WHen Dioclesian, as a Romish Wolf, had worried and scattered the Flock of Christ, and exhausted Rivers of that precious Blood, he perceived that he could neither diminish their Numbers, nor abate any thing of that primitive Spirit, which, like a Rock, did not only stand firm, but broke in pieces the (Flu­ctus Decumanos) most impetuous Waves of the greatest persecution. Ann. 300, The Tyrant thought therefore of a more probable way to extin­guish that Spirit, which was, to withdraw the word of life; and accordingly, in the Nine­teenth Year of his Empire, like another An­tiochus [Page 2]Epiphanes, who did Mosaicis libris bel­lum indicere, he publisheth his Edict. That the Christian Churches should be levelled with the ground, the Ornaments seized to his use, the Holy Scriptures consumed in the Fire, and all that professed Christianity, be deprived of all Liberties, Offices, and Dignities, unless they would offer Sacrifice to the Heathen Gods. Immediately upon publishing this Edict, his Officers do generally become Inquisitors, and strictly require all the Christians to deliver up the Utensils of their Churches, and the Testa­ment of their Lord, to be consumed in the Fire, which, if any refused, they themselves were condemned to the Flames.

Among other Confessors, Felix Deacon of Autramitum, was summoned by the Inquisi­tors, Optarus p. 40. to deliver up the Ornaments of his Church, and the Evangelical Books, which were in his custody; whereupon he hid him­self with Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage▪ whereof the Officers being informed, they re­quire Mensurius to deliver him up, or to ap­pear on a set Day at the Emperors Court, to answer the contempt. Where it is observable, that (Episcoporum domus nè in persecutionibus fas erat violare) the Bishops Houses, even in times of Persecution, were accounted as a San­ctuary by the very Heathen. Mensurius was too much a Christian to betray his Brother, and therefore he chose rather to submit him­self to the Emperors sentence, and to appear at the appointed time: but in the interim, he [Page 3]is careful to secure the Goods belonging to his Church: And in those Days, as the Christians had Churches called Basilicas, so those Church­es had their Ornaments. St. August. contr. Cresconium, says that the Church of Cirta, in the time of Dioclesian had two Chalices of Gold, six Cups of Silver, and a Silver Candle­stick. Yet the Treasuries of those Chur­ches were much exhausted in those days, it be­ing the frequent practice of those Primitive Christians, to sell their Plate and Ornaments, to redeem the lives, or to relieve the necessi­ties of their persecuted Brethren. Mensurius therefore causeth an Inventory of the Treasu­ry of the Church of Carthage to be made, and committing the Treasury it self to the custody of the Elders, (as Optatus saith) he leaves the Inventory with an ancient Woman, p. 41. whom he had always found faithful, charging her to pre­serve it, for his Successors, if it should please God to account him worthy of Martyrdom. Erant in illâ Eccle­siâ quam­plurima Ornamenta Auri & Argenti. St. Augustine saith, there were in that Church very many Ornaments of Gold and Silver. Concerning the Death of Mensurius, we have no certain account in Ecclesiastical History, only we find the Bishoprick of Carthage to be void shortly after, and Dioclesian languishing under a surfeit of Christian blood, resigned his Empire to Maxentius, who was over­thrown sometime after by Constantine, as also Maximinus another Tyrant by Licinius, and thereupon Constantius the Father of Constan­tine, though he were then in England, was pro­claimed [Page 4]Emperor, but he dyed in York, and so the whole Empire was devolved on Con­stantine, who by his Mother Helena had been from his Childhood instructed in the Princi­ples of the Christian Religion. Which Baro­nius observes to be true, notwithstanding the opinion of some ancient Writers to the con­trary; for this is related by Paulinus a Man of great Learning and holiness, Baronius ad Ann. 315. as well as of a noble Family, and therefore to be believed above Eusebius, [saith the Cardinal] And yet as we shall observe hereafter, when Constan­tine accepted of an Appeal from the Donatists to the derogation of the power of the Pope, then they plead that he was a Novice, & rudis fide, lately instructed in the Christian Faith, and unacquainted with the Customes of the Church. The flames that were kindled by Heathen Persecutors, were scarcely extingui­shed, when the new lights and heats raised by contentious and ambitious Persons, begun a­nother conflagration; for the Bishoprick of Carthage being void, Botrus and Celesius two Presbyters become Competitors for it, against Cecilian, who being a Person of known inte­grity, was by the general suffrage of that whole Church chosen Bishop, and was ordain­ed by Felix Bishop of Aptung. And now, the good Woman, according to the trust re­posed in her, brings the Inventory of the Church-Treasury to Cecilian, whereupon he summoneth those Elders, to whom the Trea­sury was committed, to make restitution, but [Page 5]whether they had sold, or shared it among themselves, they refused to deliver it: and Cecilian, as his duty was, proceeds against them to obtain satisfaction. On this occasion, those sacrilegious Elders deny to hold farther communion with Cecilian their Bishop, and joyn themselves to Botrus and Celesius, Optat. p. 41 those two Presbyters that were discontented at the preferment of Cecilian. To these Lucilla, a Woman descended from a Noble Family of Spain, whom St. Augustine calls, S. August. cont. Parm. l. 1. Factiosissi­mam & pecuniosissimam foeminam quam pro cor­ripiendo Ecclesiae Disciplinam Cecilianus laese­rat. A rich and factious Woman, who con­ceiving that Cecilian being Arch-Deacon had injured her, by a too sharp reproof for some superstitious practice, p. 40. contrary to the Disci­pline of the Church (which was to kiss the Reliques of some supposed Martyrs, before her communicating at the Lord's Supper) joyns her self, to strengthen the Faction; and by her Mony, incourageth Secundus Pri­mate of Numidia, and Donatus of Casa nigra, with some others, to oppose Cecilian. Secun­dus and the rest of his Party, being partly ter­rified by their own guilt (many of them ha­ving in the time of Persecution, betrayed their Brethren, or their Bibles to the flames, for which they were called Traditors, and by the Discipline of the Catholick Church, were to be deprived of Communion, until they had satisfied the Church by Penance and Reforma­tion) and partly, hired by the gifts and pro­mises [Page 6]of Lucilla, first meet together at Cirta, a City which was afterward new built by Con­stantine, and called after his Name Constantina. And that they might carry on their design a­gainst Cecilian with the less suspicion, like self-denying Persons, they begin first to purge and absolve themselves of that guilt, which by their fear and cowardize they had contra­cted in the times of Persecution. The num­ber of the Bishops met at this time (they say) was above Seventy. The Names of the Chief St. Augustine acquaints us with, (viz.) Secun­dus the Primate, Donatus Masculitanus, Victor, Marinus, Purpurius, and Donatus à Casa Nigra, Opt. p. 39. the Head of the Faction. Secundus acquaints his Brethren that they were met to ordain a Bishop in the place of Cecilian, who was thought unfit for the Chair of Carthage, as being a Traditor; but it behoves us first to clear our selves from that crime, before we condemn another.

First therefore, he questioneth Donatus Masculitanus what he could say, to free him­self from the accusation of being a Traditor, which lay against him? Donatus answered, that it was well known, how violently Florus did prosecute him, to make him offer sacrifice, but God delivered me out of his hands, and God having preserved me, my hope is, that you will continue me in the service of God. Secundus replyed, what shall we say then of he Martyrs, that chose to indure the flames themselves, rather than to offer a grain of In­cense [Page 7]to the Heathen Gods? Donatus answer­ed, I pray you to leave me to God, to whom I shall give an account. Secundus bids him to go on the other side: Then he declares, that Victor was accused to have delivered the Four Evangelists to be consumed in the Fire. Victor answered, that Valentianus being Curator compelled him to cast them into the Fire, and that the Books were so blotted and defa­ced, that they were almost useless, and if you pardon me for this, I hope God will do the like. Secundus bids him go on the other side. Then was Marinus accused for delivering up his Books, he answered, I gave some Books to Pollus, but the chiefest of them are safe: Secundus bids him go on the other side. The next that was questioned was Purpurius, for destroying his Sisters two Sons, with whom Secundus dealing more severely than with the rest; Do you think, saith Purpurius, to affright me, as you have done others? Consider what you your self did, when you were urged by the Curator to deliver up your Books; how got you your liberty, but by delivering all that was in your power? I confess, I did slay them, and I will slay all such as seek my de­struction, therefore provoke me not lest I discover more. Upon this discourse Secundus the younger spake thus to his Unkle, Sir, You hear what a charge is brought in against your self, and these whom you have accused are all resolved to leave your Communion, and joyn in a Faction against you; do not inquire too [Page 8]strictly, what others have done, leave them to give an account to God. Hereupon Secundus consulting with his Brethren, what was fit to be done in this case, they all advised, to leave the Judgment to God's Tribunal; and accord­ingly, Secundus said, You all know, and God knows what each of you have done, and he will judge you: and so he grants them hono­rem consessus, bidding them sit down in their places, and they all sate down and said, Thanks be to God. S. Aug. Ep. 162. (This was the Form of Absolu­tion.) After this they proceed to choose Syl­vanus, who also was a Traditor, to be Bishop of Cirta, whose Election Cecilian opposing, drew the whole Faction against himself. And during the Session of this Assembly, they held many private Consultations against Cecilian, and sent threatning Messages to him, so that his Friends advised him of the great danger that he was in, his Enemies having strength­ned their Party by great Numbers, and taken to themselves the Authority of a Council. They resolve therefore to adjourn their Sessi­on to Carthage, and Summon Cecilian to ap­pear before them, Botrus and Celesius intend­ing to accuse him there for a Traditor. Ceci­lian not owning their Authority, refuseth to appear, and thereupon they proceed to con­demn him as guilty, with as much facility as they had absolved one another; and pronoun­cing his See void, they proceed to prefer Majorinus, who was Domestick Chaplain to Lucilla, and had been Deacon to Cecilian, to [Page 9]be Bishop of Carthage. By this you may per­ceive, how many sins, and lusts, were in con­junction, when this Monster of Schisme was first produced; The defeated Ambition of some, the sacrilegious covetousness of others, the restless guilt and feminine malice of others; and therefore it is rightly numbred among the works of the flesh, Gal. 5.20. Jude 19. and the Authors condem­ned for sensual Persons. It is generally true of all Schisme, what is particularly observed of this, Iracundia peperit, Ambitio nutrivit, Avaritia roboravit: Discontent is the Mother, Opt. p. 41. Ambition the Nurse, and Covetousness a Champion to defend it. To which agrees another ancient Observation. Quicun (que) pa­cem ecclesiae perturbant, aut Superbiae tumore furiosi, aut invidentiae Livore vesani, aut Se­culari commoditate corrupti, aut cannali concu­piscentia perversi. Aug. contr. Parm. l. 3.

The Faction being by these Arts propaga­ted, and become numerous, begins to remon­strate against Cecilian, not sparing Mensurius his Predecessor, nor Felix who ordained him, but charged them all to have been Traditors, and particularly, that Cecilian, while he was a Deacon under Mensurius, did forbid and hin­der all relief from those that were imprison­ed, and ready to suffer Martyrdom in the days of Dioclesian: And (which is usual with such Persons) by how much the more guilty of such practices they themselves were, so much the more vehemently do they accuse others, that their pretended zeal against those sins, [Page 10]falsly imputed to others, may serve as a cloak to cover the real guilt which defiled them­selves, Ʋt crimina in silentium mitterent sua, vitam infamant alienam. And now they be­gin to perswade the People, that Cecilian is no Minister of Christ, nor the People that adhered to him Members of the true Church; that they had no true Sacraments, nor saving Ordinances, Opt. p. 42. but all were corrupted by Idola­try, and Superstition. And thus they gene­rally called the Catholicks, Pagans and Idola­ters, Adhuc Paganus es. They would tell those whom they intended to seduce, that they were very Pagans.

Donatus de Casâ nigrâ, is the first that sets up Private Meetings, L. 1. as Optatus observes: Nolebat cum allis sacrificare sed in domibus secretò: He withdraws from the Communion of Cecilian, and the Bishops that adhered to him, (though they had Communicatory Let­ters from the chiefest Churches of the World) and gathering the People into Coventicles, (for so both Optatus and St. Augustine call those Meetings) they Preach against the Cor­ruption of Cecilian, and other Catholick Bi­shops, and the Idolatrous and Superstitious practices that had defiled the whole Church of Carthage, into whose Communion (they say) lapsed Persons, and profane Traditors were promiscuously admitted, to the defiling of all that joyned with them; seeing the Church of Christ is to consist only of such as were holy, and without spot and wrinkle; [Page 11]and such (said Donatus) were to be found on­ly in his separated Congregations, where were better Ministers, and purer Ordinances. Having laid this Foundation, no Pharisees were ever so industrious, in gaining Proselytes, as Donatus and his Party, to seduce the People of Carthage, from the Church under Cecilian, to their own Conventicles: for they run from House to House, and from Village to Village, and pick up one of a Family, and two, or three of a Village, by foul and false accusations of others, and fair pretences in behalf of them­selves, pitying the People, and perswading them, that they lived among Idolaters, and were defiled by their communion with them. Their manner of seducing the People, is re­corded both by Optatus and St. Augustine. Caius Seius, or Caia Seia, adhuc Paganus es, consule animae tuae, esto Christianus. p. 75. Bonus Homo, si non esses Traditor. (i. e.)

Good Man, or good Woman, you are yet a rank Idolater, be advised by me for the Sal­vation of thy Soul, come out of that Babylon, and be made a Christian, thou hast good af­fections, if they were sanctified, and placed a­right, thou may'st become an eminent Saint.

Against this Un-christian practice, St. Au­gustine most passionately declaimes. O im­probam rabiem cùm Christiano dicitur esto Chri­stianus, hoc est dicere nega Christum. O ac­cursed madness to perswade them that were true Christians already, to renounce their Christianity, under a pretence, that they [Page 12]should be admitted to a higher form! What is this (saith he) but to deny Christ? which to prevent, the Servants of Christ have been al­way ready to lay down their Lives, Opt. p. 75. and resist even to Blood. Ʋnus consensus & manus tuae porrectio & pauca verba, Christianum faci­unt de Christiano: As if the being admitted into their Congregations did contribute more to their Christianity than their Baptism. By these insinuations, they skrued themselves into the affections of the younger and weaker sort, Opt. l. 3. p. 73. Aut exivit Ʋxor, & resedit Maritus, &c. Either the Wife separated, and the Husband remained in the Catholick Communion, or the Children and Servants were seduced from their obedience to their earthly, as well as heavenly Parents and Masters, until they had rent the Church of God into pieces, and of one Church made many Synagogues of Satan. Persuasio­nibus vestris divisa sunt corpora & nomina pie­tatis. The Church and the City, the Townes and Families, Husbands and Wives, Parents and Children were divided, and were no lon­ger known by the Name of Christians, but one was a Majorite, another a Donatist, a third a Maximianist, and all of them professed E­nemies to the Communion of the Catholick Church: And whereas they pretended to greater purity than other Congregations, yet such as joyned with them, were Persons of least honesty and charity; Ille vobis Christia­nus erit qui quod vultis fecerit, non quem fides adduxerit: He shall be a choice Christian a­mong [Page 13]you (saith Optatus) whom a blind obe­dience to you, and not faith in Christ, hath, p. 75. brought over. Tertullian commended the Christian Religion in his days, because it did so alter the dispositions of Men, as to make those who were fierce and cruel, as Bears, or Tygers, to be meek, and innocent as Lambs, or Doves; but the spirit of Donatisme, did Hominem de homine tollere, Optat. p. 79 rob Men of their Humanity, and made them that were formerly harmless and peaceable, to be unnatural, and implacable; and yet as bad as they were, they promised forgiveness of sins, and a Crown of Martyrdome too, to such, as not only shed the blood of their Brethren, but desperately cast away their own Lives: Of which I shall give too many instances in the insuing Hi­story.

