An Appeal from the Country to the City.

IT begins; Most brave and noble Citizens: And a little lower; With you we stand, and with you we fall; your example directs our Conduct, &c. Now if the greeting had been to the Club of Subscribers, that which follows would have been much more Conse­quent; for it is a great Truth, that the Conspirators of both sides must expect to stand and fall together; and that the Factions in the Country can never make any thing on't, without a Tumult in the City, to lead the Dance; which (God be prais'd) there is no fear of, and then for the Credit which this busie Mu­tineer can pretend to under this present Government, with the Noble Citizens (as he claws them) I am perswaded, if the Author of the Appeal were but known to the Court of Aldermen and Common Councel, it might cost him Dear, the very Complement. Not but that in so great a body, there may be some few little Fellows a float too, that cry out with the Horse-turds among the Apples, in the Emblem, How We Apples swim.

In the next clause, the Scribler gives to under­stand Hodge upon the Monument. that he has read Hodge upon the Monument; and writing after that Copy, he follows the phansie of the Citizens looking about them from the top of the Pyramid. Now to match this dismal prospect of Imaginary Calamities to come, we shall give you a Parallel in a brief Summary of what this Nation has really suffer'd in Fact; and in Truth brought upon it self, by believing such stories as these, without ei­ther Foundation or Effect.

[Page 4] First (says he) Imagine you see the whole Town in [...]. a flame, occasioned this second time by the same Popish malice which set it on fire before.

First ( say I) Imagine you see the whole Nation [...]. in a Flame, and brought to the extremities of Fire and Sword, occasioned this second time by the same Schismatical and Republican Malice which embroil'd it before.

At the same instant phansie that amongst the distracted Appeal. Crowd, you behold Troops of Papists ravishing your Wives and Daughters, dashing your little Childrens brains out against the Walls, Plundering your Houses, and cutting your own Throats, by the name of Here­tique Dogs.

At the same instant, Phansie Decemb. 1659, once [...]. over again; whole droves of Coblers, Dray-men, Ostlers, upon Free quarter with you, till some of your Wives and Daughters are forc'd to Prostitute themselves for Bread; your Councels affronted by Armed Troops, and your fellow Citizens knockt on the head, like Dogs, at their own doors, for not so much as barking; your Apprentices discharg'd of their Indentures by an Arbitrary Power; your Houses Rifled; your Account-books examin'd; your Servants corrupted to Betray their Masters; your [...]ersons clapt under [...]atches, transplanted or thrown [...] [...]asty Dungeons; or (in mercy perhaps) your Throats cut, by the Name of Popish Dogs and Cava­liers: And all this only for refusing to Renounce God and your Soveraign.

[...] represent to your selves the Tower playing off [...] ▪ [...] [...], and battering down the Houses about your [...].

[...] [...] present to your sleves the Thimble-maker, [...] ▪ [...] [...] [...] [...] of the Tower; your Citizens [Page 5] clapt up; St. Pauls and Gresham-Colledge turn'd into Garrisons; orders for the demolishing of your Gates and Chains; and nothing less than Military Execu­tion threaten'd you, unless you will redeem your selves with ICCCCO l. a moneth Contribution, towards the perpetuating of your Slavery.

Also casting your Eye toward Smithsield, Imagine Appeal. you see your Father, or your Mother, or some of your nearest and dearest Relations ty'd to a Stake in the midst of flames; when with hands and eyes lifted up to Heaven, they scream and cry out to that God, for whose cause they die; which was a frequent spectacle the last time Popery Reign'd amongst us.

Also casting your eye toward Cheap-side, Cornhil, Parallel. Charing-cross, Palace-yard, Tower-hill, nay, White­hall it self: Imagine you see your Father, or some of your nearest Relations, your Citizens, the Nobi­lity, Gentry; nay, the King himself, and his best Friends, under the hand of the Common Executio­ner, appealing to God, in whose Cause they dy'd, which was a frequent spectacle, when Rebels and Usurpers, under the title of Reformers, reign'd last amongst us.

Phansie ye behold those Beautiful Churches, erected Appeal. for the true Worship of God, abused and turn'd into Idolatrous Temples, to the dishonour of Christ, and scandal of Religion: The Ministers of God's Holy Word, torn in pieces before your eyes, and their best Friends not daring even to speak in their behalf.

Phansie you behold those Beautiful Churches e­rected Parallel. for the true Worship of God, abused and turned into Stables; the Pulpits into Iuggling boxes to Hocus your Wives and Daughters out of their Bod­kins and Thimbles; and nothing to be heard there but Heresie and Sedition, to the dishonour of Christ, and [Page 6] scandal of Religion. The Ministers of Gods Holy Word cast out of their Livings by hundreds, and their Children expos'd to the wide World to beg their Bread; and not a Friend that dares open his mouth for them.

Women running with their Hair about their ears; Appeal. Men cover'd with Blood, and Children sprawling under Horses feet, and only the Walls of Houses left stan­ding.

Your Women running with their Hair about their Parallel. ears, one half to the Works like Pioniers, the other dancing Attendance at some Merciless Committee, to put in Bail perhaps for some Malignant Friend or Husband; Men cover'd with Blood, lost Limbs, and mangled Bodies, from Edg-hill, Branford, &c. and with horror of Conscience over and above; Altars Robb'd, Churches Demolish'd, and only the Walls left standing.

In Fine, What the Devil himself would do, were he Appeal. here upon Earth, will in his absence infallibly be acted by his Agents the Papists: Those who had so much In­gratitude and Baseness to attempt the Life of a Prince, so Indulgent to them, will hardly be less cruel to any of his Protestant Subjects.

In Fine, What the Devil himself would do, were Parallel. he here upon Earth, will in his absence infallibly be acted (if they may have their will) by his Agents, the Perjurious and Hypocritical Regicides; that Be­tray'd their Prince and their Country by the Solemnity of a Covenant, and Poyson'd the unwary People in that very Sacrament. Those who had so much Ingrati­tude and Baseness, not only to attempt, but take away the Life of a Prince so Indulgent to them as the late King was, who deny'd them nothing but his Crown, and his Blood, which afterward they took: These, [Page 7] I say again, that are so ungrateful to our present So­veraign, as after so much Mercy and Bounty to the Murtherers of his Father, and of his Friends, have now enter'd into fresh attempts upon his Life, his Crown and Dignity, will hardly be less Cruel to any of his Majesties obedient Subjects.

Now to shew you that this way of Incentive, to the Multitude is only the Old story new furbish'd, and not our Appellants Mother-wit and Contrivance, as he would have the world imagine. See his Ma­jesties Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. Husbands Col­lections, pag. 540.

One day the Tower of London is in danger to be The Old Story taken; and Information given that Great Multitudes, at least a Hundred, had that day resorted to visit a Priest, then a Prisoner there by Order of the Lords: and that about the time of the Information, about fifty or sixty were then there; and a Warder dispatcht of purpose to give that notice: Upon Inquiry, but four per­sons were then found to be There, and but eight all that day, who had visited the Priest. Another day a Tay­lor in a Ditch over-hears two passengers to Plot the Death of Mr. Pym, and of many other Members of Both Houses. Then Libellous Letters found in the Streets, without Names, (probably contrived by them­selves; and by Their Power, Published, Printed, and Enter'd in their Iournals) and Intimations given of the Papists Training under ground, and of notable Provision of Ammunition in Houses; where, upon Examination, a Single Sword, and a Bow and Arrows are found. A Design of the Inhabitants of Covent-Garden to Murther the City of London. News from [Page 8] France, Italy, Spain, Denmark, of Armies ready to come for England. And again, Pag. 536. they cause Discourses to be Published, and Infusions to be made of Incredible Dangers to the City and Kingdom, by that our coming to the House: (in the case of the five Mem­bers) An Alarum was given to the City in the Dead time of the Night, that we were coming with H [...]rse and Fo [...]t thither, and thereupon the wh [...]le City put in Arms: And howsoever the Envy seem'd to be cast upon the De­signs of the Papists, mention was only made of Actions of our own.

