CHAP. I. That History and Poetry are allied; The Passage that separates them is not long. Why no Man has hitherto passed from one to the other. That one must be a Poet to be an Histo­rian.

I Know not but this Enterprise I have undertaken, of passing from Poetry to History, may be accused of Presumption or Infi­delity [Page 2] to the Muses. They may say I have done enough to follow Ho­mer and Virgil, without endea­vouring after Thucydides and Livy: And that Heroick Poetry being the greatest Effort of Wit, and the just Measure of Humane Life, I might have spared my self the Fatigue of a second Carreer, and reposed where the two greatest Men of the World have sate down. They may yet add, That having been hitherto well treated by the Muses, I ought to have been Faithful to the end▪ and not occasion'd them the Grief of seeing themselves abandon'd by me, after so many Graces receiv'd from them.

I confess the Race of Poets and that of Historians are different; an [...] that not one having ever yet at­tempted to change, I ought to fear hazarding my self first in the Journey. Nevertheless having with Care discovered the Passage, I have neither found it so Long, nor so Painful, as many imagine not knowing the Country, but by ill [Page 3] Maps, and false Representations made of it. There are no Forts to take, no Rocks nor Precipices to go over; the descent is almost Insensible by which you may pass from one to the other.

'Tis true no body has hitherto udertaken it; and to speak Poeti­cally when we are treating of Prose, Homer, Virgil and Tasso, satisfied with the first Rank they hold on this side of Parnassus, either had not leasure, or would not give themselves the trouble of crossing over to that of the Historians. And what I say of those, may be said of Thucydides, Tacitus and Livy, &c. who have abstained through Weari­ness, or other Considerations.

I find enough of leasure to ven­ture upon it, and I owe this lea­sure partly to my Condition, that places me in an equal distance from doing nothing, or nothing to the purpose; and partly to my Consti­tution, that Nourishes it self by Labour, and is Enlightned by Mo­tion, as the Fire and Stars. And [Page 4] what I say of Leasure arising from Labour is not strange, seeing those that work continually lengthen and multiply their Days; and by the same reason, according to Seneca, the Idle shorten and diminish their Number. And it happens to me in this, as to those that make of a well manag'd Mediocrity, an unde­caying Fund; in the place that the bad employ of Abundance, is a cause of Perpetual Want to the Rich Pro­digals.

As to my Infidelity to the Muses▪ 'tis not so great as those may ima­gine that are Ignorant. History is one of them, the most Noble, and I believe the oldest of all the Troop. Not only because Fable succeeded Truth, and Musick Speech; but be­cause the World was acquainted with Histories before Poems; and Homer's Iliads, as every Body knows, are only a Copy in Verse, made of what Datis and Dictis have written in Prose of the Wars of Troy. I may add, That Antiquity having given the Names of the Nine Muses [Page 5] to the Books of Herodotus, History was willing by that to make the World understand, that History was of the same Family; or that the Muses labour not less with the Historians than the Poets. And Dion. Halicar. says, That of all the Muses, there is not one that resembles that of Homer's, and ap­proaches nearer than that of Hero­dotus. A great deal more may be said for my change. History, if we believe Cicero, is but a Poem with­out the Slavery of Dress, without Ceremony and Constraint. The Poetick Muse has therefore no reason to complain of my Inconstancy, or to esteem me Disloyal, if I serve her in her days of Liberty, after having serv'd her in her days of Confinement.

It may likewise be said with Confidence, upon the resemblance remarked by the Criticks between History and Poetry, that a Man must be a Poet to be an Historian. I do not say Historian after the manner of the Makers of Legends [Page 6] and Chronicles; the Remassers o [...] Journals and Gazettes; nor of thos [...] Gentlemen Historiographers who ar [...] perpetual Compilers, and think to have well deserv'd a Pension, whe [...] they have joyn'd together a parce [...] of Scraps stollen from Froissard Nicholas Gill, du Hallin, &c. and exposed them with a little Dis­guisement for their own. I say Historians of the Rank of Salust Livy and Tacitus, that have bee [...] Poets, free and disingaged from th [...] Constraint of Numbers and Measure as Pontin has made appear, by con­fronting their Figures and manne [...] of Speech with those of Virgil. Upon which we must not forget the Te­stimony of Lucian a great Master i [...] the Art of History, who says, th [...] Vessel would be Sluggish, and with­out Movement, if the Wind of Poetry did not fill the Sails.

Upon this and the Faith of Quin­tilian and Cicero, who have ofte [...] affirmed, that History is a Poem free from the Servitude of Verse; thought if I have had any Fancy [Page 7] in Poetry, I could not better im­ploy what remains of my time, than in the Composition of a Hi­story. And as when I began my Heroick Poem, not to work Tumul­tuously and at all Adventures; I made to my self a Model, where I abridged all the Rules belonging to that Art, till that time a Stranger to France: So now undertaking to compile a History, which is one of the greatest and most useful Pro­ductions of Humane Wit, I ought to renew my Acquaintance with the Historians, and instruct my self more particularly with the Nature, Parts and Quality of History; That having both Patrons and Rules be­fore my Eyes, it may not happen to me as to an Ignorant Architect, who regarding neither Proportion nor Symmetry, in lieu of a Palace raises only Irregular Heaps of Stone and Marble. To this end I have reduced into this Work all I could learn of the Oeconomy of History, whether by my own Observations, or those of others, either better [Page 8] enlightned, or less imploy'd than my self. It may happen Improve­ment may be made upon what I have done, yet this will still be my Glory; to have first taught France the Art of Poem, the Art of Device, and the Art of History.

CHAP. II. Of the Difficulty of History: The Small Number of True Histo­rians: Reflections upon some Mo­derns.

IT is no easie Burden to under­take compiling a History: The Ancient Greeks, and after them the Latins, that have known the Weight, have called it the great Work. And all, that a desire of present Fame, and of leaving some Remembrance to Posterity, has press'd on to this Labour, would have done wisely to have taken the Council of Horace to the Poets, First to have tried their Strength.

[Page 9]The Difficulty of the Work ap­pears enough, in the small Number of those that have set their Hands to it with Success. Greece that prided it self as the Mother of Arts, cannot reckon above two or three, and those lived together in the same Age. After those this Fertile Mo­ther produced great Bodies indeed, but rude and unformed. Ancient Rome had but four, she began with Salust, and ended with Tacitus or Quintus Curtius. Luceus, who was so much esteemed by Cicero, not be­ing known by us, it may be said for his own Unhappiness, and that of the Republick of Learning, that he died twice, once Naturally, and again in his Work. I mention not Cesar, his Commentaries contain ex­cellent Matter, but half wrought, and that never raises an Edifice. There is no less to be said for Pater­culus and Florus, the most Polite and Gallant Writers of their Age; but Polite and Gallant Abbreviators, whose Works, full of Wit, can­not be better compar'd than to a [Page 10] Plain, in which the Architects de­scribe a Building by Lines and Points.

Italy since that time becoming Gothick by the Fall of the Empire, and Banishment of the Muses, has produced no regular Historian till Guicciardin; who may be readily likened to such Bodies as have much Flesh and few Nerves, and seem animated in some parts, and at some certain times. Davila that succeeded a great while after him, and Bentivoglio since, exceedingly precede him, and are Superior in every thing. If I may be per­mitted to add our Maffeus and Strada, who have writ in Latin, and in the Stile of the Ancient Republick; the first the History of the Indies, the later that of the Civil Wars of Flanders. 'Twas their Misfortune to be born Fifteen hundred Years after Tacitus and Livy, otherwise they had been esteem'd with them, and had had together their Com­mentators and Commentaries. I may make the same Complaint for our Mariana, who is the only re­gular [Page 11] Historian that Spain can boast of: Had he liv'd in the time of Augustus, he had lodg'd in his Pa­lace, and had had the same Treat­ment at his Table, as Timagenes that Satyrical and Biting Historian. Gro­tius, to joyn a Hollander with a Spa­niard, is the only Historian of this Method we have had in the North; but this Method is much spoil'd by an affected and embarrassed Short­ness, by which he would appear more Salust, and more Tacitus, than themselves. His Stile, that imitates first one, then the other, keeps an equal distance from both; and not approaching near enough to com­prehend their Vertues, falls into their Vices.

CHAP. III. France has had many Journals and Memoirs, but not one French Hi­story. Judgment upon Commines, and other Historiographers after him.

IF we may credit St. Jerom, France has always been renown'd for its Eloquence: And notwithstand­ing the Shame, it must be said, That amongst so much Eloquence, and so many Learned Men, it can­not to this time boast of one regular Historian: I don't say in Latin, but in the French Language. And I make this distinction, because the French that have written in La­tin, have in some manner estranged themselves from their own Coun­try. This without Prejudice to the Memory of Monsieur de Thou, whose Reputation is rather founded upon the Bulk, than Merit of his Work. And since we are like to have suddenly a Latin History of [Page 13] Monsieur de la Barda, our Salust or Tacitus, it will be lawful for him to adapt himself to which he pleases, perhaps both may be desirous of him, and no doubt but he will do Honour to the one or the other. But I return to my Proposition, That to this time we have not had one Historian in our Language, that could be esteem'd perfect. We have been very Prolifick in Journals, Ga­zettes and Memoirs: We are stored with enough to make an Illustrious Library, where you will see no­thing but Dukes, Peers, Mares­chals of France, and Generals of Armies, bound in Spanish Skins, and rang'd upon Shelves of Cedar.

But if the Commentaries of Caesar, which are so Polite, so Advised, so Modest, cannot obtain for him the name of an Historian, can we be­lieve that Beleagnangis, Montluc, the Duke de Nevers, the Sieurs Castel­neau, de Tavannes, or Suille, have any Right to pretend to it, under the Title of their Memoirs. I would willingly place by themselves those [Page 14] attributed to the Duke of Guise, and Monsieur the Duke of Roche­foucault, because few Essentials are wanting to the Form of a Regular History. But notwithstanding they have writ with so much Judgment, and so good Language, with those Defects they cannot take it ill we do not violate a Rule that we have not yet intrench'd upon to serve the first Caesar, who was at least as gallant a Man as them­selves.

There remains but Philip Com­mines, and it may be said I ought not to treat him with greater Ri­gor than Justus Lipsius has done, who has given him so honourable a place amongst the Historians very near Polybius. 'Tis very true that Commines has great Dispositions to­wards an Historian of the first Rank: He is Sincere, Judicious, and In­structive: His Reflections, Sen­tences, Instructions, and Digressi­ons, come from a finish'd Wisdom, and perfect Politick; but having had no other Master than his own [Page 15] Genius; no other Rule, no other Models than his own Judgment; he could mount no higher at most, than an Essay or rough Draught of History. But yet this Essay receives Admission into the Cabi­nets of wife Princes, above all that Art and Nature has there amassed of Rich and Curious.

Upon this Retrenchment of Hi­storians, what will become of our Historiographers; And what will be the Rank and Employ given them by Boccalin in his Kingdom of Par­nassus? Dupleix will continue to draw up Petitions against the Inno­vations in our Language; and at his hours of leasure will correct his History, from the Remarks made by the Mareschal de Bassompiere. Matthieu will learn to fasten his Conceits, that fall to pieces in every Line. De Serres, and the other Forgers of Calumnies and Impo­stures against the Court of Rome, the Popes, Kings, Ecclesiasticks and Jesuits, that they have not known but by the false Resemblances made [Page 16] at Geneva and Amsterdam, will be tied to a corner with Diogenes's Dog, where they will have nothing to gnaw upon, but the Stones thrown by Passengers to teach them no more to bite.

CHAP. IV. That History demands length of Time, and great Qualifications. Whether it be necessary an Histo­rian should be a Statesman and a Soldier?

THis Rarity then of a True History and Perfect Historian, proceeds either from length of Time, that so great a Work re­quires, or from the excellent Qua­lities in the Workman to succeed in his Design. A Picture may be made in a Day, a Figure of Wax in few Hours, and a Gazette in a Morning: But to Paint a Gallery of the Extension of the Louvre; to [Page 17] Carve a Statue of the Greatness of the Hercules of Farnese, the Collossus of Rhodes, or that of Stasicrates, to be cut out of a Mountain; and to compose a Just History, whether of one Reign or more, the longest Lives are but long enough. As for the Ancients, Paul Emilius spent Thirty Years in composing what he has left us; and Paulus Jovius Thirty seven in his; and yet nei­ther one nor the other of any great bulk. And 'twill not be wondred at by those that know Virgil was Twelve Years in finishing what may be read in so many Hours. But in such things 'tis not the Mass, but the Judgment and Wit that cost the Pains. And three or four drops of that Spirit well purified, and such as we find in one Line of Salust or Tacitus, are worth more than those gross Volumes under which we see the Ware-houses and Fami­lies of Booksellers to groan.