The Faction being increased by such arts, they begin to leave their private Houses, and build Basilicas non necessarias, Optat. p. 61 unnecessary Churches, when those of the Orthodox were sufficient; and having first departed from Ce­cilian, they departed also from the Catholick Church, affirming, that they only, and the Congregations that joyned with them, were the true Churches of Christ, and all the rest were Apostates. Gaudentius one of their Fa­ction, undertook to maintain, That the Article of the Catholick Church, was Figmentum hu­manum, an Invention of Man, and not agree­able to the Ordinance of Christ. And Dona­tus, who gave the Name to the Faction, used [Page 14]all diligence to gain the face and reputation of a Church, to the separated Brethren: to which end, he teacheth it to be necessary, that they who were admitted to their Communion, should make a Publick confession of their Er­rors, and submitting themselves to the Disci­pline of their new pastors, should be rebapti­zed; for by these means, he knew, he should secure as many as came to his communion, without any fear of their return to the Catho­lick Church. And to the Sacrament of Baptism they added Exorcisme (which is still retained in the Church of Rome,) in this form of words, Maledicte exi foras, Come forth thou wick­ed Spirit, whereby (as Optatus observes) they did blaspheme the blessed Trinity, in whose Name they had been formerly baptized. The Catholick Bishops are not remiss in the Vin­dication of Cecilian, but prevailed with Zeno­philus, a Man of Consular dignity, to take cog­nizance of the difference between Cecilian, and Majorinus, and in the inquiry to the merits of the cause, it was affirmed by one Nundinarius, a Deacon, who was sometime privy to the transactions of that Party, that most of those who opposed Cecilian, were Traditors, and particularly, that Sylvanus, whom they made Bishop of Cirta, had betray­ed the Holy Scriptures, and some Ornaments of his Church, and sacrilegiously with-held what was devoted to the use of the Poor. For the truth whereof, he appealed to the Bi­shops and Presbyters of his own Party, who [Page 15]knew the certainty of the particulars, and of a great Summe of Mony [ Quadringinta folles, Baronius Vol. 3. P. 352. each Follis weighing three Pound and half of Silver] sent by Lucilla, and divided among the chief of that Party, to condemn Cecilian, and to advance Majorinus into his Chair: And that Victor, who had been by Occupation a [...]uller, gave Twenty Folles to be ordained a Priest; and all this Nundinarius affirmed to be true, as in the presence of Christ and his holy Angels. And thus the Schisme is begun, by erecting, Altare contra Altare, a Presbyter or Mock-bishop, against Cecilian, the lawful Bi­shop of Carthage. But the first Invader of this Holy Office was short-lived, for about the Year 306. Majorinus the Mock-bishop dyed, and none is thought so fit to succeed him, as Donatus, who hence-forth gives the Denomination to the Schisme, which was no longer, Pars Majorini, but Pars Donati: for, as much as in him lay, he did not only re-baptize particular Persons, but the whole Church, which was no longer known by the appellation of Christian, or Catholick, but Do­natist; and now he takes on him a power to silence and depose the Catholick Bishops and Presbyters, or to impose such Penance on them, as he thought fit, and to prevent any prejudice, that might arise to his Party, by the restimony pf Nundinarius, which was by Zenophilus certified to the Emperor, he is resolved to complain first, and to cast the Odium of the Schisme, and all the sad con­sequences [Page 16]thereof upon Cecilian, whom he ac­cuseth to be a Traditor, and contrary to the custome of the Church, desireth transmarine Bishops to be appointed Judges in the case. The Petition was to this effect: Rogamus te O Constantine, we intreat thee O Constantine, most gracious Emperor, whose Father never exercised Persecution, that your Piety would appoint us Judges from France, because that Country is free from this dissention. This Petition was subscribed by Lucianus, Dignus, Nassutius, Capito, Fidentius, and the other Bi­shops of the Party of Donatus. The good Emperor was much grieved to hear of these differences, which he had rather might have been determined among themselves, than be brought to his Court, (where were many Heathen, that would rejoyce at them,) or to trouble Foreign Churches with them; How­ever he grants their desire, and appoints Ma­rinus, Maternus and Rheticius, three Bishops of France, to whom he adjoyneth the Bishop of Rome, to determine the cause: And send­eth his Epistle to Meltiades Bishop of Rome, which is recorded by Eusebius, l. 10. c. 5. The Epistle is as followeth, Whereas I have received from Anilinus, Lieutenant of Africa, many Letters, signifying, that Cecilian Bishop of Carthage, is accused by divers of his Col­leagues; It being grievous to me, that there should be dissention among the Bishops, be­fore the People, who are so prone to evil; It seemeth good to me, that Cecilian himself [Page 17]with Ten of his Accusers, and Ten others, whom he shall choose on his behalf, do Sail to Rome, where I have appointed Meltiades Bi­shop of Rome, together with Rheticius, Ma­rinus and Maternus Bishops of France, to hear and judge of the differences in question. You cannot be ignorant, that I would have you suffer no Schisme, in any part of the Church. The Great God preserve you. These Bishops met at Rome, in the House of Fausta in the Laterane. Meltiades took to his As­sistance Fifteen Italian Bishops to assist for the expedition of the cause. These with great de­liberation, heard all that was objected against Cecilian, Donatus himself being present. The Bishops also agreed to take publick Notaries, for the more orderly and speedy dispatch, that the examinations and proofs in this cause, might be reduced into publick Acts. The first thing that was inquired, was, who were the Accusers, and what Witnesses were present to give Evidence against Cecilian? To which, the Party of Donatus answered, that their Accu­sation was contained in the Libels, which they had presented to the Emperor, and by him were transmitted to them, which they desired might be read. One of the Libels was super­scribed thus: Libellus Ecclesiae Catholicae, &c. A Libel of the Catholick Church: (so they called their Faction) containing the Crimes whereof Cecilian is accused. What was con­tained in the Libel, is not particularly men­tioned by any Author, nor are Ecclesiastical [Page 18]Writers agreed, concerning the charge then in question. Those, who in this last Century, have defended the Authority of the Pope, say, that nothing came in question, besides the grounds of the Schisme, on pretence, that Ce­cilian himself was a Traditor. And hereby they hope to avoid the Appeal, which was made from the sentence of the Pope, to the Emperor, because (say they) the questions discussed afterward in the Council of Arles, were of a divers nature from those at Rome; but of this hereafter.

It is very probable that the Donatists had stuffed their Libel with more than a single accusation, some particulars whereof, I shall give an account. The Libel being read, it was demanded, who were Cecilian's Accusers? They answered, the People of Carthage. It was replyed, that the Voice of the People as­sembled in a tumultuary manner, was not a sufficient ground to condemn any, and there­fore the Bishops ordered them to produce some competent Witnesses, to attest the accu­sation. Whereupon Donatus produced some Persons whom he brought with him from Carthage, to depose against Cecilian. The Charge against him was high: (viz.) That while Cecilian was a Deacon under Mensurius, he was set by Mensurius near the Prison Doors, where many Catholicks lay, who were appointed to suffer Martyrdome, and did by force ( Loris & flagris & Armatorum multi­tudine) withstand such Friends, as came to [Page 19]comfort and relieve them. To this the Wit­nesses for Donatus, being examined, could say nothing on their Personal knowledge, but on­ly from the report of the People: This Opta­tus urged against Parmenian, p. 36. Nullis certis personis aut nominibus Traditores accusa­stis. The second Article insisted on, was, That Cecilian was condemned by a Synod of 70. Bishops at Cirta, who being all of them Neighbours to Carthage, could not be igno­rant of the matters of fact whereof they judg­ed; and that they judged that both Cecilian, and Mensurius his Predecessor, and Felix who ordained Cecilian, were Traditors. To which Cecilian replyed, that he was condem­ned in that Assembly, being absent and unheard: That he could not without great hazard of his life, appear among them, who being his pro­fessed Enemies, made themselves his Judges: That many of them were corrupted by the Money of Lucilla to Vote against him, and that generally they were such as had confessed themselves to have been Traditors, but had absolved one another: And also, that he had received many threatning Messages from some of them, especially from Purpurius Bishop of Limatia. Lastly, That they had long before, held private Conferences among themselves, how to destroy him, as well as to depose him, of which things he was advised by several Catholick People, who were ready to attest the same, and by their advice he did forbear to appear. The next Article was, that Felix [Page 20]who ordained Cecilian was a Traditor, and so his Ordination was null. But this the Bishops thought not fit to inquire into, Felix not be­ing present, nor having been at any time con­victed by any Ecclesiastical censure, and so long he had a lawful Power of Ordination. And as in the case of Baptisme, the Cathol [...]cks did not rebaptize such as had been baptized by the Donatists: So they resolved in this case, Canon. 13. That Crimen Ordinantis non transiret in Ordinatum. After this, Donatus promised to produce other Witnesses against Cecilian, which he never did, for divers that came with him deserted him, and returned to Carthage. The Bishops therefore acquitted Cecilian, in the Sentence recorded by Optatus, Cum con­stiterit Cecilianum ab iis qui cum Donato vene­runt, juxta professionem suam non accusari, nec à Donato convictum esse, suae Ecclesiasticae Com­munioni, integro statu retinendum, merito esse censeo. Then Cecilian accused Donatus for rebaptizing those that came to his Party from the Catholick Church, and for abusing the Bi­shops; and it appeared by proof, and by Do­natus his own confession, that he had not only rebaptized many, whom he seduced from the Catholick Church, but also degraded the Bi­shops and Priests, which Optatus expresseth by occidere Honores; but also by a certain Ce­remony of laying his Hands on their Heads, and shaking them, injoyned them to do severe Penance, contrary to the priviledges and cu­stome of the Church. Hereupon they condem­ned [Page 21] Donatus, and acquitting Cecilian received him into their Communion. Of these pro­ceedings Meltiades certifieth the Emperor: but Donatus instead of acquiescing in the Sen­tence of these Bishops, works secretly with Fuliminus, a Proconsul, to Mediate with the Emperor, on a pretence of preserving peace, (Bono pacis) that Cecilian might be confined a while at Brixia. p. 44. Which being granted on that pretence, Donatus hastneth to Africa, and there boasteth of a Victory against Ceci­lian, and gives out that he was imprisoned at Brixia. Which as soon as Cecilian understood, he gets leave to return to Carthage to unde­ceive the People, and shortly after the Empe­ror sends two Bishops thither, Eunomius and Olympius, [...]o assist in the establishing of one Bishop, where the People were as yet divi­ded by two. These having tarried at Car­thage Fifty Days, and diligently inquired into the causes and grounds of the Schisme, and finding that Donatus did Schismatically defend Altare contra Altare, (i. e.) Bishop against Bishop; they joyn in communion with Ceci­lian, condemning Donatus and his Party. But that hardy Man being not daunted by all these Sentences against him, his Faction, as well as his Spirit, growing the greater for this oppo­sition, addresseth himself in another supplica­tion to the Emperor, complaining that Mel­tiades and his Colleagues at Rome, being but a few, and very partial, (for he reported that Meltiades himself was a Traditor) did preci­pitate [Page 22]the Sentence, not inquiring into the grounds of the difference, and therefore he desired a more full Council might be called for a final determination of that controversie [...] Constantine is pleased of his clemency to ap­point a more frequent Council at Arles, An [...] 314. Of which before I speak, it may be material to inquire,

Whether the Donatists did Appeal from the Sentence of Meltiades and his Colleagues to the Emperor.

For, if Meltiades was called to the deter­mination of this Controversie, by a delega­ted Power, it will necessarily follow, (saith Albaspinaeus, in the fourth Observation on Optatus) that the Popes in those days were not Universal Pastors, nor had the Supreme Authority of determining Ecclesiastical mat­ters. And the reason of the consequence is evident, for he that submits to the command of another, doth ipso facto, confess that he is not Supreme, nor will the Supreme Judge suf­fer his determinations to be rescinded by ano­ther Power. Now it is not denied, 1. That Meltiades did sit together with the other Bi­shops at the Emperor's command: 2. And that Silvester his Successor did afterward send his Delegates into France, by the same com­mand. 3. That the Emperor did appoint o­ther Bishops to sit with Meltiades: and Mel­tiades did joyn with them as coordinate, which [Page 23]he would not have done, if the Supreme Po­wer had been his own. 4. The Donatists did Appeal (thinking themselves aggrieved) from the Sentence of Meltiades and his Colleagues to the Emperor. Optatus is so plain herein, that Valesius [de Schismate Donatistarum] could find no other evasion, but to say, Optat. p. 44. that Optatus is corrupted in that place; the words are, Donatus appellandum esse ab Episcopis cre­didit: but he saith less against the second Ap­peal, from the Council of Arles to the Em­peror, where the Pope's Delegates being sent, ( Silvester the present Pope being himself not able to be present) did acknowledge, that they were Voluntate Imperatoris adducti: and Vale­sius grants, that the Gallican Bishops did take place of the Delegates, as appears by their Subscriptions.

5. That the Emperor did understand it as an Appeal, and acted accordingly; for he did not only appoint such Judges as were desired, but at last determined the case in his own Per­son; and tells the World, that he thought it his duty so to do: for writing to Ablavius, he says: If he should neglect to put an end to those Divisions, the Supreme Deity might justly be displeased with Mankind, but especi­ally with him, to whose care, by the Heaven­ly command, the moderation of all earthly things was committed. The like he saith in an Epistle to Celsus, his Lieutenant in Africa, Opt. 286. Nil potius à me agi pro instituto meo, ipsius (que) Principis munere oporteat, quam ut discussis er­roribus, [Page 24]omnibus (que) temeritatibus amputatis, ve­ram religionem, universos, concordem (que) simpli­citatem, at (que) meritam Omnipotenti Deo cultu­ram, praesentare perficiam. He thought it not only his duty as a Man, but as a Prince, to ba­nish error, and by cutting off rash judging, (which was the thing they complained of in the Judges at Rome▪) all Men might preserve the true Religion, &c. And in another place, he tells his Bishops, that he was [...], A Bishop under God, in the external affairs of the Church: So that the Objection made by the Popish Authors, that Constantine was a Novice, and understood not his own Power, nor the Laws of the Church, but invaded the rights of Meltiades, or that he was forced thereunto by the restless importunity of the Donatists, and afterward asked pardon for his offence, will signifie no­thing; if we consider, that as he was bred a Christian, so he was too tender of the Bishops rights to invade them, which he defended to his utmost power; and he was also more pru­dent, than to neglect his own duty, or that authority which God had given him, for the welfare of the Church: In which also Saint Augustine, Epistle 162. defendeth the Empe­ror. Peradventure (saith he) Meltiades with his Colleagues, the Transmarine Bishops, ought not to have usurped the judgment, that had been determined by the 70. African Bishops, Tigisitanus sitting Primate; And what say you, if he did not usurp this Po­wer? [Page 25](saith St. Augustine) for the Em­peror being desired, sent Bishops to be Judg­es, who sate with him, and determined what was just, and to his care (whereof he was to give an account to God) that business did belong. Where it is observable, that in the judgment of St. Augustine, Meltiades ought not to have interposed in the difference of the Bishops beyond the Seas, but it had been an Usurpation so to do; and when he did meddle, it was by the Emperors command, who joyn­ed other Bishops with him. And doubtless had the Africans owned the Pore's Universal Pastorship, they would have gone directly to him, whereas they intreated, not the Pope's Holiness, but the Piety of the Emperor to ap­point them Judges: Or at least they would have stood to the Pope's determination, which they did not, either at Rome, or at Arles, but appealed from both to the Emperor; And if the Appeal had been unlawful, either Melti­ades, or his Successor would have found a means to let the Emperor know his Error, who was more likely to gratifie them in their just demands, than the Donatists in what was unjust. The Popes of later Ages would have been as loud as the Donatists were, when they found the Emperor severe against them, Quid est Imperatori cum Ecclesiâ? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church? But we find not any of that Age to contradict what the Emperor had done, but contrarily they ap­proved and submitted to it. And when the [Page 26] Donatists objected in the case of Felix, wh [...] was acquitted by Aelian the Proconsul, Th [...] Bishops ought not to be judged by the Secu­lar Power, St. Augustine defended it, sayin [...] it was not Felix his seeking, but the Emperor appointing, to whom it did belong: Epistle 16 [...]

But Constantine is made to pay dearly so his medling with the concerns of the Pope and if the Donation which the Church o [...] Rome boasteth of, had not been forged, th [...] Pope's Universal Pastorship would have bee [...] proved more irrefragably from this Donation than from that of Christ to St. Peter, o [...] which they boast with equal vanity.

And because the very mentioning of thi [...] Donation will be confutation enough, I wil [...] give a brief account of it, as I find it in their late Writers, for among the Ancients there is no foot-step of it: Baronius who is wont to improve every thing for the Pope's Power, being ashamed of this, doth only refer to the Writers that have particularly treated of it.

