NOTE I.

A Doubtful point indeed:—a very pretty, and a pleasant Question left unresolv'd, when by an Act of this sitting Parliament the Institution's Damn'd, and the final Decision of the Case committed to the Common Hang­man. Well: Forward.

[B] VVE are assur'd from the Nature of a Vow to God; Pag. 12. A misera­ble shift. and from the Case of Saul, Zedekiah, and others, that it would be a terrible thing to us to violate it on that pretence.]

NOTE II.

MArque now the miserable shift these people make; how Ignorant they are even in their Own Trade: for, Art there is in dawbing. They must not Violate the Cove­nant, upon protence of Vnlawful Institution.]

The Question is not Here; the Lawfulness, [Page 6] or Vnlawfulness of the Power Imposing; The Co­venant not bin­ding. but the Liberty of the Party Swearing, as to the Drift, and Subject of the Oath. Suppose the Enforcers of the Covenant, had press'd a General Oath upon the Nation obliging every Man only to wash his hands before he went to Dinner. The Imposition had been Vnlawful:—as the Act of an Vsurping Power. The Taking of it had been unlawful likewise, as, in some measure, an Allowance of that Usur­pation:—Yet having sworn to do a thing, at my own choyce to Do, or let alone, till I had bound my self to do it, That Oath's obliging; yet not so Binding, but by a subsequent Com­mand from the Supreme, and Legal Magi­strate That Obligation may be Cancell'd. The Reason's This. I cannot dispose of anothers Right; of my Own I may. My Oath can­not operate beyond my Power, and Freedom; so far as I am Free, it binds me, but where my Superiour thinks fit to determine That Freedom, Amesius. de Consc. lib. 4. q. 11. the Bond ceases. Parentes (says Amesius) Mariti, Domini, Principes, irri­ta pronunciare possunt, vel Iuramenta, vel Vota, à Filiis, Vxoribus, Servis, Subditis facta, sine ipsorum Consensu, in iis Rebus, quae ipsorum Potestati subiiciuntur.] Fathers, Husbands, Masters, and Princes, may disen­gage their Children, Wives, Servants, and Subjects, from what Oaths or Vowes-soever contracted without their consent, touching [Page 7] matters subjected to their Authority.

Now to their Cases of Saul, and Zedekiah: The former whereof is of so wilde an Ap­plication, I know not what they drive at in it; The Other I confess is a little more perspicu­ously beside the purpose.

In our Case, the People enter into a Cove­nant, without, and against the King; What passage in the story of Saul our Reformers intend for a Match to This, I cannot Ima­gine.

Saul binds the People by an Oath to fast till Evening; Sauls Case examined. (1 Sam. 14. 24.) Ionathan knowing nothing of the Oath tasts a little Hony (v. 27.) Saul for This resolves to put Ionathan to death; (v. 44.) and the People rescue him. What's this to us? Wee'll try again.

Ionathan and David made a Covenant: 1 Sam. 18. 3. (No Scotch Covenant I hope) The business was This; David had newly kill'd the Philistim, and Ionathan transported with the Bravery of the Person, and the Ac­tion, strikes a League of Friendship with him.

Davids Victory being celebrated in a Popu­lar and Triumphal Song, that [Saul had slain his Thousand, and David his Ten Thousand] from that day forward (says the Text) Saul had an eye upon David. 1 Sam. 18. 9.] Iona­than [Page 8] acquaints David with his Fathers evil purpose, David minds Ionathan of his Cove­nant of Friendship. (1 Sam. 20. 8.) and in the 42. verse of the same chapter, the Cove­nant is explayn'd. [Ionathan said to David, Go in peace: that which we have sworn both of us in the name of the Lord, (saying, The Lord be between thee and me, and between thy seed, and my seed;) lot it stand for ever.]

Thus far, there's no Proportion; the one is a Personal Covenant, extending onely to mat­ter of Kindness; the other is a Publique League, of Opposition, and of Violence.

Since This is nothing to our business, it must be That which follows, or nothing at all: Now see the Sequele; which, if any thing, makes the Case worse.

David flees (Chap. 22.) and a malecon­tented Party gathers to him. Saul Hunts him; Ionathan finds him in the Wood, and comforts him, saying Fear not, for the hand of Saul my Father shall not find thee. (here's no Resistance.) So they twain made a Cove­nant before the Lord &c.]

During the League betwixt this Pair of Noble Friends, David asks Counsel of the Lord in all his Publique Actions; [Shall I go and smite the Philistins?] (Chapt. 23. verse 2.) and the Lord answer'd David, Go [Page 9] and smite the Philistines, and save Keilah.] David discomfits the Philistines, and saves Keilah: Saul marches towards him, David again applies himself to God to know if the men of Keilah would deliver him up or no? it was returned, they would. So David fled, and afterward had Saul twice at his mercy, whom as the Lords Anointed, he still feared to touch.

I have here trac'd the story at Length, and now let the Reformers chuse what use they'll make of it. This part of Scripture has been often tortur'd in favour of the late Rebellion, but for the Covenant, they might as well have quoted an Indenture; so that either the Refor­mers business is to justifie the Quarrel, or to abuse the Bible.

Concerning the Case of Zedekiah, The Case of Zedekiah. take it in short. Ierusalem was taken by the King of Babel, and Zedekiah carried away Priso­ner, his Eyes being first put out by Nebuchad­nezzar. Zedekiah Rebelled (says the Text) against the King of Babel, (2 Kings 24. 29.) who made him King in the stead of Iehojakim, his Vncle, who was carried away in Captivity from Jerusalem, to Babel. The Provocations to that Iudgement are found at large in the Prophet Ieremiah, to be These; Idolatry, Rebellion, and Breach of Covenant: But Breach of Covenant is the Question, and Zede­kiah's the Case. Agreed.

[Page 10] 13. Thus saith the Lord, Jerem. 34. God made the Cove­nant. the God of Israel, I made a Covenant with your Fathers in the day that I brought them forth out of the Land of Aegypt, out of the house of Bondmen, saying;

14. At the end of seven years, The Co­venant it self. let ye go every man his Brother, an Hebrew, which hath been sold unto thee; and when he hath served thee six years, thou shalt let him go free from thee: but your Fathers harkened not unto me, neither inclined their ear.

15. And ye were now turned, Zedekiahs Covenant. and had done right in my sight, in proclaiming liberty every man to his Neighbour, and ye had made a Co­venant before me in the house which is called by my Name.

16. But ye turned and polluted my Name, And Re­volt. and caused every man his Servant, and every man his Handmaid, whom ye had set at li­berty at their pleasure, to return, and brought them into subjection, to be unto you for Ser­vants, and for Handmaids.

17. Therefore thus saith the Lord, For the Breach Ye have not harkened unto me, in proclaiming liberty every one to his Brother, &c.—

21. And Zedekiah King of Judah, he is Pu­nish'd. and his Princes will I give into the hand of their Ene­mies, and into the hand of them that seek their life, and into the hand of the King of Babylons Army.

[Page 11] Now here's the Case: God having made a Covenant with the Israelites, King Zede­kiah makes a Covenant with the People, for the performance of That Covenant. Breach of Faith was the Sin that drew on their grie­vous Punishment.

Can our Covenanters now shew us a Text for the Scottish Discipline? The Case does not hold. or that the late King entred into Covenant with the People to Observe it? Can our Iudaising Brethren shew us but a Levitical Law yet for our money? or dare they but pretend, that the Iurors un­derstood what they swore to do? In short, here's the Difference, They Covenanted to observe a Levitical Constitution, and Ours Covenanted to destroy the Fifth Commande­ment.