As to the Qualities necessary for an Historian; Lucian would have him have a Prudence begun by [Page 18] Study, and finished by some publick Ministry; and not only a Minister of State but a great Commander. If this were true, none but Princes, Ambassadors, and great Generals, should have dar'd to set their Hands to the Work. But Lucian requires too much; for besides that ordina­rily, the Action requires one thing, and the Composition another: That Experience that makes the Wise, makes them not always Eloquent; and that 'tis Extraordinary to find a good Soldier a Man of his Pen, who receives without Caution what his Prince or General says of him­self. It is not true, that [...]n Histo­rian must be a Minister of State and Great Commander. Herodotus, that Cicero calls the Father of History, notwithstanding the Envy of Plu­tarch, was never Officer, nor Mini­ster of State. Salust, that with some has the first place amongst the Latin Historians, reproved of Luxury in the Senate, and accused of Scandalous Debauches before the Praetor, employed himself in other [Page 19] Matters than those of the Repu­blick. And we never read that Livy was ever Counsellor to Au­gustus with Maecenas, or Captain with Agrippa.

If the Necessity of writing Mili­tary Action, obliged an Historian to be a Man of the Sword, the same Obligation would lie upon the Vn­dertakers of an Heroick Poem, who are so full of Combats in their Heads, and which they transfer upon Paper. But you will agree with me, the Lawrels of Victory are not the same, nor do they grow under the same Constella­tion with those of Poetry; and that to this time we have not seen them flourish together. To pass by Homer, who could be no redoubtable Warrior, being blind as he was; 'tis said of Anacreon he was both. I know not whe­ther he was so Valiant at his Sword as his Pots; but we very well know his Muse accustomed to the Debauch, wanted Breath for the Heroick Trumpet, and afforded him [Page 20] little more than Drinking-Songs, and Love-Toys.

CHAP. V. Wit is the first Quality of an Histo­rian. Wit is an Universal Dispo­sition. With Wit every Man may be a Statesman. The Error of Car­dinal Bentivoglio.

BEing a Soldier then is as little necessary for an Historian as for a Poet; but to be either, 'tis necessary to be a Man of Wit. Wit is an Universal Disposition to all Forms; to Philosophy, Poetry, to Civil and Military Science; makes a Statesman, and makes a Warrior, a Man of his Pen and a Man of his Sword. With this Lucullus, after he had laid aside the long Robe, became a great Captain. With Wit, Homer, Virgil and Tasso have represented feign'd Wars and Heroes, that have serv'd as Models and Spurs to the True.

[Page 21]An Historian must then have Wit, but not a Wit of no larger Extension than a Song or Elegy. I say an unbounded Spirit, that raises it self above Crowns and Crown'd Heads; that comprehends States and Empires; that is Popu­lar in a Republick, Monarchick in a Monarchy; that has receiv'd of Nature, at least in Disposition and unpolish'd, all the Forms of Poli­ticks. With one Ray of this Spirit, without having steer'd the Helm, he is able to represent the Good and Evil Forms of Government; the Faults and Vertues of Ministers, without having had part with them; and without being call'd to the Councils of Princes, without being found amongst their Troops, al­though of a Profession estranged from Courts and Armies, he is able to instruct Princes and Generals for the time to come, by the Examples of times past.

All this is said with Submission to Cardinal Bentivoglio, and with respect to his Purple and Merit. [Page 22] He finds Objections against the Re­flections and Politicks in the History of Father Strada, and maintains, That a Man brought up a Stranger to the Court, and as it were out of the world, cannot with good Judgment make so publick a Profession of the Science of both. Some think it not strange the Cardinal Historian meeting the Jesuit in the same Carreer, Emula­tion should draw from his Pen some strokes, not altogether so Advan­tageous for his Competitor. But I am not of their Opinion, as think­ing it enough to look for Jealousie amongst Artisans and Shop-keepers, without a Supposition of finding it in the Cabinets of Learned Men. However it was, to say nothing of Plato and Aristotle who had nothing to do with Government, and yet have writ so well of a Commonwealth; according to this new Maxim of the Cardinal's, the Institution of a Prince composed by St. Thomas, so estrang'd from a Court both by his Profession and manner of Life, must be then a kind of Madness: And Justus [Page 23] Lipsius that lived in the World with­out having to do with it, yet in his Learned Works has abridg'd all that appertains to the Knowledge of it, has left us only a lasting Ab­surdity. Let us know then that a good Wit and good Judgment, aided by Reading and Meditation, without a Bishoprick or Office in the Court of Rome, of a simple Re­ligious, may make an excellent Poli­tician: And why not after having made of Cardinal Bentivoglio a Warring Historian, notwithstanding his long Robe and Priesthood. The distance is not greater between a Religious and a Politick, than a Car­dinal and a Captain. And 'tis not to be believ'd, that the Pen of a Sacred Hand can commit an Irre­gularity in expressing the Thoughts and Dogmes of Policy, and be free from it in rehearsing of Battles and Murders.

CHAP. VI. What ought to be the Wit of an Hi­storian: Its Character, Extension, Faculties and Aids.

HItherto occasionally of the Spi­rit requisite for a perfect Hi­storian: But to finish my Character, This Wit must not be of those Su­perficials that only Surprise; make a Flash and away; of those Quin­tessences that evaporate upon ta­king Air; of those Pointillens that bend and break with the least re­sistance of Affairs; of those Jour­nalists that are sometimes clear and sometimes obscure. An Historian being to determine of Things and Persons, requires a clear Judgment to distinguish the True from the False: Must be equitable to do every one Justice: Moderate not to carry his Thoughts and Expres­sions beyond his Matter. In fine, penetrating and solid, able to enter without losing himself, into the [Page 25] very Foundations; and discover all the Mysteries of Affairs.

This is a great deal, and yet there is more; the Spirit required for an Historian (to leave nothing unsaid) must not be of those Wits that one may compare to the Rich Covetous, that keep all upon their Register and in their Coffers; or of those hoarse Musicians, that as one of the Ancients says, Sing only to themselves and their Muse: He must not only be Rich within, with his Notions and Thoughts; his Riches must appear, and Eloquence give Eclate and Magnificence to his words.

If History was shut up in a Mans Breast, and consisted, according to the Opinion of Vossius, but in the simple Memory of things, there would be neither occasion for Words or Writing: And a Barbarian that had the use of no Language, might proceed Historian, by the sole Know­ledge of Affairs passed in his time. History, as I have said, is of the [Page 26] Family of the Muses, where there is nothing Hoarse or Mute: Har­mony and Eloquence reign amongst them, as in the Waters of Foun­tains and Leaves of Trees. 'Tis then necessary that an Historian should be Eloquent either Naturally or by Study, and hereafter I will shew what ought to be the Character of his Eloquence.

These interior Faculties proper to an Historian, must be supported from without, to the end, in the School-mens Dialect, they may pas [...] from Power to Act: And because his Office is Reporter and Witness, it were to be wish'd it might be from his own View; but since Na­ture cannot permit a Man to live twice, or more than in one Age, it must at least be prop'd by the Te­stimony of those that have seen the things they recount; or have learn'd them from those People that have lived in that time; where these Aids are wanting, he must have recourse to Relations and Me­moirs, [Page 27] which hold the place of Wit­nesses, but those well chose, Faith­ful, Authorised, and free from Par­tiality.

But if History be a Work of so great Weight, and so Difficult? If so many Qualities are necessary in an Historian, to come off with Success; What shall I return to those that may demand if I find these Qualifications in my self? To which first I answer, Till this time I have had no occasion to enquire; and if I have found any of them, I ought to put them in use. And Secondly, In the Picture I have drawn, I have not represented my self such as I am, but such as I ought to be. That this is the Por­trait of an Historian that has never yet been, nor will not arrive but with the perfect Prince, and per­fect Captain, the World has waited for so many Ages. And that the same Respect that obliged me to undertake composing an Heroick Poem, has now engaged me to that [Page 28] of an History, where the Hero may be found not in Imaginations and Semblances of Truth, but in Effects True and Solid.

CHAP. VII. History is an Universal School: The Usefulness of this School. A The­atre for Good Princes, and a Scaf­fold for the Bad. What are the Advantages the Publick receives from one and the other.

AND since it may be here ne­cessary to declare my self, I protest 'twas the Publick Benefit I considered, when I undertook this Work, as believing I could not render my Studies more Useful, nor better employ my last Years, than in setting out an History, which according to the Descripti­on of Cicero, Is the Director of Man­n [...]rs, and the Mistress of Life. A [Page 29] Noble and Excellent Mistress, that has kept School open to so many Nations for so many Ages; a School of all Languages, where the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, have heretofore Studied; the French, Spaniards, Italians and Germans, Study at present: Where the Living that would be Wise are the Scholars; where the Dead, as well the Wise as the Fools, are the Books and Lessons, where we learn not to turn a Verse, measure a Period, or form a Syllogism; but to do Acts of Ju­stice, Courage and Mercy; and in the place of Declamators and Sophists, that are made with great Labour and Charge in other Schools; here without Charge, without Pains, Princes are taught to be Just and Moderate; Ministers Intelligent and Faithful; Captains Wise before their time, and Expert without the Assist­ance of Experience.

In this consists the principal End of History, and ought to be the first Design of an Historian. He [Page 30] must leave to the Inventors of Ro­mances, those Paper-Combatants, to Amuse the Idle Youth with Re­presentations of feigned Wars and imagined Loves. Kings, Princes, Emperors, Ministers of State, and Generals, are to be his Spectators; and the Scenes must be adapted to the Presence. And since History is a Philosophy purified from the Pedantry of the Schools, free from the Embarrasments of Divisions and Arguments, and reduced into Acti­on and Example; his Office is to represent his Matter founded upon Truth; to conduct their Will by their Memory; to reform and render per­fect the Modern by the Ancient, the present by the past. And the Happiness of a People consisting in the good Instructions given those that govern, that ought to be the chief end of his Labour.

And for that reason it is, that History is called the Philosophy of Princes, their Governour and Coun­sellor in their mature Age, their [Page 31] Adviser in their Cabinets and Ar­mies. For that reason the Em­peror Basil, in his Book of Instru­ctions to his Son Leon, recommends History as a way of Travelling with­out Fatigue; as an advanced Ex­perience, as an easie way to enrich himself by the Labours of others; to instruct and form himself by the Examples as well of the Bad as the Good; to recall back past Ages, and to extend his Life to the beginning by his Memory.

But let us not esteem History only as a Counsellor to Kings and Princes; she is also their Judge not­withstanding the Sovereignty of which they so much boast them­selves. And as she has Theatres and Thrones, where she Crowns the Ver­tuous; she has likewise Scaffolds and Wheels, where the Vicious suffer the Punishment due to their Crimes in the Eyes of all People to all Po­sterity. Their Guards are of no Defence; their Crowns and Purple put them not in Covert; their [Page 32] Memories exposed, their Ghosts torn in pieces, produce at least this Good after so many Ills, they make others fear the like Torment, whose evil Genius has thrown upon the like Conduct.

And here let us not forget the Remark made by Tacitus, that Hi­story is of great use, if it were but for shewing the Rod to Tyrants, and advertising them of the Punish­ment she prepares. And 'tis cer­tain, whatever is said of their Se­cret Disquietudes, and inward Pangs, their future Fame keeps them more in awe than their Conscience. The most part of them believing no other Eternity than that of History; and in the heighth of their Enjoyments, they cannot but think with Con­fusion, what she will one day say, of what they now Act without Shame.

CHAP. VIII. Of Shews and Representation, Feasts and other Pleasures which History affords.

BEsides these general Advantages the Publick receives by History, there are others less common for Particulars, who know how to pro­fit by them. She there shews the Turns and Revolutions of this Globe called the World; the Rise and Fall of States and Empires; the Inequality and Inconstancy of For­tune that governs it. Sometimes she represents a Comedy, at others a Tragedy, according to the diffe­rent Event of things in the several Courts where she makes her Theatre. And from these diverse Represen­tations, they may learn not to rest too much upon the Favours of For­tune, or expect to be ever able to to clog her Wheel; to be ready to [Page 34] mount or descend when she pleases; to render their Souls immoveable and always equal amidst these Vicissitudes; and review the several Portraitures she makes them, as so many Counsellors and Guides to the way of Vertue.