This Donation is said to be made to Pope Silvester at Rome, the Third of the Calends of April. Augusto Constantino 4 ^to, & Galli­cano 4 ^to. Coss. The Original is pretended to have been found, written in the Greek Tongue, in the Vatican at Rome, among other old Re­cords, by Bartholomaeus Pincernus, who tran­slated it into Latine, and presented it to Pope Julius the Second. The occasion of it men­tioned in the Grant it self, is said to be this, That Constantine having revolted from the [Page 27]Christian Religion, and persecuted many of the Bishops, he was smitten with a loath­some Leprosie all over his Body, and having tried many physicians in vain, he was at length advised by the Priests of the Capitol, to slay so many Infants as should fill a Cistern with their bloud, and bath himself therein, while it was warm; but being moved at the cries of the Mothers of those Infants, that were appointed to be slain, he resolved ra­ther to indure his Disease; and the Night af­ter that he had dismissed the Infants, Peter and Paul appeared to him, and discovered a surer Remedy, which was, that he should send for Silvester Bishop of Rome, who for fear of the Persecution raised by Constantine, had hid himself in the Caves of the Mountain Soracte, and by him his Leprosie should be cured. Hereupon Silvester is brought to him, and the first question, that Constantine is there said to ask him, was, Who those Gods were that were called Peter and Paul, and whether he had any Pictures of them, whereby they might be known? Silvester presently sent his Dea­con, to bring the Pictures of Peter and Paul: at the sight of which, Constantine knew them to be the same that appeared to him in his Vi­sion, and had willed him to send for Silvester. To him he therefore confessed his sins, and de­sired his advice for his health. The Pope in­joyns him for certain Days to go in Sackcloth, within the Lateran, and afterward to receive the Sacrament of Baptism, and then he should [Page 28]be whole. Accordingly Constantine submits to the Penance, and prepares for his Baptism; And being in the Holy Font, he saw a Hand stretched from Heaven to support and cleanse him; and being baptized by Silvester, he came forth sound, and clean from his Disease; Then was he clothed in white, and anointed with Chrisme, and had the Pope's benediction, which was, Pax tibi, and all the Clergy an­swered, Amen. The most of these particulars are mentioned by Baronius, Anno Constan. 19. But nothing of the Donation it self.

After this he makes a large confession of his Faith, which he had learned à Catholico Hie­rarchâ, (i. e.) from the Pope; And the fourth Day after his Baptism, He confirmed the Do­nation: Wherein he granted that all the Cler­gy should honour the Bishop of Rome, as their King, whose Throne he exalted above his own, giving him Imperial Dignity and Principality, as well above the four Sees of Alexandria, An­tioch, Hierusalem and Constantinople, as above all other Churches: He grants him also his Imperial Palace of the Lateran, and taking a Crown of Gold, set with precious Stones, offered to put it on his Head, but the good Pope (as the story says) refused that, and desi­red only a white Coronet; and to maintain his dignity, he gave him, not only his Palace, but the City of Rome, and all the Cities and Provinces of Italy, ( Concedimus & relinqui­mus, we grant and yield up as the words are) and thereupon the Emperor transfer'd his [Page 29]Court from Rome to Byzantium, which he builded and called after his own name Constan­tinople, and bound all his Successors under a Curse (which was habeant Petrum & Paulum sibi contrarios) not to violate any part of this grant. I think it not fit to tire my Readers patience, to give a full Copy of all the Rega­lia given to the Pope, the Lorum superhume­rale, quod Imperiale collum assolet circundare, Chlamidem purpureum, Tunicam coccineam & omnia Imperialia Sceptra, Signa & Banna— And how he appointed all Officers to attend the Pope, as he was attended in his own Per­son; and that the Clergy should be honoured, after the same manner, as the Senators of the Emperor were, &c. Doubtless Pincernus (or some other that imposed on him) wrote a Hi­story of the Pomp of the Court of Rome, which he saw in the days of Pope Julius the Second, and not of what was intended by Constantine: for if that noble Emperor had given the Pope any of those Dominions, he would not have left them to his Children and Successors, who still had them in possession for many Hundred Years after, all which time we hear nothing of the Pope's claim, in the days of Constantius, Valentinian, Theodosius, Arcadius, Honorius, &c. Some of which were so pious, that they would not have Usurped the Rights of the Church, and by violating the Will of their Renowned Pro­genitor, incur the Curse of God.

I have mentioned many Latine words [Page 30]in this Donation, because from them (which are of a later Date, than the time of Constan­tine) the Divines of the Reformed Churches, have raised shrew'd suspicions of forgery: to evade which, the Romanists plead, that these were to be imputed to the Translator, who rendred it from the Greek, but the Original (if there be any) is kept so secret in the Pope [...] Archives, that the greatest Favourites are not admitted to see it; and doubtless, if it had been published, there would have been more objected against the Original, than against the Translation: For it is very unlikely, that the grant should be made in an unknown Tongue; for Eusebius says, l. 3. de vi­tâ Const. that at the Council of Nice, the Bishop of Rome, who was this very Bishop, spake Latine: And the Decrees and Epistles of Constantine were generally written in the Latine Tongue, l. 10. c. 4. out of which Eusebius says, he translated them into Greek, when he inser­ted them into his History; and it is strange, that neither Eusebius, who wrote the Life of Constantine, nor any other Historian, within some Centuries of Years, should acquaint the World with this bounty of the Emperor. Nor do they tell us of his Apostasie and Persecution of the Church, nor of his Leprosie Cured at his Baptism, which was not long before his Death, and that, not by Silvester at Rome, but by Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, in the 65. Year of his Age; Silvester being dead about Five Years before. See Eusebius de Vita Con­stantini, l. 4. St. Hierome in his Chronicle, Ruf­finu [...], l. 1. c. 11. Socrates, l. 1. c. 39.

And lastly, it is strange, that none of those Authors, that have written the History of his Empire and Actions, many of which I have consulted in compiling this his History, should say any thing of his revolt to Idolatry; but on the contrary, do all agree in his constant care of the Church, and defending it against Heresie and Schisme. Especially considering his early institution in the Christian Faith, and the many Victories which he obtained in the Name of Christ, whom he was wont solemnly to invo­cate before his Battles, as he did in the Fight with Maxentius, in answer to whose Prayers, there appeared in the Heavens, to the view of all his Army, the Sign of the Cross, with this Motto, [...], and accordingly Maxentius was overthrown at the River Ti­ber, wherein he and a great part of his Army perished. And thereupon the Emperor did bear this Sign afterward in his Standard, and stamped it on several Coins. This shall suf­fice concerning that fable: I return now to the History. The Emperor, as you have heard, yielding to the Donatists importunity, and to leave them without excuse, appoints a Council to meet at Arles in France, and being at that time, as Baronius saith, on the River Rhine, intended to be present at it; Accordingly he signified his pleasure to Silvester Bishop of Rome, to Marinus Bishop of Arles, and to Chrestus Bishop of Syracusa, and generally to all the chief Bishops in his several Domi­nions, that each of them taking to them two [Page 32]other Bishops whom they should choose, should hasten to Arles: The Number of the Bishops (as St. August. contra Parmen.) was Two Hundred, some say 600. so Baronius, from whom Dr. Heylen tells us, that Resti­tutus Bishop of London, was there present: Marinus Bishop of Arles sate President, though Fr. Baldwine contends, that the Dele­gates of the Pope were President; but Valesius and others of that Party confess, that Marinus was, and the Order of Subscriptions confirms it. The time of Assembling being come, the Emperor meets the Bishops, and commanding off his Guards, sets Himself in the midst of them, and acquaints them that to satisfie the importunity of Donatus, who complained of partiality in the Sentence at Rome, where (as he pretended) a few Bishops having shut them­selves up, Causâ non satis cognita sententiam praecipitabant, did precipitate judgment with­out inquiring into the merits of the cause; He had called them to consult and determine of the differences, that had miserably divided the Churches of Africa: and setting before them the Proceedings in this cause at Rome, he also adds the purgation of Felix, who had ordain­ed Cecilian, which by the Emperor's care and direction, was dispatched about four Moneths before, by Aelian his Proconsul in Africa; for the Donatists had alledged at Rome, that Felix Bishop of Aptung was a Traditor, and they pretended that this particular was not examined at Rome, and that it was the opinion [Page 33]of the Church, that the Ordination by Tradi­tors was null; Constantine therefore sent to Aelian, to enquire into the Life and Actions of Felix, which he did with great care and integrity, taking to his assistance Saturnius, who had been Curator of the City, while Dio­clesian lived, and so probably was best ac­quainted with the behaviour of Felix; and Gratianus the present Curator, Alfius Ceci­lianus a Duum-Vir in the time of Persecuti­on, and others. And first they question Cali­dius and Saturnius, what they knew concern­ing Felix: Both which agreed in a testimony of his Innocence, and Christian courage. Then was produced by the Donatists one Ingentius a Notary, to testifie that he had seen certain Letters in the hands of Alfius Cecilian, which expressed the guilt of Felix, as a Traditor; which being produced (and they are yet on record in Baronius) upon examination, and the testimony of Alfius Cecilianus concerning them, they were found to be forged, and thereupon Ingentius was condemned to the punishment, called Equuleius, unless he would confess who had perswaded him to that for­gery: The terror of that punishment (which was in the nature of a Rack, for two pieces of Timber being joyned together, the Offender was stretched out at length, and his Hands and Feet tyed fast to the Timber, which being joyned in the middle by a Skrue, the Execu­tioners extended it to the racking of every Joynt, and if the Offender did not confess, [Page 34]they added hot Irons and Pincers, to burn and rent his Flesh) did so prevail with Ingentius, that he confessed that he had forged those Let­ters, at the instigation of some of the Dona­tists; and thereupon he was committed to the Custody of Petronius Probianus, to be sent to the Emperor, by whom being examined, he acknowledged the Fact, and implored his cle­mency. But the Emperor was so provoked at this, that he called the Donatists, Officinam Diaboli, the Devil's shop.

Together with Ingentius, the Emperor re­ceives a full account of the innocency of Felix, and relates the whole business to the Council; so that this Objection being answered, there was no considerable Article added de Novo, for the Donatists did, Eandem cantilenam ca­nere, only revive their old slanders, by add­ing new impudence and malice in the prose­cution of them. So that the Council having with great patience heard the clamors and false accusations of the Donatists, they justi­fied Cecilian, condemning his Accusers, and appointed the 14th. Canon against them. Qui falsò accusant fratres suos, placuit eos us (que) ad exitum non communicare, sed falsum testem juxta Scripturam impunitum non licere esse. These transactions the Emperor immediately confirms: But the Donatists were so provo­ked, that they condemned the whole Council, and the Emperor also of partiality, and espe­cially that famous Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain, who was in great favour with the [Page 35]Emperor, saying that he was not only a Judge, but an Advocate for Cecilian; so that, as An­taeus in the Poet, the oftner they were foiled, the more their fury was increased against their Adversaries. Animos (que) ex vulnere sumunt.

These subtile Persons were content to be baffled abroad, while their Party was succes­ful at home, and to animate them, they alway sent home false reports of the condemnation of Cecilian; and when these were refuted, of the partiality of the Judges, so that their Numbers did still increase, notwithstanding the Anathema of the Council against them; they had the far greater part of the People, and above Two Hundred Bishops to strengthen them. And whereas they pleaded formerly for themselves, that Christ's Flock was a little Flock, and did not act but suffer persecution, their success had furnished them with other Arguments, and with Armes too, for now they begin to boast, that none are so Catholick as themselves, and their Brethren find, that none are so cruel as they; for being much increased, they will not be confined to Africa any longer.

The gangrene begins to spread it self into Foreign parts, they planted their Emissaries in France, and at Rome, where Victor was made a titular Bishop, with whom they held corre­spondence, and had intelligence of all trans­actions that concerned them; Their Party also grew formidable in Africa, and at Constan­tina, formerly Cirta, they possessed themselves of the chief Church, and constrained the Ca­tholicks [Page 36]to meet in the Fiscal belonging to the Emperor: and the Catholicks not being able to oppose their Potent Adversaries, petition the Emperor that they might have leave to convert that place into a Church. The Empe­ror commiserating their condition, caused a Church to be built for them at his own cost, being unwilling to provoke the Donatists, whom he saw to affect a false Martyrdome, and not only to glory in, but to gain by their sufferings. And Donatus thinking to have his Faction established by a Law, soliciteth the Emperor for another Meeting, which St. Au­gustine says, Epist. 162. Epistle 162. was appointed at Millain, where the Emperor once more con­demned them, as the Authors of Schisme, and Disturbers of the Peace of the African Chur­ches. In so much that the Emperor being wearied by their importunities, sent word to Valerius his Lieutenant, that the Donatists were Furori suo & Deo Vindici remittendi, as an incorrigible Faction to be left to be pu­nished by their own fury, and the righteous judgment of God. Ad Annum 316. Which as Baronius ob­serves, the Emperor was constrained to, be­cause he could not otherwise [...]tain Africa un­der his Dominion, but by yielding to so pow­erful a Faction. He therefore wrote to his Of­ficers, Ʋt eos libero dimittant arbitrio, to grant them Liberty of Conscience, but in the same Letters, Sic eos detestatur ut nihil eâ indul­gentiâ possit deformius inveniri, he so expres­seth his Detestation of them, that nothing may [Page 37]appear more deformed than that Indulgence: St. Aug. Brevic. Collat. Diei 3. c. 22.

Indeed the Emperor, though he was both wise and valiant, had great difficulties to in­counter. On the one hand the Senate, which was generally made up of Pagans, would not yield to any alteration of their religious Rites, and he was inforced to grant them a Tolerati­on, Ʋt Senatui morem gereret: On the other hand the Number of Hereticks and Schisma­ticks, which exceeded that of the Catholicks in divers Countries, gave another check to his Authority— Nos Numerus sumus & mag­no dominamur Atridi. They were so nume­rous, that upon their revolt all Africa was in danger of being lost. And here we shall observe, that in all these Councils, nothing was to be determined, but the case of Schisme, as both Optatus and St. Augustine have recor­ded, that is, whether Cecilian or Donatus were the true Pastor and Governor of the Church, for we hear not of any dissent in point of Doctrine, Pares credimus & uno si­gillo signati sumus: nec aliter Baptizati, Opt. p. 72. nec aliter ordinati quam vos, Testamentum Divi­num legimus pariter. We have one Creed, one Baptisme, (for the Catholicks allowed of their Baptisme where it was not repeated on them that were formerly baptized) we read the same Divine Testament, we invocate One God, the Lord's Prayer is the same with us and you (for they used it until they thought themselves so without sin, that they could re­mit [Page 38]the sins of others, and then they saw they could use it no longer without a manifest con­tradiction, Quid vocaris dum peccata confiteris tua, si sanctus es cum dimittis aliena, Opt. l. 2.) but the Schisme that was made, to the dividing of the People of God, and to the destroying of unity, was the great grievance. And it is also remarkable, that, though many Heresies were at this time vented in the Church, as the Novatian, Macedonian, Audaean, Apollina­rian, and Arian too, yet none did so much afflict the Churches of Africa, as this Schism: against which, as Optatus spent all his labour, so St. Augustine wrote at least one of those great Volumes, which the Church of GOD doth now injoy.

The good Emperor, notwithstanding that the Donatists had defeated so many of his en­deavours for Peace, was resolved to trie one more, which was to call in some of the Eastern Bishops to joyn with those of the West, as he intimates in an Epistle written to Alexander, and the other Bishops of Aegypt, mentioned by Eusebius in the Life of Constantine; who also says, that the Emperor was much blamed for his too great indulgence toward these im­placable Spirits: But if the necessity of his affairs be considered, it will appear, that he could not do otherwise: for having out of his Christian clemency condescended so far to them, they take advantage of some unhappy Circumstances to force him farther.

