the Crown for every Acre they possess in Ireland, are more engaged to secure the Interest of the Crown, than the King himself is theirs; few of the forfeiting Irish look so far as the King, who reassumes and disposeth of their Estates, but eye with indignation the present possessors; as was manifest in the last horrid Massacre, whilst they barbarously murthered the possessors of their E­states, they both by Addresses, and publick Re­monstrances asserted their Loyalty to the King: and though the Kings Interest at present suffer, yet the Recovery of it is secure so long as England and Scotland can raise Souldiers to pour in upon them.

[Page 119]But the Subjects, whose throats are cut, and their Houses and Improvements destroyed, Wives and Daughters ravished, and Children murthered, can have no reparation in this world; and such as do escape with their lives are utterly ruined in their Fortunes, oft constrained to sell a good part of their wasted Lands in the Irish Quarters for a third part of its value, to procure Mony to pre­serve them and theirs from starving. Now the Survivors to these Families are doubtless above all other people engaged to preserve and recover the Interest of the Crown in time of War, and con­sequently most merit to enjoy the profitable Im­ployments of the Country in times of Peace, be­ing every way more engaged and better qualified for the Kings Service there, than pro tempore per­sons who have no obligation upon them, but their present Honour or Profit, that if the Kingdom be lost under their Conduct, if they can but preserve their Lives and Honours, they lose nothing that pincheth afterward; whereas the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Ireland, some of which having Princely Estates, may be reduc'd to extremity of want, of which we had many woful presidents the last Rebellion; and all the Politicks I have read esteem desperate hazard and danger will make a Coward valiant; (therefore advise to make a sly­ing Enemy a golden Bridge) much more engage the Hearts and Hands of persons of Honour and Courage, when they they do not only fight for the King and their Country, but for their VVives and Children, their Houses and Lands, as Nehem. [Page 120]4.14. they cannot forget how many of their Wives and Daughters were ravished, and innocent Children murthered in the sight of their dearest Relations and Friends, and from thence will rather dye than fall into the Hands of such bloody mis­creants, whose tender mercies are cruelties, which is not the case of new English.

Spencer pag. 8. treating of Military Officers puts a great weight upon imploying Officers ac­quainted with the Country, saith he, The Redu­cing of Ireland will ask no long time, nor great charge, so as the effecting thereof be committed to men of trust, and sound experience in the Country: but if left to such raw Captains as are usually sent out of England, &c. it will fall to the ground, &c. for before they have gather'd Experience they shall buy it with great loss to Her Majesty, either by hazarding their Companies by ignorance of the pla­ces and manner of Irish Service, or by losing much time to take out their lesson, &c. besides, saith he, there is a great wrong done to the old Souldiers, when the Advancement due unto them is cut off, by shuffling in these new cutting Captains into the pla­ces for which they have long served, and well de­served: To say the truth (saith he) me thinks it is meet before men be made Captains they should be first Souldiers, pag. 84. for men throughly acquaint­ed both with the state of the Country, and manners of the people, should be still continued, pag. 85.

Saith Livy, The Romans could perform nothing memorable in their Conquest of Sicilia whilst they frequently changed the Commanders of their Army, [Page 121]because new Commanders spent so much time in their new preparations, chusing their Ground, and insinua­ting themselves into the old Souldiery, they had no time left for the management of their Affairs before they were removed; but to prevent their Consuls from being removed from the head of their Armies, being annually chosen, they chose a Dictator, Liv. Supplement, 79.

And that this hath been the Opinion of all our Kings of England, since the Conquest of Ireland, will more evidently appear by the ensuing Cata­logue, formed in two Columes, to distinguish be­twixt English and Irish Chief Governors; only note that such of them as are in the English Co­lume,

• 1. If they be sent again we esteem them of Ireland, and place them in the Irish Colume, sup­posing they were therefore sent because of their experience in and knowledge they have gained of the Country by their former Service, &c.
• 2. I do also esteem all of the Royal Line in­terested persons, and therefore place them in the Irish Colume.