Let us not then perswade our selves, the Advantages that accrue from History, are Fruits of a bitter or insipid Nature: The most deli­cious Tables of Antiquity, whether those of Cleopatra or Apicius, where whole Provinces and Patrimonies were eaten in Ragousts; or those of Nero, prepared by the most Ingenious and most finished De­bauches, in a Court the most loose and Luxurious the World ever knew, had nothing so Delicious as the Ta­bles of History. We see not there the Gladiators Combating and De­filing the Meats with their Blood, for the Divertisement of the Com­pany; but the Combats of Vertue and Fortune: Victories obtain'd by Patience and Prudence, over [Page 35] Sufferings and Dangers. We see there, without Hazard or engaged Spirit, the Defeats of Armies, wrack­ing of Fleets, Seditions of Countries, and Ruin of Towns; and if the Pleasure of Shews have been always so much esteem'd, that heretofore the Governing People have left the Care of Affairs for the Divertise­ment of the Theatre, and rather consented to the Ruin of Six Pro­vinces than that of the Cirque: What must be the Pleasure of a Man that Travels in his Chair through all Ages, through all Coun­tries; That without leaving his Closet, assists in all Reigns at the Councils of all Kings, finds himself present at their Combats by Sea and Land; and makes himself by in­teressing sometimes his Joy and sometimes his Grief, Assyrian at Ba­bylon, Lacedemonian at Sparta, and Roman at Rome. There are so many Charms in this Pleasure, the Sad lose their Grief; and oftentimes the Sick their Maladies: As it hapned [Page 28] [...] [Page 29] [...] [Page 30] [...] [Page 31] [...] [Page 32] [...] [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] [...] [Page 35] [...] [Page 36] to Alphonsus King of Arragon, who given over by Physicians, after having drein'd unsuccessfully the Apothecaries Shops, found in Quin­tus Curtius the Health he had in vain search'd for in the Schools of Galen and Hippocrates.

CHAP. IX. Of the Wit, Judgment and Dispo­sition required for the reading of History: Whether Young People are capable?

AFter so many things of the Merit of History, and Qua­lities of an Historian; something must be said of the Disposition re­quired in the Readers. And some would have them of a Maturity above the Flower of their Age, founded upon what Aristotle says, Not to admit Youth to the Study of Civil Sciences: But either they [Page 37] take him in a wrong Sence, or place his words where they don't belong.

'Tis true that Civil Science and History tend both equally to Pru­dence, which is the common In­tention of one and the other: But the ways to arrive at this end are very different; The one goes through Definitions, Divisions, ex­alted Discourses, universal Axioms, and Syllogisms in form, which are every way abstracted from Sight, and far from the Paths open to Sense and Imagination. The other, without rising to Universals and Ideas, without leaving Singulars and Sensibles, proceed plainly by Examples that lead straight and without by-ways to Use and Pra­ctice. I confess, Youth accustom'd to things address'd to their Sense and Imagination, enter but with Difficulty into the ways of Science; and if some enter through strength of Wit, they find themselves imme­diately as it were lost in the Country. [Page 38] The Lines, the Circles, the Tri­angles, that sustains and guides them in Geometry fail them there, they know not where to go, what way to take: But I know nothing can hinder their following the Me­thod of History, where all is Sensible and Solid; where, without ama­zing themselves in the Labyrinth of Speculation, and Chaos of Idea's, they may learn by what has been done, what to avoid; in which consists the principal Function of Prudence.

This in answer to those who do Violence to old Aristotle, and force him to their side against his Will. What he has said of Dogmatical Methods that are long oblique and embarrassed, cannot be affirmed of Examples that are short, straight and clear. And although we grant History may not be so good a Mi­stress of Prudence to Young People in general; and that they are not capable of making so good Profit in addressing her as to Philosophy; [Page 39] Polybius and Livy would teach them more and lead them further in one day, than the Expositors of Plato and Aristotle, and all the Disciples of Zeno and Cleanthes are able to do in a Month. And three or four such Examples as Joseph in Prison, Victorious Scipio, and disfigured Spurina, would perswade them more of the Merit and Value of Continence, than what has ever been said of it in the Academy or Lyceum.

We may see then Youth prevents not the Advantages may be made by History, if the Maturity of the Judgment supplies the Defect of Years. But the most part of those that apply themselves to this kind of reading, either want the Judgment she requires, or make not use of it as they ought; and that in de­fault of knowing what is the end of History, why she is made pu­blick, and of what use in a Civil Life; from whence arrives that in lieu of regarding her as a School of [Page 40] Vertue, and Academy of Wisdom, where there are disinterested Ma­sters that teach without Wages, without Sallary, who give Lessons night and day to all that under­stand to read: The one regards her as a Theatre, where she repre­sents sometimes Comical sometimes Tragical Actions: Others as a Cirque, where is seen the Coursing of Horses and Clashing of Gladiators: Others as a Fair, where all sorts of Antick Statues and Pictures are exposed. And upon the false Judgment all these People make of her, one searches Sleep in a quarter of an hours Dis­course with Xenophon; another pleases himself with seeing the Ro­mans bleed in the Battel of Canae, or that of Trasymene; a third, curi­ous of Rarities esteem'd by Pedants, finds wherewithall to fill his Me­mory with Observations upon the Serpent-Father of Alexander, the Wolf-nourisher of Romulus, the Eter­nal Fire of the Kings of Persia, and that of the Vestal Virgins; upon the [Page 41] Head-Dressings of the Grecian Dames, and the Feet of the Romans; upon the Doves that fed Semiramis, and the Viper that stung Cleopatra; and a hundred such things that are of no use. And amongst so many that have Libraries full of Histo­rians, there is scarce one endeavours to improve his Honour, or render himself more Vertuous.

Let them know then, that Hi­story demands another Disposition than such People bring with them. And since she is (as the Wise say) the Directeress of Manners, and Mi­stress of Life, they must be per­swaded not to lose time with her, to bring another Spirit, other re­gards, and give another sort of Attention than to a Comedian. The first and principle Intention of those that present themselves, must be to be govern'd and conducted by the Examples she proposeth. All the great Men have made this use of her, they regarded her, accor­ding to Plutarch, as a Looking-glass [Page 42] before which they adjusted and em­bellish'd their Lives by the Vertues of others. And Cicero confesses he studied in History the Portraitures of Wise Men who had been before him, to imprint in himself their Resemblance as much as 'twas possible.

CHAP. X. The particular Regard and Intention must be had in the reading of History.

FRom this general Intention of History, we must descend to particular Applications. And since History is as a Palace or Temple enrich'd with all sorts of Pictures, the Sight must not be cast here and there at random and without design; every one must make choise of Mo­dels that he finds proper for his Quality, Age, Temperament, For­tune and Affairs.

[Page 43]A Prince that makes the Lives of Princes his Study, may equally advantage himself by the Bad as the Good: From some that he sees crown'd with Glory, and adored by Nations; he may learn Piety, Justice, Mercy and Love to his People. From others that he sees Confounded, Ashm'd, accompa­nied with Infamy, a Vail upon their Faces, followed with Despair, a Poniard in one Hand, a Cord in the other; he may learn to fly Impiety, Covetousness, Luxury, Ravage, Cruelty, and such like Pests that make Tyrannick Reigns, and Tyrants Miserable.

A Statesman likewise, who sees on one side the Portraiture of Jo­seph and Moses, opposed to Achito­phel and Haman, on the other the Pictures of Agrippa and Maecenas, opposite to Sejanus and Tigillinus, may draw Lights from the one, and Shadows from the other, wherewith to imbelish his Ministry with a dis­interested Fidelity, Religion and [Page 44] Probity. A General, a Soldier, may there find Models of Military Pru­dence, Courage, Moderation and Hu­manity; by which they may learn to War as Men and not as Tigers. The Ladies also that will read Hi­story with other Lights than the Fables of Ariosto, and Tales of Ami­das, may furnish themselves with all those Vertues give Grace and Glory to their Sex.

A Greek Sophist caused a Note to be placed over his Door, by which he informed the Publick he had Remedies for all the Troubles of the Mind: The Writing would have been better placed over the Door of History. She has indeed Medicaments for all the Griefs and Maladies of the Soul; and when any one approaches with a real Desire of being cured, and not with the vain Curiosity of seeing only, he cannot miss, among such a multitude of Examples, of all sorts, finding a Cenitive or Cor­rective, be his Ill of what kind so­ever, [Page 45] let it arise from the Intempe­rance of his Passions, or strokes of Fortune.

History performs yet more, she furnishes with Preservatives against all Evils to come, let them arrive on what side they will. And since, as the Wise Man says, nothing is new under the Sun, a Learned and Judicious Reader may learn to foretell the future by the past; and regulate what he has to do, by what has been done; and so become Diviner without Magick, and Prophet without Inspiration. There is nothing can arrive, that he will not see afar off; and a­gainst which he will not have time to prepare and arm himself with what is necessary, Prudence or Courage. Also the Wise, Mag­nanimous, and all other Vertuous, may improve themselves by the reading of History; but then 'tis necessary this reading, as I have said, be Attentive and Serious, made with Judgment and Design; [Page 46] and that they bring other Dispo­sitions than to a Gaming-house, where there is nothing to see but the rolling of Dice, and counting of Cards.

CHAP. I. From whence comes the Name of Hi­story, and the Different Kinds.

ALL that I have hitherto said, was necessary for the Ho­nour of History, and to dis­cover the Merit to those who daily see her without making Acquain­tance. 'Tis time, that to give you a more distinct Knowledge of her, I should make a more regular and methodical Picture containing her Matter, Parts and Form. And [Page 48] here I will not trouble my self with the Wrangling of Pedants, who not knowing how to employ their Excess of Words and Leasure, Dispute among themselves from what Root comes the Word Hi­story; one drawing it from a Greek Word that signifies to Recount; and others from another that signifies to stop the Flood; because History, as they say, stops the Flood of things, and gives them Consistance and Durance. I will also dispence with my self (under Favour of the Reader) from entring into the long detail they make of the different sorts of History, and content my self to reduce them all into three principal Species, Divine, Natural and Humane. Divine is that im­mediately inspired by God, as are all those Histories contained in the Bible. Natural, such as contain the Works of Nature, as Aristotle of Animals, Theophrastus, Pliny, and many others. Humane treats of Mens Actions; and that by a second [Page 49] Dissection, divides it self into five other kinds, True, Fabulous, Vni­versal, Particular and Singular. The True Treats of things received by the common Belief of Men: The Fabulous, of such things as are feigned and imagined for the Di­vertisement of the Reader, as what we find in Poems and Romances: The Vniversal has an Extension without Bounds, embraces all Times and Nations; as that of Diodorus of Sicily, Trogus, Justin, Cardinal Baronius, and our Father Sallian: The Particular is much more confin'd, and contents it self with the Extent of one Nation, as Livy and Tacitus; or one Reign, as that of Quintus Curtius: The Singular yet more restrain'd, treats of certain choise Persons that have merited to live more than once, to be seen more than in one Age: And we may place in this Rank the Cesars of Suetonius, the Famous Lives of Plutarch, the Philosophers of Laertius, and the Sophists of Phi­lostratus: [Page 50] And amongst these, not to stay too long in the Times so far off our Age, we may give place to the Collections made by the Sieur de Brantosme of Princes and Captains, Princesses and Ladies, that have lived since the Reign of Francis the first to his Time.

CHAP. II. The Definition of History given [...] Vossius, Examined and Refuted.

THE Confusion of Species [...] different, ought to be [...] right; and that cannot be bette [...] done than by a Regular Definition that may be as a correct and ju [...] Portraiture, where true History na­turally represented, and accordin [...] to her proper Character, may b [...] distinguish'd from Illegitimates an [...] Bastards, that are only so by Su [...] ferance.

[Page 51] Vossius, to whom the Age is obliged for the most accomplish'd Collections of all that appertains to History, has made a Definition, that, to speak the Truth, is only a Fantastical Picture of his own Imagination. He cuts off the Tongue and Fingers, takes away the Voice and Pen, and retrenches the Auditors and Readers. In a word, He would neither have her speak or write; that is to say, he has shut her up in the Breast of an Historian, and will only have her a simple Knowledge of parti­cular things, that ought to be ex­hibited to the Memory of Men for Instruction to live well. If this Definition was Just, she would be no more the great Work, the labo­rious Enterprise, the Burden that makes the greatest Wits give way; and with a moderate Memory it would be as easie to be an Hi­storian as to Play at Picket or Tictack.

[Page 52]Besides, a Man without the least Tincture of Grammar, or any knowledge of History, by the sole Report that may be made him of what she contains, might become all the Historians in a Moment. And if Composition be but as Cloaths to the Body, as Vossius says, he may be Thucydides and Tacitus in Body and Mind, and want nothing of either, but the Greek Mantle or Roman Robe.