For about this time Licinius, Anno 315. to whom the [Page 39]Emperor had given his own Sister in Marriage, and almost half the Empire, revolted, and be­gun a War against him. The Arian Heresie also was spread over Aegypt, and like a migh­ty Torrent overflowed the Christian World. Of which Heresie it will not be impertinent to give a brief Account, because many of the Donatists, to strengthen their Faction against the Catholicks, joyned with them; And in­deed the descent from Schisme to Heresie, is very facile and familiar.— Arius a Presbyter of Alexandria in Egypt, appeared about the Year 315. He was bred up under Meletius a Presbyter, while Peter was Bishop of Alex­andria, by whom Arius was made Deacon: but being found to have maintained Opinions contrary to the Catholick Faith, both he and Meletius, that had corrupted him, were ex­communicated. Meletius persisted in his He­retical Opinions, That Christ was not the Eter­nal Son of God, but a very Man, Ex utro (que) Parente, and that it was lawful in times of Persecution to deny him, which also he did; pleading for himself, that he had not denyed God, but a Man only, and at last Daemonibus sacrificavit, he sacrificed to Devils. Thus as from Schisme to Heresie, so from Heresie to Infidelity and Atheisme, the passage is obvious. Arius refined this Opinion of his Master, and differed but in one Letter from the Catholicks, teaching that Christ was [...], of a like substance with his Father, not [...], (i.e.) of the same nature and substance with the Fa­ther: [Page 40]which Opinion for a while he dissem­bled, until Peter the Bishop was dead, to whom succeeded Achillas, who did not only restore Arius to his Office of Deacon, but afterward ordained him Priest, and being a Man of sub­tile parts, he was appointed to be a Reader of Divinity in the City of Alexandria, which he performed with some applause, and go [...] such an esteem among the Inhabitant, that the Bishoprick of Alexandria being void by the Death of Achillas, he was Competitor with Alexander: but Alexander being a Person of greater Wisdome and Piety, was preferred by a general suffrage. Whereat Arius being much discontented, openly opposed Alexander; and having nothing to object against his Life, or Learning, he began to contradict his Do­ctrine: for whereas Alexander had taught that Christ was [...], of the same substance, and ought to receive the same Worship with the Father; Arius taught that he was indeed the Son of God, and more excellent than the other Creatures, but that he was not from Eternity, but made Ex praeexistentibus, of things pre­existent, and did not partake of the substance of the Father, nor was of equal dignity and power, but that the Son was inferior to the Father, and the Holy Ghost inferior to the Son, by whom he was made. So that he affir­med Christ to be the Son of God by Adoption only, not by Eternal Generation, and that he was mortal and passible, not only according to the flesh, but as he was The Word of God. [Page 41]These Doctrines the good Bishop could not indure, and finding that Arius did diligently propagate and defend them, he first excommu­nicates him, and then procures his banishment, and sends cautionary Epistles to his Colleagues, throughout Alexandria, to suppress those de­structive Opinions, and fortifie their People against them, which notwithstanding, a great part, as well of the Clergy, as the Laity, were infected: So that Hosius Bishop of Corduba, a right good Catholick, and a Favourite of the Emperor's, by the intreaty of Alexander, perswaded Constantine to Summon a General Council of Bishops and Presbyters at Nicaea, a City of Bithynia, where Three Hundred and Eighteen Bishops, besides Presbyters, and o­thers, assembled together, the Emperor him­self being present, and moderating among them. About this time, Epiph. Heres. 69: (but whether during the Session of this Council, or before, it is not agreed by Ecclesiastical Writers) Arius dyed, ( Baronius thinks he dyed not until the Year 336.) But his Death hapned thus: Alexander provoked Arius to a publick disputation, and the time and place being appointed, Alexander sets a-part the precedent day for publick fast­ing and prayers to God, to put a stop to that pernicious Doctrine, which had so much in­fected the Catholick Church, as that the very foundations of Christianity were shaken. And the time of Meeting being come, Arius going towards the place, was troubled with a violent pain in his bowels, whereupon going aside to [Page 42]ease himself, the pains increased, and became so yiolent, that he voided his very Bowels, and so miserably dyed. But his Name and Do­ctrine survived in another Arius, (Arianus potius homo, quam Arius) who appeared and disputed with the great Athanasius in the Council of Nice, to which Council there was presented a Confession of the Faith of the A­rians, which was no sooner read but condem­ned, and presently rent in pieces: and the judgment of the Council in Opposition there­to, was drawn up in the Nicene Creed. They also ordered the burning of such Tracts, as Arius and his Party had written. Constantine also published an Edict, that none should con­ceal any of their Books on pain of Death. However Lirinensis observes, [...] 6. that by these Hereticks, not only the Foundations of the Church, but of the Roman Empire were sha­ken, all things sacred and civil brought to con­fusion, Non solum affinitates, cognationes, Do­mus, verum etiam Ʋrbes, Provinciae, Nationes, imo Ʋniversum Romanum Imperium funditus concussum & emotum est. And St. Hierome says, All the Eastern Churches, except Atha­nasius and Paulinus, were corrupted.

Among the Bishops Eusebius Nicomediensis was a chief Defender of the Arian Heresie; and Eusebius of Caesarea was tainted also, for he refused for a while to subscribe the Ana­thema against them, though the next Day he was better perswaded, and did it. But not­withstanding all the Learning and care used by [Page 43]this Council, the Arians increased; for Con­stantine dying, his Son Constantius succeeded him in part of the Empire, who being of the Arian perswasion, did so countenance those Hereticks, that many of the Catholick Bishops were banished, and wandred up and down in remote Parts, among whom Athanasius, whom they wickedly called Sathanasius, was forced to flee as far as Triers, and there lay obscure several Years, until the Storm was over. Of which the good Leontius a Catholick Bishop did foretel, when putting his hand on his gray Hairs, he said, When this Snow shall be melt­ed, much filth will be dissolved with it; Mul­tum Luti sequetur, meaning great Persecution and Impiety would shortly befall the Church. To these Hereticks the Donatists joyned them­selves, many of whom defended the same O­pinions, and they that did not, yet agreed in the Persecution of the Catholicks, as their common Enemy. To this Heresie (saith St. Augustine) those who are called Circumcellians in Africa do belong. De Haeres. c. 69. And St. Hierome saith, that Donatus wrote a Book, De Spiritu Sancto, agreeable to the Doctrine of the Arians. For before Arius was well known, Ebion and Cerinthus, and Corpocrates, while St. John lived, troubled the Churches of Asia with the like Opinions, against which, St. John at the desire of those Churches, wrote his Gospel, to assert the Eternal Deity of our Saviour. And Eusebius and others say, that O­rigen was the Father of Arius, for he taught, [Page 44]That, As much as the Apostles were inferior to Christ, to much was Christ inferior to God; and that the Son was not to be prayed unto with the Father, seeing he was not the Author of granting our requests, but onely a Suppli­cator, or Mediator. And among these Here­ticks, the Gloria Patri was altered, which they used in this form: Gloria Patri, per Fili­um, in Spiritu Sancto. Glory be to the Fa­ther, by the Son, in the Holy Ghost.

To this Council we find that Cecilian was called, as appears by his Subscription, but none of the Donatists, they being excluded from the Communion of the Catholick Church.

The Donatists taking occasion of these trou­bles abroad, did with the more violence pro­secute their good old cause at home, and now they take the confidence to petition the Empe­ror Constantine, to rescind and abrogate the Laws made against them.

And whereas some of them had been denied the liberty of exercising their Functions, ei­ther publickly or privately, and others bani­shed for transgressing the Laws, and inforced to return to secular imployments, they urge that their banished may be recalled, particu­larly that Silvanus one of their Bishops, of whom we have spoken before, might return. He was banished upon the accusation of Nun­dinarius, for selling the Ornaments of his Church: but his Party reported that he was banished, for refusing to communicate with Ʋrsacius and Zenophilus, two Catholick Offi­cers [Page 45]under the Emperor, who, as they said, did persecute him. This slander St. Augustine refuteth, l. 3. contra Cresconium, c. 30. where he shews, that the cause of his banishment was not as they pretended, for denying to commu­nicate with the Catholicks only, but — Quia cum jam traditor fuit, permanere haereticus voluit, ut falsum honorem in parte Donati ha­beret, qui habere in Catholicâ nullum potuit, tam manifestis traditionis suae gestis publico ju­dicio reseratis: because being evidently pro­ved a Traditor, he would continue in the Schisme, hoping to find a false honor among the Donatists, who could have none among the Catholicks. It hapned, that this Ʋrsacius being imployed in the Emperor's Wars, lost his life, at whose Death the Donatists rejoyced, as a token of Divine vengeance against a Capi­tal Enemy of theirs. I may not omit another clause of their Petition, which was, that they might enjoy— Libertatem Arbitrii, that is, as Valesius, c. 17. interprets it, Liberty of Con­science, but St. Augustine calls it more fitly, Licentiam agendi, a Licence to do what they pleased, and that they might no more be con­strained to communicate Antistiti ipsius (i.e. Constantini) Nebuloni, with that Prelatical Knave of his, Cecilian, Colloq. Carth. l. 3. c. 54. & Brevic. August. c. 21. Declaring, that neither by threats nor promises, they would be thereunto induced, bus would rather suffer a Thousand Deaths. These demands of theirs, how insolent soever, were proposed in such a [Page 46]juncture of time, that the Emperor could no [...] deny them, but grants what they desired, lea­ving them to the Divine vengeance, which had begun to be revenged on them. The conside­ration of this restless temper of theirs, pu [...] St. Augustine into so great a passion, that h [...] said, Epistle 167. Puto quod Diabolus ipse [...] I think that if the Devil himself had been so often condemned, by Judges of his own choo­sing, he would not have been so impudent, as to persist in such a cause. Now that this indulgence was extorted from the Emperor, may appear by his consolatory Epistle, writ­ten to the Catholick Bishops, which I shal [...] here insert, from the Appendix to Optatus, p. 287. — You well know that I have endea­voured, by all the Offices of humanity and moderation, which either faith requireth, o [...] prudence and purity would admit, that the most holy peace of that fraternity, where­with the grace of God hath indued the hearts of his Servants, might in all things be kept inviolate. But for as much as our good en­deavours have not been effectual to subdue that power of wickedness, which adheres to the judgment of those, who still rejoyce in the mischiefs which they have acted; we must expect, until by the mercy of Almighty God, the malice of these Men, which from a few, hath infected many, be again mitigated; for, from thence we must expect a remedy, from whence every good work proceeds: and un­til this heavenly Medicine be applyed, our [Page 47]counsels are to be moderated, that we may give an Honourable testimony of our pati­ence, and by the virtue of true tranquillity, we may endure whatever their wonted inso­lence shall do or attempt. For it is a folly to usurp that revenge, which we ought to leave to God, especially when by faith, we ought to be confident, notwithstanding all that the fury of such Men may cause us to suffer, that God will esteem it as Martyrdom: for what else is it, at such a time as this, to overcome in the Name of God, and with a constant heart no endure the insolent affronts of such, as afflict the People of peace? This if your Serenity shall observe, you shall soon see by the grace of God, that the Ring-leaders of contention will be destroyed, when their de­signs shall be frustrated, and their manners discovered: In the mean time, let all your People know, that they ought not to be led to Eternal Death, by the perswasion of a few desperate Persons; but that by the grace of repentance, and amendment of their errors, they may be reconciled to Eternal Life.— Moreover he was pleased to certifie Eumalius, and other his Officers in Africa, of Cecilian's innocency. (Pervidi inquit Cecilianum, &c.) I have always found Cecilian to be a Man of great integrity, and free from the crimes ob­jected by his Adversaries. But the Donatists were now by their great Numbers, above the Laws and Power of the Emperor, for now was Constantine imployed to suppress the War rai­sed [Page 48]by Licinius, which he did with much more ease, than he could the Tumults of the Dona­tists. And the Catholick Bishops were bu­sied in confuting the Arians. Credo nostros in refutandis Arianis totos fuisse, Hist. Collat. Carth. p. 606. which is the reason that we hear but little of the Donatists for five or six Years, the Council at Nice continuing for three Years; but the Council being risen, and the Catholick Bishops returned, the contro­versie is renewed, and carried on with more fury than ever: For Donatus the first being dead, Donatus Magnus (as his Party called him) succeeds him in the pretended Bishoprick of Carthage: A man of more Learning, and popular reputation than his Predecessor, and of no less zeal, and obstinacy in opposing the Catholicks, and supporting the Faction, a­mong whom there was none so proud and fanatick as himself. I find this Character of him.— Eò evasit Donatus, ut non modo tanquam alter Hannibal Imperatores contemnebat, sed ut deus aliquis à suis coleretur. He got Troops of Armed Men to prosecute his designs, and called their Captains Duces Sanctor [...]m; Optatus, p. 68. these often affronted the Emperor's Officers. Ba­ronius observes in the 26th. Year of Constan­tine, that he did not only load the Prefects with reproaches, calling them Senatus oppro­brium, & dedecus Praefectorum, but did also cast dirt on the Emperor, as if he had been corrupted by the Catholicks, Corruptum esse Imperatorem. Delib. Hist. p. 246. which he [Page 49]did on this occasion; The good Emperor commiserating the great sufferings of the Churches of Africa, gives Order for consi­derable Summs of Mony to be sent to Ce­cilian, with a gracious Letter, which is recor­ded by Eusebius, l. 10. c. 6. to this effect: Constantine the Emperor to Cecilian Bishop of Carthage sendeth Greeting. I have sent Letters to Ʋrsus Lieutenant of Africa, that he cause 3000. Folles of Silver to be deli­vered to thy fidelity, for the relief of the Churches of Africa; and if this suffice not, demand of Heraclus our Treasurer, as much as may be sufficient. And whereas I under­stand, that some lewd People have much di­sturbed the peace of the Church, I have gi­ven Order in the presence of Anilinus and Patricius, to take cognizance thereof, and in no wise to permit such things. If therefore those Men persist in their folly, acquaint the Governors thereof, that they may act as I have appointed them. The Great God pre­serve thee.

This great bounty and grace of the Empe­ror, which did, as so much Oyl, heal the wounds and refresh the countenances of Ceci­lian and his People, had a contrary effect on the spirits of Donatus and his Complices, whose malice was hereby inflamed to rage and fury, so that he forbad his People to accept any Portion of the Emperor's Largess, if it should be offered. Whereof Optatus gives the reason, p. 64. Misit ornamenta Domibus Dei, [Page 50]misit Elecmosynas Ceciliano, nil Donato. He sent Ornaments to the Catholick Churches, and gifts to Cecilian, but nothing to Donatus, And at last, the Emperor saw a necessity o [...] using more severity towards them, and to re­scue the Catholick Churches by force out o [...] the hands of the Donatists, who in the late times of distraction, had taken possession of them, and triumphed alone, nobis absenti­bus, says Optatus: The Emperor therefore by a more strict Edict, not only denied them any publick Places of Worship, but forbad them to reside in any of his Cities. St. Augusti [...] mentioneth another Law against them, and any others that should trouble the peace o [...] the Church; by which it was provided, tha [...] all such as called themselves Christians, and refused to communicate with the Catholic [...] Churches, sed in suis conventiculis separati [...] congregantur, and gathered into separate Con­gregations, should be suppressed. And that such Priests as did ordain, or were ordained, otherwise than the Church did approve of, should be fined in a Mulct of Ten Pounds of Gold, and the Place wherein such impious Meetings were held, should be forfeited to the Emperor, if the owners were consenting thereunto. Moreover they were made unca­pable of any Ecclesiastical promotion, Ʋt nihil Ecclesiae nomine possiderent, and that the Goods of such as were convicted, should be seized on for the Emperor, Fisco vindicarentur. St. Aug. Epist. 47. & 166. and l. 1 ^o contra Parmen. [Page 51]and Bzovius Epitome Ba [...]. p. 550. And that which made these Laws more effectual, was the Emperor's charge to his Sons, to put them in Execution after his Death: whereby their hopes of Indulgence were much abated, And by this means the Church had a Prospect of Peace and Unity before it; and Children were restored to their Parents, Wives to their Husbands, Servants to their Masters, and all of them the Unity of the Church.