Upon a fair understanding of the whole, this sup­position of his is no more than the Counterpart of the old Story: and the Declamatory dangers that he foresees in Vision, were outdone by those sensi­ble Cruelties and Oppressions that this poor King­dom suffered in very deed.

If it be true, that these and forty times more Cru­elties We should do well to look [...] us. were committed: And that the People were frighted into these Precipices only by shadows: If it be true again, that those Glorious Pretenders, when they had the King and his Papists (as they call'd his most Orthodox Friends) under foot; that these Peo­ple, I say, never lookt further after Religion; but fell presently to the sharing of the Church and Crown Revenues among themselves, It will concern every sober man to look well about him, and to make use of his Reason, as well as of his Faith, for these Fore-boders seldom Croak but before a Storm. Four Affronts upon the Go­vernment in two Periods.

We in the Country (says he) have done our parts, in chusing, for the generality, Good Members to serve in [Page 9] Parliament. But if (as our two last Parliaments were) they must be Dissolv'd or Prorog [...]ed, when over they come to redress the Grievances of the Subject, we may be Pitied but not Blam'd. If the Plot takes effect, as in all probability it will, our Parliaments are not then to be Condemn'd for that their not being suffer'd to sit, oc­casion'd it. Fol. 1.

There are just as many Affronts put upon the Go­vernment in these two Periods, as (in the Printed Folio) there are Lines in't. First, Upon the House of Commons; for a Representative constituted, for the generality, of such men as our Appealer calls Good Members, would l [...]y the Kingdom in Blood, (which is manifestly the deist of the Libel from the one end of it to the other.) Secondly, The Appellant Usurps upon the Kings Authority; as if his Majesty were bound to give an Account to every Libeller, why he Prorogues or Dissolves his Parliaments (which is a Priviledge inseparable from the Supreme Power) in all forms of Government. Thirdly, It is a Tacit Charge of Tyranny upon the King; for it is done (he says) when ever they come to redress the Grievances of the Subject. And lastly, He makes the King a Pro­moter of the Plot; but whether with more Indignity or Folly, it is hard to determine, either in the In­timation, o [...] in the Supposal of his Majesty to be Felo de se, and a Party to the Conspiracy against his own Li [...]. The Plot (he says) will in all Probability take [...] and he is the occasion of it, that would not suffer these Parliaments to sit.

The Plot is now [...] so far out of our Enemies reach, that no [...] [...] or Tri [...]k can ever hope to extin­guish it. Wherefore they must either suffer all to come o [...]t, or begin by force to justifie it, which we see they are [Page 10] going to do, by their endeavouring to get those Worthy and Brave Commanders Banished, who ( as they think) [...]. are the most likely Persons to conduct and lead us up a­gainst any Popish Army. Fol. 1.

The Appellants meaning is, that the Popish Plot is [...]. so notoriously Publique, there's no Concealing of it, and so far we are agreed: For we have had Legal Tryals, Proofs, Verdicts, Sentences, and Legal Execu­tions in the Case. But yet to my thinking, we have had also as Competent Evidences of another Plot un­der that, as a body would wish. But whoever crosses the second Plot, is presently Libell'd, as a Friend to the former. What do we hear, what do we read, what do we see, but Seditious Discourses, Scandalous Invectives, and Mutinous Practices against the Go­vernment? Is not the Kings Administration, and his Authority publiquely Arraigned? And is not his Sa­cred Life struck at in this way of Proceeding? First, They expresly tell the World that his Majesty Mis­governs. Secondly: They lay it down for a Maxim, that the People may call him to Account, in case he does Misgovern. And this being admitted, the next point is, directly (by an undeniable Consequence) to Arraign him as a Traytor to the Sovereign People. But the Faction it self expounds its own meaning. What have they to say for that Inhuman and Execrable Murther acted upon the late Arch-Bishop of St. An­drews in Scotland, and to their Declaration against the King himself; which was follow'd with an Open, Actual, and Form [...]d Rebellion? This is a Plot that, me-thinks, a Man may see without his Spectacles; and according to our Appellants conceipt, they began by force to justifie it, for fear all should come out.

[Page 11]To follow him in his Politiques, he tells us fur­ther in the passage above recited, that to facilitate the Papists work, his Majesty Banishes the Persons most capable of Opposing it. So that he makes his Majesty evidently a Party to the Plot; or at best, no more than a King upon a Chess-board, to be turn'd and carry'd which way the Gamester pleases: Beside, the putting of the Illustrious Duke of Monmouth in the head of Popish Troops, in contradiction to him­self.

But (for all this yet) Gentlemen ( says he) be not He gives the Ala [...]m. dismaid; the Lord of Hosts will be of your sides; for so long as you fight his Cause, he will fight your Battels: And if God be for you, who dares be against you? Fear no­thing, but as your Interests are United, so let your Re­solutions be the same; and the first hour wherein you hear of the Kings Untimely End, let no other noise be heard among you, but that of Arm, Arm, to Revenge your Sovereigns Death, both upon his Murtherers, and their whole Party, for that there is no such thing as an Eng­lish Papist, who is not in the Plot, at least in his good Wishes. Fol. 2.

And why [ be not dismaid] Where's the danger, I beseech you? The Popish Plot is Master'd; and there's hardly a Roman Catholique dares shew his head: Nay, and for want of Popish matter to work upon, the Church of England it self is made Papal and Anti­christian. And whoever looks narrowly into this business, will find these Bugbears to be of the Appel­lants own making. What is all this, but Curse ye Meroz over again: He claps the Rabble on the back, and spits in their mouths, and without more adoe, turns them loose upon the Government? The first hour (says he) &c. Here's no Supposition of the [Page 12] Kings Marther to qualifie the matter; but the thing so Positively pronounc'd, as if he himself w [...]re of the Conspiracy. So that without any I [...]s or Ands, the Murther is given for Granted; and upon this Insti­gation, the least Rumour in the world that way, puts the People upon a General Massacre, which the bare report lately of the French appearing before the Isle of Purb [...]ck, had like to have done in several places. Now if they should Arm upon such a mistake, or but an hour too soon, it were enough to put the whole Nation i [...] Blood again: And then his Orders to the City, to be ready with their Arms at an [...]. hours warning, are as Peremp [...]ory, as if he had the Com­mand of the Militia. Beside that, if a Fanatique should Murther the King, the Papists are to be Pu­ni [...]d for [...]t. Because (says [...]e) every English Papist is in the Plot, at least in his good wishes. And it is no less probable on the other side, that every Unrepen­ting Covenanter is in the Counterplot; for upon that Covenant it was, that they founded the Destruction, and the Dissolution of the Government: And it be­hoves us to beware of King-killers on the one hand, as well as on the other. Now see how he goes on.

Think not to [...]are better than the rest, by med [...]ling less; for the Conquerors Promises are never kept, especially coming from that sort of People, whose M [...]xim it is, never to keep their word with Heretiques, Fol. 2.

What a wonderful strain of Logick is this? Draw your Swords (says he) and go to the Devil for Company, for the Papists keep no Faith with Heretiques. This was the Song of 41. and he that would see what Faith the Covenanters kept, either with God, King, Church, or People, has no more to do than to compare their [...] and [...] with their actions.

[Page 13] Now Gentlemen (says he) le [...]t any amongst you should [...] [...] of [...] [...] and Court. be ignorant, either of your Enemies, or their Designs, both against the King and Kingdom,—they are young Beggarly Offi [...]ers, Courtiers, over-ho [...] Church-men, and Papists. The Young Officer, or Souldiers Interest makes him wish for a Standing Army; the Courtier endeavours to advance Taxes, Oppressive and Illegal Impositions. The over-hot Church-men wish well to Popery, in hope of a Cardinals Cap, or at least the Command of some Abby, Priory, or other Ecclesiastical Pref [...]rment, whereof the Roman Church hath so great plenty. These are the men who ex­claim against our Parliaments Proceedings, in rela­tion to the Plot, as t [...]o Violent; calling these times by no other name, but that of Forty or Forty-one, when to amuse his Sacred Majesty, and his good People, they again threaten us with another Forty-eight: And all this is done under-hand, to V [...]ndi­cate the Catholique Party, by throwing a Suspicion on the Fanatiques. These are the Episcopal Tan­tivies, who make even the very Scriptures Pimp for the Court; who out of Urim and Thummim can extort a Sermon to prove the not paying of Tyths and Taxes to be the Sin against the Holy Ghost: And had rather s [...]e the Kingdom [...]un down with Blood, than part with the least Hem of a Consecra­ted Frock, which they themselves made Holy.