Thus (with his Favour whom I should grieve to offend) as he understands the Laws of Disserta­tion, he will not be so Angry at, as a Learned Person beyond the Alps, whose Wit I have a Just Esteem for, and yet he entred Processes against me in the most gallant Court, and before a Prince the most Spiritual of all Italy, be­cause I was not of his Opinion in some Points touching the Art of Emblems in the Tournaments of the Learned, as well as those of the Cavaliers. 'Tis permitted to strike [Page 53] when a Man cannot otherwise de­fend himself; and 'tis less a Mark of Esteem than Scorn, not to de­sign to lift the Arm against those we Rencounter. Learned Princes, the Saints of the Church, are every day treated in the same manner, and after having refuted them, we celebrate their Festivals, and recommend our selves to their Prayers.

CHAP. III. The true Definition of History, and its Picture drawn with all its Parts.

LET us then make a Definition or Picture of History, that may be more Natural than that Vossius has left us of her: And 'twill not only be more Natural, but Entire and Compleat, if we say, That History is a continued Narration of [Page 54] things True, Great and Publick, writ with Spirit, Eloquence and Judgment; for Instruction to Particulars and Princes, and Good of Civil Society. The Definition is not of those Slub­ber'd pieces, drawn by the Logicians at two strokes; 'tis drawn out at length, but has nothing Vain or Superfluous. The Kind, the Diffe­rence, the Form, and the End of History are there expressed.

First, The word History is a Ge­nerical Term, that is common to all Relations, whether Spoke or Writ, in Prose or in Verse, True or False.

Secondly, 'Tis a continued Rela­tion, that has all its Parts fastned together, as those of the Body, or regular Edifice. And by that Hi­story is distinguish'd from Annals, Journals and Gazettes, whose Parts not being joyn'd, without Corres­pondence, without Union, are only rude Heaps of Materials.

In the third place, 'Tis a Narra­tion of Truth, by which it differs [Page 55] from Heroick Poems and Romances, that are regular Compositions, and demand Unity and Correspondence in all their parts; but through this Defect, all those Edifices, where the Architecture appears so Just, and the Furniture so Rich, are only Imaginary Structures, and Beautiful Castles in the Air.

But History requires not only they should be True, but Great and Politick; and by that, in the fourth place, raises it self above Memoirs and Journals, that enter­tain with Private and Domestick, and sometimes with Trifles, which Posterity might very well be Igno­rant of without Prejudice.

In the fifth place, History (I speak of the perfect) must be writ with Spirit, Eloquence and Judg­ment. All true Histories, from whatever Parts they have come, whether from Greece or Italy, have this Character, and that distin­guishes from Legends and Chro­nicles that come out of Religious [Page 56] Houses; as likewise from Memoirs and Commentaries that are happily born in more polish'd places, but want the Warmth of Wit, the Lights of Eloquence, with which the Structure of History must be enlightned; the Ancient Masters have left us this by Tradition: Cicero says, A good Historian must be a good Orator: Polybius affirms, A Narration that barely recounts things done, and teaches not why, how, and for what end, is only fit for Boys that would be amused, and not an History when Men are to be instructed. Lucian has said the same after them. And History being a Practical Philosophy, that teaches by Patterns and Examples; and this Method of Teaching being more fine than that of Arguments in form, it therefore demands a greater fineness of Wit, and if their Judgments fail, then whence shall they have the Faculty of discerning Action and Things? Or if they be Dumb or Mute, How shall they [Page 57] use the words to perswade Princes, Statesmen and Generals; and of what shall they make Elogies and Crowns for Illustrious Persons, if they are unprovided of Wit the Composer, and Eloquence the Matter of them.

The Instruction of Particulars and Princes, and the Benefit of Civil So­ciety who make Profit by it, pro­perly belongs to History, makes her exterior Form, gives her a better Rank, and renders her far more considerable, than the Fabul­ous Relations, that do but as Chess and Cards, represent the Adventures of imagined Kings and Queens.

CHAP. IV. To what Art History belongs; And what Rank she holds in Learning. The difference between an Historian, Orator and Poet.

HE that does not know History by this draught, will never know her by any other: But let us Paint her as we please, the Ma­sters are not agreed what Rank she ought to hold in the Family of the Muses: Some place her under Grammar, much to her Degrada­tion, to draw her from Courts and Armies, and league her with the Youth and Rubbish of the College. Besides, what Relation is there between the Structure of Speech, and the Publick Happiness, which is the end of the Art of Hi­story. Others do, for a little more Honour, place her next to Rheto­rick; but yet between the end of an Orator, and that of an Histo­rian, [Page 59] there is such a Difference, that will never permit them to come [...]ogether in any one Point. What Agreement is there betwixt Truth, which is the Soul of History, and [...] feign'd Likeness, which is the Form of an Oration; and the great Effort of an Orator, who never thinks to come off with better Suc­cess, than when he has cloathed his Fable in the Habit of Truth.

There are that have not distin­guished Poetry from History, but by the Cadence and Harmony of Ver­sification; as if there has not been Poems in Prose, and History in Verse. Cicero himself, who calls History a Free Poem, and writ the Actions of his Consulship in Verse, did he think that Versification was a Chain to Poetry; or do we find by his being so chain'd, his Sallies have been less Frequent, or his Elevations less Bold.

Others have term'd her a Poem on Foot, and delighted themselves with the Expression: Those have [Page 60] never seen her but in the Annals of Popes, where she may be properly said to go on foot; but had they looked into Livy and Tacitus, they would have seen her march like a great Lady, with an Equipage to give her Respect; though not alto­gether so great and Pompous, as that of Poetry that goes always with four Horses and those wing'd.

Whatever may be the Equipage of one or the other, to express my self more plainly, History has cer­tainly much of the Air and Fea­tures of Poetry; but with this Air and Features they are yet different in Matter, Form, Disposition and Locution. A Poet contents him­self with the Actions of a Year, which serves him for a Foundation; he builds upon this, makes his own Materials, and gives what Shape what Figure his Fancy pleases; de­viates from Truth as much as possi­ble, and from particulars; and ap­plies himself to make Models, form Likenesses and Ideas; and as for the [Page 61] placing these Materials so work'd, has no regard to the order of time which is Natural, but endeavours after taking the Imagination and Sight, and giving them Pleasure by Surprise.

The Historian labours upon other Matter, and after a different Man­ner: The Actions of several Years, several Reigns, and many Ages, are his Materials, which he places carefully as they are brought to him by others or his own Industry; or if he alters the Truth by adding or diminishing, a Process is taken out against him with as much Ri­gour, as against Falsifiers and Clip­pers of Mony. He avoids all Ar­tifice in placing his Matters, Faith­fully observes Succession of time, and disposes every thing according to Nature. And by all these diffe­rences, without touching the Stile that I shall speak of in its due place, may be seen that Poetry and History are very different, notwithstanding the resemblance Casteluetro the Ita­lian [Page 62] imagines to have found between them.

CHAP. V. That History has need of an Art to govern her: What are the Functi­ons of this Art? Authors that have writ of it.

AFter what has been said, who can doubt but that History has a peculiar Art that directs and governs her, as well as Grammar Poetry and Logick. Syllogism that is a small Structure of three Terms joyn'd together, and may be com­pared to those little Houses Chil­dren build with Cards upon Tables, cannot be raised without the Art singular to it self: And History, that is an Edifice where so many Ages, so many Reigns, Emperors and Kings must live for ever and be preserved from perishing, where [Page 63] Fortune that throws down Em­pires, Policy and Eloquence, the Science of War and Peace must reign; can she be composed tu­multuously, and at all Adventure raised without Line and Compass.

Nature that constantly keeps her course, and gives the same Forms to all her Works, has no occasion for Art to assist her; the Chymist is not wanting to make her Gold, the Painter to draw her Flowers, nor the Statuary to carve her Men: But those Works that not being necessarily determined to any one Form, are sometimes Perfect and sometimes Defective, according to the Device and Stroaks they re­ceive from the Fancy or Hand of the Workman, must needs want the Assistance of some Art, from whence they may take direction. And as by ill Pictures compared with those of Myniord our French Raphael (not to search for that in Italy we have in Paris) we may see there is an Art in Designing [Page 64] and Drawing: So by the ill writ Histories of these times, compared with those of Antiquity, we may be convinced Historians require some Art, that may conduct and govern them in a Work so Impor­tant and Difficult, the Wit of Man cannot attempt a greater.

The three Principal Functions of this Art, are choise of Mate­rials that must raise this Edifice of History; Disposition and Em­bellishing of them with such Col­ours and Figures they are capable of receiving from the Stile, of which hereafter.

As to the rest, we must know this Art is not of that number, where a Man may be Apprentice and Master in one day, since all the great Masters of Antiquity have taken care to reduce it into Method and Rules. Cicero has done it se­veral times, but by occasion only and in passing. Dion Halicar. in his Observations on the History of Thucydides, where the Censure upon [Page 65] [...]his great Man, remains Example and Lesson to all those that come after. Lucian has likewise done it excel­ [...]ently, and with so pleasant an Air, he at once diverts and instructs his Reader. And to pass by Pontin, Bodin, Vossius, de Mascordi, and se­veral other Moderns, our Worthy and Learned Monsieur de la Motte le Vayer, that seem'd to have a Li­brary in his Head, and gave us ano­ther in his Works, would not let this be the sole Matter without a touch of his Wit. And since this Work has been under my hands, I am told Monsieur l' Abbe de Cassaigne has composed the Art of History in Verse, of which, if it be permitted to judge by his other Works, the Art Poetick of Horace will have but the Advantage of Antiquity. He is no common Poet of Bagatels, his Muses are Noble, and entertain with no­thing but what is great: But what I esteem most is his Modesty, far from the Presumption of some, who for a Madrigal, or ill con­triv'd [Page 66] Stanza, that cost them more Pains than Jupiter suffered when he brought forth Minerva, fancy them­selves deserving Incense and Wor­ship from the People.

CHAP. I. What are the Parts of History? What Actions ought to be the Matter? The Opinions of the Ancients concerning the Truth of these Actions.

AND now having explicated in general, the order of Dissertation demands, I should enter upon and unfold the several Parts of History; and re­mark to the Historian, the Consti­tution and Measure that each re­quires. History is not so simple a [Page 68] Composition as some believe, nor so diverse as others: Her Parts are Narration, Judgment, Harangues and Digressions: The first is Essential, the last Accidental, the second and third hold the Middle between one and the other.

Actions or things done, are the Matter of Narration; and Judgment and the Principal Duty of the Histo­rian, is to chuse them True, Great, and as much as he can Publick. To begin with Truth, Whatever our Modern Accademist the learned Monsieur le Vayer may say other­wise; there are no Reasons, no confronting of Witnesses, that ought to be received against her; he will pardon me if in this I pay less de­ference to him than to Cicero, who teacheth me that Truth is the Foun­dation of History. Polybius that says she is as the Line to the Rule, and Eyes to an Animal. And to Dion Halicar. that gives her the Office of Priestess in the Temple of Truth; and 'tis by that History [Page 69] is distinguish'd from Romances. Judgments, Harangues and Digressi­ons are common to both, and if it be once permitted the Historian to be Faulty on this side, What will become of the Publick Faith? Where will she find another Sup­port? How shall any Man confide or put Confidence in her?

I am confident our Friend did not intend to shut the Temple of Truth against History; he would only have understood as a new subject for his Sceptical Notions, that all she says has not the same force as the Divine Oracles; and that all Historians have not Sacri­ficed to her. I may say as much my self, and yet more, namely, there are some that never entred this Temple, but have turn'd their Backs to it as well as to that of Modesty, and yet have made a Revenue by their fabulous and in­sipid Relations. Their Histories have been Just Histories, as the Plummet Rules are Just Rules: And [Page 70] they are Historians of the same Credit, and of the like Venera­tion with Lucian's Ass, or that o [...] Apuleius.

CHAP. II. That Truth ought to be the Principa [...] Care of the Historian: How far this Care obliges him and what are the Laws.

LET the Historian then make Truth his Principal Care, and not fear that so engaging himself▪ he should be overcharged with in­finite Observations and difficult Precepts. Cicero, and all others after him, have reduced them to three, to say nothing False, not to lessen Truth, and to give every thing its just Measure, without Elevation or Depressure. Of these three, the first gives no place to Explications, Dispensations and Privileges; for [Page 71] there is no Falsity so Innocent, nor of so little Consequence, the Histo­rian can admit of, he is not only for­bid false Pistoles and Crowns, but Pence and Farthings.

By the Second, he must not be found at the foot of the Letter without some Explication, for then History would be troubled in every Line with useless Trifles, and sullied with Scandalous Debauches. An Historian must have regard to the End, which is to Instruct and Pro­fit, and take his Measures from thence, of what ought to be said of with-held. Posterity might very well have been without the Know­ledge, how often Charles the Fifth drank at every Meal, and how far his Extravagance run, when the Thoughts of Health and Consci­ence were laid aside. If those nota­ble Remarks had remained in the Breast of the Historian, there had been no Injury done; and what need that future Ages should be made acquainted, so Religious an [Page 72] Emperor was not always Chast.