There is another Covenant mention'd in the Prophet Ezekiel, The very Case. which is much fitter for Their Case: the Covenant of the Rebel­lious House, Ezek. 17. that after Oath and Covenant of Allegiance to the King of Babel, Rebelled, and sent Embassadors into Aegypt, (Scotland I had like to have said) that they might give him (Zedekiah) Horses, Ezek. 17. 15. and much People, &c.] That blessed Combination, and Our Covenant are of a Family.

[Page 12] I have been large upon these Precedents; to shew how grosly they abuse the very Word of God: and truly 'tis no wonder, for Those People to discover Antichrist in a Ceremony, that can draw arguments for Rebellion out of the Bible. They Proceed.

[C] THough we are far from thinking that it obligeth us to any evil, A Pres­byterian Oracle. or to go beyond our places and callings to do good, much less to resist Authority (to which it doth oblige us) yet doth it undoubtedly bind us to forbear our own consent to those luxuriances of Church-Government, which we there renoun­ced, and for which no divine Institution can be pretended.]

NOTE. III.

THese words would have look'd better from a Pagan Oracle, then from a Gospel-Ministry. Let any man either say what they can mean, but Mischief; or name That Mis­chief which (for ought we know) they may not intend.

What was that Covenant which These peo­ple so much reverence, The Co­venant an abjuring Oath. even in the Infamous Ashes, but an Oath of Anti-canonical Obedi­ence, [Page 13] and of Anti-Monarchical Allegiance? A Religious Abjuration of the King and the Church.—A Perjury, consecrated in the Pul­pit; —A League asserted by Bloudy Hands, and Fire and Sword were their best Argu­ments.

In summe; What that Covenant produc'd. These men Intend: they own as much, and 'twere ill manners to contradict them. Nay they adore the very Reliques of the Martyr'd Idol.

They will not go beyond their Places, and Callings.] So said the Solemn Fopp it self: and under that pretext, pray'ye how far went they? for they profess so far they'll Go again.

A thorough Reformation is their Business then. A thorough Reforma­tion. That is to say, could they but Pack a Presbyterian House of Commons (which the Sovereign People should call a Parliament) to reform the State, they'd undertake the Or­dering of the Church Themselves, and there's the Thorough-Reformation.

If This be not a Justification of the last Rebellion, and a fair step toward another, I understand not English.

They say the Covenant does not oblige them to any evil.] But in the Covenant-sense that's Good, which in a Legal, and Common sense is [Page 14] evil. Make them the Judges once again, and they shall think another war as Lawful, as they did the Former.

They will not Resist Authority neither.] In their Places and Callings. (they say) so they told us of Old, but they misplac'd it shrewdly. 'Tis but taking his Majesties Authority into the Faction, and Throwing his Person into a Prison again, and that Flaw is made up too.

Now if a man had Lilly's Devil;—for none but a Presbyterian Familiar is able to help us out.—

Much less to resist Authority, (to which it doth oblige us, &c.)

The Question here, Quere. is how to understand the Parenthesis: whether they mean that the Covenant obliges them to Authority, or to Resist it, I am a Traytor if I comprehend them.

We come now, to the binding part of the Covenant. They must not consent (say they) to those Luxuriances of Church-Government which they there, Renounc'd, &c.]

If they must not Consent, may they not let them Alone? No, no, they'll tell us, 'tis their Calling to reform them. I demand, will they consent to the Civil Government, then? [Page 15] If they do That; the Law provides a Punish­ment for such medling Reformers, and 'tis in vain to think of setling Presbytery, before they have (effectually) Destroy'd Monarchy. But these Gentlemen know the way to Confu­sion, without a Guide.

By their [Luxuriances] they understand, An Af­front to the Parlia­ment. Prelates, and all appendents to the Hierarchy. These they have Renounc'd, they say, and by their Covenant they are still obliged to make good their Disclaim. This Boldness requires rather the Severity of the Law, then dint of Argument: 'To preferr a Schismatical League to an Act of Parliament:—the skumm of the People to the Supreme Autho­rity of the Nation.

Let the gravest of their Galloping Lectu­rers answer me onely to This one Question, Where lies the Last appeal; according to the Constitution of England?

If in the King; (as what honest man doubts it) They are Iudg'd already, let them be quiet. If in the Parliament, they are Over-Rul'd There too;—the Covenant's gone. If in the People, why do they contra­dict themselves, and Petition his Majesty? if in the Presbyterian Pastors; why do they Sup­plicate the Bishops?

As to the point of Divine Institution, 'tis worn Thrid-Bare. But where's the Divine Institution of a White-Cap under A Black! of [Page 16] A Cloak in A Pulpit? of Reviling Bishops? and Speaking evil of Dignities: of the Heart-breaking Humm's and Haws, and the doleful tunes they Teach in?

Their next Period is a Bobb to the Cavali­ers: let the Brethren make their best on't.

[D] NOt presuming to meddle with the Consciences of those many of the Nobility, and Gentry, and Others, that adhered to his late Majesty in the late unhappy Wars: who at their Camposition took the Vow and Covenant. We only crave your Majesties clemency to our selves and others, who believe themselves to be under its obligations. And God forbid that we that are the Ministers of the Word of Truth should do any thing to encou­rage your Majesties Subjects to cast off the Conscience of an Oath.]

NOTE. IV.

MArque the transcendent Confidence, and Weakness of these People.

They will not meddle with the Cavaliers Consciences, The Re­formers tenderness touching Oathes. that took the Covenant.] Did they not meddle with them neither to make them take it? They put them to this Choyce, either [Page 17] to swear, or sterve; and in that Desperate Extremity, divers submited to their accur­sed Covenant. 'Tis true they did, and they are bound to a Repentance for't. But what's the portion then of those Impenitents that were the Barbarous Enforcers of it?

Were Lucifer himself Incarnate, and a Subject, would he not blush to treat his Sove­reign with their Arguments? Observe.

They mind the King how bloodily they used his Friends by the obligation of that Covenant, The bold­ness of the Faction. by which they likewise ruin'd his Royal Father: and in the same Breath, they desire his Maje­sty to believe that all was Matter of Consci­ence: They plead, the Covenant's not dis­charg'd; and in effect they Fairly tell their Gracious Sovereign, that they are oblig'd to do now as they did before.

Now see the Weakness of these People; Their weakness. while they Begg this, they stir the strongest Provocation, and most unanswerable Reason to Deny it. They labour to involve All in an Equal Guilt, and to Confound the lewdest Villenies in Nature, with Common Frailties.

But Here, a word to all sorts of People that ever took their Covenant.

Some knew not what they did, and were to Blame to swear they knew not what. Let [Page 18] those of that From ask themselves, if ever they intended by that Vow, to raise a War a­gainst the King, and overturn the Church. They are now Free, and Pardon'd, and if they are not Mad, they'll say their Prayers, and be Quiet.

Such as Engag'd through Faction, Malice, or Ambition; I have little to say to their Consciences. Methinks, if the Kings Mercy cannot make them Honest, Experience should make them Wise: But they are Dangerous People to deal with, we'll to the next.

A Third sort there is, that to save their stakes, sate still, and look'd on. Those can­not but abhor the very thought of Repeating what they did, and suffered: especially in agreement with these persons, that now de­clare the Covenant against the Late King, to be Binding against this. (for that's the Lo­gique on't.)