Here's a very fair and round distribution of the [...] [...] [...] [...] [...]. Cities Enemies, into Younger Brothers, Dependents upon the King; Friends to the Church, and into Profest Papists: And the whole Kingdom it self is again split into Two Parties, the one consisting of M [...]iniers and S [...]hismatiques; the other of the Loyal Servants and Subjects of the Government, which [Page 14] under the three first Heads, he brands as the Ci­ties Enemies. These Men he Charges with lessen­ing the Plot, with resembling the present times to Forty-one, and talking of another Forty-eight. Now how is it possible but the Positions of Forty­one should put us in mind of the Rebellion of Forty­one, and the Regi [...]idal Principles of Seventy-nine, mind us of the Regicide it self of Forty-eight. For these Principles and Practices are nothing in the World but the Venom of the Old Cause swal­low'd and Spew'd up again; and all the Treasons of the Consistory are cast upon the Conclave: As if the Murther of Charles the First, by the Trea­chery of Mock-Protestants, were ever the less De­testable, because the Two Harries of France were [...] [...]. Assassinated by Profest Papistss. These are the Puritan Iesuits, that turn the Bible into a Nose of Wax; that make God the Author of Sin; that Depose and Murther Kings by a Text; and Intitle their Sacrilege and Treason to the Inspirations of the Holy Ghost. These are the Straight-lac'd Chri­stians, that make less scruple of Robbing the Al­tar, than of Kneeling at the Communion: They can swallow the Blood of Widdows and Orphans, and yet Puke at a Surplice. Let me ask the worthy Gentlemen of the City now, which of the two carry'd them the easier, the Schismatical and Sa­crilegious, or the Episcopal Tantivy? Or which they take for the more dangerous Enemies, our Appellants young Beggarly Officers, or their Old Acquaintances, Pen, Fulks, and their Fellows, who violently thrust out the gravest and most substantial of Husbands C [...]ll. [...]37. their Citizens (as the late King has it) and took in Per­sons of desperate Fortunes and Opinions, in their places. [Page 15] Let them compare the Appellants Courtiers too, with the Old Sequestring, Plundring, and Decimating Com­mittees; with their Court Marshalls, and Major-Ge­nerals: when London was made little better then a shambles; and their Merchants only Cash-keepers to the Tyrants at Westminster; and then against his Over-hot Church-men, we'l set the Mechanique Pulp [...]teers and Tub preachers; that not only divided the people from their So­vereign, but Wives from their Husbands, Children from their Parents; and Preacht away Apprentices, by Droves into Rebellion: Carrying the Schism through Church and State, into private Families. This is the Blessed change that is now propounded, and laid before us.

Lastly, (says he) the chief and most dangerous of your Papist [...] the grand Ene­mies. Enemies are Papists, who to make sure of their own Game, allure all the three forementioned Parties to their side, by the arguments aforesaid. Their design is to bring in Popery, which they can no ways effect, but either by a Popish Successour, or by the French Arms.

There is no doubt of the danger of the Papists; but still while the Government has One Enemy in Front, it is good to secure the Flank and Rear, from another; So▪ that the Ci [...]yes only safety lies in the mean, be­twixt the two Extremes of Popery, on the One hand, and Lib [...]inism on the Other. The Former (he says) can never be effected, but by a Popish Successour, or the French Arms. See now how this hangs toge­ther: Inconsisten­ces. the same Faction clamour'd against the late King just at this rate: and yet there was no prospect at that time, of a Popish Successour, but yet Popery was charg'd (most injuriously as all the World can Witnesse) upon the King himself. And then for the French Arms, so far was his Majesty from calling them in to his assistance, that upon the Scottish Rebel­lion they were Sollicited and Implor'd into a Confedera­cy [Page 16] against him. And yet we remember to our griefs, that those very Rumours and Apprehensions of Popery, even when there was not any Danger of it, east us all into Confusion. And now our Appellant, to shew how good an English-man he is, as well as a Subject, enters his Protestation a little lower in the same Para­graph, that he would rather of the Two, Live under a French Conquerour, then the Duke as Successour.

I must acknowledge (says he in the next clause) that there is some Coherence between the Beginning of the Late Civill Wars, and this our present Age. For as well then as now, the Ambitious Papists, and French Faction were the chief, nay the only Incendiaries, which set us all in flame.

That the French Cardinal did Artificially improve the Turbulent Humour of the English and Scottish Schismaticks, to the advancing of the Interest of France, and to the Embroyling of these Kingdoms, I make no question: But to call them the Only Incen­diaries is to give the Lye to the constant current of History, and the known Certainty of Fact, even within our own remembrance. How were the Pa­pists and French Factions concern'd in the Scottish Up­roar of 1637, and a hundred Sacrilegious Tumults, The Late Re­bellion [...] after that, in the course of the Rebellion? and to set him right now in his Calculation of his Majesties French-friends, we shall enform him, that the Kings Principall supplies of Men, Arms, Money, and Ammunition, were furnished from Holland.

He tells us further, that the Catholique Cause, like the Chesnut in the Fable, hath ever since Q. Marys days been in the Fire: and that both then, and now, the Papists make use of the Episcopall, and Court-parties [...]law, to take it out; the First of these, they allure to their assistance, by the Fright of Presbytery; the Latter [Page 17] by the apprehension of a Republique, tho' nothing is lesse Designed, or more Improbable.

'Tis a hard case to have to do with an Adversary Neither Good Faith nor Ar­gument. that has neither Candor in his Reports, nor any force of Argument in his Reasonings; and yet it is the more tolerable here, because it is all that either the Story or the Cause will bear. He makes the Episcopal and Court-Party to be the Passive Instruments of the The Church and Court vindicated. Church of Rome, for the advance of Popery, ever since the Reign of Queen Mary: which is so noto­rious a mistake, that Queen Elizabeth, and the Hierarchy in Her Reign oppos'd the Errours, and the power of that Church, with all possible constancy, and Resolution. King Iames made himself famous by his Pen, as well as by his Practices, upon the same Subject. The Late King lost his Life in the defence of the Reformed Religion, and his Majesty that now is, hath manifested his affection to the Church of England, (as by Law Establisht,) in despight of all Calumnyes, and through extream difficulties, with the highest Acts of Solemnity Imaginable. And now on the other side, let but any man trace the History The Fana­ticks trouble some, ever since the Re­formation. of the Schismatiques, from Queen Mary to this In­stant; and the restlessness of that Faction will ap­pear, through every step of his way; and that whensoever the Papists prest upon the Government, on the One hand, the Separatists never fail'd of pinch­ing it on the Other. And yet again whereas he talks of the fright of Presbytery, and the apprehensi­on of a Republique, as neither designed, nor probable, there's no man of Thirty years of Age, but knows the A palpable Errour. contrary; and that this Nation was actually en­slav'd to that Double Tyranny, under pretence of de­livering us from the danger of Arbitrary Power, and Popery. Nay, and but two lines further, he charges [Page 18] the Late King for countenancing Papists▪ no less then [...] asperse▪ [...] [...] King. This: which to every honest man is constructively a Vindication of them Both Nay, he goes so far to­ward the owning of a dislike for the Form of our Go­vernment it self, that he says, no Government but Monarchy can in England ever support, or favour Po­pery, as who should say; A Common-wealth would put us out of fear on't.

He says again, Pag. 3. that the Parliament Party never Entertain'd any Papists, unless under a Disguise; and yet we never heard of any more of them, then the Kings Heads-man in a M [...]sque. We could shew him several Instances of the contrary; but no man is so senselesse, as to imagine that the King was De­pos'd, pursu'd, rob'd, taken, condemn'd and put to Death, [...]idiculous. by a hundred thousand Priests in Visors: we have nothing to say to the Loyalty of the Papists; but yet the Incongruity of our Appellants charge upon them, we cannot but in Honesty and common rea­son, take some notice of, Especially when the Dust of his Objection flies in his own Eyes.