By the Third, Amplifications that are Vertues, and give the Merit to an Orator, are defended by the Historian. This is not so easily ob­served, as those may believe, that know not the Movements of a Pen, conducted by an Imagination Fertile in Noble Expressions, and Ambitious of gaining Reputation. It may be said under Favour of Antiquity, her best Authors have been loose in the Observation of this Precept. Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, Marius and Cesar, were great Men, nay Colossos amongst Men; but Quintus Curtius, Titus Livy, Salust and Plutarch, contented not themselves with their Natural Greatness, but built them Bases, that make them appear by the half greater than their Natural Proportion. An Historian must leave to the Orators and Poets, the use of these Figures that carry their Subjects beyond Measure, even to Monsters, and abstain from Col­ours [Page 73] that flaire too much, and change the Face of things by Excess of Lustre.

CHAP. III. The Sources by which Falsities enter History; And first of Ignorance: Of the Difficulties in discovering Truth: Ways of illuding Judg­ment: An Ancient and Modern Example thereupon.

AN Historian Lover of Truth, and Religious Observer of her Precepts, must with Care avoid the three Springs from whence or­dinarily flow by divers Conduits all that is false in History, viz. Ignorance, Hatred and Flattery. There is an Affected Ignorance that is Faulty, and an Ignorance through Infirmity that is Innocent: Of the first are those that turn their Backs to the Light for fear of being informed, [Page 74] will have no Guides, at best but ill ones; love rather to wander about, than follow the straight Path, because it agrees not with the Obliquity of their Passions. And the Ignorance of these People, being an evil Disposition in their Will, ra­ther than Vnderstanding, there is nothing wanting to their Cure, but to shew them their way, lend them a Hand, and carry the Light before them; nothing but to purge their Will from an embued Hatred, Envy or Animosity: That being done the Film will fall from their Eyes, the Vapors dissipate, and they be enabled to follow Truth, or at least admit the Conduct of good Guides. But before this, they must not be suffered to put Pen to Paper, other­wise in the place of natural well-composed Bodies, they will form but Spectres and Phantoms; they will besmear and cover with Dirt all those that are not in their liking; Deck trim and Perfume others and with an Insolent Scorn o [...] [Page 75] Publick Faith, all the Buildings of their Histories will be only a Theatre of Illusions and Impo­stures.

The Second Source of Ignorance follows the Condition of Mankind, to whom Nature has not given Eyes behind and before, to see the past and to come: Those that she has bestow'd reach but a short space; and in that space arise so many Mists, are form'd so many Clouds, that either cover or change the Face of things, that ordinarily they think they see what really they do not. The Historian need not trouble himself for the Faults he falls into of this Nature, through the weakness of his Sight: More [...]s required than is due, when he is obliged to warrant all that he says: if he must be Sworn upon all Occa­sions, and make Profession of his Faith at the end of every Line, what Spectacles must he get to see distinctly at the distance of three or four hundred Years, to perceive [Page 76] yet further things that Antiquity has shut up in the Coverings of a Time Immemorial. If we know not in the King's Bed-chamber to day, what passes in the Closet; How shall we know in the Reign of Lewis the Fourteenth, what was consulted by all the Lewis's, Hen­ries and Charles's, from Clovis to this present.

Without searching into the lost Times of Antiquity, Do all the Affairs Contemporary with an Hi­storian fall under his Knowledge? Sees he any thing else but the Bark and Coverings of things done be­fore his Eyes: And what serveth him the sight of the Watch, with­out that of the Springs and Move­ments; or who can convey them so Pure and Sincere, as the Publick Faith and the Truth of History de­mands from him?

Letters of Princes, Memoirs o [...] Statesmen, Instructions of Ambassa­dors, are great Succors: But Prince and Statesmen, do they not some­times [Page 77] prevaricate in their Writings; are their Pens of greater Credit than their Lips? And are not Am­bassadors necessitated to deceive, being first deceived themselves? Wars, Revolts, Battles and Sieges are as publick Shews, every one sees the Machines move, and the chan­ging of the Scene; but the Springs that make these Motions and Revo­lutions, are they exposed to every view? Do Princes commit their Secrets to Gazetteers, and inform them of the Motives for which they take up Arms? And what account can they give, if they are not well inform'd themselves; if they see not their Affairs but in the Lights and Colours with which they are dis­guised? If they are at sometimes but Actors of Pieces composed by their Servants?

Without travelling into Macedo­nia to that Philip, who by his Con­tempt of a Vain and Licentious Woman, brought upon himself a heavy War. In the Descent the [Page 78] English made upon the Isle of Rhee, the King of England thought he had undertaken a Religious one, of as great Merit as that of the Holy Land; when 'twas a War of pure Gallantry, made by the amor­ous Inclinations of his Favourite. Things of this Nature arrive every day in the Motions of States, where Men figure to themselves great Engines and Wheels, when there is nothing but a Plank and end of a Cord; some Resentment, Caprice or Love-Toy that disturbs these great Bodies, and puts them out of Humour.

CHAP. IV. What Certainty ought to be expected from History. What Faith given her. The Indulgence to be granted Historians: And the middle way to be held between too Easie, and too Curious a Belief.

LET Men judge then, whe­ther 'tis reasonable to exact Infallibility in an Historian; or that what he writes should be of the same certitude with what the Evan­gelists have written? And whether it is not Just to excuse the Weak­ness of his Sight, and pardon the Mistakes, when it happens he gives Credit to the False for the True; amidst so many Obstacles that stop the passage to Truth, so many Vails that cover, and unfaithful Guides that turn him out of his way.

'Tis the part of an Honest Man, as Aristotle says, not to search [Page 80] for more Certainty than the thing will permit. Let us keep within the bounds of a Just Commerce; and as we give not a Divine Faith to History, let us not demand a Divine Certainty; let us not be more Severe than St. Augustin, who absolves the Historian that lies not of himself and with design; that is unfaithful only in Relations brought him by others: Neither let us have that idle Credulity of some People, who fear they have injur'd their Neighbours in not crediting some History, it may be that of John of Paris or Melusine.

There is a middle way to be held between the Easiness of those that believe all, and the Obstinacy of those that believe nothing. The one savours of Folly, the other of Impudence. For though it has been said all Men are Liers, it does not infer in all Purposes, and at all times. All Historians have had a weak Sight, and fail'd in some things (I except only those con­ducted [Page 81] by the Holy Spirit) but for two or three Mistakes let us not be so Rigorous to condemn all Hi­story. The Nine Muses of Hero­dotus have lived with Reputation hitherto, and no body thought them deserving the Fire or Extin­ction; because sometimes they have turned from the Truth towards the Fable. And though in what re­lates to the Jews and Christians, Tacitus has been convicted of many Falshoods, yet he has not been drove from Libraries where he governs in chief.

On the other side, we must not be such Flatterers, and so com­plaisant to Antiquity, and to those that have fail'd with design and through Malice, as to take their part against Justice and Truth. The Athenians erected a Statue to Berosus with a Golden Tongue: The Romans another to Josephus the Jewish Historian. But we will not for that Idolize Berosus and his Errors; much less Josephus for the Heathen [Page 82] Judaism he has framed in his Hi­story, in which he has been more Impious than the Philistians that placed the Ark by Dagon. If they joyn'd them, 'twas without Con­fusion; but this Man has made of Judaism and Paganism mix'd toge­ther, something more Monstrous than the Fabulous Relations of Cen­taurs and Lapithae.

I am not the first nor alone that have complain'd; I speak but after Baronius, Melchior-canus, Salmeron, Maldonat, and many others, great Church-men and Scholars, upon whose Depositions there is neither Jew nor Infidel but would condemn this Writer. And to make it ap­pear, that what I say of his Gentile Judaism is no Chimera of my ma­king, 'tis but to remember that Text in Exodus, where God com­manding the Jews to respect those that govern, forbids their speaking Ill of Gods: And according to the ordinary Phrase of Scripture, by the Name of Gods, is meant the [Page 83] Magisrates and Princes of the People. Josephus changes this Article of the Law in favour of Dagon and Moloch, as well as Jupiter and Juno. And where Moses says, Thou shalt not detract from the Gods, nor Blaspheme the Prince of thy Nation: He makes him say, Let no body Curse the Gods that are owned for such in other Cities. And more to provide for the Safety of Idols, and to put their Altars and Offerings out of Danger, after having taken care of their Reputa­tion, he imputes falsly to the Le­gislator this Law, so contrary to his other Laws, Let none Pillage the Temples of Strangers, nor Vio­late the Offerings made to any God whatsoever. The Sacrificers of Sa­maria, the Priests of Baal, Could they have Preach'd more advan­tageously for their Idols, than this Priest of the Tribe of Levi? Is there any thing more contrary to the words of Moses, who recom­mends so strictly to the People of God in Exodus and Deuteronomy, to [Page 84] beat down the False Gods, to break their Statues, and set Fire to their Woods and Temples. Yet this Man makes such a singular Pro­fession of the Truth, as if the Pens of Moses, Daniel or Isaiah, had not been more Sincere and Faithful than his.

CHAP. V. That the Historian, curious of Truth, must not trust to Fame. The Cha­racter of Fame. Partial Rela­tions less to be relied on. That he ought to be without Passion; as well as Country▪ and Party.

NOtwithstanding there are Re­medies for these Inconveni­ences; and since the first degree of doing well, where Perfection is drein'd from all Defects, is not to be attain'd by Humane Frailty: Let us endeavour after the Second, [Page 85] where small Faults are passed over; and according to Horace, Those esteemed Perfect, who have the least Imperfection. To compass this end, there are three things to be ob­served in the choise of Matters the Historian would work upon: The first is, Not to take them from Fame but very seldom, and with great Discretion. The Second, To draw them yet more rarely from the Writings of Interested Persons or Enemies. The Third, To make his Principal Fund, Relations, Me­moirs, Letters and Instructions of those who have been either Movers, or Spectators of Affairs, that have had them in their Hands, or before their Eyes.

First, He must not trust to Fame, she is a Worker of Impostures and Calumnies in every Language, every day: She is accused of Falsity every day; stands convicted without ever Blushing or correcting her Man­ners: She has a hundred Mouths ascribed her, and not one of them [Page 86] can repeat the same thing twice, or any thing like it. In one word, She raises invisible Armies, and with one Breath defeats others that remain entire; after the Rout she Kills and restores to Life; takes away and gives Victories to whom she pleases; and in despite of For­tune, Crowns the Vanquished, and overthrows the Victorious. What Truth can we expect from such a Courier, who has nothing ordina­rily but False News in her Mouth? Mailes fill'd with false Relations, and false Letters. And will not that Historian oblige Posterity, that leaves an Extract of all these Vain and Idle Things? And what I say of Fame, may be likewise said of Gazetteers, those Secretaries with­out Credit, who sell themselves to write a thousand Falsities, and di­stribute them every Week, with the loss of their Reputation.

Secondly, Since the labour of an Historian is different from that of a Poet, who makes his own Mate­rials, [Page 87] as well as the Figure he gives them: He must do as the Architect, inform himself of the Quarries from whence he must fetch the Stone and Marble for the Structure of his Edifice. He must remass all the Memoirs, Relations, Acts pu­blick and private, that regard the Time, the Persons and Actions, of which he would compose his Hi­story: But he must have a care those Pieces be authentick, well esteemed, and purged from Falsi­fications and Disguisements, that carry the Passion of Parties; other­wise he will impose upon the Pu­blick Faith, and the Deceit will pass from his own Age to Posterity. Above all things he must abstain from certain Sources, from whence there is nothing to draw but Filth and Venom.

Following this Rule, and being to write of Charles the Ninth, he will not search for Truth in the Memoirs of Colligny: And to make a History of his Successor, he will [Page 88] as little consult the Relations of his Mynions, though there remains but that of the Guises. If he is to write of the Popes, and Court of Rome, he will not do it from the Memoirs come out of Geneva: And if he is to speak of Jesuits, he will forbear giving Credit to the Holland Ga­zettes, and Faith of Hereticks, whe­ther known or disguised, Ancient or Modern.

If the President de Thou (other­wise a great Man) had thought of these Rules, and had distrusted as he ought the Dutch Libels infected with the Poison of Heresie, he had left us a History more correct and less subject to offend the Curious in the matter of Belief. And if others that have followed him, had addressed themselves to Streams more Pure than those that flow from the Lake of Geneva, the Filth they have suck'd up to bespatter the Roman Prelates and Catholick Princes, had not recoil'd upon their own Works, Conscience and Reputa­tion; [Page 89] but they thought that a heap of Impostures and Calumnies drawn from the Scandalous Chronicle of Henry the Third, and the Libels of the League and Hugonots, would raise their Name; and after that Salust, Livy and Tacitus, darkned with their Eclat, be less esteemed, and give place to them.