There are a Fourth Sort, that having en­gaged their Lives and Estates in the King's service, Sank by the Fortune of the Warre, and being left a naked Prey to an insulting and merciless enemy, were forc'd to sad Conditi­ons for their Bread, and Families. Now in requital for the Plagues they have brought up­on us already; they are soliciting for leave to make us yet more miserable, and to have us declared for villains by an Allowance of their Treasons: A thing Impossible for so Generous [Page 19] a Prince, to Grant, but wondrous Easie for so Imperious a Faction to Demand.

And who are the Petitioners all this while, but most of them the Old stagers? A man would think 'twere time now, for their Reve­rences to give over their jugling Divinity;—their Quailpiping in a Pulpit to catch silly wo­men; —and fall at last to their Prayers in Earnest.

But God forbid (they cry) that the Mini­sters of the Word of Truth, should do any thing to encourage his Majesties Subjects to cast off the Conscience of an Oath.] ☜

Let the Heads that are Gone Blush for those they have left behind them. The Conscience of an Oath, do they say? Let the Three Na­tions rise against them; and tell how many hundred Thousand persons these Hypocrites have forc't to swear against their Profess'd Con­sciences. But drive it Homer yet. This is to say, that All that acted in the late war ac­cording to the Covenant, are bound to do the same Things over again. There is a huge deal of Folly in this Assertion, and as it seems to me, a Spice of Treason. Does it not en­courage the People to adhore to a Rebellious Princple?

There is (says the Lord St. Albans) a thing in an Indictment, called an Inuvendo, you must take head how you Becken, or make signs upon [Page 20] the King in a Dangerous sense.] This is a shrew'd Beacken as I take it, to excite a Tumult to justifie a Rebellious vow, and oppose a Pe­dantique Libell to an Act of Parliament.

[E] TIll the Covenant was decryed as an Al­manack out of date, and its obliga­tion taken to be null, that odious Fact could never have been perpetrated against your Royal Father, nor your Majesty have been so long expulsed from your Dominions. And the obligation of the Covenant upon the con­sciences of the Nation, was not the weakest Instrument of your Return.]

NOTE. V.

THat Odious Fact they speak of, was the Kings Murther; which they that shot at him, were not less Guilty of, then that Mon­ster, that sever'd his Sacred Head from his Body. 'Tis the Consent that makes the Sin; Hitting or Missing does not one jote after the Quality of the Action.

But has any man the Face to mention Loy­alty, and the Covenant, in the same Day? The Marquis of Montross was Murther'd, ex­presly for his Loyalty to the King as a Deser­tour [Page 21] of the Covenant, Loyalty made Death, accordi [...] to the C [...] ­venant and by a Publique Ordi­nance 'twas made Death for any man to serve his Majesty having first taken the Covenant. They that first Voted War against the King, were every whit as Criminal, as that Mock-Court of Iustice that Condemn'd him. In Fine, the Independents murther'd CHARLES STU­ART but the Presbyterians Kill'd the KING.

What is a Prince without his Negative Voice? the Power of Life and Death, and the Militia? That is, what is a King, without the Essentials of Royalty; but a mere Name, and Property?

But till the Covenant was decry'd, as an old Almanack, and the Obligation taken for Null, we are to take for Granted, all went well; and so far our Reformers plead the Co­venant Binding still.

Was not the Last King Persecuted, De­thron'd, Robb'd, &c.—according to the Co­venant? so by the Consequence of the Refor­mers Doctrine, may This King be Treated likewise.

Nor had His Majesty been so long expul­sed, they say.]

Go to then; Let these Gentlemen pro­duce (from First to Last of the Quarrel) any Proposals from the Presbyterian Party (in Power) either to His Majesty, or his late Blessed Father, that are not worse then Banish­ment.

[Page 22] And for the Covenants bringing in the King:—they hung it up, and [...]ew'd his Name in't, to gull the People with it, as they had done before.

Did they not after This, exclude both from the Next Convention, and the Militia, all the Kings Actual Adherents, and their Sons, to get the Power once more into the hands of their own Faction? But the next Choyce prov'd other then They expected, and when they saw they could not hinder His Majesty, they seem'd to help him.

These are Distastful stories, but 'tis the pleasure of the Reforming Faction to move the Dispute; and by a needess Challenge, and Appeal, to affront the Law, the King, and all that serv'd him, in Opposition to their Covenant. If They are in the Right, (as they proclaim they are) then consequently Wee are Traytors, and our Gracious Master is no King.

I do but take up the Defensive, and I hope a Cavalier may say hee's Honest yet, though some will have it dangerous to say hee's Poor: Reserving still a true Respect, and Kindness for all such Presbyterians as love His Majesty, whom I consider as Select Persons, and distin­guished from the Notion of the Party.

It were a good deed now to give the world a tast of a Covenanting spirit: and truly I'll [Page 23] venture at it. He is a Rabbi too I assure ye; One that gives Bishops, Ceremonies, and Com­mon-prayer no Quarter; no, nor his Majesty neither, but that he has the grace (as Sir Fran­cis Bacon says) to speak seditious matter in Parables, or by Tropes, or Examples.] In fine, the Gentleman is a Reformer, of the First Rank.

Upon Sept. 24. 1656. he preached before the Parliament, (as they call'd it) upon this Text: [Kiss the Son, left he be Angry] Pag. 23. You may find these Words, if you can find him, and if you cannot, I can.

Worthy Patriots, W. I. you that are our Rulers in this Parliament, 'tis often said, we live in Times wherein we may be as good as We please: wherein we enjoy in purity and plenty the Ordinances of Iesus Christ. Praysed be God for this, even that God who hath deli­vered us from the imposition of Prelatical In­novations, Altar-genuflections and cringings, with crossings, and all that popish trash and trumpery. And truly (I speak no more then what I have often thought & said) The removal of those insupportable burdens coun­tervails A tast of the Re­forming Spirit. for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in these late distracti­ons. (Nor did I as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired, were it possible, to pur­chase [Page 24] their friends or money again, at so dear a rate, The Kings Murder justified. as with the return of these, to have those soul-burdning, Antichristian yokes re­imposed upon us: And if any such there be, I am sure that desire is no part of their godli­ness, and I PROFESSE MY SELF IN THAT TO BE NONE OF THE NUM­BER.

The Odious Fact (they talk of) was already perpetrated, yet does this Gentleman professe, that to redeem the Life of our Martyr'd So­vereign, ☞ and gather up again all the Christian bloud had been spilt, (if it were possible) he would not do it, to have Prelates, and Cere­monies where they were again.

Here's Covenant-Divinity for you: the Go­spel of our New Evangelists: and this Di­vine is now one of the Eminent Sticklers against Bishops. If any man say 'twas Con­science, I could tell him a Tale of a certain Petition: but wee'll scatter no words.

While my hand's in, take one more; a Publique Preacher now in the Town too, and a troubler of the Church-Government. Upon Novemb. 29. 1648. he preach'd before the Commons, and press'd the Murther of his Sa­cred Majest in these Words.