Their Loyalty and Good service pay'd to the King (says he) was meerly in their own defence; well know­ing that the Foundation of these Commotions was only in Opposition to their Party.

Putting the Case now, that they serv'd the King The Papists Loyalty was Interest. only for their Own Ends: We have an acknow­ledgment yet, that there was Loyalty, and good ser­vice in it, however qualified: and we know that there were many Brave, and Eminent men among them, that lost their Estates and Lives in that service. If it lyes as a reproach upon them, that they did not serve the King out of Loyalty, that which they did, was yet better then not serving him at all; and bet­ter, in a higher degree still, then fighting against [Page 19] him. But supposing now that they had no known Papists in their Army the Case is not one jot mended; The [...] [...] [...] [...] count. for they were all Schismatiques then; and it is worth the Observation, that not a man drew his sword in that Cause, who was not a Known Separatist; and that, on the other side, not one Schismatique ever struck stroke in the Kings Quarrel: The One side con­tending according to their Duty, in favour of the Law, and the Other against it.

Our Appellant lyes open to another Objection in the cl [...]use above recited. He says, the Commotion was The Appel­lant [...] volun­tary mistake. only founded upon an Opposition to that Party. How came it then, that they seiz'd the Crown, and Church-Lands; put the King to Death, plunder'd, sequesterd, and beheaded his Protestant Friends, if the Opposition was only to Popery? But we have seen their pre­tences, and we have felt the meaning of them.

He insists upon the Papists desiring Oliver to accept Who put Oli­ver upon ac­cepting the Crown. of the Crown. There's a little Book that will inform us better concerning that transaction. It's call'd Monarchy asserted, consisting of a Collection of Speeches upon that debate.

We are at this time (he says) acting the same Play still, though an Old-one newly Reviv'd; and as that which the Papists then Acted, was laid upon the Fanatiques, so was the like to have been done, in this present Plot.

It will be easily granted, that this is in a high de­gree the Old-Play Reviv'd, but we are too well ac­quainted with the circumstances of the present Plot, to carry the resemblance thorough. That which the Fanatiques then acted, was layd on the Papists; and when they had master'd the King, under the Calum­ny of a Papist, they Murther'd him as a Protestant. The Question at present is not the Certainty of One Plot, but the Superfoetation of another: For it is com­possible [Page 20] enough, that a Papist may be before his Ma­jesty with a Dagger, and some rank Enthusiast behinde him with a Pistol.

He proceeds with a Story of Mr. Claypool, not at all to our purpose; and then gives us further, an account of the Papists designe in Scotland; who first by their Councells procured the poor Inhabitants to be Op­press'd, and then sending their disguised Priests, and Emissaryes amongst them, encourag'd the poor silly Na­tives to Mutiny against those Oppressions, hoping to cast the Plot upon the Presbyterians.

If the Power, Number, and Industry of these Emis­saries be such as our Appellant would have us believe, a man would think there should hardly be a Rat trap in the three Kingdoms, without a Priest in't. Let us but lay together several Circumstances in this Appeal concerning the Miraculous Influences of these men upon all sorts of People, and it will be a hard matter to represent any thing more Comicall. First, he says, that the Papists have already made sure of all the Young beggerly Officers, or Souldiers, Courtiers, and A Legendary Fable. Over-hot Church-men; Fol. 2. Secondly, he makes them to have an Absolute Dominion over the King and his Councill; for they have made him Banish those Officers (he says) that should lead the people up against the Popish Army. Thirdly, they govern all the Conventicles in the Kingdom, as our Appellant will have it. And Fourthly, they procur'd the Scots to be Opprest, and after that shifted hands, and made them rebell; and all this is every man bound to believe, as the Thir­teenth Article of his Faith. Now can any thing be more wonderful, then that these people that can turn the King and his Councill with a Twine thread; that have so absolute a Command of the Multitude; and can set Governors and Subjects handy-dandy, to [Page 21] Box one another like Punchinello's Puppets, when they please: is it not a wonderfull thing, (I say) that these men with all this Interest, are not yet able to save a Priest from the Gallows; or any single person of the Party from the Exact Rigour of the Law. Have they only a Power to do the Government Mischief, and themselves no Good? We insist the more earnestly upon this Point, because the comfort of Humane Soci­ety Humane So­ciety dissol­ved. is totally destroy'd, if we come once to be tran­sported, by these stories, into a Common Diffidence, every man of his Neighbour; and put into such a con­dition, by the Entertainment of these Jealousies, that there will be no longer any Faith, or Confidence in Mankinde; for fear of these Invisible and undistin­guishable Enemies in our dayly Conversation.

Now to support, and fortify himself in his Opi­nion; he says farther, that not only Dr. Oates menti­ons The Scotch Rebellion charg'd upon the Papists. this in his Evidence, but that the Papists them­selves were so well assured of the Scotch Rising, before it happen'd, that at the Disbanding of this late Popish Army, many of the Officers and Souldiers had secret Or­ders not to sell their Horses, but to be in a readiness, for that they should have occasion to use them again within a Fortnight, and so it happen'd; for within a fortnight after the Disbanding, the Rebellion brake out in Scot­land: So well acquainted were the Authors of this Mis­chief, with the time when it would happen.

With the Appellants leave, Dr. Oates only Re­ports Dr. Oat [...]'s true account of the Scotch Rising. what these Agents Design'd to do, and the Hopes of their succeeding in it; but says nothing positively, that I can finde, of what they had done: and in his Thirty fifth Deposition, expresly makes their Project to be the weakening of both the Presbyterian, and Episcopal Faction: As to the casting of the Plot upon the Pres­byterians, it was not so well contriv'd (me thinks) [Page 22] as it might have been: For it is no Clearing of the Pa­pists from One Plot upon the Kings Life, the charging of the Presbyterians with another.

Then there's another slip; he will have the Papists privy to the Scotch Rising, because at the Disbanding of the Popish Army, some Officers were order'd not to sell their Horses, &c. First, it is not prov'd that they had any such Orders; Secondly, he calls it a Popish Army; and implys, that these Orders were given to Popish Officers, which Officers either went upon the service or not: If they went, they over threw their own design; for he makes it the Papists Interest to entertain those Tumults, and these Gentlemen made it their business to suppress them. If they did not go, their Orders were to no purpose. But why does the Appellant call it a Popish Army? He should do well to wash his Mouth, after so foul and scandalous an ex­pression.

But now let us change hands; and see if it be not The Scotch Fanaticks [...] with the Eng­lish. more probable that the Fanaticks knew before-hand of that Rising, then the Papists. For though we had at that time greater apprehensions of the French then ever, yet the importunities of some people were so violent for the immediate disbanding of the Army, that it lookt like a design to remove that Block out of the Scots way The next passage is a little misterious.

He says, that it was likely the Scots would be beaten by the Kings Forces, that (says he) it might make both Them and Us less apt to Rise upon any account whatso­ever. So that here is a tacit Confession, that the Ap­pellant found some inconvenience in this discourage­ment to a joynt Rebellion: And [...]o he goes on, saying, that if this had been a Fanatical Plot, the same Party would certainly have risen in England at the same time. But this, under favour, will not hold; for the [Page 23] Scots tumulted in 37. and appeared in actuall Rebel­lion in 38. whereas their Brethren in England did not take up arms till 41, though privy to and confe­derate in the Tumults of 37. He lays it down for granted in the next Line, that the Papists Mur­thered the Late King, and so proceeds in these words.

After the Catholiques had thus brought the Fathers head to the Block, and sent the young Princes into Exile; let us reflect upon their Usage of them in France, &c.