But because Ignorance is not the greatest Source of Falsity in History, and that the most part enter through Malice and Flattery, and the Affe­ctions that cause them: The Care the Historian must have to furnish himself with good Instructions and Memoirs, will serve him but in little stead, if he does not Disin­terest and Purge himself from all sorts of Passion: Where Interest is Master, Truth is seldom harkned to, and less where Malice is Mistress; and the Pen of a Writer must be very steady, this Passion does not turn awry.

From thence comes the Contra­rieties are found in Spanish and En­glish [Page 90] Histories, when they speak of France or French-men: and in those of the French, when they speak of Spaniards and English. Though of all the Writers, of what Nation soever, there are none that write with more Sincerity and Truth, defile their Pens with less Gaul, and do greater Right to the Merit and Valour of their Enemies than ours. 'Tis a Sight capable to di­vert the most Melancholly and Cha­grin, to see in the History of San­doual the French fly before the Spa­niards, like the Game before the Falcon. When of all People, they can best witness the French are not accustomed to use their Spurs with their Swords in their Hands. And 'tis not less pleasant to see in Guic­ciardin Charles the Eighth enter Flo­rence in the Habit of Pacolet; when this little Man he turns into Ridi­cule with the Wooden Sword and Spurs he sends him, forc'd his way through the Bowels of all the Re­publick of Italy. Let the Historian [Page 91] then possess himself he is of all Countries or none; that he is with­out Father and Mother; without Genealogy or Race, as the ancient King of Salem: That he is of no Party but that of Truth, whatever Livery he wears, or whatever Lan­guage he speaks; and that he owes her all his Worship and Devotion, in whatsoever Climate he is found: And that being Debtor (to use the words of St. Paul) to the Fools and Wise, Barbarians and Greeks, his Honour, as well as Conscience, is obliged to do Justice, and render every one their due.

CHAP. VI. That nothing ought to enter History, but what is Great and Illustrious. That trifling things ought to have no Place there.

I Have been a little long upon this Article of Truth, because she is the Soul and Form of Hi­story: And the Historian, what­ever Merit he may otherwise have, without her, cannot acquit himself of his Duty, nor sustain the Name he bears. Truth suffices not, the things that enter the Composition of History, they must have a solid Grandeur, and Eclat arising from their Nature. 'Tis what Ammi­anus would say, when he tells us History moves but in high places, marches but upon the Pinnacles and Points of great Affairs.

The reason is, History being an Exemplary Philosophy, invented for the Instruction of the Great, she [Page 93] ought to take from them the Mea­sure of her Examples, and not give them but their Proportion, esteem­ing them as they are, Giants amongst Men; and Giants charg'd with the Burden of the World, as the Scrip­ture expresses it, will not like to have Puppets proposed for their Imi­tation.

On the other side, The good Form of Government, the Happi­ness of Civil Society, the Peace and Repose of Kingdoms, being the principal End of History, is it to be thought she can arrive at this end, by the relation of Drunken Bouts, and the Extravagance of Car­navals. Another Intention is to eternise the Glory of Illustrious Persons, and preserve them from the Ruin of Age, and Obliquity of Time. And who but knows, Glory is a Light that reflects not, but such Qualities as render Kings and Princes greater than their For­tunes, with all the Grandeur of their Train, Equipage and Riches: [Page 94] For if that is all they are, we may say they are only Dwarfs upon guilded Pillars.

A Fourth End of History, Is to quicken Noble Minds, and press them forward with an Emulation of the great things she recounts. And a Fifth, To instruct the pre­sent and to come, by the past, and by that to profit the Publick. Can she attain these Ends so high and great, by the Relation of Bagatells? Was it the Lance of Achilles, or his Lyre, that stung the Heart of Alex­ander with Jealousie? Was it the Bacchanals and Debauches of Alex­ander, that disquieted the Mind of Cesar, and troubled his Repose? And will not Posterity be much obliged by that Historian, that leaves her a Lift of all those Danced in the Mask at the Marriage of such a Prince or Princess? That leaves an Account of the Expence there made in Meats and Com­fitures? The Italians, though ac­customed to Contemn all that is [Page 95] not of Italy, deside their Corio where the Army of John Galeass Lord of Milan most engages his Pen, he abruptly breaks off, and takes oc­casion, from the Marriage of Va­lentine with a Son of France, to enter into the Closet of the new married Lady, search her Cabinet, and make a long Inventory of all the Trifles he there finds, to the number of her Chess-men, Knives and Clocks. Did he not believe these rare things carried into France, would there be Demonstrations of the Riches and Magnificence of Italy? You may see others make a reckoning of all the Habits and Linnen in the Wardrobe of a Prince, and the Furniture of his Chambers; that will teach you the Names of his Dogs and Horses; tell you how many Trumpets he has in his Troops, how many Chariots, and Oven­forks in his Equipage, and of what Stuff are the Coverings of his Mules. I should like as well one that was to make me the Description of a [Page 96] Palace, should leave out the Courts, the Portico's, Galleries, Halls and Chambers, and entertain me with the Number, Form and Painting of Weathercocks.

CHAP. VII. That Military Actions are not the Principal Matter of History. The Historian ought to be oftner in the Closet than Army. That he ought to shun the Affectation of Mar­vellous things; and abstain as much from Defect as Excess, in the Rela­tion of Miracles.

OThers again on the contrary esteeming nothing great but the Actions of War, are always in some besieged Town, or Army be­sieging; speak of nothing but Com­bats and Attacks, Ovens and Mines; nothing to be heard but Bombs and Cannon; as if they had no body to [Page 97] instruct but the Court of Guards and Musketeers.

War is not, as these believe, the best Theatre for History; Sieges, Assaults and Battles, are not her most useful Lessons; otherwise Statesmen, Magistrates, and the Long Robe, would learn nothing from her; and all her Informations would but reduce Fire and Blood into Me­thod; and serve only for Ravage and Destruction.

Let the Historian know then the Closet is his proper place; that he ought to be there longer and oftner than in the Army: That the ex­plaining of Councils, unfolding In­trigues, and discovering Cabals, are more his Business, than Desolations, Burnings and Massacres: That he did not take Pen in Hand to learn a private Centinel to manage his Sword, but to teach Princes the Art of Reigning, and Statesmen the Art of Serving: To unfold Reasons of State, and the Secrets of Government: And this he does [Page 98] by disintangling the Motives and Pretexts of Affairs; by following their Movements and Evasions to the Fountain-head. And as the greatest Advantages of History are attain'd by this Means, 'tis to that he owes his greatest Appli­cation, and all the force of his Wit.

In this Article that regards the Grandeur of things, there is ano­ther Defect that ought not to be forgotten: Some, whether through a vain Affectation of things Great and Marvellous, that must not be so much sought after in History, nor are not of that value as in a Poem, or by a disordered desire to nourish the Curiosity of Readers, and fasten their Attention, fill their Histories with Miracles and Pro­digies they bring in from all Parts. And rather than want, assist at the Assemblies of Demons and Ma­gicians, to gather what may fill the Vacancies of certain People, with whom the False and Monstrous [Page 99] have better Reception than Truth and Right.

Others more bold in Heroick Prose, divide Elephants in two at one blow with a Sword, strike down Dragons of twenty Fathoms long with a little Wand. And for that it is in Scripture, that Sampson defeated an Army with the Jaw-bone of an Ass; Procopius, not to be behind-hand, tells you of a Thra­cian Soldier, that with one single Arrow put to flight an Army of Goths. Paul Venetian, a greater Architect than the Vndertakers of Towers and Pyramids, if I am not mistaken, has built a Town of fifty Leagues in compass, and in it placed 10000 Bridges of so mon­strous a heighth, the greatest Vessels under Sail might pass commodi­ously under the Arches. A Town so Great and Magnifick, better Merits to be placed in that fine World, Lucian, more Happy than Columbus, first discover'd in the Globe of the Moon.

[Page 100]You may see others follow a Me­thod very different from this, that have so much Care their Works should not savour the Air of a Cloister, or touch upon the Legend for all the World, they will not mention any Miracle whatsoever. The Heathen Authors have been more Religious and more Faithful, and have had more Zeal for their False Gods, far from suppressing the Events by which their Power and Might is made known, they repeat them till they are rendred disagreeable. In Livy and Tacitus you will find nothing at the be­ginning and end of every Year, but Prodigies and Expiations of them. And shall a Christian Wri­ter, to preserve the Reputation of a great Wit, or avoid the Railery of a few Libertines, leave out the Relations that are as Witnesses of his Faith, and Proofs of the Power and Providence of that God he adores? As if it were more the Mark of Sense, and for the In­terest [Page 101] of Mankind, to recite the Cruelties of one Prince, and the Debauches of another, than the Wonderful Works by which God is pleased from time to time to awaken our Faith.

Josephus the Jew has given the first Example of this sort of Infi­delity, to make his Court to the Roman Princes in whose Reigns he writ, as Leon Castrius has remark'd. He has suppressed, disguised or weakned the Wonders done in the time of his Fore-fathers, as if he feared the God of Sion should ap­pear more Puissant and Great in the Eyes of the Gentiles, than the Gods of the Capitol. That Mira­culous Meteor that was during so many Years Conductor of the Jews, sometimes a Cloud, sometimes a Pillar of Fire, appears not in his History; where his evil Faith has dissipated it, for fear it should give Offence to the sight of the Gentiles. 'Tis true, he has not suppressed the passage of the Red Sea; but in the [Page 102] manner he speaks of it, he leaves a Doubt, whether the strange Road by which the People passed, was made by some natural cause, or by vertue of some Power Supe­rior to Nature. And after com­paring this Miraculous Event, with what arrived to the Great Alex­ander when marching into Persia, he passed the Sea of Pamphilia, he leaves every one to believe what they please of one and the other; shewing enough by this Prophane Ambiguity, they were of equal weight, or none at all in his belief. His Prevarication is yet more bold, and his evil Faith more open, in what regards the passage of Jourdan. The Holy Scripture tells us in ex­press terms, That as soon as the Priests that carried the Ark had set their feet in the Water, one part of the River returned towards the Spring, the other towards the Sea, and the People passed over dry­shod. Josephus finds the Miracle so strong, and yet of so little Credit, [Page 103] that to reduce it to an Appearance that better pleases his Palate than the Truth, he tells you that three days after God made the Promise, the Waters of Jourdan being abated, the People passed over the Shallow. And because from the words of the Scripture one cannot figure any thing more Marvellous, he adds the Troop of Women and Children were ranged in the midst of the People to prevent their being car­ried away by the Rapidity of the Current. What has he done with the Burning Mountain that made the Waters return to their Source? Where has he placed the twelve Stones set upon the Shore in Me­mory of so great a Miracle? He Suppresses all that, to conserve the Reputation of a Judicious Historian; and had rather be esteemed Preva­ricator amongst the Jews, than Fa­bulous with the Romans. In all this it may be said, he has made as many Apostasies as Falsities against the Holy Scripture. He ceases not never­theless [Page 104] to continue in Esteem, be­cause of those that value him, some are ignorant of his Unfaithfulness; and others trouble not themselves, loving rather a Falsity well disguised, than a plain Truth.

CHAP. VIII. Whether Private Actions may be made use of in History? And what ought to be those received.

IT may be here demanded, whe­ther Private Actions may not have place in History, without de­rogating from her Dignity? 'Tis answered, Instructing the Readers, and Profit of the Publick, being the Rule by which an Historian ought to judge of things that are used in the Structure of his Edifice, with­out Scruple he may admit of Pri­vate Actions, where he remarks [Page 105] some strong and lively Character of Justice, Valour, Moderation, or Continence Extraordinary. Because such Actions are the Pictures with which the Temple of History ought to be imbellished; and those that enter this Temple, make Rules and Lessons from the sight of these Pi­ctures.

As for Actions that have nothing of noble, but are of low and mean Nature, what should they do in History? Of what use would they be? Let Gaming, Hunting and Dancing be far from her: 'Twould be more seemly to see in a Temple or Palace, the Signs of Shops in the room of Hangings and Pictures. Not but that Princes may some­times permit such things; but there is difference between what may and what ought to be done; between Indulgence and Obligation. And it must be remembred, 'tis Obliga­tion, and not Indulgence, distinguishes a Prince from a Particular. Alex­ander lov'd the Pleasure of a good [Page 106] Table, and Julius Cesar hated not the Ladies; but it was not at Table Alexander acquired the Sir-name of Great; nor did the first Cesar make himself Master of the Empire in the Closet of Cleopatra.