[Page 25] Think not to save your selves by an un­righteous saving of them; G. C. who are the Lords and the Peoples known Enemies. You may not imagine to obtain the favour of those against whom you will not do Iustice; ☜ For certainly, if ye act not like Gods in this particular, against men truly obnoxious to Iustice, they will be like Devils against you. Observe that place, 1 Kings 22. 31. compared with chap. 20. It is said in chap. 20. that the King of Syria came against Israel, and by the mighty power of God, he and his Army were overthrown, and the King was taken Prisoner. Now the mind of God was (which he then discovered onely by that present providence) that Justice should have been executed upon him, but it was not; whereupon, the Prophet comes with ashes upon his face, and waited for the King of Israel in the way where he should return; vers. 12. of Chap. 20. and as the King passed by, he cryed unto him, Thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go a man whom I appointed for destruction, therefore thy life shall go for his life. Now see how the King of Syria, after this, answers Ahab's love: About three years after Israel and Syria en­gage in a new War, and the King of Syria, gives command unto his Souldiers, Chap. 2. v. 31. that they should fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Benhadads life was once in Ahabs hand, and he ventured [Page 26] Gods displeasure to let him go: but see how Benhadad rewards him for it, Fight neither against small nor great, The Ap­plication. but against the King of Israel. Honourable and Worthy, if God do not lead you to do Iustice upon those that have been the great Actors in shedding innocent Bloud, never think to gain their love by sparing of them; For they will, if opportunity be ever offered, return again upon you; and then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones, but against those that have been the Fountain of that Authority and Power whih have been improved against them.

It is no wonder to find Rebellion in a Na­tion where Murther and Treason are the Di­ctates of the Pulpit:—where Surplices are Scandals, and such Discourses, none; and where the Kings Murtherers passe for Gods Ministers.

I know how close this Freedom sticks to some that have a Power to do me Mischief; and I forecast the worst that can befall me for it: Wherefore, whatever it be, I'm not surpriz'd, for I expect it. But to proceed.

[F] WE therefore humbly beseech your Ma­jesty (with greater importunity then we Pag 12. The Cove­nant Re­viv'd. think we should do for our lives) That you would have mercy on the Souls and Consciences of your People, and will not suffer us to be tempted to the [Page 27] violation of such solemn Vows, and this for nothing, when an expedient is before you that will avoid it, without any detriment to the Church; nay, to its honour and advance­ment.

NOTE. VI.

OBserve here 2. or 3. bold, and bloudy In­timations.

First; that the Souls and Consciences of the People lye at Stake.

Next; that the King's Denial were great Cruelty: Especially considering the smalness of the thing they Ask; the Honour and ad­vantage of what they offer.

Thirdly; the Obligation of Their solemn Vow.

To the First; We have elsewhere difcussed the point of Conscience, but we are Here to Note how this suggestion tends to Tumult and Sedition. The Sense it bears to the People, Sedition. is This: Stick to your Covenant, or, be Damned: but in the Sense of Conscience, Law, and Rea­son; it sounds the contrary:— Stick to your Covenant, and be Damned.

By what Law were the People freed from [Page 28] their Allegiance, and made the Iudges, and Reformers of the Government? Well; but they have sworn to do it, and they must keep their Oath.] Put case they had sworn to Fire the City. At This Rate 'tis but Swearing First, and then pretend a Conscience of the Oath, to carry any thing.

The second Intimation subjects the Piety, and Good nature of his Majesty to a Question; as who should say; what? will the King destroy so many Thousand Souls of his poor People for a matter of Nothing? Marque now their Matter of Nothing.

It cost the late Kings Life; A matter of nothing. the best Bloud in the Nation; the Ruine of Church and State: a long Rebellion;—and Treasure not to be Compted. (This they make nothing of) And for the Honour they propose to the Church; 'tis but a Back-look, and we find it.

Now to the Obligation of their Covenant. That which the Law makes Treason, They make Conscience; and in effect they urge, that they are bound to a Rebellion: for 'tis no lesse to attempt what they have sworn to do: which is to Repeat what they have already done.

But what they are bound to by the Covenant, will from the Letter of the Covenant best ap­pear. [Page 29] Where, in the second Branch, they Swear, Without Respect of persons, to endeavour the Extirpation of Popery, Pre­lacy, Superstition, &c. The sense of the Co­venant. So that the King himself is not excepted, if standing in the way betwixt Those Matters which they call Luxuriances of Church-Government, and their pretended Reformation.

To make it yet more evident, that their de­sign is Factious; They Ask—

THat the Youth of the Nation may have just Liberty as well as the Elder. Proposals pag. 24. If they be engaged in the Universities, and their Liber­ties there cut off in their beginning, they can­not afterwards be Free, &c.

NOTE VII.

TO see the Providence of these good mens Consciences! Their Care extends as well to Those that never took the Covenant, and looks still forward, to the Scruples of the yet un­born.

What work this Motly would soon make in the Universities, let any sober man Ima­gine: when every Stubborn, and Vntutor'd Boy shall have the Freedome to controul, and [Page 30] over-rule the Orders of his Mother. The Streams must needs be Foul that flow from a Corrupted Fountain.

Just such another Project was That of the Long House of Commons;—I mean their offer of Freedome to all Prentices that would leave their Trades, and serve the (pretended) Parliament. That Liberty may start a Fa­ction, but hardly settle a Religion. What Publick Peace can be expected; when the Schools of Vnity and Order are become a Nurcery of Schisme?

But These are men will take no Nay; for if his Majesty denies them, marque the End on't.

SHould we lose the opportunity of our desired Reconciliation and Union, Proposals pag. 12. it astonisheth us to foresee what doleful effects our divisions would produce, which we will not so much as mention in particular, lest our words should be misunderstood.

And seeing all this may be safely and easily prevented, We humbly beseech the Lord in mercy to vouchsafe to your Majesty, an heart to discern aright of Time and Iudgement.]

NOTE. VIII.

BLesse us from a Gun! Should we lose the Opportunity? And then their Pray­er at last; that his Majesty may [discern aright of Time, &c.]

Certainly these Folks would have said to the King—[ While it is called to day harden not your heart] but that 'tis Common-Prayer. Or do they dream themselves at work again with the Poor Cavaliers? and mean, that if his Majesty come not In by such a time, he is not to be admitted to his Composition? Are these the men of Reverence that must Teach us Maners toward God Almighty, and are yet to learn it Themselves towards his Vicege­rent?

He that makes any thing form the Collation, of [ Opportunity,] and [ Time,] but a Cautionary Menace;—let him lend me his Spectacles. A Menace. But the coherence cleers it, Should we lose (say they) the opportunity of our desired Reconcilia­tion, and Union.]

Must it be Now, or Never then? and their own way, or None? Is it not Reconciliation, if They Return to the Church? and Vnity [Page 32] if they Agree with it? A Child runs from his Mother, and cries they are Fall'n out. They cannot comply with Ceremonies:—nor the Church with Schisme.

Well; The Re­formers Foresight. but put the Case they Lose this Op­portunity, then forsooth [it astonishes us (they say) to foresee what doleful effects our Divisi­ons would produce.]

Just so did Peters foresee the Death of the late King:— Iudas; the Betraying of our Saviour; and so did I my self foresee the Printing of this Paper, just as these Gentlemen foresee confusion; or as men commonly fore­see Eating when they are Hungry.

If the Foresight ( indeed) astonishes Them; the Prospect cannot but be Dreadful: for onely Hell transcends those Horrours which these bold men have beheld with Pleasure; And in good truth, That may be it: for he that has Murther, and Rebellion at his Back, does commonly Phansy Fire and Brimstone before him.

These Holy, ☞ and Fastidious Scrupulists;— these same spiritual Surgeons, that Live by dressing wounds of their own making;— must understand, we have some skill in Probing of a Conscience, too. If they are Mortify'd throughout, that's not Our fault; but if they [Page 33] have any Feeling Left, wee'll Quicken it.

Now leaving them to their Astonishments, wee'll to the foreseen Product of our Divisions, [Doleful Effects,] they say. They Prophet Ionas his [Yes within Forty days—] had scarce a sadder sound. It may be any thing:— War, another Covenant; Famine, Sequestra­tion; Truce-breaking, Decimation: In fine, any thing, and now at last we are left in the Dark to grope it out.