Now to give the Devil his due, I cannot finde so Who brough [...] the La [...]e King to the Block. much as One Papist in the whole List of the Regicides; and yet I have turn'd over all the Acts and Ordinan­ces; Walkers Independency; and in one word, the whole History of those times; and can hear no news of them. Take notice, that it is not the question here whether or no the Papists would have scrupled it upon a fair Occasion▪ but whether or no, in the Truth of the [...]act, it was the Papists that did it: and I do not think it Fair, to hang one Man, or Condemn one party for anothers fault. Put the case one man steals a Horse, and another robs a Church, 'tis no vin­dication of the Horse stealer, to discharge him of the Sacrilege; no vindication of him that rob'd the Church, to acquit him of the Horse stealing; but it were a high injustice to charge one offender with the crime of another. His following Reflections upon the Ill-usage the Royall Family received in France when his Majesty was abroad, and the good Offices which France has received from hence in re­quital, are only meant for a sly and invidious Re­proach upon the Government, and there is more of flourish in them then matter of weight; only he has one speculation not to be past over.

I cannot but ascribe great part of our present Calami­ties [Page 24] (says he) to his Highnesses Education in that Ar­bitrary and Popish Government.

Here he pretends to tell us of our miseries, and from whence in a great measure they proceed; but it would puzzle a man to finde out what these pre­sent Calamities are, more then the froward and fan­tastical apprehensions of remote and imaginary Evils: Nay, the very fear it self is counterfeited as well as the danger, and the men that dresse up these gob­lins to fright the silly multitude, they do but laugh at them themselves. Our State-Empericks do with our Politique, as our Physicians do with our Natural Bodies (for there are Intoxicating Opinions as well as Passions) they make their Patients many times stark raving mad with that which they are not one jot affected withall themselves. Do we not live (or if we will, at least, we may) in Peace and Plenty, under the protection of a Gracious and a Protestant Prince, and under the blessing also of so particular a providence, that when all our Neighbours have been at fire and sword round about us, this Nation has been yet exempt from the common calamities of Christendom? And shall we now expose and abandon our present quiet and security only for future possibilities, and make our selves certainly miserable before-hand for fear of being miserable hereafter? Whosoever soberly considers what we enjoy on the one hand, and what we fear on the other, compa­ring and examining both parts with their due and reasonable circumstances, he shall finde all attempts and proposals of popular prevention or reformation, to be as wilde a project, as if a man should cut off a leg or an arm for fear of corns and chil [...]lains. But what if our fears were yet juster then they seem to be? how many things may yet intervene, [Page 25] accurding to the ordinary course of humane af­fairs, to disappoint the danger? as Mortality, Sur­vivorship, change of thought, &c. or can the Ap­pellant prescribe us any Remedy, that is not worse then the disease? shall a man cast himself from the top of Bow, for fear of tumbling down stairs? shall we destroy Protestantism for fear of Popery? or a Good Government for fear of a bad One? shall we run the hazzard of Damnation, for fear of Oppression? Nay, what if our present ap­prehensions were Gratify'd? New ones would yet succeed into their places: For the Rage of Jealousy is boundless, and Incurable. And so we found it in the Late Rebellion, which was built up­on the same Foundation. Never so mean and so despicable a slavery, as that which we then brought upon our selves for fear of slavery. Never was any Papacy so Tirannical, and so Ridiculous together, as that Persecuting, and Non-sensical Presbytery, which we had in Exchange for the best temper'd Ecclesi­astical Government upon the Face of the Earth. Were not Those blessed days when our Divines had Salesmen, and Mechaniques for their Tryers; and the Laity a supercilious Company of Classical, and Congregational Noddys for the Inspectours of our Lives and Manners: When Tone, and Lungs, without either Learning, or Honesty, were the distinguish­ing Marks of a Gifted Brother? Methinks the very Memory of these servile and profane Indigni­ties should put the bare thought of the Second part of it out of Countenance.

And he seems as much out in the pretended Cause of our Calamities, as he was in the Calamities them­selves. There were no Princes Educated abroad in the Late Kings time, and yet the same clamour to [Page 26] a Tittle. But if the Appella [...]t had been so minded, he might have given us a much more Rational account of our misfortunes, then he has done. He might, have charg'd them upon those people, who in truth, first sent the young Princes into Exile, and then k [...]pt them there; and have at present a design upon the Exercise of he same Arbitrary power again, which they would be thought to fear. They began with a cry against Popery, but they concluded in the Murther of the King; the dissolution of the Monar­chy, and the perpetual Exclusion of the Royal Fa­mily, as may be seen in their Proclamation of Ian. 30. 48. for Inhibiting any person to be King. Where­as Charles Stuart King of England, (say they) being for the Notorious Treasons, Tyrannies, and Murthers, committed by Him in the Late Unnatural and cruel Wars, condemned to Death, &c. It is remarkable, that though they possest the people against His Majesty, as a Papist, there is not one word of Religion in the Reasons, of their putting him to death.

The Appellant comes now to shew his Reading in two passages out of Philip de Comines, with an appli­cation of his Observations upon them. The former concerning certain English Pensioners; which Lew­is the Eleventh of France kept in Pay. Now though I cannot agree the hundreth part of those persons to be Pensioners, which out of an envy to the Govern­ment, the Common people are instructed to call so; yet I shall never differ with him upon this point, that the Money of Lewis the Fourteenth may perhaps have been current in England, as well as that of Lewis the Eleventh was. The other story is that of Lewis the Eleventh to Charles Duke of Burgundy in the Case of Campobache. The Treache­ry of Campo­bache. The French King advertizes the Duke of Burgandy [Page 27] (they being then in hostility) that the Count Campo­bache was a Traytor to him: But the Duke would not believe it. And there was one Cifron also, who was of the Plot with Campobache: This same Cifron, being taken prisoner by the Duke before Nancy, and condemned to dye; gave the Duke to under­stand, that he had a most Important secret to com­municate to him. But the Duke neither giving admittance to Cifron, nor credit to the King; lost his Life afterward, and his Dominions, by being too incredulous. The Appellant applies this to his Ma­jesties Case, in Language so course and scandalous, that there is no repeating of it. And what does all this amount to, but that a Prince may be as well Equally Dan­gerous to be­lieve too much and too Little undone by believing too much, as too little? If he had Trusted either less to Campobache, or more to the King, it had come all to a purpose. He will have his Majesty in danger for not believing enough, of the Popish Plot: But his Royall Father was Ruin'd on the other side, by not believing enough of the Presbyterian Plot. And God grant that his present Majesty may only believe so much of that Plot over again, as may stand with his honour and safety. But it appears in this place, by the coursness of the Appellants Expressions, and by the byasse of the whole Libell throughout, that he is not so much concern'd for the Kings believing or not believing, as to fasten a scandall upon his Majesty, by perswa­ding the People, that the King does not believe it; and consequently to possess them, that his Majesty is a favourer of Popery, tho' never any Prince in Christendom gave more Convincing and Irrefraga­ble Proofs of the contrary.

This passage of the Duke of Burgundy (he says Fol. 4.) [Page 28] may be very much to our purpose, to shew you, that when God designs the destruction of a King or People, he makes them deaf to all discoveries be they never so obvious. And having Levelled the Application in particular, he speculates in general terms (toward the bottom of the leaf) upon the whole matter.

There are four several Arguments ( he says) which many times prevail with Princes to be incredulous of all pretended Conspiracies against themselves. The First is drawn from their being in, or made privy themselves to Part of the Plot, but not to the whole. The Second, from their own good nature, and Clemency. The Third, from the nature of the Evidence. And the Fourth from the nature and Interest of the pretended Conspirators. To begin then with the First, when the Prince hath been made acquainted with a Design of Intro­ducing a New Government, or a New Religion, but not with the Design of taking away his own Life, this sometimes hath prevailed with him not to believe, that the same party with whom he himself is in a Conspiracy, should have any such other Plot against his Life. But this I hope is not Our Case, For &c.— And then he Reasons that his Majesty could get nothing by it. Fol. 3.