CHAP. IX. Whether the Law of Truth obliges the Historian to keep nothing to himself? Whether nothing be owing to the publick Vertue and good Ex­ample? Whether 'tis not better to Suppress the Vices of the Great, than publish them.

THere remains to examine, whether an Historian can in Conscience, and without Scandal, bloody and defile his Paper with infinite Cruelties and Filth, to which he will be obliged, in case he ob­serves the second Rule, To hold no­thing from the Truth. If I may be [Page 107] credited, all these things ought to be Sacrificed to the Innocence of Hi­story, and the publick Vertue.

First, History that ought to be the Governess of Life, and Guide of our Actions, becomes a Scandalous Governess, a Dissolute Guide, by the ill Examples she exposes; that have so much more weight the higher they descend. Is there a more In­famous School of Vice, a more Vil­lainous place of Scandal, and more Dangerous, than the History of the Twelve Cesars writ by Suetonius? And without mounting so high, have we not lately seen with what Boldness the publick Vertue has been violated by a Scandalous De­tracting History, that was intro­duced into all the Closets and Stre [...]ts, and sullied with its Filth, even the Spouse of Jesus Christ? How many Maids and Women, by the reading of this Petronius Travesty, have ceased to be what they were before, and said after the Example of the young Debauchee in the Comedy [Page 108] mentioned by St. Austin, Why should not I do as such a Dutchess, What such a Princess has done? Owe I more to my Conscience, more to my Reputa­tion, than they owe to theirs? And by what right shall Vertue, so free in a Palace, be constrain'd in a Pri­vate House?

Secondly, The Pen gives no right to meddle with the Reputation of others. If Detraction of one Person from another, be a Sin against the Laws of Charity and Justice, what will be that of an Historian, that is a publick Person, made in the sight and hearing of all People and all Ages?

On the other side, Truth being to History as Form to Matter, if the half be taken away, if Liberty be not given him to unfold all that he finds true under his Hands, she will be but half form'd, the Histo­rian half mute, half lame, and not able to acquit but one half of his Duty.

[Page 109]Besides, History, as has been said, is a Philosophy free from the Diffi­culty and Perplexity of Arguments, but rich in Examples, that con­cludes with more Right, and per­swades with more Force. And this Force of Perswasion is not only from good Examples; the ill ex­posed and well imploy'd, have the same Effect; nay, work sometimes more quick, whether because an evil Action is more lively and pene­trating than a good; or that Man being more sensible of Shame than Honour, wants greater speed to Glory, than to help him fly In­famy. Who has not heard the Cu­stom amongst the Spartans, to make the Extravagant Actions of their Drunken Servants, Lessons of Tem­perance to their Children. And how many Princes have been kept within the bounds of Duty, by the Eternal Chastisement they have seen the Evil suffer upon the Theatre of History.

[Page 110]There is a third Reason, that proves it the Duty of an Historian, to be as free in declaring the Vices as Vertues of great Persons: He is Judge, and Judgment reaches the Bad as well as the Good; His Fun­ction is a publick Witness, and 'tis the part of a Witness to conceal nothing. And in fine, 'Tis the pu­blick Interest, that great Men and Princes, to whom the Laws are but Cobwebs, should have some Bridle to stop them. And to a People that take Religion for a Fantasm, and Hell for a Bugbear to frighten Chil­dren, we cannot propose any thing stronger, than the Eternal Infamy is prepared for them in History.

CHAP. X. That the Right of History permits the Historian all sorts of Truth. The Rules to be observed in the use of this Right; with Consci­ence and Honour, and without Scandal and Prejudice to the Pu­blick Vertue.

IT is my Opinion upon these Rea­sons, An Historian, as Publick Witness and Judge, has the right of Evidencing the Bad as the Good, and to judge of one and the other. But he must be careful not to make his Sovereign Right a Sovereign Injustice; to make of it a Right of Calumny and Detraction. And to the end he may use it with In­nocence and Desert, he must above all things, particularly apply him­self to distinguish the False from the True; the Certain from the Uncertain; and the Private from the Publick. This Distinction pre­supposed, [Page 112] First he must reject all sorts of Falsities, and guard him­self from imposing any thing, whe­ther he himself speaks, or another for him. An ordinary Artifice in Calumniating Writers, who to di­stribute more boldly their Impo­stures, lend them to others they in­troduce in the Scene. He that does after this manner, deserves to have the Mask taken off, and be paid in the same false Coin he pays others.

Secondly, He must not deliver any thing that is Doubtful or Un­certain, but impose this Retention upon himself by the Christian Law, forbidding such a Distribution upon severe Damage, whether it be upon the Reputation of those he rashly Censures, or the Conscience of those to whom he gives reason of Scandal, and to judge indiscreetly. Let him Praise as much as he pleases the Doubtful and Uncer­tain; what mistake he may make on this side, being to the Injury of [Page 113] no body, none will reproach him, no Process be entred against him, and the Wise will be of his Opi­nion: If finding himself in these Circumstances, he chooses the more favourable for his Neighbour, and hazards a doubtful Truth for an assured Charity; but when he falls upon Censure, he must remem­ber Uncertainty dispences not with the Respect he owes his Neigh­bours Reputation; and that he cannot sully it, though agreeable to Fame, without violating the com­mon right, and doing a publick In­justice.

By the same reason, Let him know he is prohibited from look­ing too curiously into other Peoples Concerns, to enter the Closets, lift up the Vails, and draw the Cur­tains that cover the Secrets of Fa­milies, and search wherewithall to entertain the Curiosity of some al­ways covetous of Novelties, and ready for Detraction. His Preroga­tive reaches not Secret things, that [Page 114] are in regard to him as if they were not; and Detraction calls for Re­paration, and Subjects to Punish­ments, as well as Calumny. And if the Church her self, to whom the Son of God committed the Keys, assumes not the Authority of open­ing what is shut, and judging of hidden things, much less ought it to be allowed History. To attri­bute to her self any thing like it, the Consequence would be dan­gerous: No place safe where this Evil would not penetrate, followed with ill Presaging Birds, no Reputa­tion free from their Venomous Bills.

In the Fourth place, Since the Perfection of a Civil Life is the end where his Labours tends, he must expose nothing to the publick View that has not regard to it, must there­fore abstain from all sorts of Scan­dalous Relations, as are those that serve but to make People lose the Respect they owe their Prelates and Princes, the Hierarchy, Church and publick Government; and gives [Page 115] way to Heresies, Revolts and Schisms, both in Church and State.

In the Fifth place, Where the Connexion of his Matters, and the Composure of his Works, obliges him to represent the Vices of any that will make a Figure in History; he must remember in such Repre­sentations, to spare as much as he can the publick Vertue; and not give any Colour, let fall any Ex­pression, or leave any Image, that will offend her sight: It must suffice him to explain himself in such ge­neral Terms that cannot cause a Blush or evil Thought, and to touch them but in passing, and make hast away as from an infected place, where his own and others Modesty are in danger. Salust, Titus Livius and Tacitus, have in this a Reten­tion of great Instruction and Ex­ample for Christian Writers: And 'tis marvellous to see with what re­spect those that adored Vicious Gods, have written of the Vices of Men; they seem to blush for Human Kind, [Page 116] and their words as a Vail cover their Shame as much as possible.

Suetonius is censured by all the World for the Impurity of his Hi­story, which is made an Accademy of Debauchery; but if Suetonius a Heathen is blamed for his Boldness, what must they say of a Christian that has made a French Copy of all these Latin Obscenities; introduced into the Streets, and Closets of great Ladies, those Monsters of Im­purity? And how will this Tran­slator cleanse himself before God, from all the Filth with which he has sullied his Imagination and Hands, and perhaps the Modesty and Conscience of those that an evil Curiosity has carried to those In­famous Sights.

CHAP. I. That the Historian has Right to Judge of Things and Actions. Of the Faults he must avoid in the use of this Right; And first Rash­ness.

JUdgment that follows the Nar­ration of things, is the second part of History; and this though the less in Mass, ought not to be the least in Wit. 'Tis here the Knowledge of Good and Evil must be unfolded; the Politick and Mo­ral have their place; that Vertue is crown'd and Vice punish'd; that the Historian (hardly otherwise [Page 118] more than a Tale-teller) becomes a Statesman and a Soldier; makes himself Judge of Princes and their Ministers; and Arbitrator of their good and evil Actions: 'Tis here he gives Instructions and Counsels, Degrees of Honour and Infamy, establishes a School for the time to come, and a Tribunal for the past.

The Reason, Opinion and Ex­ample, of great Men, of right be­long to the Historian, contrary to those would reduce him to the simple Function of a Gazetteer. Because History (as has been said more than once) is a kind of Civil Philosophy, and her proper Office is to instruct the present by the past: And how shall she acquit her self of that Office, if the right of Judging, if the use of Reflection were taken from her. 'Tis by that she distinguishes Good from Evil; that she makes Applications of good and evil Actions; and shews the way ought to be held and [Page 119] [...]voided. Without that she is of [...]o greater Service than a Gazette; [...]nd Polybius speaks but as a Come­dian. Cicero, that has drawn her Picture more exactly in three Lines▪ [...]han others have done in gross Vo­lumes, contents not himself the Historian should unfold the Coun­cils and Motives that precede Acti­ons, he will have him declare what he judges of one and the other. And have we not Historians that have performed this Duty: Those that oppose the Commentaries of Cesar, ought to observe this is the Duty but of a True History, that Commentaries, Journals, Memoirs and Registers, are dispenced with. This Law so generally observed, ceases not to be difficult to keep; and I know no part of History ought to be managed more adroitly and with more fineness. That the Historian may not then act Tumul­tuously, and without Method, to the end his Judgments may not be judged, or at least favourably, [Page 120] let him have a care to secure them free from Rashness, Malice, Im­portunity and Disagreement. He will avoid Rashness, if he submit to the Government of Prudence, that will never permit him to pro­nounce, but upon an entire Know­ledge, whether of the Grounds and Events of Affairs, or the Mo­tives by which they have moved, and the Rounds they have been made take. He that ventures to judge by the Outside and Shew, Subjects himself to great Con­tempt; and if there wants but a false Light or Colour to give ano­ther Face, and make another Ap­pearance, what would be the Im­prudence and Rashness of a Writer, that gives definitive Judgments upon one of these Lights or Colours that first strike his sight.

If there be Rashness in judging Humane things by the outside; what Indiscretion will that Writer be guilty of, who having not the least Tincture of Theology, seen [Page 121] but the outside of Schools where she teaches, thinks himself able to penetrate Secrets the Cheru­bims cover with their Wings; dare make Decisions where the Doctors are in Difference, and pronounce boldly for the one a­gainst the other; and turn the Keys of St. Peter, and the Autho­rity of his Successors; and submit to the Capacity of his weak Head the highest of all Crowns. At the sight of such an idle Rashness, will they not cry out against the Pro­phane, that dares put his Hand to the Ark; against the Owl that has the boldness to enter that Light, where the Eagles themselves are dazled.

And when any one finds him­self enlightned enough to judge the Affairs of the World, he must not do it in the Nature of a Decree or manner decisive; it will be well to do it in doubtful Terms, and after the Sceptical way, that having no defence for the cer­tainty [Page 122] of things, judge but by their Appearances. As long as he holds within these bounds, no body can reproach him of ill; and his Judgments will not be subject to disanulling; but in the Affairs of his Knowledge, and of which he has seen the Springs and Move­ments; he may leave Expressions of Doubt and Conscience, and pro­pose his Judgments affirmatively, provided he does not mingle the Venom of Malice.

CHAP. II. Of Malice in judging the Frailty of all Men. The Care an Historian ought to take to preserve himself from it. Of the Brevity required. Reflections upon Philip Com­mines.

MALICE is a Fault the Histo­rian must avoid with Care, and yet whether Corrupted Nature renders our Judgments evil by the same means she does our Wills, or by the Artifices of Self-love we are as easily perswaded to the Prejudice of another as our own Advantage; or whether yet the Vanity of Mali­cious Interpretations, that seem to come from a greater degree of Light than others, are more pleasing to Humane Wit; 'tis hard for an Historian to defend himself from the Flattery of this Malicious Address, to find the Imperfections of every thing, and incline it to evil. Salust [Page 124] and Tacitus are particularly accused of this Fault; and Tacitus has yet the Misfortune above Salust, that Wits the most Fertile in Sinister In­terpretations and Malicious Com­mentaries, acknowledge him for their Master.