Doleful Effects; (they say) which we will not so much as mention in Particular, lest our words should be misunderstood.

These good men are wonderfully put to't for want of Expression; the thing would im­ply Mutiny, and They are afraid it should be taken for Treason. No honest apprehension could in Their Case be Dangerous. What hazzard of mis-construction were it, to men­tion any Trouble of Mind Imaginable? But if it tends to mischief of Action, That may prove perilous indeed. More Gunning, be­yond Controversie, and their Sagacities smell the Pouder. The People will Rebell they think; that's English, and the Truth they are loth to Speak.

To lay their Souls as Naked now as their Bodies came into the World, The Fa­ction laid open. I shall here Prove, (or I deceive my self) that These Peo­ple [Page 34] are the Betrayers of the Publique Peace: aud of the Office of their Ministry.

If they fore-see any Seditious Consequence likely to arise from his Majesties Refusal: why do they not rather in Private Supplicate the King to Grant, and in Publique, Charme the People to Submit; Seditious. then so to Plead, and Iustifie the Disagreement to the King, that their Arguments, and Importunities may be overheard by the People? They First and open­ly avow the Popular Cause, and shake the head Then at the Danger of it: giving a Double Encouragement to the Multitude, as well from the Equity of the Matter, as from the Strength of the Party.

Upon the whole, Calum­nious. what are their Libellous, and Creeping Night-works, but Poysonous Ca­lumnies against the King; and mean, Incen­sing Flatteries toward the People? Or in a word, sneaking Complaints, as if his Sacred Majesty would not grant, what with Consei­ence, Honour, and Safety he cannot deny? Whereas the Sun's not clearer, then the pure Contrary. For; the King denies them nothing, but what with Conscience, Honour, and Safety, he cannot grant.

They Demand Presbytery, that is; the con­fused exercise of it, and Liberty to the Mini­ster of Praying at pleasure: which being ad­mitted, makes Divine Service but a Spiritual scuffle; the one half of the Congregation [Page 35] Praying for that which the other Curses.

Against This Proposition, his Majesty stands engaged by Oath, Honour, and Iudgement: being Perswaded in his Reason, and Obliged by the Other Two.

They pretend next, the continuing virtue of their Covenant; (which never had any) wherein his Majesty can hardly gratify them, without blasting the Glory of his blessed Fa­thers Memory: the Iustice of his Cause, and without shaking the Foundation of his Im­perial Title.

Their Reasons, I have un-Reason'd already, and when the Nameless Divines of the Church Invisible, shall vouchsafe their Answer, I shall dispose my self to receive it.

But nothing can be pleasanter then to hear them talk of their Cousins the People. Presby­tery will never down with the People. (by Bri­tannicus his Leave) Alas! their Sowrness of discipline, and the Peoples freedome of Con­stitution are Fire and Water. The people may endure to hear them Talk of Liberty, but the exercise of their Tyranny is intolerable. To have every Parish haunted with a Phan­tome;—every Church turned into a House of Correction;—and one man excommuni­cated for a walk upon the Lords-day, while Another is Canoniz'd for a Murther. I do not plead for Impunity of Sinners, but for a pi­ous differencing of Matters disputable from [Page 63] crying sins: for Impartiality in the Pulpit, and Charity to all men:—for Preaching Damnation to those that Resist, as well as Cau­tion to those that are to Obey.

The Expedient to prevent these mischiefs, is a Synodical Government; wherein they be­seech the Lord in mercy to vouchsafe to his Ma­jesty an heart to discern aright of Time, and Judgement.]

This is, in plainer termes; to tell the King, that 'tis his best course to make use of a Seasona­ble Offer.

Let This suffice for their Proposals.

Some three or four days after the Publish­ing of these above-mention'd Proposals, out comes a single sheet, in form of a Petition to his Majesty, from the Commissioned Mini­sters.

'Tis likely that this was drawn from them by a general rumour then current, of a severe Declaration already in the Press against their other Pamphlets: for having so notoriously overshot themselves in the Rest, they mend the matter in This, by giving the same thing a fairer dress.

[A] IF we should sin against God (say they) because wee are commanded, Page 4. who shall answer for us, or save us from his Iustice? [Page 37] And we humbly crave, that it may be no just Gravamen of our dissent, that thereby we sup­pose Superiours may erre, seeing it is but sup­posing them to be men not yet in Heaven.]

And again, [B] Page 5. We know that Conscientious men will not consent to the Practice of things in their Iudgement Vnlawful, &c.]

NOTE IX.

[A] SAint Augustine resolves this Point exceeding well; Reum Regem facit (says he) Iniquitas Imperandi, Innocentem Subditum Ordo Serviendi] Let the Governour accompt for an unjust Command, but the Or­der of Obedience saves the Subject Harmless. This must be understood of Matters not sim­ply Wicked.

Where we doubt, on the One hand, The safe way is best. and are sure on the Other, beyond Question, the surest side is Best. We are sure that we are to Obey, if the thing be not Vnlawful, and we are not sure that the Thing is Unlawful. I must but touch upon This; If the Government offend some Particular Persons, 'tis hard they cannot agree, but let those Particulars march off: for They offend the Government▪ and it is better, that some suffer by an Imposition, then All by a Rebellion.

[Page 38] They offer to Dispute; and then they pass for mighty men with the people. But what's the Question? Onely forsooth, whether I Think This, or That Lawful: And if I say, I do, it is so; and no matter what the Law says to the Contrary. What I believe, binds me; and every Man being Free to pretend what Belief he pleases, every man's Private Humour becomes a Law.

They Argue, thar Superiours may Erre. They may so; but theit Errours are no For­feiture of their Superiority. Cannot Infe­riours erre too? So that their own claim brings the Issue of this Strife but to a Drawn Battle. When Subjects question the Proceedings of their Governours; they do not so much tax their mistakes, as Vsurp their Authority; and for some Slip perhaps in the Exercise of Go­vernment destroy the Order of it.

[B] We know that Conscientious men will not consent, &c.] They borrow here, the Apo­stles Rhetorique. [King Agrippa believest thou the Prophets? I know that thou be­lievest.] They seem to take for Granted, what they are now endeavouring to perswade them to. These are but hints to the Common-People, to say their Consciences cannot submit to the Law, and then there's a Party made against the King.

[Page 39] Soon after the Publishing of their Peti­tion for Peace, came forth a pretended Ac­compt of all the Proceedings betwixt the Com­missioned Divines concerning the Liturgy. Not to insist upon the weakness of their Rea­soning, I shall onely produce one Mistake of Memory, (I had like to have given it a worse name.)

The Bishops urge, that [while the Liturgy was duly observ'd, we liv'd in Peace, since that was laid aside]— the contrary. Now bless the Modesty of the Replicants.

BUt Really hath Liberty to forbear, The Di­vines Ac­count p. [...]. pro­duced such Divisions as you mention? The Licence, or Connivence that was granted to Haeretiques, Apostates, and foul-mouth'd Raylers against the Scripture, Ministry, and all God's Ordinances indeed bred Confusions in the Land.

NOTE X.

VVOuld not this scandalous Recltal of their old Forgeries against the Go­vernment:—This Re-charge of our late Gratious Soveraign: and Imputation of the late War to the King's Party, (for There [Page 40] Their Malice fixes it) make a man lay the very Roots of the Rebellion Naked; and trace the Project up to the very Dore of the Reform­ing Conclave?

Do not we know the Scotch Cabale, and the Confederate English; the Pack that hunted the Earl of Strafford? Yes, and the Beagles too, that Bayted the Arch-Bishop.