It may here be seasonable to consider, with what Mortar these Persons daubed, to make a Building that consisted of such different Ma­terials, ( Aedificium quod de ruinis constat, as Optat. p. 62.) to subsist and joyn together, notwithstanding the opposition against it, by so Potent and Religious a Prince, and the joynt endeavours of the Catholick Bishops and Peo­ple, and several Councils, as well Foreign, as of their own Nation. For the Emperor had sent express command to Anilinus, not only to restore to the Catholick Churches, all those possessions and priviledges, which any of their Adversaries had usurped; Sive hortos, sive Aedes, sive aliud quodcun (que) ad jus Ecclesia­rum aliquando spectaverat, Euseb. l. 10. c. 1 ^o. but more especially, he granted to the Clergy, united in Communion with Cecilian, new Priviledges and Immunities, — As in the 7th. Chap. of Eusebius, l. 10. Ʋt abs (que) ulla molestiâ proprie legi obsequium praestent. But exempted as well Schismaticks as Hereticks from the benefit of those Edicts. And in a­nother [Page 52]Epistle to Cecilian, having ordered him to receive what Money he should want, he adds, Quoniam accepi, &c. Whereas I un­derstand that some Men of unstable and ill composed minds, do seek by corrupt practi­ces to withdraw the People from the Catho­lick Church, I have given order to Anilinus my Proconsul, and Patricius my Vicar, of the Prefects, when they were with me, u [...] rem ejusmodi nullo modo negligerent, that they should carefully suppress such, and if you find any to persist in that madness, that you speedily acquaint those Judges therewith, that they may punish them, as I have com­manded. And in another Epistle, ad Episco­pos Catholicos, he acquaints them, that he had commanded his Prefects to bring to his Court such Donatists as did disturb them, ut ibi sib [...] mortem pervideant, &c. that they might see the terrors of Death, which were prepared for them. So that we may admire, how such a peevish Faction should not only subsist, but the Leaders of it being Men of pernicious Principles and Practices, should delude such Numbers of the People, and retain them not only in their Communion, but at their Devo­tion: but the Scripture hath foretold, what Arts and Methods, the Instruments of Satan should use to deceive unstable Souls, most of which were very diligently practised by these Donatists, as St. Augustine observed in his Epistle to Vincentius.

As first their tampering with the weaker [Page 53]Sex, and most ignorant sort of People, such as had weak judgments, but strong affections; and being once seduced, were perverse and violent in their ways, and deaf to all reason and arguments to the contrary. So Rom. 16.18. it is said, they should deceive the hearts of the simple; and 2 Tim. 3.6. Lead captive silly Women: Accordingly Optatus observes, that the weaker Sex, and Younger sort, were generally seduced by them, Exivit Ʋxor, &c. The Wives and Children were seduced from their Husbands and Parents.

2dly, Their transforming themselves (as Satan himself may do) into Angels of Light, pretending to greater Purity, better Ordinan­ces, and a greater shew of severity, in the Dis­cipline which they used, for the admission of lapsed Persons; whence they were called the rigid Donatists, Nè Luce veritatis carere o­stendantur, umbram rigidae severitatis obten­dunt. They supplied the want of solid piety by the shadow of rigid severity. August. con­tra Parmen. l. 3. And according to what the Apostle observed of the Gnosticks, They had a form of Godliness, but denyed the power there­of, 2 Tim. 3.5.

3dly, Their good words and fair speeches, Rom. 16.18. commending such as they would seduce, for some excellent gifts, or good af­fections, and conversing familiarly with them, promising glorious Priviledges, and liberty to act according to their own Consciences, assu­ring them of remission of their Sins, and of [Page 54]special grace and favour with God.

4ly, They pretended also to immediate Re­velations, and Answers of their Prayers from God; As that an Angel was sent to confirm them in their ways; that there were divers Pro­digies and Signs declared from Heaven, a [...] tokens to their acceptation with God; for if any strange accident fell out, they interpreted it to the Vulgar, as a special providence, to assert their cause. If the Heathen invaded the Emperor's Dominions, or overthrew his Ar­mies, or slew any of those Commanders that had been Instruments of their Correction, these were demonstrations of God's displea­sure against their Adversaries. Periit Ma­carius, periit Ʋrsacius, cuncti (que) comites vestri, Dei pariter vindictâ perierunt, August. contr [...] Petil. l. 2. c. 92.

5ly, The false reports, and unjust censures raised against such as were not of their Com­munion, as well Superiors, as Equals: for as St. Peter observes, 2 Pet. 2.10. They are not afraid to speak evil of Dignities: as that Con­stantine was corrupted by Hosius, a famous Bi­shop, St. August. l. 1. contra Parmen. 2dly, That Meltiades was a Traditor, Brevic. Colla­tionis cum Donatistis. 3dly, That the Catho­licks were. Idolaters and Persecutors, having extorted the Penal Laws from the Emperor against them. They also spake evil of their Worship, that they had no Ministers nor Sa­craments, nor was there Salvation to be had in their Communion; so that as St. Augustine [Page 55]says, they carried on their work, Per insanas querelas, & vana mendacia, by furious com­plaints, and vain lies: Contra Donat. post Col­lat. And when nothing would stick on their Doctrine, then against their Persons. Cum adversariorum Doctrinam refellere non possunt, eorum mores accusarunt. Istae sunt Haeretico­rum Machinae, ut convicti de perfidia, ad male­dicta se conferunt; Hieron. contra Ruffinum. The miscarriage of one Catholick, was enough to cause them to defame not only his whole conversation, but the whole Church, quasi homo ille esset Causa: Aug. ad Crescon. They rejected the Liturgy then used by the Catho­licks, which both Optatus, and Tertullian before him, called the Legitimate Prayers, as the double salutation, or Pax vobiscum, with which they begun, and ended their Prayers. The Prayer for the Catholick Church, which, as it was framed by the Apostles injunction, 1 Tim. 2.1. so it had been from his days always con­tinued in the Church, and was called Sacrifi­cium pro Ecclesiâ; They omitted also the Prayer for the Emperor, in that Collect, Opt. p. 64. men­tioned by Tertullian to be used in the Church of Africa, even for such Emperors as perse­cuted it; Oramus pro Imperatore, pro Ministris ejus, & potestatibus seculi, pro rerum quiete, pro mora finis, &c. And no wonder that they rejected the Prayers of the Church, when they also left off the use of the Lord's Prayer. They also pulled down many of their Churches, and such as they thought fit to preserve for their [Page 56]own use, they washed the Walls and Pave­ments, as if the Assemblies of the Catholicks had defiled them: They razed their Altars to the ground, and often cast their Bibles into the Fire, which was the very crime that they objected against the Catholicks, and particu­larly against Cecilian, from whose communion they separated on that account. And all this they did under a pretence of zeal for reforma­tion, and a purer worship.

6ly, As often as they had power in their hands, they did not only silence the Catholic [...] Bishops, but deprived them of all sustenance, and banished them from their Habitations. Aut tacenda erat veritas, aut eorum immanitas serenda, as St. Augustine complained, Epist. 50. They must either conceal the truth, o [...] yield themselves up to the cruelty of their Ad­versaries, that laid wait for them, knowing that their errors could not resist the light of the truth; Appendix ad Ope. p. 612. Nec praedicari à Catholicis verita­tem patiebantur, contra suum errorem.

7ly, When they admitted any to their Com­munion, they Rebaptized, and imposed new Vows and Covenants on them, obliging them not to approach the Catholick Assemblies, or hear any of their Bishops, which St. Augustine desired of Crispine, Epistle 172. And in the next Epistle, he acquaints us with another Art used by Crispine, to increase and keep firm his Proselytes. Crispine being a wealthy Man, as the Donatists generally were by the Spoils of the Catholicks, he imployed none [Page 57]to dress his ground, or to manage his affairs, but such as did profess to be of his Party; and to every one that would be rebaptized by him, he gave a certain Summ of Money, and promi­sed more, by which means he had corrupted great Numbers, whose dependance being wholly on him, they were ready to execute his designs against the Catholicks. St. Au­gustine asks him, Epistle 173. how he would be able to answer Christ, when he should que­stion him for such sacrilegious practices, upon those souls, which he had redeemed with his Blood; Crispine, Carum fuit precium tuum, ad emendum timorem Mappaliensium, & vilis mors mea, ad emendum amorem Gentium? Plus va­luit rebaptizandis colonis tuis quod numeratum est de sacculo tuo, quam baptizandis populis meis, quod manavit de latere meo. O Crispine, Why shouldest thou corrupt with thy Money those poor Souls, to live in fear of thee, whom I redeemed with my Blood to live in the love of me?

8ly, Their Pride and Reputation with the People, kept off many of their Bishops from the Church communion. Vinci possunt, suaderi non possunt, saith St. Augustine; he gives in­stance in Tichonius, who was one of their most learned Bishops, and defended the Ar­ticle of the Catholick Church, yet kept him­self in the Schisme still. And though divers of them knew and hated the pride of Dona­tus, yet they deserted him not, or with a greater pride, to set up for themselves in a [Page 58]more Congregational way. Alia schismat [...] facta sunt ex vobis, sicut Rogatense in Maurita­nia, Ʋrbanense in Numidia, &c. contra Cresc [...]. l. 4. c. 60. Convicta est falsitas, apparuit ve­ritas, & adhuc contemnitur charitas. Post col­lat. They were convinced of the falshood of their own Opinions, and the truth of those of the Catholicks, yet would not imbrace peace. So did Tichonius, who continued in the Schism, when he was convinced that it was so; having espoused the Schisme, and gained great repu­tation, he knew not how to leave that, and his credit too. l. 2. contra Parmen. And i [...] Men do either love the pre-eminence, or to hear themselves prate, as Diotrephes did, 3 John 9. or if they gain a livelihood, and wealth, as Demetrius and his Crafts-men by the Shrines of Diana, Acts 19. their Ears are so stopt, that neither the Arguments of St. Paul, nor the Eloquence of Apollos, nor the Authority of Cephas, 2 Tim. 3.8. are sufficient to open them, but they will still resist the truth; Men of corrupt minds, reprobate (or as our Mar­gent reads it, of no judgment) concerning the Faith.

9ly, St. Peter tells us of some places of Scripture hard to be understood, 2 Pet. 3.16. which they that are unlearned and unstable, do wrest; And this was another evil art, whereby they advantaged their Party: They would, Pro­ferre Evangelium, take a Text of Scripture, as Optatus, p. 78. and usually such as they did not understand, non intellectas Lectiones, from [Page 59]the Canticles, or Daniel, or the Revelations, and these must be made to speak their Lan­guage, and promote their designs. So they in­terpreted that of the Prophet Isay, Isa. 52. calling the People from the Captivity of Babylon, to ju­stifie their Separation, and from St. Paul, 2 Corinth. 6. they would perswade the Peo­ple not to have any commerce with, or to sa­lute others. So in the Conference at Carthage, to prove that the whole World was Aposta­tized, except the Church of Christ with them; they alledge the revolt of the Ten Tribes, and compare themselves to Judah. St. August. de Verbis Domini in Johan. Serm. 50. names their quoting of Canticles 1.7. as a proof, that they were the Church of Christ: Because it is there said, that he maketh his Flock to rest in Meridie, (i. e.) say they, in the South, where Africa lay; of which see St. August. De unitate Ecclesiae c. 14. (I wonder the less at these, when I find A Lapide, from the same Text, telling us, that Meridies is Romana Ec­clesia, ad quam Petrus jubente Christo, ex Je­rusalem & Antiochia, transtulit Pontificatum suum.) Thus to prove themselves without sin, they alledged Eph. 5.27. where it is said, Christ gave himself for his Church, that he might present it a glorious Church, not ha­ving spot or wrinkle, which they applyed to themselves, as St. Augustine observes. Absit ut quis nostrum ita se justum dicat ut sine pec­cato in hac vitâ se esse jactaret, as did the Do­natists in our Conference, saying, that they [Page 60]were in that Church, which hath no spot, no [...] wrinkle, Epist. 50. They accounted them­selves to be, Coelestes in Coelo, and other Terrestres in Terrâ. August. Epistle 48. The [...] were the few that were chosen, the rest wer [...] reprobates. They were Israelites, and other [...] Egyptians and Persecutors. They the Flock o [...] Christ, others were Wolves. Whatever th [...] Text was, a great part of the Sermon was to th [...] purpose. Nec mirum si Scripturae pacem n [...] intelligent, qui pacem cum Dei Ecclesiâ non ha­bebunt. August. de Gestis cum Emerito. It i [...] no strange thing, if they do not understand the truth, who do hate peace.

10ly, Their ready complyance with all other factious Parties, though never so vile and he­retical, was another advantageous practice. For though there were great fewds between the Donatists, and others that separated from them on the like pretences as they separated from the Catholicks, as Maximinianists and Luciferians, who were professed Anabaptists, the Circumcellians much like our Quakers, the Euchitae and Massalians, who were perfect Enthusiasts, and the Arians, who denyed the Deity of our Saviour, and the Holy Ghost: yet as often as there was an opportunity of vexing and afflicting the Catholicks, they all united as one Man, and forgetting their pri­vate animosities, armed themselves as against their common Enemy; yea they scrupled not to joyn with the Jews, the most implacable Enemies of Christianity; and when they were [Page 61]destitute of other Assistants, to make use of the power of the barbarous Goths and Van­dals. Thus Manasseh vexed Ephraim, and Ephraim, Manasseh; but both joyned to op­pose Judah, Isay 9.21. Thus it was in the In­fancy of the Church, and thus it will be until its Consummation: Herod and Pontius Pilate, the Gentiles and the People of Israel, will con­spire against it, Acts 4.27.

11ly, Their promiscuous receiving of Men of desperate fortunes, and as desperate reso­lutions, into their Parties. Such as were in debt, or disgrace, through their debauchery and vicious lives, such as were discontented, and thinking themselves injured by their Ma­gistrates, Parents or Masters, upon whom they could not otherwise be revenged, made Do­natus or his Successors their Protectors, they were immediately above the Power of the Laws, their debts are all satisfied, and all ob­ligations of Nature and Religion cancelled, and if they believe their Leaders, their sins are all pardoned. This honour did those new Saints confer upon each other, while they lived, and promised no less than a Crown of Mar­tyrdome, if they dyed in defence of that Holy League.

12ly, Another Engine which they employed, was, the maintaining of Emissaries in all places, where there was hope of advancing their cause and Party. They had their Confederates in Rome, who scrued themselves into the favour of great Men: nor wanted they their Advo­cates [Page 62]in the Emperor's Court; for being many of them inriched by the spoils of others, they were very free in their Bribes and Presents to Men in Power, to purchase liberty to them­selves; and being Men of smooth Tongues and soft discourse, as well as of crafty and com­plying conversation, they did insinuate them­selves to the acquaintance and counsels of some good Men, with a design to betray them, and not unlike our Jesuits could personate all sorts and degrees of Men, that by all means they might increase the Number of their Prose­lytes, and support their Cause. To which we may add, the familiar and constant correspon­dence which they held among themselves, ad­vising not only what was done, but what was most facile and probable to be effected: no [...] did they only meet frequently to consult o [...] such means, but did as unanimously agree and resolve on them, and having resolved, as vi­gorously act and prosecute their designs with great secresie and constancy; for, as our Sa­viour observed of the unjust Steward, Th [...] Children of this World are wiser in their gene­ration than the Children of light: Luk. 16.8. (i. e.) (ac­cording to the Hebrew phrase) in rebus sui [...] agendis, in prosecuting those worldly affairs wherein they are concerned, (for the He­brews call the actions of Men [...], i. e. [...], as Vatablus sheweth from Gen. 6.9. and 37.2.) And the reason of it is, because when Men are conscious to themselves of un­just dealing with others, their own just fears [Page 63]do excite them to advise warily, and act spee­dily and industriously for their security. Whereas the righteous Man having also an honest cause, supposeth his innocency to be a sufficient guard, and therefore is less studious and solicitous for his own preservation.

Lastly, And the great countenance they gave to the Vices of their Proselytes, was no small advantage to the Faction, for they were better than their words to them; they promi­sed only liberty, but they allowed all manner of licentiousness; they counted it no sin in them to rob, and deceive the Catholicks, nor to defile themselves with fleshly lusts. Ʋnde tantae turbae convivarum ebriosorum, & innup­tarum, sed non incorruptarum, innumerabilia stupra foeminarum? Aug. l. 3. contra Parmen. They had Principles and Doctrines that incou­raged them to live more lewdly than others, as that all their sins were already pardoned, and that they could never fall from the grace of God. In so much as their sins, as well as their Opinions had a Toleration. Greges e­brios sanctimonialium suarum, cum gregibus e­briis circumcellionum die noctu (que) permixtos va­gari turpiter sinunt. cont. Parm. l. 2 ^o. Their Teachers permitted the unclean Circumcellians to wander up and down, Day and Night, with young Women, who pretended vows of Cha­stity, and more holiness than others, as the Gnosticks had done before them, but lived in all Uncleanness. If any Bishop or Priest were cast out of the Catholick Communion, [Page 64]for scandalous offences, and fled to them, they received and defended him; and he that was in his own account unworthy of the Office of a Deacon in the Catholick Church, is accoun­ted fit, not only to be a Presbyter, but to create Presbyters too among the Donatists, as Splendonius did. Extant innumerabilia do­cumenta in iis qui vel Episcopi vel alterius gra­dus Clerici fuerunt, l. 3. contr. Petil. & tunc degradati, vel pu­dore in alias terras abierunt, vel ad vos ipsos, vel ad alias haereses, saith St. Augustine. And when any Bishop or private Person deserted them, to joyn in Communion with the Catho­lick Church, they did not only defame him, but by open violence, and secret conspiracies sought his utter ruine: to which the People were incouraged by their Priests, who taught them, that therein they should do God good service, as they did concerning St. Augustine. It was a difficult matter to find any one among them, that had a good opinion of any that were of another Communion, or that did think soberly of himself, but his proud con­ceit did generally swell, and poyson their souls, that they were the most excellent Christians, and others reprobates: Qui se à Christs anitate discindunt, se solos Christianos esse ja­ctant, & damnant caeteros. Aug. contra Crescon▪ l. 4. c. 59.