We shall put him together now, and make En­glish of him. First, he makes the Duke of Bur­gundies Case, in his Deafnesse to Discoveries to be the Kings. Secondly, He infers from that Deafness that God has design'd his Majesty to Destruction. Thirdly, he takes upon him to Philosophize upon the Rea­sons of Princes Incredulity in such Cases; and very fairly represents his Majesty as a Party in the Conspi­racy, and consenting to the Introduction of a New Government and a New Religion, though not privy to the Plot of taking away his Own Life. Only he con­cludes with a [ But this I hope is not Our Case.] in [Page 29] such away of Doubting as implys Believing. And so much for the first point.

The Second Motive (he says Fol. 5.) which may The Kings Bounty [...] ­bus'd. incline a Prince to disbelieve the report of a Plot is, from his Own Good Nature, and Clemency; which makes him not believe any ill of those to whom he has been so kinde. But this is a fallacious way of arguing.

Now by his Favour, This is not so much an Argument from Good Nature, on the One side, as from the Tye of Gratitude, on the Other: but whe­ther way soever it be taken, the Late King found it indeed a very fallacious way of arguing: for almost all his Acts of Grace, and bounty turn'd to his mischief, as appears in his Majesties Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. when after delivering up his Ministers to Impeachments, his Concessions in the business of the Star-Chamber, High▪Commission Court, Ship-Mony, Forest-Laws, Stannery-Courts, Tonnage and Poundage, Continuance of the Parliament, &c. they improv'd all these Trusts, and Condescen­sions even to the formal taking away his Authority, Revenue, and Life. And those particularly whom his Late Majesty Oblig'd to the highest degree, laid the foundation of his Ruine. Nor is the ingratitude of the same party to the Son less notorious, then the other was to the Father: None flying so fierce­ly in the face of the Kings Authority and person, as those that stand indebted to the King for their Lives and Estates; who yet act as confidently, as if one Rebellion might be placed in Justification of ano­ther. For they do now afresh and in publick avow the methods and practices of the late Times; while the true sons and servants both of the English Church and State, lie in the dust, waiting for the righteous Judgment of the Lord in want, and patience. Now [Page 30] if according to the Appellants Rule those are the most dangerous, to whom the King has been most kinde, that Danger must be understood of the Fanatiques; for otherwise the Appealer runs the Hazzard of a Premunire, upon the Act for the safety of the Kings Per­son, in scandalizing his Majesty for a Favourer of Popery. It is not yet that the general Rule fails, be­cause of this Exception: For the greater the Obliga­tion, the greater in reason ought to be the confi­dence, though the Appella [...]t seems to be of another opinion.

Who betrays you in your Beds? (says he) your Friend; for your Enemy is not admitted to your House. Who betrays you in your Estate? your Friend; for your Enemy is not made your Trustee. So that nothing is more dangerous then a blinde friendship.

This is an admirable fetch of his, to prove his Royal High­ness dangerous to his Majesty, because he is both a Friend and a Brother; and still the Nearer, the more dangerous: as if the King were safer in the hands of his Enemies, then of his Friends. But he expounds himself, that they are more dan­gerous, in respect of greater Confidence, and fairer Opportuni­ties. There is no sence against that danger, but utterly to cast An Argument destructive of Society and good Nature. off and renounce all the Bonds, and Dictates of Society and Good Nature. We must contract no Friendships, and trust no Relations, for fear they should cut our Throats. How much more wretched then the very Beasts, has our Appealler at this rate made Mankinde, by poysoning the very Fountain of Human Comforts? Nor is it a Friend that betrays us; but an Enemy, under that appearance: By which Rule an Episcopal, a Fanatical, a Popish Friend, are all equally dangerous: For a Man has no more security of a Friend under one denomination, then under another. But the Appellant in this place speaks of the danger of a blinde Friendship; that is to say, a kindness that is taken up without any consideration, or Choice, and runs on without fear or wit: which in this application, must either be very little respectfull, or altogether Impertinent. He produces And of evill▪ Consequence. instances of perfidious Favourits and Relations: as if there were no other to be found in Nature. By his Argument, be­cause One Woman poyson'd her Husband, all men should destroy their Wives: Because One Son supplanted his Father, all Pa­rents [Page 31] should drown their Children like Kitlins. Because One Younger Brother offer'd violence to his Elder, there should be no longer any Confidence, or Faith maintain'd among Bre­thren.

If little petty Interests (says he) make one Brother wish the others Death, how much more prevalent will the Interest of a Crown be? Nay of two Crowns, viz. One here, and another hereafter in Heaven, promis'd him by an Old fellow with a bald pate, and a spade-beard.

As to the Argument, this is only the Second Part to the A dangerous Proposition▪ same tune; and a Particular Instance emprov'd into an Uni­versal Exception. There are Wicked Husbands, Wives, Children; Let there be no more Marrying. Men have been poyson'd in the Sacrament, in their Cups, and Dishes; shall we therefore never receive the Communion, nor Drink, nor Eat? There have been Tyrants in all forms of Governments, shall we there­fore have no Government at all? And moreover, as this way of Reasoning Lessensall the Bonds of Human Trust, and Con­cord, and runs us back again into Mr. Hobb's Original State of War, so does it as little serve the Appellants purpose, even if it were admitted. First, the Temptation of a Crown does not The Tempta­tion of a Crown work upon any Man, either as a Brother, or as a stranger: but equally upon Both; and more, or less, as the man is more, or less Consciencious or Ambitious. So that the danger arises from the Humour of the Person, not from the Relation. Nay Secondly, The Danger is Greater, from a Popular Faction that has no Right at all to a Crown, then from a Legal Pretendent to it, up­on a Claim of Descent. For the One only waits his Time, ac­cording to the course of Nature, whereas the Other presses his end by the ways of Bloud and Violence, having no other way to compass it: He makes it yet a stronger argument, where there is but One Life betwixt a Successor and Three King­doms: But does not this Argument hold as strong on the o­ther side? There was only the Kings Life betwixt the Faction of 1641, and the Three Kingdoms, which Life they took away, and so possest themselves of his Dominions. Their pretence was only a Reformation of Abuses▪ with Horrid, and Multi­ply'd Reformation the pretence▪ Oaths, that they designed Only the Glory of God, the Honour of the King, the Preservation of the Protestant Religi­on. His Majesty (they said) was misled by Popish Counsells; and their Business was no more then to rescue him out of the [Page 32] hands of Papists, and bring him home to his Parliament. And what was the Event of all? A Gracious Prince was Mur­ther'd, and 500. Tyrants set up in his stead: Our Religion, and Our Laws were Trampled upon; and the Free-born Eng­lish-men subjected to a Bondage, below that of Gally-slaves: The whole Nation becoming a Scandall, a Hissing, and a Scorn, to all our Neighbours, round about us.

But what were these [...]eople, all this while? If we may cre­dit the Appellant, they were Priests and Iesuits; Or at least, Pa­pists: But the King tells us, they were Brownists, Anabaptists, Who they were [...] at de­stroyed the Late King. and Other Sectaries; Preaching Coachmen, Felt makers, &c. The Act for Indempnity gives us a List of the Regicides: The Act of Uniformity stiles them Sch [...]smatiques, and throughout the whole History of their Acts, and Ordinances, there appear none but Dissenting Protestants: The Church of England being the Only Sufferer, betwixt the Two Extreams. And these Peo­ple had the Interest of the Two Crowns in prospect too; which the Appellant descants so Jollily upon: Almost every Pulpit promising Salvation to the Fighters of the Lords Battels against the Lords Anointed, with a Cursed be He (at the End on't,) that doth the work of the Lord Negligently.

Upon the Third Head he says, that most Princes Believe, or Disbelieve the Information which is given them of a Plot, according to the Nature of the Evidence, and Credit of the Informants.