[But Really, hath Liberty to forbear pro­duced such divisions? &c.] Goodly, Good­ly! your Reverences are Gamesome: Yes, Really it has.

Are not Knaves and Fools the greater part of the World? and in the State of Freedome, they require, Those are the men we make our Governours. Without This Liberty of Free­dome, where had been their separate Assem­blies? Their Seditious Conventicles; Their Anti-Episcopal Lectures, and without These, their Desolating Reformation? Were we not in the high-way to Vnity, when Churches were turn'd into Stables, and houses of In­famy supplyed the place of Churches? when Peters was fooling in One Pulpit, Marshall Denouncing in Another: and when the Now-Pastor of Brainford threw the very Fire-brand of the Rebellion into the Kings Coach; that [Page 41] execrable Pamphlet, [To your Tents O Israe [...]

But the Reformers assign our Breaches to another Cause. [The Licence or Conni­vence that was granted to Haeretiques, Apo­states &c.—]

When will These mens Mouths be Sweet again, after so foul a Calumny? Nay more; the very Crimes they charge upon the Govern­ment, in a high measure, they Themselves were guilty of.

Liberty of Conscience was their First Cla­mour, a Notion which included all Sects and Heresies imaginable, whereof, great Use was made against the King. But notwithstanding the prodigious, and Blasphemous Opinions, then rise, and crying, both in their Conventi­eles and Pulpits; All passed for Gospel in the Godly Party: for Unity in the War was their business, not Vnity in Religion: and it was safer to Deny the Trinity, then to refuse the Covenant.

The bare Rehearsal of their Monstrous Te­nents would make a man Tremble.

There were among them that deny'd the Authority of the Scriptures,— Liberty of Consci­ence.the use of the Old Testament,—the Immortality of the Soul,—the Trinity in Vnity. That af­firmed the Soul to be of the Essence of God, &c.—and a world of other Impious Posi­tions they held, such as either the Devil, or [Page 42] Distemper suggested to them. the Pres­byterians were pleas'd to [...] these Phanatiques, at first more needful to their Design, then Scandalous to their Profession; preferring at any time an Ordinance of the Two Houses, to the Obligation of the Two Tables. And so they scap'd, not onely with Impunity, but Encouragement; till the De­clining of the Royal party, and the Encrease of these wild Libertines, put the Kirk-faction upon other thoughts: which were, having now Master'd the Kings forces, how to cast off the Independent Party, by whose assistance they had done the work.

They began now to open their eyes, and to perceive, that what they call'd Gospel-Profes­sion while they needed them, was become gross Haeresie, when they had done with them: and that Gods People in the Beginning, were Schis­matiques in the Conclusion.

What is become now of the Liberty of Conscience these Faithless Creatures promised to all that sided with them? See the Ministers Letter from Sion-House to the Assembly in 1645.

Toleration of Independents, as unseasonable so unreasonable. First, Not establish'd in any Christian State by the Civil Magistrate. Se­condly, It consists not with Presbytery. Third­ly, If That; then all Sectaries must be Tole­rated.] Again;

[Page 43] Such a Toleration is utterly Repugnant, and Inconsistent with the Solemn League and Cove­nant for Reformation.]

See Bayly's disswasive from the Errours of the Times in his Dedicatory. Printed in 1646.

Liberty of Conscience, and Toleration of all or any Religion, is so prodigious an impiety, that this religious Parliament cannot but abhor the very naming of it.

The whole Faction sing the same song, of Liberty, when they are Rising, and Non-Tole­ration when they are Vp: and they are now upon their first concern; they Plead in pre­tence for all the Adversaries of our Church-Order, but they propose to set up onely for Themselves.

This is a point worthy a strict Enquiry, and wee'll sift it Throughly, in that which fol­lows.

BVt it is to us matter of Admiration to ob­serve (clean contrary to your Intimati­on) how little Discord there was in Prayer, The Di­vines ac­count p. 8. and other parts of Worship, among all the Churches throughout the three Nations, that agreed in Doctrine, and forbore the Liturgy. It is wonderful to us in the Review to consider, [Page 44] with what Love, and Peace, and Concord, they all spake the same things, that were tyed to no From of words, even those that differed in some points of Discipline, even to a with­drawing from Local Communion with us, yet strangely agreed with us in Worship.]

NOTE. XI.

ACutely, and unanswerably argued; Those Churches that Agreed, did agree, where­in they Agreed.

The Bishops inferr the Expedience of restoring the Common-Prayer, from the Divisions which have ensu'd upon forsaking it.

Nay rather; (reply the Presbyterians) the Licence given to Apostates, Haeretiques, and the like, caused those Divisions, &c. Where­as those that forbore the Liturgy, and agreed in Doctrine, were unamimous to a Miracle.

Where lies the Wonder, if those that agreed in Doctrine, differ'd not much in other matters, when there was nothing else for them to differ upon? Or what Answer is it to an Objection that there were great and many Divisions, to say that there were some Agreements? And those Agreements were no other neither then a Conspiracy.

The Question is, what was the Effect of [Page 45] that Popular Defection from the Practice of the Church? Was it not Haeresie, and Rebelli­on? Nor is it possible it should be other; for a General Freedome is but a Licentious Combi­nation against a Regulating and Limiting Order.

But the Wonderful Love, Peace, and Concord that was among those that were tied to no form of words!]

— Inter so Convenit Vrsis] They did in truth agree, to Catch the Prey, but not to share it:—they lov'd the Independency, but they hated the Independent: or with Doctor Donn; The One was con [...]ent the Other should be Damn'd, but loth he should Go­vern.

Since these Gentlemen are pleas'd to boast the Vnity of that Party that forbore the Li­turgy; wee'll confer Notes with their great Friend Mr. Edwards upon the Question; and first wee'll see what pretious Instruments these Tender-conscienc'd men made use of, as the conjunct Promoters of a Reformation. Wee'll then enquire, upon their subdivision, how they agreed among themselves.

• [Page 46]THat the Scriptures are Insufficient,
  Edward's Gangrae­na, P. 18.
  and un­certain.
• That God is the Author of Sin:
  Pag. 19.
  not of the Action onely, but of the Sinfulness it self.
• That the Magistrate ought not to Punish any man for Denying of a God:
  Pag. 20.
  if his Conscience be so perswaded.
• That every Creature is God:
  Pag. 21.
  an Efflux only from God, and shall Return to him.
• That there is but one Person in the Divine Nature.
  Ibid.
• That Christ came onely to witness and de­clare the love of God,
  Pag. 22.
  not to procure it.
• That the least Truth is of more worth then Iesus Christ himself.
  Pag. 23.
• That the Doctrine of Repentance is a soul destroying Doctrine.
  Pag. 25.
• That 'tis as possible for Christ himself to sin, as for a child of God to sin.
  Ibid.
• That the Moral Law is of no use at all to Beleevers.
  Ibid.
• That Peters trouble after the denial of his Master,
  Pag. 26.
  issued onely from the weakness of his Faith.
• That Infants rise not again.
  Pag. 27.

[Page 47]The same Author tells us in the Second part of Gangraena, Pag. 18 [...] ▪ of a Sectary pleading for a To­leration of Witches, which he follows, with a recital of Instances in several kinds, the foul­est, and the most impious, imaginable.

Let these suffice out of that rabble of In­famous Collections, to shew the blessed Effects of the Presbyterian Reformation.

If it be objected, that these opinions no way concern the Presbyterian Party. They are not Charg'd with the Belief of these Heresies, but with the encouragement and protection of them, for they grew up and spread under Their Government.