By these and other such arts, they increased their Faction, and made it formidable, not only to the Bishops, but to the Emperor himself, by whose care and good government, though the [Page 65]limbs of the Faction were cut off, yet the heads and the heart remained still, and with innumerable affronts and vexations, did they grieve that good Emperor, whom (as much as in them lay) they had slain in In the Language of Op­tatus, they did occidere Ole­um, slew him with the sword of their tongues, and hand­led him, as if he had not been the Lords anointed. his reputation, and tantum non with violent hands brought down his gray Hairs with sor­row to the Grave, in the 65. Year of his Age, and the 31th. of his Empire: But their malicious spirits survived, to the perpetual trouble of the Church, and of the Emperor's Sons, which succeeded him; whereof Constantine was slain shortly after, by his Brothers Souldiers; Con­stans, who lived longer, and was Heir to his Father's Vertues, as well as his Dominions, was also made the object of the Donatists ma­lice; for during these revolutions of the Em­pire, they recruited their Faction, and had spawned a mad fry of Fanatick Persons, called Circumcellians, to be their Champions, for though they did not always own them to be of their Communion, yet did they on all oc­casions imploy them to fight against the com­mon Enemy. These Circumcellians were in­couraged by Donatus, who pretended that an Angel had appeared to him, and assured him of the confirmation of his Faction, and that he had immediate answer of his Prayers from God, Oravit Donatus & respondit ei Deus è coelo, and that as many as suffered violent Deaths, in defence of the good old cause, [Page 66]should have a Crown of Martyrdome, and for their encouragement, white Altars or Memo­rials were erected to their honour, and great commendations of them were celebrated i [...] publick Assemblies. Anno 348. Now Constans the Em­peror, being mindful of his Father's charge, and in imitation of his Example, sent Paulus, and Macarius with some Gifts and Almes to the Churches of Africa, but with a Commis­sion also, to endeavour the unity of those Churches. Whereof Donatus having intelli­gence, although those Legates whom Optatus calls operarios unitatis, did in a friendly man­ner apply themselves to him, first offer­ing him to partake of the Emperor's bounty and then perswading him to imbrace peace and unity with the Catholick Bishops, as the Emperor had given them instructions, he not only refused to accept of the Emperor's Lar­gess, but returned many opprobrious speeches, Quid est imperatori cum Ecclesia? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church? (aut quid est Ecclesiae cum Regibus Seculi quos nun­quam nisi invidos Christianitas sensit? & multa maledicta effudit) or what hath the Church to do with the Kings of this World? who have been always adversaries to Christianity: and so he rejected the Emperor's propositions for peace, with as much pride and contempt, as the Emperor did with Humility and Charity offer them.

There was at this time another Donatus Bishop of Bagaia, who gathered great Troops [Page 67]of the Circumcellians, to oppose the Empe­ror's Legates, to intercept the Gifts and Mo­neys which they were dispersing, for the relief of the several Churches. Of which the Legates being advised, and apprehending themselves in great danger, by reason of the flocking toge­ther of those desperate persons; They sent to Silvester, who had then the command of the Souldiers, to send them a Guard of Souldiers, not that they intended to be Aggressors, but only (vim vi repellere) to defend themselves against those furious Persons, that were in an extraordinary manner assembled: And the event proved, that they did but what was ne­cessary; for the People were stirred up to Sedition, by jealousies and prejudices against the Emperor, which the Donatists had scatter­ed through all Africa, perswading them that Paulus and Macarius had brought with them certain Images, which they intended to set up­on the Altars, and to command a Superstitious Worship and Sacrifice to them, whereas they came only as Ambassadors of Peace, and In­struments of Union. And notwithstanding all the affronts which they received from that fu­rious and desperate Party, who often set upon the Guards of Souldiers, to their own destru­ction, the Legates at the request of the Ca­tholicks did forbear any farther acts of Ho­stility, nor did they act any thing prejudicial to the true Religion. Nulli dictum est Nega Deum, Incende testamentum, &c. Opt. p. 62. None were required to deny God, to burn their Bibles, [Page 68]or destroy the Churches. Sola fuerunt ad pa­cem hortamenta, ut Deus & Christus ejus à Populo in unum conveniente pariter rogaretur. They only endeavoured, according to the Em­peror's instruction, to exhort them to peace, and unity, that they would worship God and Christ with one consent in an uniform manner. But these exhortations to peace, did more of­fend them, than the tidings of War; they loved the inheritance of Schisme more than the Le­gacy of Christ; Nunciatâ unitate omnes fu­gistis; at the very name of peace they all de­sert the Legates, Opt, p. 64. and become their Enemies, and both by open violence and secret plots, by their slanders and Swords too are always provoking them. And yet these Donatists did not only complain of Persecution by the Legates, but imputed it to the Catholicks, as if they had procured those Bands of Souldiers with a purpose to destroy them, p. 69. to which Op­tatus answereth, Quod ab aliis vobis provo­cantibus factum est, nobis non debet imputari; quicquid objecistis, vos fecistis; that if it were true that the Donatists were slain by the Soul­diers, yet it was false that it was done by the procurement of the Catholicks, who always mediated with the Officers to spare them; And that in truth the Emperor's Officers ne­ver used violence, but when they were first provoked; Nullus erat primitùs terror, nemo vidit virgam, nemo custodiam; there was no terror against any but evil doers, no punish­ment or Prison threatned to any peaceable [Page 69]Christian, the Emperor only preserved peace in the State. And about the end of Constans his Reign, there was a Council held at Car­thage, Anno 349. Gratus being then Bishop, to restore peace to the Church, in which they decreed divers Canons against rebaptizing, and to pre­vent that desperate practice of the Circumcel­lians, to cast themselves from high precipices, and by other violent practices to destroy themselves. And thus for a while the fury of the Donatists was abated, and the hopes of peace and settlement comforted the Church. But this good Emperor is untimely slain by divers Military men, who conspired against him, thinking to divide the Empire among themselves. One Marcellinus invites him to a Supper, and continuing with him late at Night, Magnentius one of the Conspirators begins to affright him, whereupon the Em­peror fled to Helena, whither they sent a se­lected Company of Souldiers, and murthered him; But Constantius his Brother succeeded him, who at his entrance on the Government, did seem to favour the Orthodox against the Arians and Donatists, but being setled in the Empire, he declares himself an Arian, and consequently an Enemy to the Orthodox Chri­stians, whereby the Arians and Donatists rage every where against them; Donatus himself, and many of his Faction joyned themselves with the Arian Hereticks (although they had formerly declared their abhorrence of them) in hope of obtaining the greater power against [Page 70]the Catholicks by the Emperor's favour. And to this end, Donatus wrote a Book, de Spirit [...] Sancto, as St. Hierome hath observed, agree­able to the Arian Doctrine. And others of the Faction joyned with the Macedonians, and as St. Ambrose De Spiri­tu Sancto. l. 3. c. 11. says, blotted out of their Books those words of St. John, God is a Spirit▪ Maximus Bishop of Neapolis, was deprived of his dignity and function, for not complying with the Arians, who placed one Zosimus in his See, Maximus keeps to his charge and function, until they ejected him by force, and then he denounceth an Anathema against the Intruder, whereof the Intruder taking no no­tice, applyed himself to the discharge of his new Office, and endeavouring to speak unto the People, his Tongue hung out of his Mouth, so that he could not speak, nor draw it in a­gain, until he went out of the Church, and then he recovered the use of it; and this befell him a second, and a third time, whereupon he for­sook his new Dignity. And now lived that famous Ecebolius, a Sophist of Constantinople, who while Constantius was a Catholick, pro­fessed himself so too, and with him turned Arian; and when Julian was Emperor, was an Idolater; and in the days of Jovianus, would become a Catholick again, and lay at the Church Doors, crying to the Faithful, Me salem infatuatum pedibus conculcate, to trample on him as unsavory Salt, fit for nothing. But it is more worthy our observation, that with­in a short time that Constantius had declared [Page 71]against the Deity of the Son of God, the Em­pire was taken from him, and given to Julian.

This Julian the Apostate, who had from his Childhood been instructed in the Christian Re­ligion, l. 3. c. 1. and (as Socrates says) had been a Rea­der in the Church at Nicomedia, being of an unstable wit, declares himself an open Enemy to the Christians, forbidding them to bear any Office in the Army, or to serve as common Souldiers: Then he excludes them from the Magistracy, and all publick Offices in the Com­monwealth, and permits them not to teach Schools, or instruct Youth in any human li­terature. He did not persecute the Christi­ans so violently as Dioclesian, and others had done, but he contrived more mischievous ways to destroy Christianity it self, if it had been possible, than others did to destroy the Pro­fessors of it. For first, having shut up their Churches, and denyed them the nurture of their Children in Humane Learning, He sends for the Bishops of the several Factions, and injoyns them to do nothing prejudicial to the peace of the Empire, and then tells them they might securely follow their own different Modes and Opinions, in the Worship and Faith of God; Eo môdo nomen Christi de ter­ris perire putavit, St. Aug. Epist. 166. si sacrilegas dissentiones li­beras esse permifit: And this was that which he designed, in shewing any favour to the A­rians, and calling back the Donatist Bishops from Banishment; the total destruction of Chri­stianity. And whereas the Catholicks lookt [Page 72]on this indulgence of the Emperor's, as a de­sign that would prove in time to be fatal to Christianity, St. Augu­stine. for (quae pejor mors animae quam libertas erroris,) there is no Death so evil as the Licence of Error, which is the destruction of so many Souls: Yet the Donatists are loud in their thanks, and acclamations to Julian, for this liberty, as a most just and gracious Prince, when as he did only contrive and allow it, as a more easie and ready way to destroy the name and being of Christianity, which was almost lost already among the new denomina­tions of Arians, Photinians, Macedonians, and Donatists. And that it might be no more had in remembrance, he imposeth the name of Ga­lilaeans upon them, as ( nomen criminis not re­ligionis) a name of criminal and wicked per­sons, not of a religious profession. And a­gainst the being of Christianity he encouraged the Arians, and others that denyed the Divi­nity of Christ, and ever favoured the several Sects, more than the Orthodox. Upon this the Donatists grew more proud and impla­cable towards the Catholicks, and to ingrati­ate themselves with the Emperor, pull down the Cross which Constantine had set up in pub­lick Places, to the honour of Christ, and set up the Image of Julian in its place: and by how much he was more severe against the Catho­licks, by so much the more they applauded him. He silenced all the Men that were fa­mous for their Learning, as St. Basil and St. Gregory, both of Cappadocia, Èugenius Antio­chenus, [Page 73]and Apollinaris the Syrian, who wrote for Christianity against the Heathen, which Book the Christian Bishops presented to the Emperor, desiring him to peruse it, which he did, and returned it to them again, saying, Legi, intellexi, improbavi, to whom they re­plyed, Epist. 166. Si intellexisses nunquam improbasses. In the Petition of Petilian, Rogatianus, &c. they stiled Julian the only Assertor of Pub­lick Liberty, from whom alone Justice and Clemency was to be hoped for, when-as St. Augustine says, nil injustius, nil perniciosius. The Catholicks wondred, as well they might, that the Donatists, and the several Hereticks should be so short sighted, as not to perceive that Julian was striking at the very root of Christianity, which the Catholicks often mind­ed them of, desiring them to consider, Opt. l. 2. p. 54. that by the same Edict by which they were indulged, the Worship of Idols was injoyned, and the Devil and they were let loose together, to compass the Earth, and make Proselytes to their Party. Tunc reddidit basilicas Donati­stis quando templa Daemoniis. St. August. E­pistle 166. And when Julian was dead, they often wished their good Protector alive again. But as if Julian were too slow an Executioner of the true Religion, the Donatists make more speed, by destroying their Brethren with as much rage and cruelty, as their most barba­rous Enemies; for having by Rogatianus, Pon­tius, and Cassianus, three of their Bishops, ob­tained some priviledges, which were denied [Page 74]to the Catholicks, they exercised all manner of cruelty against them. Opt. 55. Felix and Januarius two of their Bishop's, came to the Castle o [...] Lemelle, where the Catholicks had a Church which being shut against them, they command­ed the Rabble which followed them, to pull i [...] down, who presently got up on the Roof, and uncovered it, and perceiving the Deacons de­fending the Altar, they threw down the Tile stones, and slew two of the Deacons. In Thi­pasa a City of Mauritania, Idem, Ʋrbanus Formen­sis, and Felix Idicrensis, with their bloody Companions, assaulted an Assembly of the Ca­tholicks, while they were at their Devotions, and driving them out of the Church, slew and wounded a great part of them, without re­spect of Sex or Age. The Bread of the Con­secrated Eucharist, they threw to their Dogs, which having eaten it, by the judgment of God grew mad, and fell upon their Masters, renting them in pieces. They sold the conse­crated Chalices to Women for live uses, or to the Heathen for the Service of their Gods, pulled down the Altars, and burnt the Books of the Holy Scriptures. Felix who was one of their Leaders defloured a Virgin, that had a little before owned him as her Spiritual Fa­ther; and none of the Heathen committed greater outrages, than some of their Bishops. Julian by their instigation did shut up their Church-Doors, and some of his Officers, with a kind of admiration of the beauty and order, See Baron. as well as the richness of the Ornaments and [Page 75]Utensils of their Church, took them away, Theodorct l. 3. c. 12. Ecce qui­bus vasis ministratur Mariae si­lio. as too good to be imployed in the Service of the Son of Mary: but such profanation as the Donatists committed, those Heathen never learned or practised.

This Storm was too violent to continue long; One of the Fathers thus comforted the Church, that Julian was Nubecula cito transi­tura, and accordingly Julian's ambition insti­gated him to a War against the Persians, where he dyed in the midst of his own Army by the wound of an Arrow, shot from an un­known hand, which he conceiving to be sent from Heaven, pulled it out, saying, Vicisti Galilaee, and so dyed. To him succeeded Jo­vianus, proclaimed Emperor by the Army, that was then in Persia, who desired them to name some other, because he being a Christi­an, could not lead an Army of such Principles, as Julian had formed. To whom the old Soul­diers that had served Constantine and Constans, answered, that they were Christians, Ann. 364. and would have no other Emperor; But he dyed unhap­pily within seven Moneths after, and Valenti­nian succeeds him, a right good Christian, whom Julian had for that cause banished from his Court. He joyns his Brother Valens to himself in the Empire, who was an Arian. About the Fourth Year of this Emperor dyed the Great Donatus, and Parmenian (against whom Optatus wrote his Seven Books) suc­ceeded him. It will not be impertinent to set down here a series of the Bishops during [Page 76]this Schisme, which is as followeth.

• Mensurius.
• Cecilian.
• Rufus.
• Gratus.
• Genetlius.
• Aurclius.

• Majorinus.
• Donatus à Casi [...] Nigris.
• Donatus magnus
• Parmenianus.
• Primianus.