There is no more in This, then that most Princes Believe, upon the Common Inducements that move all men of Rea­son whatsoever, to Believe; Viz. the Probability of the mat­ter in Question, and the Credit of the Witnesses. Now as to the Popish Plot; we shall give him these Two Points for Granted, Two Plots but without discharging a Plot likewise, on the Other hand, upon the same Principles, and no less pregnant Evidence. We do not speak here of the Popish Plot, which the Papists would most sillily have turn'd upon the Presbyterians; (the shallowest Contrivance certainly that ever was hatch'd, and the most palpable Imposture:) But we speak of a Plot that was Bred and born in the Fanatical party; whereof we have as many Witnesses almost as Readers; in Forty Libells of That Lea­ven, and Extraction: Beside several Open and Violent at­tempts upon the Government, which do unanimously bear He covers the [...] with the Plot▪ Testimony against them. The Following parts of This Para­graph are wrought into such a Complication of Zeal and Scan­dal [Page 33] (one Snap at the King, and another at the Plot) that every peri­od is a Bait: And whoever touches upon it, is sure of a Hook in his Nostrills. Under Colour of Asserting and making out the Truth of the Plot, (which no sober man doubts of) he throws Dirt upon his Majesty and his Ministers, for dodging, and Imposing upon the People, in favour of it. One while too Much comes out, another while too Little. The Frequent Dissolutions and Prorogations of Parlia­ments (he says expresly) were to prevent the Tryal of the Lords: And so the Squib runs sputtering on, from the King to his Privy Coun­cell; Thence, to his Courts of Justice; and in One word, the whole Story comes to no more then a Political abstract out of Har­ris's Domestick Intelligence.

But why these Pamphlets to the Multitude? First, There's no fear Why this Ap­peal to the multitude? of the peoples running into Popery: For 'tis their Horrour and A­version. Secondly, There's no need of Convincing Them of the Truth of the Plot: But rather to keep them from Extravagances, upon the Jealousies and apprehensions they conceive of it already. Thirdly, There's no need neither of calling Them to our assistance, toward the suppressing of it: For the sifting and Examining of this Conspiracy, with the bringing of the Confederates to Publique Justice, is a great part of the business of the Government. So that these Li­bells cannot be reasonably understood to have any Other then these Two ends. First, to Teaze and Chafe the Rabble into a Rage, disposing and preparing them to entertain any occasion for uproar and Tumult. Secondly, when their Blood is up against This Detesta­ble Plot, with the Contrivers, Promoters, and abetters of it; what does he, but turn the Rancour of That Outragious Humour upon the King, rivy Councell, Courts of Justice; and Briefly, all his Friends; by marking Them out for Parties in the Treason: And so rendring his Majesty, and his Government Odious, by these Ma­licious Insinuations, and endangering the Peace of the Publique, to the Highest Degree?

The Fourth and Last Argument (says he) which may sometimes pre­vail with the Prince to disbelieve any report of a Conspiracy, is taken from the Nature and Principles, and from the Interest, of the Pretended Conspiratours. But neither of these Motives can pretend to Influence Our Prince into a Disbelief of This Popish Plot, Fol. 7.

The Appellants Observation and Inference is this, that the Po­pish Popish Princi­p [...]es and [...]nte­rest. Plot is to be Believ'd, because it squares with the Principles and Interest of the Party. We are better informed in the History and Doctrine of Massacres and Regicides, then to question the Malice [Page 34] of the Iesuiticall Positions, or the credibility of the Plot here in De­bate: and so we shall yield him the Hellish Tenet, which he insists upon, of Murthering KINGS, and a Hellish Tenet it is indeed; and as Hellish undoubtedly in a Schismatique, as in a Iesuit. For his Quarrel otherwise is to the Faction, not to the Maxim which is e­qually Dangerous and detestable in all Factions. Now wheresoe­ver we find the same Principles, we have the Appellants leave honest­ly to suspect the same Designs.

Was not this the Doctrine of the Fanatiques from Forty, to Sixty? Puritan Jesu­i [...]s. And did they not make good their Doctrine by their Practice? Did they not declare the King Accountable to the People? And did they not put him to Death, upon that Foundation? We have the very Iournals themselves of those Times, to prove what we say; beside the Damned Harmony of their best received Authors to that purpose. We propound (say the Remonstrants) that the Person of the King may be speedily brought to Iustice, for the Treason, Bloud and Mischief he is Guilty of. An Act (says another) agreeing with the Laws of God, Consonant to the Laws of Men, and the Practices of all Well-order'd States and Kingdoms. Let Iustice and Reason blush (says another) and Traytors and Murtherers, Parricides and Patricides put on white Garments and Rejoyce as Innocent ones, if this man (speaking of the Late King) should escape the hands of Iustice and Punishment. The Government of England (says a Fourth) is a Mixt Monarchy, and Govern'd by the Maior Part of the three Estates assembled in Par­liament. Whensoever a King (says a Fifth) or other Superior Authori­ty Creates an Inferior, they invest it with a Legitimacy of Magistraticall Power, to punish themselves also, in case they prove Evill Doers. It is Lawfull (says a Sixth) for any, who have the Power, to call to account a Tyrant or wicked King; and after due Conviction, to Depose and put him to Death, if the Ordinary Magistrate have deny'd to do it. Detra­here Indigno &c. It is not for private persons to Depose a wicked Govern­nour; but that the Universality of the People may Lawfully do it, I think no body questions.

These Seditious Pasitions, with many more, (and some worse, per­haps,) [...] [...]. were publiquely Printed and avow'd before his Majesties Return. And the very same Principles, with Pestilert Additions to them, have been expos'd by the same Party, in the face of the Sun, since his Majesties Restauration. And there is scarce a Pamphlet without something of this Mixrure, that comes from any of the Private and Pragmaticall Intermeddlers in the present Controversy. So that the Principles are the very same, as to the Quality and In­gredients, [Page 35] under several Colours. And so much for their Principles: Now to their Interests.

In his following way of Reasoning; under the Countenance of Of Counsell with the Pa­pists. proving it to be the Papists Interest to Murther the King, he does all he can in the world, by a side-wind, to possesse them with the Necessity of doing it; and consequently, to force▪ them upon it: Only, as good luck is, the Arguments will not bear that stress. I should not dare to speak his words after him, if it were not, First, that the Libell is allready, by several Impressions of it, made as Publique as a News-Book, And Secondly, that his Propositions are erected upon a false Bottom. Upon which two Considerations, we shall presume to insert only two Periods of his, upon this Subject.

Their Interest (says he) does unavoidably excite them to Murther A Dangerous Hint. his Sacred Majesty; For First, they know he cannot long subsist without a Considerable Sum of Money, which he must Receive either from the Par­ty, or from the Parliament: Now for them to supply him with so vast a Su [...], is a Charge, that (you may well imagine) they would desire to get rid of it, if they could, tho' by the Kings Death. On the other side, for the Parliament to supply him with mony, that, they know, cannot be done but by taking off the Heads of their Faction; excluding their Succession, and con­senting to such Laws as must of Necessity ruin them: Besides, his Majesty hath allready permitted the Executing so many of their Party, as they ne­ver can or will forgive it.

It falls out Happily that the force of his Argument does not The Plot en­courag'd. come up to the Drift of it. But the Weakness of the One takes off the Edge of the Other. He tells the whole world, that the Papists have no way in the Farth to save themselves, but by the Murther of the King. The One half of this spoken in a Corner to a Knot of Priests and Jesuits, and fairly prov'd upon a man, would be as much as his Head's worth. And is the Crime ever the Lesse for do­ing the same thing in Publique, where the Provocation is stronger? These Discourses are not to pass for Simple Declarations of a mans Opinion; but Artificiall Encouragements rather, and Advises, toward the doing of the thing; especially coming from the Pen of a Person that calls himself Iunius Brutus, and recommends himself to the City by the Borrow'd name of a King-killer. Tho' I cannot inform my self of any of that Family that lives near Richmond.

His First Argument runs thus. The King wants mony; and He falters in his Argu­ments. there's none to be got, but either of the Papists, of the Parlia­ment. The Parliament, he says, will give his Majesty none; and therefore the Papists will Murther him to save Charges. This is a [Page 36] Policy far fetch'd: The Fathers Head (we know) was set at a Price, but we hope better of the Sons. Now in his prejudging the Parliament, upon an Assumption that the King gets not a penny of Mony of them, but upon such and such Terms; he does not so much speak his thought, as vent his Proposition; rather Desiring, then Foreseeing that the House of Commons will hold the King to such un­happy Conditions. And then he finishes his Contemplation with this Conclusion, that the Papists will never forgive his Majesty, for what he has done allready. Wherein, First, he Contradicts himself, in supposing the King an Enemy to the Papists, whom he has hitherto insinuated to be their Friend. And Secondly, instead of proving the Papists Design against the King in this Particular, he advances One of his Own.