[All of them being vented and broached within these four years last pact, Gangrae­na, pag. 1. yea most of them within these two last years and less; Heresies the spawn of Presby­tery.] ( This was in 1646. and more especally (says the same Author in the Page following) in London, and the Counties adjacent, in the Parliaments Quarters, in their Armies, and Garison Towns, not maintained by Persons at Oxford, &c. for Then it had not been so much to us;]— but [in Thee London, in Thee Associate Counties, in Thee Armies, and that after a Solemn Covenant to extirpate Heresies, and Schismes, are found such and such er­rours, blasphemous opinions, strange pra­ctices, &c.—]

[Page 48] Nor were the Sectaries onely let alone, and suffered, Gangr. pag. 179. but highly respected, preferred, &c.—] Nay, says our Author; The Independents were but few; and other Sectaries a small Number, in the first and second year of this Parliament, some half a score or dozen Mi­nisters, three or four hundred People, the Pres­byterians gave them the Right hand of Fellow­ship, admitted them to their Meetings, opened their Pulpit dores unto them, shewed all bro­therly respect of Love and Kindness to them, even more then to must of their own Way, con­descending to such a Motion, as to forbear Praying, and Printing against their Opinions and Way; making them (who were so small and inconsiderable a Party) as it were an equal Party, putting them into the Ballance with themselves; they appeared not to hinder their being Chosen to be general Lecturers for This City, in several great Churches; and as at first, so all along, they have been tender and re­spectful of them, in Assembly, City, and in all Cases suffering them to grow up to Thou­sands, &c.]

These are the words of a profest Champion of the Cause; a bitter Adversary he was to Independents, and to say no worse; he was a Presbyterian to Bishops. As he hath stated [Page 49] the Case, ☜ it was the Presbyterians, not the Bi­shops, that licensed Heretiques, Apostates, and Foulmouth'd Raylers against the Scripture, Ministry, and all Gods Ordinances;—] and the forbearance of the Liturgy, was the first step toward This horrible Confusion.

Qui non prohibet, cum potest, Iubet. He that permits, Commands; when he might fair­ly hinder.

The Sectaries were but Few, he says, at the Beginning of the War, The Pres­byterians nourished the Secta­ries at first. till they were Nurs'd, and Cherish'd by the Presbyterians; so that it seem's, 'twas Their Indulgence wrought our Mischief, and not Episcopal connivance. In Truth that Thing they called the Cause, was but the Sink of the whole Nation:—the common Receptacle of Lewd, Factious, and foul Humours. The Government was their grand Aversion; and next to King and Church, they hated one another. The Di­vines, Preach'd, and Printed up the Quarrel; the Brutish Multitude Maintain'd it: which kind of Combination is rarely Phansi'd by Sir Francis Bacon, in These Words.

Libels against Bishops, and Ecclesiastical Dignities, calling in the People to their Aid, are a kind of Intelligence betwixt Incendia­ries, and Robbers; the One to Fire the house, the Other to Rifle it.]

[Page 50] We come now to the wonderful Love, Peace, and Concord, of those People that were tyed to no Form of words, &c.] and first The Kindness of the Presbyterians to their Col­leagues the Independents.

The Sectaries agree with Iulian the Apo­state, The Pres­byterians love to the Inde­pend. Gangrene, p. 54.

The Sectaries are Libertines and Atheists, P. 185.] Unclean, Incestuous, P. 187.] Drunk­ards, P. 190.] Sabbath-breakers, Deceivers, P. 191.] Guilty of gross Lying, Slandering, Iugling, Falsifying their Words and Promises: Guilty of Excessive Pride and Boasting, pag. 192]—Of insufferable Insolencies, horrible Affronts to Authority, and of strange Outrages, pag. 194.] There never was a more Hypocritical, False Dissembling, Cun­ning Generation in England, then many of the Grandees of our Sectaries.— They Incou­rage, Protect, and Cry up for Saints, Sons of Belial, and the Vilest of Men, p. 240.] Gan­graena 2d Part, 1646.

These Imputations being attended with Publique, and Notorious Proofs: and this Subject being at that time the Common Theme of the Presbyterian party; enough is said to shew their Kindness to the Secta­ries; [Page 51] Wee'll now to the Other side, and Manifest that there was no Love lost betwixt them.

An Anabaptist said that he hoped to see Heaven and Earth on fire before Presbytery should be settled.] The Se­ctaries love to the Pres­byterians.

Another Sectary, that he hoped to see the Presbytery as much troden under foot as the Bishops are. Gangr. p. 73.]

The National Covenant is a double fac'd Covenant, the greatest make-bate and snare, that ever the Devil, and the Clergy his Agents, cast in among honest men in Eng­land in our age. Gangraena, 2d. Part, pag. 220.

The Presbyterian Government is Anti­christian, a limb of Antichrist, Tyrannical, Lordly, Cruel, a worse bondage then under the Prelates, a bondage under Task-masters as the Israelites in Egypt, Ibid. 221.

The Assembly is Antichristian, Romish, Bloudy, the Plagues and Pestes of the King­dome, Baals Priests, Diviners, Southsayers, Ibid. p. 230.

The Seed of God in this Nation, has had Two Capital Enemies, the Romish-Papacy, and the Scotch-Presbytery. Sterry, Englands De­liverance, p. 7.

[Page 52] Behold the Harmony of the Non-Confor­mists: the wonderful Agreement of the with-drawers from local Communion with us.]

But the Reformers argue Learnedly, Divines Account pag. 8. that if we tell them of those that differ from them in Doctrine, and are not of them, it is as im­pertinent to the point of their own agreement in Worship, as to tell them of the Papists.]

Marque the Insipid flatness of This Eva­sion. If they Differ, they do not Agree; and if they Agree, they do not Differ. Have not the Independent Schismatiques the same Pre­tence, as well as the Presbyterian? We urge that all the Factions were of a Party, not all of an Opinion; and that the Independent He­resies were hatch'd under the Kirk-Schisma­tiques Wing.

This we have prov'd, and now, to a Con­clusion.

Wheresoever the Two Factions close, Conveniant in Tertio. there's a design upon the Civil Power; for their Principles are Inconciliable, save by the stronger malice they bear to the Government, then to each other.

How great a madness is it then for those People to unite against the Publique? when [Page 53] they are sure either to fall in the Attempt, or at the most, not to stand firm long after it! For whensoever they Break, (and Break they must) 'tis but a little Patience till they are i [...], and the Third Party gives the Law to Both, Turning the Scale at Pleasure.

But what a vayles it to offer Light to those that shut their Eyes, or Reason to a man that dares not hearken to it? 'Tis with Notorious Sinners as with men much in Debt, they had rather Break then come to an Account: —rather run headlong the direct Rote to Hell, then pass the Purgatory of a Repen­tance.

It is a remarkable saying of Sir Francis Bacon, that the great Atheists indeed are Hy­pocrites, which are ever Handling Holy things, but without Feeling.] Such are the people we have to deal with. Witness their Seditious Zeal;—their Wrested Allegati­ons; —their Neglected Vows, and D [...]ring Scruples. No wonder then at their incorrigible Hardness and Impenitence.

David, (we find) Repented his Adultery and Murther; Hypocr. impeni­tent. Manasseh, his Idolatry; Saint Peter, the Denial of his Master; Saint Paul, the Persecution of the Church, &c.—but not one precedent in the whole Bible of a [Page 54] Repentant and Converted Hypocrite.