Gratus and Parmenian are the two Bishops that were in competition, Anno 368. Of what temper Parmenian was, Optatus his Cotem­porary, a Person greatly beloved, as well for his Piety as Learning, hath shewn at large. He wanted very little of the Pride of Donatus, and for Calumny and Cruelty nothing at all. In his days Ticonius, one of the most learned and sober of that Party, reading and weighing the Arguments of Optatus for the Catholick Church, was so far convinced, that he wrote in defence of it, confuting the Arguments of the Donatists: and asserting, that (nullius ho­minis peccatum potest praescribere promissis Dei) the wickedness of Man cannot make void the promises of God, concerning the extent of Christ's Church, for which he was condemned by a Synod of their Bishops, without any o­ther Answer to his Arguments. Now the great confusion which was at Carthage, drove St. Augustine (who was yet a Heathen) to Rome, where he read Rhetorick, and Philo­sophy, [Page 77]until at length by the Prayers of his Mother Monica, and his converse with Pious and Learned Men, especially Saint Ambrose, he was converted, and baptized by St. Am­brose at Millain, and became Malleus Dona­tistarum, a happy Instrument to destroy that Faction At his Baptisme Te Deum was first sung by S. Ambrose and St Au­gustine Al­ternatim.. Which Valentinian seeks to do by good Laws and Edicts; divers of which are yet extant in the Codex Justinianus, as that against all Hereticks; Nullus haereticis mini­steriorum locus, &c. That no Place be allow­ed to them that were condemned by the Coun­cils of the Church, to exercise their Ministry, and if any such command or allowance were fraudulently procured, it should be null; That the People should be restrained from such Meetings, and their Teachers banished from Towns and Cities. Another Law was made against Rebaptizing, that the Offender be de­prived of his Priesthood, l. 2. Ne sanctum Baptisma iteretur. Another against Conven­ticles: Conventicula illicita etiam extra Ec­clesiam in privatis aedibus celebrari prohibemus proscriptionis domus periculo imminente, si do­minus ejus in eâ clericos nova ac tumultuosa conventicula celebrantes susceperit. I shall name but one more made expresly against the Manichees and Donatists, Tit. de Haereticis. Which in English is to this effect: We do ;deservedly prosecute the Manichees and Do­natists with severity. Commanding that they enjoy not the Priviledges common to others, because they offending against Reli­gion, [Page 78]are injurious to all. We therefore pro­nounce them uncapable of enjoying any pub­lick bounty, or liberality, of making their Wills, and bestowing their Goods; neither shall their Sons inherit their Estates, unless they depart from their Fathers wickedness and if their Servants forsake such Masters, to have communion with the Catholick Church they shall be indemnified. These Laws are severe indeed, and by Men that had made con­science of any Law, would have been thought obligatory: but to them that had broken th [...] great Law of Charity, they were as cords o [...] Sand. The Donatists were now become so numerous, and had so wasted the Catholicks that they began to quarrel with each other and in one Tumult, Donatus Bishop of Bagaia is thrown into a Well, in another Marculus is cast from a high Rock. Salvius an Aged Bishop of Membresa hath Dogs hung about his Neck, while the mad People with obscene Songs dance round about him; a cruelty, saith St. Augustine, beyond that of the Hetruria [...] Tyrant, who joyned only Humane Bodies to­gether. This is true, however strange it may be; St. Augustine tells them, the City is nigh and there they may be fully informed of it. Nor will it seem strange, if it be considered, how the mad Circumcellians cast away their own lives, of whom I shall at present give you only this short account, That they lived in madness, they dyed in desperation, they lay stinking and noysome after Death, and yet [Page 79]there were a madder sort left behind, that worshipped these abominable Wretches, as if they had been Martyrs. Of these barbarities the poor Catholicks desired their Governors to acquaint the Emperor, and it was in a fit sea­son, for both Valentinian, and Valens the A­rian, who gave them some countenance, being dead, Gratianus and Valentinianus they young­er succeeded, and chose Theodosius Magnus to govern the Empire, who though he used great power and prudence to suppress these Donatists, and hated them perfectly, as by the Laws made while he was Consul, and his acti­ons during his Government may appear, yet could he not effect it. How much he honou­red the Church, may appear by submitting himself to the censure of St. Ambrose, having by the instigation of some of his Courtiers given order to destroy some of the Inhabitants of Thessalonica in cold blood: But the wis­dome of God intended to effect this by other means. Anno 389. St. Augustine having buried his Mo­ther Monica, resolves to return to Carthage, to assist in making up the breaches of that Church, where the first Book which he wrote against the Donatists, was that which he calls his Psalm, containing an Epitome of their O­pinions and Practices; and being afterward made Bishop of Hippo in Africa, he bestowed much of his time and labour, as well in pri­vate and publick disputations, as in many lear­ned Writings yet extant. But still the Faction thrived, and was delivered of another Sect; [Page 80]For Parmenian being dead, the Donatists meet at Bagaia to choose a Successor in the Chair of Carthage, and there were two Competi­tors, Primianus and Maximianus: Primianus was the most zealous, but Maximianus be­ing of the alliance of Donatus, St. Aug. Epist. 162. and having some good Women to assist him, hoped to succeed; but as St. Augustine observes, for any real worth or ability, other than to head a Faction, Maximianus might have been Minimianus, and Primianus Postremianus. The Assembly is much divided, the greater part vote for Primianus, to the discontent of Maximianus and his Party, who thence-for­ward deny to hold communion with their Bre­thren, and gather distinct Congregations; and in a short time, he and his Party had procured Forty Three Bishops to side with him, and these condemned Primianus, and owned Max­imianus for their Bishop. And St. Augustine, on Psal. 36. tells us of another Meeting at Cubursussita, where were an Hundred Bishops that confirmed Maximianus; But still Primi­anus hath the greater Number, for shortly after, at another Synod at Bagaia, we read of Three Hundred Bishops that rescinded all that the Maximinianists had decreed, and establish Primianus: of this St. Augustine gives a full account, Contra Cresconium; and there ob­serves, that without scruple they could urge and execute the Imperial Laws (against such as divided their Church) upon the Maximi­nianists, but thought it a Persecution, when [Page 81]the Catholicks proceeded by the same Laws against them; they compared the Maximi­anists to Core, Dathan, and Abiram, for dividing from them, St. Augustine con­futed the Donatists by their Arguments a­gainst the Maximi­anists. Hoc corum fa­ctum multum valuit ut corum ora penitus clauderentur. S. Aug. Epist. 50. yet would justifie their Separation from the Catholick Church. Such is usually the judgment of God upon Schis­maticks, as well as Hereticks, to make themselves condemned, retur­ning their own actions, arguments, and censures against others upon themselves: Quae tanta Dementia est, pacem in ipsa pace relinquere, & eam in dissentione velle retinere, as St. Augustine most ingeni­ously applies it; Contra Pe­til. l. 2. What greater madness can there be, than to forsake the peace of the U­niversal Church, and seek it in the midst of dissention? For it seldome hapneth that all who separate, are of one mind among them­selves, but there is a superfetation, some are ready to set up for themselves as soon as there is another opportunity. It was so with the Maximianists, who went off from the Pri­mianists, pregnant, and were shortly delivered of Twins, the Rogatians and Claudianists, which as Vipers, endeavoured to eat out the bowels of their Parents. And now we are come to a Scene so full of cruelty and blood-shed, that you will suppose it to be the last; But, Nec dum finitus Orestes, this Tragedy is not yet at an end.

Arcadius and Honorius succeed their Father Theodosius, and at their entrance on their Em­pire, [Page 82]make divers as strict Laws against the Hereticks in general, and particularly against the Donatists, as the wisdome of Man could contrive: but the more they were restrained, the more violently they acted. The Churches generally injoyned a calm, the fury of the A­rians and other Hereticks was spent, only A­frica is pestered with new Monsters, of whom the Catholicks send their complaints to the Emperors, That their Bishops could not ap­pear in publick without affronts, nor travel for fear of such as lay in wait to destroy them; They burned the Bishops Houses, de­stroyed the Churches, slew their Priests, parti­cularly Restitutus, and Innocentius, having first digged out one of his Eyes, and cut off his Fingers. St. Augustine hardly escaped them▪ for having been abroad (as his custome was) to visit and comfort his Brethren, they had provided some of their Circumcellians to lay in Ambush, in the way by which he was to return, but by God's providence, his Guide conducted him home another way. St. Hier. to St. Aug. E­pist. 25. quos gladio nequeunt voto inter­ficiunt. But he could not escape the Sword of their Tongues, for they rail at him as a Deceiver, and Mur­therer of Souls, and (dicebant & tractabant) they taught and preached publickly, that it was not only as lawful to kill him, as to kill a Wolf, that did destroy the Flock, but also that whoever slew him, should have all their sins undoubtedly pardoned, and be honoured as Martyrs. In the Year 401. Aurelius Primate of Africa, assembles a Council at Carthage, [Page 83]for conversion for the Donatists, and supplying the Catholick Churches with Ministers, which were much destroyed. To this they were en­couraged by Anastasius Bishop of Rome, and by his perswasion they offered, that whoever of the Donatists would return to the Church, should still enjoy their Bishopricks and Digni­ties. But their courtesie was a little regard­ed, as their authority; onely they prevailed with the Emperors, to send relief to the poor Catholicks, who suffered no less than if they had lived under Heathen Persecutors. The Decretals of Anastasius made about this time, against the Donatists, are still on Record. At Milevis also was a Council assembled against them, where St. Augustine being present, Epist. 168. de­scribes their accursed practices, and gives an instance in a young Man, who had been admo­nished by the Bishop for beating his Mother: The young Man thereupon threatneth his Mo­ther, that he would become a Donatist, and then would slay her, and so he did. For to them he flies, and is rebaptized, and in white Garments, as a Circumcellian, he goes and sheds his Mother's blood; And from this in­stance, St. Augustine draws this conclusion. That he who durst not strike his Mother, while he was of the Catholick Church, slew her with­out punishment, when he became a Donatist. Aurelius the Primate, summons a General Council of all the Bishops of Africa, and sends express Messages to the Donatists, that they would be present at that Council, to treat of [Page 84]the Union of the Church, where he promised a full and calm disquisition of their arguments, and pressed them to consider the great confu­sions, which that ( Veternus error, as he calls it) old error of theirs had occasioned. Pos­sidius is imployed to deliver this Message to Crispinus a Donatist Bishop, which having heard, He replieth, (Patriarchali Sermone Definio, Recedant à me impii, vias eorum nosse nolo) in a Patriarchal stile, Depart from me ye wicked, I desire not the knowledge of your ways; and a few days after Possidius was pur­sued as he was travelling, by a Presbyter, that was also called Crispinus, and fled into a Cottage to hide himself, but Crispine with his Armed Company, broke open the Doors, and having drawn him down from an upper Room, St. Aug. Epist. 166. would certainly have slain him, had not the People that were present intreated for him, or rather had they not threatned to prosecute the Mutherers. St. Augustine having heard a­mong the People, how their Bishops and Pres­byters did often wish that they might meet and confer with the Catholicks, for the vindi­cation of their practices, offers himself to dis­course privately, or publickly, with any of them. Particularly he invited Procidianus, who pretended a great desire of it, Ep. 147. but refu­sed when it was offered. In the Year 404. is another Council at Carthage, against the Do­natists, from which Council they send Thea­sius and Evodius two Bishops to Honorius the Emperor, to desire his Protection of that part [Page 85]of the Church, and the due execution of the Laws that were made in that behalf, which if well observed, would redress all their grie­vances. They name especially the Edicts, where­by they were disabled to take or receive any publick dignities, or profits belonging to the Church, or to make their Wills and dispose of Estates: and another Law for punishing those that should schismatically or heretically ordain, or be ordained. Honorius was grieved at the complaints of these Bishops, and professed, that the confusion and ruine of the Church did grieve him more than the loss of Rome, which the Goths and Vandals had about that time taken from him; and St. Ambrose ob­serves of him (fecit quod Pater fecit in Causâ Donati) that he acted for the Church in the case of Donatus, as Theodosius his Father had done, who was solicitous for the welfare of the Church, as of his own Soul. Accordingly he gives order to Adrian, his Vicegerent in Africa, to Vindicate the integrity of the Ca­tholicks, and punish the perfidiousness of the Donatists, that did rent asunder the Members of the Church, being as he describes them subtle to seduce, cruel to destroy, provoking the Sons of Peace to War. Moreover, he for­bad all that were Enemies to the Peace of the Church, to come within his Palace. Opt. p. 650. And up­on the Petition of a young Nobleman, whose Sister being seduced by the Donatists, divided a considerable Estate among them, without any Legacy to her Brother; it was ordered, [Page 86]that the Estate should wholly descend to him, according to a former Edict. It would offend the Readers patience, to repeat all the Con­stitutions of the Emperors, and Decrees of Councils, against these lawless Persons, who could break them with less trouble, than the Emperors could make them; Witness their hainous Murther of one Maximianus Bishop of Vaga, St. Aug. Epist. 50. who having by sentence of Law re­covered his Church, which the Donatists had by force taken from him, came to demand it of them, and to take possession; But the Do­natists fell on him with so great fury, and wounded him so desperately, that he was left for dead, through loss of blood; and whe [...] the Catholicks came to carry him away, they drave them off, and carrying him into a Tur­ret, cast him down thence, but it being no great height, and falling on soft Turfs, he was afterward conveyed away, and recovered by his Brethren, and together with other Suf­ferers, petitioned the Emperor to pity those persecuted Churches, shewing their wounds, and relating the Cruelty of the Donatists; with which the Emperor was so affected, that he made Capital Laws against several exorbi­tances of the Donatists, and injoyned a strict execution of them; which produced so good effect, that St. Augustine says thus of them: It was my Opinion heretofore, Epist. 48. that none ought to be compelled to the Unity of Christ, but to be perswaded by Reason and Argu­ment, lest we should have dissembling Ca­tholicks, [Page 87]instead of open Hereticks; but this Opinion was overthrown, not by the contra­diction of words, but by the demonstration of Examples, for this my City (saith he, that is Hippo, whereof he was Bishop) which was wholly seduced by the Donatists, by the Laws of the Emperor, which punished some Offen­ders among them with Death, is so generally united in the Catholick Unity, as if there had been no Schisme among them; for being first awed by fear, they are afterward convinced by truth, which they could not hear among their false Teachers, and are by degrees made to un­derstand, and abhor their wicked practices, &c.

And to silence their Objections, that they were persecuted and punished beyond their de­serts; He willeth them to consider, first, what they had done, and then what they did suffer, which was far less than their demerits. Leges puniendo non possunt, quod isti saeviendo potue­runt: Epist. 170. The Laws never inflicted such punish­ments on the worst Malefactors, as They did on their innocent Brethren. How great mischiefs did some of your mad Clerks and Circumcel­lians act among us? our Churches were burnt, our Books cast into the flames, Men were ta­ken out of their Houses, which they also burnt down, having first plundered them, and then tortured their Masters, by maiming them in their Limbs, and putting out their Eyes, saith St. Augustine, contra Donat. post Collat. These things were not done by the rabble of Circum­cellians alone, but by their Clergy; Qui duces [Page 88]eorum semper fuerunt, who were still their Leaders. What Master was there that did not stand in fear of his Servant, if he came to the Donatists, Epist. 166. to make his complaint, and desire their Patronage? They constrain the Ma­sters to deliver up their Covenants, and let them go free; they force from the Creditors their Bonds and Obligations, and deliver them up to the Debtors, and if this were not done at their command, they assembled Multitudes with Arms, and Fire, threatning present Death, and burning of their Houses, St. August. E­pistle 50. Praetexatus a Bishop of the Dona­tists dying, they ordained Rogatus in his place, being a Person of good Learning and Reputa­tion, who afterward declared himself to be of the Catholick Communion, whereupon they so persecuted him, that at length the Cir­cumcellians pluckt out his Tongue, and cut off his Hand, as St. August. de Gestis cum Eme­rito. No good Catholick while he lived a­mong them, could be secure of any Possession, nor of life it self, Epist. 61. for as St. August. Qui sibi nequam cui bonus? They that by Fire, Water, and Precipices, desperately destroyed their own Lives, had an easie command and power over the Lives of others; and yet these Men, would first cry out of Persecution. Nos ab armatis vestris fustibus & ferro concidimur, & vos dicitis pati persecutionem. St. August. Epist. 166. gives many instances of their cruel usage of such Bishops and Presbyters, as were re­conciled to the Catholicks. Marcus a Priest, [Page 89]of his own proper motion declared himself to be a Catholick, and shortly after some of the Donatists met him, and would have de­stroyed him, had not some that by accident came by, rescued him out of their hands. Restitutus another Convert, was drawn out of his House, beaten, and dragged through the Mud, and long kept a Prisoner, until Proculi­anus obtained his deliverance. Marcianus had his House beset, and he escaping, they beat his Subdeacon, so as they left him for Dead. They made publick Proclamations, that who­ever should communicate with Maximianus, his House should be burnt; and when Possi­dius was sent to Fugilia, to visit and instruct some People there, the Donatists laid ambush­es for him, which he having escaped, they pur­sued him to a House, where he hid himself, and set it on Fire three times, intending to have burnt him alive, had not the Countrey Men quenched the Fire: and this was done by some of the Donatist Clergy, who being con­demned for this out-rage, in a Mulct of Ten Pounds of Gold, the good Bishop Possidius interceded for them, and got the Penalty to be remitted.