Now if he would have come roundly up to the Point of the Pa­pists The Popish and Fanatick Interest the same. Interest; he should have told us of the Ecclesiastical Dignities and Preferments that the Church of Rome has confer'd upon their Emissaries into his Majesties Dominions: And he should have ex­pounded it to the people, what pains they take, and what Haz­zards they run, only in the playing of their Own Game, and ma­king way to their advantages in Reversion. This is so great a truth, that most of the serious Catholiques themselves reflect familiarly upon these Busie People, as the common troublers of the Peace of Christendome. But then I should have oppos'd an interest also on the Fanatiques side, to Ballance this. For they have their Reversio­nall prospects too: their sequester'd Livings and Estates; their plun­der'd goods, their profitable Offices and Commissions, Crown and Church Lands. &c. And they wait for their day again as impatiently as the Iews do for their Messias. Nay to keep their title still a foot, they stand fast to their Old Covenant still, as the Fanatiques Magna Charta; by which they pretend to make out a Religious claim to all the advantages they got by sacriledge and oppression. So that their principles and interests lying indifferently against the Establisht Order both of Church and State; there will be no need of casting eithers faults upon the other.

After a worse then Astrological Determination upon the Kings A wicked Calculation. Fate; he bestows another Cast of his Cunning upon the City and Citizens of London, which (he says) is in danger to be consum'd by Fire. It is a lewd and a seditious Hint, in both these Cases, the putting of it into the head, as it is much in the power of any pro­fligate and desperate villain, to verify his calculation. Besides that in telling the Citizens what they are to expect, he does at the [Page 37] same time, Counsell the Papists what to do. They will burn London, (he says) First, as the only United force, able to withstand Arbitrary Government, and without that, Popery can never prevail.

If [...]opery cannot come in without Arbitrary Government [...] the Ie­suits Mistaken in his Compu­tation. design the burning of London, as the only Un [...] [...] [...]hat can withstand that power: either there is no fear of Popery and Arbitrary Government, and (consequently) of such a design taking place in this Kings [...]ign; or the whole calumny falls directly upon his Ma­jesty himself: or otherwise, if the Appellants prospect looks forward into the future, what▪s the meaning of all these Alarms, so unsea­sonably, to trouble our present peace with the sickly Visions of things to come? And he should have done well also to have ex­pounded himself a little upon the United Force that should with­stand, and the Arbitrary Government to be withstood? For otherwise, it may be taken for the sounding of a Trumpet to a Rebellion. For the Arbitrary Government which he phansies to himself, must be ex­ercised either by a Lawful Prince, or by an Usurper: If by the Former, his Tyranny is no Warrant for our opposition; if the Latter, there's no appearance of any other Usurpation, then (as we shall see present­ly) of his own setting up.

Secondly, he says that London is the only place where by reason of their Excellent Preaching and dayly instruction in the Protestant Religion, the people have a lively sense thereof, and douhtless will not part with it, to plea­sure a Prince; but perhaps rather lose their Lives by the Sword in the Wars, than by Faggots, in Smithfield.

The passage now is plain English; and as many indignities upon Sed [...]n in plain English. the Government, crouded into one sentence, as could well be brought together. Here is First, an Exhortation to a Rebellion. For the Prince here in question, against whom the sword is to be drawn, can be no other, upon his supposition, then actually the King. And let him take his choice now whether it shall be intended of his pre­sent Majesty, or of his Successour. It is a Rebellion against the King that now is, in the one Case, and against the Next King in the other. And Secondly, It is not only a simple Rebellion, but (to the scandal of the Reformation, and particularly of the Church of England) a Rebelli­on founded upon the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion: Thirdly, It is no other then (as he himself has worded it) the Hellish Tenet of Murthering Kings, in a disguise: only a Iesuitical Principle in Masque­rade. It is, Fourthly, a Condemnation of the practices and submissi­ons of the Primitive Christians, and the whole story of our Protestant Martyrology.

[Page 38]He says, Thirdly, that the City is too powerfull for any Prince tha [...] Sedition still. Governs not by the love of his people, which no Popish Successour can expect to do. This is the very Translation of his Namesake, Iunius Brutus, in his Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos. [...]f the Prince fails in his promise (says he) the people are exempt from their obedience. The contract is made void, and the right of obligation is of no force. It is therefore permitted to the Officers of a Kingdom, either all, or some good member of them, to sup­presse a Tyrant. Here's a great deal of virulence in his Discourse, without one word of weight, to countenance it. For the well-being of this City is so essentially requisite to the well-being of this King­dom, that the very charge of the Government is not to be defray'd without it. So that it is the interest of all Governours to cherish, and support it. Here he trifles away some half a score lines more about the Fire; and then, from the danger of the City, advances to the fur­ther danger accruing to the Citizens, [...] well as to the whole Kingdom, upon the Kings untimely Death.

The greatest danger (says he) will [...] from a confusion, and want of some Eminent and Interested [...], whom you may trust to [...]ead you up against a French and Popish Army. For which purpose no person is fitter then his Grace the Duke of Monmouth, as w [...]ll for Quality, Courage and Conduct; as for that his lif [...] and fortune depends upon the same bottom with Yours. He will stand by you, therefore ought you to stand by him. And re­member A Proposition for a New King. the old rule is, he who hath the worst title ever makes the best King.

Does he suppose this confusion upon the death of the King; or the burning of the City, or before, or after? Or has he consulted ei­ther the Illustrious Person, or the Honourable City (that he makes so bold with) to know whether or not the one would accept of such a Commission upon the Appellants terms, or the other offer it? the Character that he is pleas'd to bestow upon his Grace, for his Qua­lity, Courage, and Conduct, is not unknown to any man that ever so much as heard of his Name. But the Appellant never considers that all these glorious circumstances are point blank contradicti­ons to his design. How can he imagine that so brave a Person can ever stoop to so mean a thought; and suffer himself, by a ro­stitute Libell, to be inchanted out of his Honour, reason, and Alle­giance? Or that the most Eminent City of Christendom for purity of Religion, Loyalty to their Prince, Power, Good Government, Wealth and Resolution, should be cajol'd out of all these blessings and advantages, by the Iesuitical Fanaticism of a Dark-lanthorn-Pamphlet? But to what end is all this clutter? The Appellant has a [Page 39] mind (it seems) to change his Master. He who hath the worst Title (he says) ever makes the best King; which is a very fair proposition for setting up of a worse Title, in his Majesties place. From hence he goes forward, still computing upon his Majesties death, as a thing to be taken for granted; and so recommending himself to the most worthy Citizens, he finishes his appeal, filling up the Page with a Postscript concerning some Antimonarchical principles in the Church of Rome. He that has a mind to see these match'd in the Scottish Kirk, may receive further satisfaction in a little book Entitled,

TYRANNY and POPERY Lording it over the Consciences, Lives, Liberties, and Estates, both of King and People.

Also, The Comicall Christian, In a Translation of Twenty Select Colloquies, out of Erasmus Roterodamus; Pleasantly Representing several Superstitious Levities crept into the Church of Rome in His days. Both Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in St. Pauls Churchyard, 1680.

The HISTORY of the PLOT: Or, A Brief and Historical Account of the Charge and Defence of Edward Coleman, Esq William Ireland, Thomas Pickering, Iohn Grove: Robert Green, Henry Berry, Laurence Hill, Thomas Whitebread, William Harcourt, Iohn Fenwick, Iohn Gavan Anthony Turner, Jesuits: Richard Langhorn, Esq: Sir George Wakeman, Baronet, William Marshal, William Rumly, Iames Corker, Benedictine Monks. Not omit ting any one Material Passage in the whole Proceeding. By Authority. Printed for Richard Tonson within Grayes-Inne-Gate next Grayes-Inne Lane. 1679.