LORD, Luk. 18. 11. I am not as other men are, says the Pharisee: Num. 16. 3. The Congregation is holy, every one of them, 2 Sam. 15. 4. and the Lord is among them, (cry the Sons of Korah.) Oh that I were made Iudge it the land, (says Absolom) that I might do every man justice!] But what became of these People? He in the Parable was not justified;—The earth opened her mouth upon the Korites;—and the smooth Advocate for the Peoples Liberties was Hang'd upon an Oak.

Wherefore beware of the leaven of the Pha­risees, which is Hypocrisie. Luk. 12. 1.

Nor is this Crime more fatal to the Person than to the Publick; Hypocr. dangerous to the Publick. those that are tainted with it, being not one jot better Citizens or Subjects, than they are Christians: two or three are enough to infect a Parish, and half a dozen popular Hypocrites will make a shift to embroyle a Nation.

It is not credible, how greedily the heed­less Vulgar swallow down any hook baited with forms of godliness, especially when they themselves are taken in fo [...] sharers in the work, and made the Iudges of the Controversie. Then they begin to talk of the Righteous Scepter, and of subjecting the Nations to the rule of the holy Ordinance, abundantly sup­plying [Page 55] with revelation their want of common Reason. They (forsooth) must be conferr'd with about Church-Government, and Delin­quents, Baals Priests, and the High places, which way to carry on the Cause of the Lamb; against the Kingdomes of this world, and the powers of darkness.

When once the poyson of this canker'd zeal comes to diffuse it self, and seize the mass and humour of the people; who can ex­press in words, or without horror think upon the Blasphemies, Treasons, Murthers, Heart-burnings, and Consusions that ensue upon it: We shall not need to ransack Forreign Stories, or past Ages, for sad and dismal Instances; this little spot of England and our own Me­mories will furnish us.

Those that are struck with this distemper, Phanati­cisme. take Fancy for Inspiration, their very dreams for divine Advertisements, and the Impulse of a besotted Melancholy for the direction of the holy Spirit. They fashion to themselves strange uncouth Notions of the Diety, en­tring into a familiarity with Heaven; and in this elevation of spiritual pride and dotage, having, as they imagine, the Almighty on their side, and the Eternal Wisdome for their Counsellour; they accompt▪ hu­man reason a ridiculous thing, and laugh [Page 56] at the authority and power of Princes.

So many of them as agree to oppose the Right, are called the Saints; the earth is their inheritance, and that which we stile Theft or Plunder, is but with them taking possession of their Birth-right. In order to their ends they reckon no violence unlawful. Princes are murthered for the glory of God, and the most barbarous mischiefs that fire and sword can bring upon a people, they term a Refor­mation.

Their Combinations against Law and Order are (in the language of the Consistory) a holy Covenanting with their God; and all their actings (tho' never so irreverend and impe­tuous) onely the gentle Motions of the Spi­rit. These are the pious Arts that take and lead the Multitude—the simple and the fa­ctious, together with such male-contents as are by guilt, disgrace, or poverty, prepared for lewdness. And this hath been the constant method of our devout Patriots, who with Gods glory and Christian liberty still in their mouths, laid the foundation of our ruine in Hypocrisie.

The word belongs to the Stage, and in That sense, to some of our Reformers; a great part of whose Pulpit-work it is, by Feigned, and forc'd Passions in Themselves, to stir up True Affections in their Hearers; making the Au­ditory [Page 57] Feel the Griefs the Speaker does but Counterfeit. Do we not see familiarly, that a sad Tale upon the Stage, makes the Peo­ple Cry in the Pit? And yet we know, that he that Plays Cesar murther'd in the Senate, is but some Droll- Comoedian behind the Hang­ing.

I thought to have ended here, but one Note more shall do my Business, and Theirs too, or I mightily mistake my self.

THe Church judgeth not of things undis­covered: The Di­vines Ac­count p. 12. non esse & non apparere, are all one as to our Judgement, we conclude not peremptorily, because we pretend not here to infallibility. As we are not sure that any man is truly penitent, that we give the Sacra­ment to, so we are not sure that any man dy­eth impenitently. But we must use Those as Penitent, that seem so to Rea­son, judging by ordinary means, and so must we judge those as Impenitent that have declared their sin, and never declared their Repentance.]

NOTE. XII.

THis Point will be the Death of the [In­valetudinary] Ministers, The Ele­gancies of the lear­ned. (as our Ci­ceronians) and they might ten times better have indured (by reading the Office of Burial, at the Grave) to expose their tender Bodies to the Excessively Refrigerating Air: (another Elegance) which Imposition they do not understand to be a sign of the Right and In­genuine Spirit of Religion) Sure it Rains Soloecismes: Three in the third part of a Page.

Now to the Churches Faculty, and Power of Iudgement, according to the strictnesse of their own Rule.

Not to Appear, and not to Bee, are the same thing, as to the Iudgement of the Church—and Those are to be judged Im­penitents, that have declared their Sin, and ne­ver declared their Repentance. Publique Worship pag. 67. And That, in words onely, will not suffice neither; for (say our Reformers) It must be Practice first, that must make Words Credible, when the Person by Perfidiousness hath forfeited his Credit.] They press further likewise, that [Page 59] according to his Majesties Declaration of Octob. 25. 1660. Excepti­ons, p. 8. Scandalous Offenders are not to be admitted to the Holy Communion till they have Openly declared themselves to have truly Repented, and amended their former naughty Lives, &c.]

Now try the Self-Condemners by their own Law. Self-con­demners.

Where's their Repentance for putting Gods Name, to the Devil's Commission? under the Form of a Religious Vow, Couching an Execrable League of violence, against their Prince, the Law, their Country.

Where's their Repentance, for the Souls they have Damn'd by their Seditious Doctrine? the Bloud they have made the People spill, by their Incentives to the War?—Those Schismes and Heresies, which they have given us in exchange for an Apostolical Order, and Evangelical Truths; under the colour of a Gospel-Reformation.

Where is the Practice (they prescribe) of their Obedience? Their Open Retractations and Amendments? Their Sins as Publique as the Day; but where's their Penitence? These Gentlemen must justifie the War; or by the method of their own Discipline, be excluded the Communion of the Church.

[Page 60] But they're so far from That, they Claim a Right of Government. Acts of Parliament must submit to Their Authority: They put a Bar to the Kings Power in Matters Indiffe­rent; and just as the Last War began, are they now tampering to procure another.

I had some thoughts of a Reply upon their Exceptions against the Liturgy: but truly for the Common-People Sake, rather then for their own; for I think them much more capable of a Confutation then worthy of it. At present, I am given to understand, that there is more Honour meant them, then they deserve; and I shall wait the Issue of it from a better hand.

My Frequency of writing may perswade some, that I'me in love with Scribbling: but what I now do, is no more then what I have ever done, when I believ'd my Duty call'd me to it. And having done the same thing Formerly, and oftener, at a time when Ratio­nally I could not expect any other Reward then a Halter: I think there are some People that believe I write for a Halter, still, and have amind to save my Longing.

I know how I am misrepresented; which, if I had any thing to Lose, but what I'me weary of, perhaps would trouble me. But Soberly, (since so it is) here I declare, I do not ask the abatement of the strictest rigour of any Law, [Page 61] either Humane, or Divine, in what concerns his Majesty. But betwixt some, perchance from whom I have not deserv'd Ill, and others, from whom I have no great Ambition, to re­ceive much Kindness, my Doings I perceive are Commented upon, and much mistaken. To These discourtisies, I shall onely oppose This Word.

Let the World renounce me, when they find me either less Innocent, then I say I am; or less Dutiful, then I have been.

Mala Opinio benè parta delectat. Sen. Ep.