So desperately were they bent to ruine the Catholicks, that sometimes they joyned with the Arians and Macedonians, and sometimes with the Pagans and with the Jews (whom the Fathers of that Age called Coelicolas) to persecute the Catholicks. Who meet again in another Council at Carthage, and decree to [Page 90]send Legates to Honorius, to complain of the great slaughters made upon them by the Do­natists, who had slain many eminent Person namely Severus, Macarius, Evodius, Theasius and Victor, who were Bishops, besides grea [...] Numbers of other Persons. They appoin [...] therefore Restitutus and Florentius, to infor [...] the Emperor of their continued cruelty; and St. Augustine sends Letters to Olympius, a M [...] of great account with the Emperor, desiring that some Assistance might be speedily sent [...] ­to them, upon which the Emperor sent [...] Rescript, commanding that such Jews and He­reticks as molested the Church, should be p [...] ­nished with Banishment, or loss of Life. O [...] device of the Donatists may be here season­ably mentioned, which is this: Honorius the Emperor, and Arcadius his Brother were Per­sons of so much piety and clemency, that they could not immediately reproach them, as Per­secutors, and therefore they laid the blame of all the severe Laws, that were enacted again [...] them, St. August. Epist. 129. upon the evil Counsellers, that we [...] near them; These are not the Laws (say they) of the Sons of Theodosius, but of Stilicho: yet when Stilicho was dead, the same Law were vigorously executed against them.

I hapned in the Year 410. that Attal [...] a Tyrant, had invaded the Emperor's Domini­ons, and promised protection to all such as would submit to him, whereupon many of the Donatists fled to him, insomuch that the Em­peror was inforced to grant a General Tole­ration, [Page 91]that every one should worship God in what manner he pleased, to prevent that ge­neral revolt to Attalus, which was feared. Upon this the Donatists grew more insolent than ever; so that they permitted not the Ca­tholick Doctors, to speak against their Errors, nor to Preach the truth: They dragged Resti­tutus, a Presbyter, through a Chanel of mud, Possidonius in vitâ Aug. & Contra Cresc. l. 2. & Epist. 166. and after twelve days torments slew him: They put out the Eyes of others, and poured in Lime and Vinegar into the holes; and with Fire and Sword terrified all the Churches of Africa. To divert this fury the Catholicks meet again at Carthage, and send four Bishops to the Emperor, to acquaint him of the Cruel­ties that had been committed, upon his Edict for Toleration, which he recalls by hi Re­script in these words, Codex de Rel. l. 3. & de Hae­ret. 51. Ea quae circa Catholicam fidem vel olim ordinavit Antiquitas, vel Pa­rentum nostrorum authoritas religiosa constituit, vel nostra Serenitas roboravit; novellâ super­stitione remotâ, integra & inviolata custodire praecipimus: That whatever Laws had been e­stablished by himself, or his Predecessors, con­cerning the Catholick Faith, should be held firm and inviolated. By the four Bishops sent from this Council, to the Emperor, at the mo­tion of St. Augustine, who complained, that in the Regions belonging to Hippo, where the Barbarians had not come, the robberies and violence of the Donatist Clergy, and their Cir­cumcellians, the Churches were made more de­solate, than under the power of the Barbari­ans; [Page 92]It was earnestly petitioned, that the Do­natists might be compelled to a publick con­ference with the Catholicks, all other endea­vours for Union being frustrated. This Ho­norius willingly grants, Pridie Id. Octob. 413. and lest the Donatists should refuse this Christian means, or commit any act of violence against the Catholicks, he sent Marcellinus his Principal Notary (or Se­cretary) to be a Moderator between them, and to take cognizance of the proceedings: and lest he should meet with the like affronts, as Pau­lus and Macarius did, when they were sent by Constans, upon the like occasion; He comman­ded a sufficient Army to attend him, which also the Catholicks, fearing the attempts of the Cir­cumcellians, justly desired. The day appointed for this conference being at hand, the Donatist Bishops being as they reported 279, enter the City with great Pomp and Numbers, so as they drew all the City to be Spectators, and to admire their equipage. And though many of them lived on the benevolence of their Facti­on, being rendred uncapable by the Imperial Laws of Ecclesiastical Dignities and Possessi­ons, or upon that which they had wrested from the Catholicks in Licentious times; The Catholicks were far inferior to them, as well in Riches, as in Ostentation. The Catholicks were in Number 286, many of their Party had been slain, and many were afraid to Tra­vel, because of the Circumcellians, however their Number much exceeded the Donatists, for when St. Augustine viewed the Subscripti­ons [Page 93]of that Party, to satisfie himself of their number, he found that the noise of 279. was shrunk into 159. The Meeting was appoin­ted to be at the Gargilian Baths, in a spacious Room fitted for that purpose. Aug. de Gestis cum Emerito. Before the Ca­tholicks enter, they agreed mutually by solemn promise, That if the Donatists could evince, that the Marks of the true Church belonged to their Party, they would not desire to retain their Episcopal Dignities, but leave them to the Donatists to be disposed of, (bono pacis) for the peace of the Church: And if it should appear, that they were in the Communion of the Catholick Church, they would notwith­standing admit of the Donatists as their Bre­thren and Colleagues, upon their conformity, to enjoy their several Dignities; and where­ever there was a competition for the present, between a Catholick and a Donatist, for any Ecclesiastical Preferment, there should be a present provision made for the Donatist, and if the Catholick dyed he fore him, he should have an [...], (as the Civilians called it) a right of succession, wherein they manifested their real charity, who as they ge­nerally professed, (Parati erant Episcopatum pro Christi unitate deponere & non perdere sed Deo commendare) were prepared to lay down their Bishopricks for the Christian Unity, and not think them lost, but intrusted with God. Delib. p. 220.

This charity was not answered with the like from the Donatists, who as soon as they had [Page 94]been saluted by the Catholicks as Brethren, Marcellinus willeth them all to sit down. Ac­cordingly the Catholicks took their Seats, but the Donatists refused, and Primianus their Titular Bishop of Carthage replyed, August. post Col­lat. Carth. Indignu [...] est ut filii Martyrum & progenies Traditor [...] in unum conveniant: It is an indignity to the Sons of the Martyrs, to sit with the off-spring of Traditors; Another said, Odi Ecclesian malignantium, & cum impiis non sedebo. To which the Catholicks answered, that they were met to enquire of the truth, and not of Mens persons, and desired that (nec causa causae, nec persona personae praejudicet) former cause and persons might not create a prejudice to the present. At length they condescend to take their Seats, and then it was proposed by Mar­cellinus, that for Orders sake, there should be a Select number appointed by both Parties, to discourse pro & con. This after some relu­ctancy by the Donatists, was yielded to, and the Number on each side were to be Seven, whereof St. Augustine was to be Prolocutor for the Catholicks, and Petilian (who had been a Civilian) for the Donatists: There were also four Notaries appointed by each Party, to write down the several Arguments, and Answers, which being printed at large, and joyned with the Works of Optatus, I shall refer the Reader to them, and onely give a brief account of what is pertinent to the pre­sent case of the Schisme. Marcellinus having produced the Emperor's Rescript for the Trea­ty, [Page 95]promiseth them all candor, freedom, and protection during the Conference, and intreats them to direct their discourse to the causes and grounds of the difference, which was be­tween them. But the Donatists, who as St. Augustine observes, Contra E­meritum. (hoc unum agebant ut nil ageretur) make use of all possible cavils, and subterfuges, as if the chief business that they had to do, were to take care that nothing might be done, and to return with as much Pride and Pomp as they came. First there­fore they object, that the time appointed was elapsed; then, that there was no certain Date to the Imperial Edict, because the Names of the Consuls were not inserted. These being answered, they desire to know who procured the Edict for that Meeting, that the Names of the Legates, and their Petition might be read; tacitely reflecting upon the Catholicks, (saith St. Augustine) for referring the cause of the Church to the Emperor. To this it was an­swered, that the Catholicks (who confessed that they procured it) had done no other, than they themselves appealing from the Sen­tence of Meltiades in the case of Cecilian, unto the Emperor Constantine. Then they be­gin to reflect on the Persons of Felix and Ce­cilian, and having almost tired Marcellinus, to keep them from impertinencies, repetitions and evasions, he brought them at last to the merits of the cause. But, Quid dignum tanto? I know not any thing that may raise greater admiration, than to consider what trifles, and [Page 96]apples of contention, like the forbidden fruit, ingaged all Africa in such desperate fewds, as made it an Aceldama, for blood-shed and slaughters, and imployed so many Emperors, Bishops and Councils, for more than an Hun­dred Years together, without any considerable effect. For when the differences and causes of that confusion came to be considered in this Conference, we do not hear that the Donatists could plead in justification of their Schisme, that their supposed Enemies did deny God, or Christ, or the Resurrection, or did actually persecute them, or that they did with pride, and contempt, deny to admit them to their Communion; nor did the Catholicks charge the Donatists with Apostasie from the Faith, and denying Fundamentals of Christianity: We do not hear them urging, as they might, their rebaptizing and joyning with the Mace­donians, or Jews, and Pagans, against those whom they knew to be Orthodox Bishops. They all professed an agreement in all such ne­cessary points of Faith, that it is strange, how they could differ in any thing; And yet the Donatists persecuted the Catholicks so cruelly, as if they had not been agreed in any principle of Christianity. Marcellinus having heard the whole Conference, declared against the Donatists, and charged the inferior Officers speedily to execute the Imperial Laws, in sei­zing their Churches for the Catholicks, scat­tering their Conventicles, and confiscating their Meeting places; which Edict the Empe­rors [Page 97]confirm, and cause to be entred among the publick Acts. That which was pretended by the Donatists, as the ground of the Schism, was, that Cecilian, who was Bishop of Car­thage, for almost 100. Years before, was a Traditor; that he, and other Catholick Bi­shops had admitted lapsed Persons into their Communion, whereby all their Churches were defiled, and ought not to be communicated with: Quia lapsi vel haeretici qui resipiscerent admittebantur. Prosper de promiss. & praedict. So I find the Question expresly stated, by con­sent of both Parties: Ʋtrum Ecclesia permix­tos malos us (que) id finem habitura, praedicta sit, an omnion omnes bonos sanctos at (que) immaculatos ab hoc seculo us (que) in finem habitura sit. Whe­ther the Church of God (according to the predictions concerning it) were to consist of a mixture of good and evil, or only of such as were holy and undefiled. The Catholicks maintained the former from the predictions of the Prophets, concerning the Universal ex­tent of Christ's Kingdome, from many Pa­rables of our Saviour concerning his Church, from the Commission he gave to his Apostles, to Disciple all Nations, from the event, which succeeded upon the Apostles preaching, the Conversion of all Nations, from many Argu­ments used by St. Cyprian against the Novati­ans; and lastly from their own practice, in readmitting the Maximianists, who had re­volted from the Donatists, and used another Baptism. And most unreasonable it was to [Page 98]think that the wickedness of one Man should ruine the whole Church of Christ. St. Aug. Epist 50. Nec peccavit Cecilianus, haereditatem suam perdi [...] Christus. Against this, the Donatists urge that the same Prophets foretold, that the Church of Christ should be Holy, as well [...] Catholick, that Hierusalem was to be a Hol [...] City, the Spouse of Christ must be withou [...] spot, a chast and undefiled Virgin. To whic [...] St. Augustine replies, Perfectio promissa non data. that these things ough [...] to be endeavoured in the Church in thi [...] World, but would never be effected, unt [...] Christ do come in the end of the World, whe [...] he will thoroughly cleanse his Flowr, & gather the Wheat into his Garner, and burn up the chaff with unquenchable Fire.

Then the Donatists begin to recriminate Mensurius and Cecilian, that had been long dead; To which it is presently answered, That they were absolved by the Emperor, and Coun­cils of the Church then in being, as did appear by most ancient Records, which were ready to be produced, and thereby also Donat [...] stood condemned. But (saith St. Augustine) if those Bishops had been wicked, the Church of God cannot be judged to have perished with them. Whether they were good, or bad, they were our Brethren: if we knew them to be evil, we would joyn with you to condemn them, but not to desert the Church of God, because of them. If Cecilian were good and innocent, he hath the reward of his innocence, and I rejoyce at it; but I never placed my [Page 99]hope and faith in his innocence: if he had been evil, yet the Church thought fit to continue in his Communion, and so do we. Melius est per patientiam ferre malos quam per calumni­am relinquere bonos, St. Aug. in Colloq. Carthag. The several Arguments and Answers are too large to be here set down. Upon the whole, Marcellinus adjudged, that the Donatists ar­guments and pretences were invalid, their Schisme unjust, their practices cruel; and therefore he willed them to return to the Communion of the Church, and live in peace and unity; otherwise he would provide, that the Imperial Laws should be executed upon them. In the mean time, he prevailed with them to subscribe the Records of the Confe­rence, which had been faithfully taken, by the Notaries on both sides, and so dismissed them. After the Publication of this Conference, and of the Emperor's reinforcing the Laws for pecuniary Mulcts, and Banishment against them; some Thousands of the common Peo­ple deserted them, and returned to the Ca­tholick Church, and to their honest and law­ful callings, which they had long omitted, as generally the Circumcellians did: But the Do­natist Bishops and Presbyters were for the most part obstinate, and endeavoured to conti­nue the Schisme. There were many imprison­ed, and condemned for Murther, and Robbe­ries, committed in that Tumult, wherein Re­stitutus and Innocentius were slain; for these St. Augustine mediates, and obtains Pardon. [Page 100]But the Donatist Bishops return in great dis­content, and report among the People, that they were not permitted to speak with that liberty and freedome, as they ought: And Petilian, who went off from the Conference, before it was ended, having lost his Voice by raving and passion, pretended afterward, that he was dissatisfied with the partiality of Mar­cellinus; and therefore he perswaded the rest to Appeal from his Sentence, pretending that they had been kept as Prisoners, and were not suffered to prosecute their Arguments; and that Marcellinus was corrupted, and pro­nounced the Sentence at Midnight, which was contrary to Law. And St. Augustine going afterward to Mauritania, was challenged by Emeritus, one of the Donatist Bishops, who undertook to defend the Conference, in a Per­sonal disputation, which St. Augustine agreed to, and hath given us a particular account of it. But as St. Augustine saith, Hoc proprium Donatistis eandem cantilenam canere: It was their custome to inculcate the same Arguments again, which had been often confuted many Years before.

There being no reformation among the Lea­ders of the Faction, who continue several Tu­mults, Cruelties and Murthers: Thirty of their Bishops were condemned to be banished, who met together, and resolved rather to cast themselves over the Precipices, (as the pra­ctice of the Circumcellians was) and to dye Martyrs for the cause. And some did destroy [Page 101]themselves in Wells, and by throwing them­selves from the Rocks. In so much that Dul­citius, who was joyned with Marcellinus in the Government of Africa, advised with St. Augustine, what was most fit to be done with those obstinate Persons, that still seduced the People; and what counsel St. Augustine gave him, we read in the 61. Epistle: Furiosus error paucorum non debuit tot populorum salu­tem impedire. Proculdubiò melius est, ut qui­dam suis ignibus perirent, quam pariter sem­piternis ignibus Sacrilegae dissentionis ardeant universi. That the error of a few distracted Persons, should not be permitted to involve all the People in confusion and ruine: and that without doubt, it was better, that such as were Incendiaries, should dye in the flames which they had kindled, than that all the People should still suffer in the fires of sacrilegious Dissention.

Thus I have given you a Summary of the History of these dangerous Persons, for full an Hundred Years, and might pursue it yet farther; but considering how troublesome and unsafe it may be to follow them too nigh, I shall desist, and only add some Reflections upon the Faction: And first,