An Historian must not only avoid Malice, the mark of a Spirit as full of Venom as the Serpent said to Poison all he look'd on, but in Affairs where Uncertainty and Ob­scurity leave some place for Indul­gence; he must rest his Conjectures upon Colours the most safe, and Appearances the most Vertuous, and form a Judgment as favourable as the thing will suffer. And by that, besides that it will get him the Re­putation of an Honest Man, which is not less necessary for an Historian than an Orator, 'twill secure his Person and Work from publick Ha­tred and private Envy.

But whatever way he judges, he must take care that his Judgments be given in few words; and remem­ber [Page 125] that a Preaching Historian can­not but be tedious to his Reader that hasts to a new Subject. Salust, Livy and Tacitus, are marvellous in this way: Philip Commines, that ne­ver saw them, had no care to imi­tate them: His Judgments never­theless are all good Sence, though drawn out too long; and the Examples he adds, though Just enough, are not after the Models of Antiquity. But that was no part of his Furniture, and as often as he entertains me, methinks I hear an Honest Gentleman, who after the Cloth is taken away, falls a reciting the Passages he remembers in his Travels.

CHAP. III. The Regard an Historian ought to have to his Birth, Religion and Life.

TO these three Advices I add a fourth that is not less ne­cessary, nor of less Consequence to the Conscience and Reputation of an Historian, that he has regard to his Birth, Religion and Life. Though the Tribunal of History be Sovereign, and the greatest Persons are there Sovereignly judged, he must not forget notwithstanding the Respect due to the Memory of those Princes have governed his Native Country. And if the In­struction of their Successors, and the Truth of History, will have him pronounce upon their Conduct, he must not spare Censure where they have deserved it: But he must ab­stain, without Necessity or Profit, making a Scandalous Spectacle in [Page 127] the Eyes of the People of their Secret Debauches. Above all, not to condemn them from the Voice of the Vulgar, always Enemy and Calumniator of their Masters; or from the Voice of Fame, always Detractor and Lyar; or from his own ill Disposition: It may be with an Illness not unlike the Yellow Jaundice, where they think every thing Yellow they see. What I say is occasioned by Henry the Third, who more Unhappy, and more decried from the Vices of his Age than his own, has been unwor­thily blackned by the Historians of the League and Hugonots; and more unworthily yet, by those that have collected the Impostures of one and the other, and thrown them upon his Memory.

But if something be due to his Birth, much more to his Religion: This Duty being the first and most Obliging, when he is to write of the Church, and Ecclesiastical Princes, the Court of Rome and [Page 128] Popes, Clergy and Religious, he must not make his Historick Liberty a ground for Licentiousness. I confess there is always Weakness where there is Humanity; that all those that approach the Sanctuary, are not Saints; nor all those that are near the Altar, Cherubims: But does it belong to an Historian to judge his Judges, to condemn those have a Jurisdiction to which the Angels themselves are Subject. 'Tis much the same, as if the Serjeants should cite the Judges of the Court to the Bar, and pretend to make their Pro­cess. And what Conscience has an Historian, that writes of Popes and Cardinals, as if he writ from the Memoirs of Beza, as if hired by the Booksellers of Amsterdam and Geneva.

In the third place, He must have regard to his Life. If he would not be slighted by his Readers, he must make an Agreement between his Judgments and his Manners, his Re­putation and his Pen. Let not a [Page 129] Libertine make himself Severe, or a Debauche preach Sobriety and Conti­nence, such like Sermons are turn'd into Ridicule, and the least they say of the Preacher is, he would do bet­ter at a Table than in the Pulpit. The Disagreement cannot be par­doned in Salust, what he says against the Corruption and Disorders of his Age, cannot be better said, but he ought to have left it to Cato, or some other that valued himself for ancient Discipline. And in my opinion, a Declamation against Luxury and Pro­fuseness of Life, was not a less In­congruity in the History of Salust, accused of Debauchery by the Censor in full Senate, and twice of Adultery before the Pretor, than had been in the Commentaries of Cesar, an In­vective against Ambition and Go­vernment.

CHAP. IV. Of Elogies and Characters of Illu­strious Persons; in what Places they ought to be put.

ELogy and Censure are the Prin­cipal Parts of Judgment, and the Historian that forgets them in some Occasions, is accountable to the Publick: They are usually placed either after the Relation of some signal Action of great Fame, or at the Death of Persons that have most appeared, and made the greatest Figure in the Theatre of History. And this hinders not, but they may also find a place, where the Historian prepares him­self for Relations of great Ac­count. Salust, Livy and Tacitus often use them after this manner, The first begins his two Histories by the Characters of Catalin and Jugurth, that were the Principal [Page 131] Actors in these two Pieces. The Second by Hannibal, before he placed him at the Head of the Carthaginians, and let him loose as a Torrent descending from the Alps upon Italy. The Third being, To introduce Vespasian and Mutius, that were to be the Authors of a new Revolution in the Empire, gave the Character of one and the other in such a manner, the most Faithful and most exact Pencil could not have arrived to. But these Pictures ought not to be in great, two or three Colours and as many touches are enough; and less must they be made at Fancy, and drawn Beautiful when Ugly, or on the contrary. And as Truth permits not the Historian should do more for any Person, than Vertue and Nature have done; neither does she allow him to rob any one of the Advantages they have received from them; an Historian is usually the Drawer of this fort of Picture, and some­times [Page 132] contents himself with de­signing only, and commits the Finishing to other Persons, to whom he lends his Colours, and makes speak in his place. And this Prudence is principally used when he has nothing to repre­sent but Faults and Censure to put into his Representations. I ought not to forget telling you in this place, that our Strada in his History of the Wars of Flan­ders, has drawn Figures of greater Proportion than the ancient Mo­dels: In these Figures (the Abridg­ments of Life) he recites many things Curious and Singular, that gives a perfect Knowledge of the Man, leaves no particular in the Dark, of his Birth, Education, Conduct or Fortune. The Por­traitures he has made of John d' Au­stria, Margret of Parma, Cardinal Granvill, Duke of Alva, Prince of Orange, and some others, are after this manner: And the Ap­probation they find amongst the [Page 133] most polished Wits make me be­lieve it will not be disagree­able to France, to see the like in the History I have under­taken.

CHAP. I. That History demands Sentences: What are Sentences; and the Kinds.

I Cannot think to finish my pur­pose without treating of Sen­tences, or if only in passing with a stroke of my Pen. In History and in Poetry, throughout which they are found, they make so great an Eclat, and pierce too lively, not to make themselves re­garded. I know they offend some chagrin People, and are censured [Page 135] by the Severe. But is there any thing so good, against which some ill Nature will not bring an Ob­jection? There are that Fancy the Poppy and hate the Rose: Nay, the Graces themselves have their Enemies; and some-body, finding nothing to blame in the Person of Venus, reprehended her Dress. We will not then reject Sentences, upon the Condemnation the Chagrin and Severe pass upon them: Their ill Nature ought not to prevail above the Reason, Example and Autho­rity of the Fathers of History; who often make use of them: Nor must we abandon our selves to the Excess and Liberty of some that abuse them.

But because many take for Sen­tences certain little playing with words, either ambiguous, opposite or sharp, which seem to compre­hend much and have nothing in them; 'tis here necessary to disabuse those People, and teach those that may be Ignorant, A Sentence after [Page 136] Aristotle, is a general Proposition that declares what there is of Good to be followed, or Ill to be avoided. Ac­cording to this Definition received by all the Masters, as on the one hand, all that they say of a parti­cular, though never so well pointed, with never so much Wit, cannot be called a Sentence; so on the other, They must not place in the Rank of Sentences, General Maxims, and Universal Axioms of Sciences, out of the reach of Morality.

There are then (to take the Mat­ter after this Definition) but two Kinds of true Sentences, The one Simple, and made of one Proposi­tion; the other Composed, and made of two; the first of which is sup­ported by the second; and both to­gether, according to Aristotle, make an Enthymeme or half Syllogism. For Example, If I say 'tis hard to detain Fortune and get the Mastery of her: This Universal and Moral Proposition, but alone and without a Second, makes but a Simple Sen­tence; [Page 137] but if I add a Second that supports it, and say Fortune, naked and slippery as she is, remains a Prize to none, but easily escapes the Hands of all that would retain her: A Sentence composed after this sort will be double; and such Sentences Aristotle call Enthymemes, because the second Proposition be­ing placed before the first, and joyn'd by the Particle then which they call Illative, is made a Regular Argument and rightly formed.

'Tis fit notwithstanding we should know, that Sentences, which are evident, and have a Clearness in themselves, have no need of a second Proposition to explain them; that would be to light the day, and read before the Sun with a Candle. But those that are not very clear nor certain, that lean to the Equivocal and Paradox, carry some apparent Contradiction, and enter the Understanding with Diffi­culty, must not be left without the help of a Second, that may [Page 138] make their entrance more easie, by giving them a Clearness and Support. That old Sentence, A Covetous Man wants as much the things he possesses, as those he possesses not, is very true; but because, in the Terms that compose it, there is an Opposition that obscures the Truth, there must be a second Proposition that may unfold and make it understood; The Covetous enjoying as little what they have, as what they have not; 'tis true to say they want one as much as the other.

CHAP. II. Of the Use of Sentences; And the Rules to be observed.

THIS Knowledge presupposed, we may proceed to the use of Sentences; in which there are four Principal Rules to be observ'd, Sobriety, Discretion, Justice and Gra­vity. They must be used Soberly and seldom, not with the Intem­perance of those are Angry if any thing falls from their Mouths or Pen but what is Picquant and Sen­tentious. A Poem, Discourse or Hi­story, with such a Stile, could not be better compared than to a Gar­den, where all the Trees were Hollies, and Herbs Thistles.

A Sentence has been called the Seasoning of a Stile, it must be used then but by Grains, not made a Feast of. And since the Composure and easie fullness, by which she enters [Page 140] so agreeably the Ears and Sense, is broken by this fall of Sentences, without Connexion one upon the other. 'Tis like the stile a Roman Prince reproached Seneca with, An Amass of Materials without Cement. To which may be added, Nature suffers not Precious things to grow in heaps, nor Excellence to be found in a Multitude. And the greatest number of these perpetual Retailers of them, expose for the most part Doublets for Diamonds, and Vene­tian Pearls for those of the East.

Sobriety fuffices not; but to the right use of Sentences, there must be in the second place a great Dis­cretion to chose the Persons to whom they are lent, and Places where they are to be employed. In the Choise of the Persons, the Historian must have regard to the Age, Sex, Quality and Rank they have held: And as he must not lend them to Young People, nor the Vulgar, so not to Women unless to a Livia, Zenobia, Mamilla, Pulcheria, Eudoxia, [Page 141] and others such-like, who have wherewithall to sustain the Gran­deur of their words, their Actions, and that of their Dignity. Those that are not of this Rank, ought to hold their Peace, and the Historian must not permit them to speak much, if it be not on occasions where some singular Event or Vio­lence forces a sensible Resentment. The Criticks are displeased with those Euripides sends a Nurse; and those spoke by a Servant in Plautus, are paid with Injuries. Let the Hi­storian reserve them then for Men, whose Authority, Experience and Quality, have the weight they de­mand. A Sentence is a Dogme of Morality or Policy, a Precept shortned into three words; and we expect not such things from a Page or Follower, from the Pen of a Young Gallant, or old Debauchee. Grave Persons, whether with the weight of Years, Office or Dignity, have only right to Dogmatise, give Lessons and Pre­cepts. And do not we see in the [Page 142] Book of Job, that one of his Friends, a great Speaker of Axioms, is repre­hended by God, that being Ignorant, and ill instructed, he affected to wrap up a heap of undigested Sentences in a flux of words without Art or Order.

The Discretion of an Historian ought to extend to the Choise of Persons and Places where they are to be put. They are Ornaments I confess, but cease to adorn where they are in Confusion. Gold, Pre­cious Stones and Pearls have their places upon the Body and Cloaths; Freizes, Cornishes and Sculptures in Palaces and Temples; and out of those places they would be Mon­strous and offend the Sight. And I dare say, Quintilian that said Sen­tences were to Eloquence as Eyes to the Body, did not intend a Body all Eyes from Head to Foot. Their Ordinary places are Harangues, where they may be display'd with greater Liberty and Judgment; where they serve to confirm what [Page 143] they pronouce or decide. Elogies upon Eminent Persons, Reflections made, and Instructions given after the Relation of some great Action or extraordinary Event.

But it must be remembred, they ought not to be introduced by force and as fixed in those places; they must be found as it were by chance, without Force, Affectation or look­ing for, in such a manner, that in the Composure of the stile, they may appear rather as Shadows arising from the Dye, than Laces sew'd upon the Stuff: And in this consists the Justice which in the third Rule the Historian must observe in the Vse of Sentences.

CHAP. III. Another Important Rule to be ob­served in the Use of Sentences, to the Exclusion of Points contrary to the Gravity of History. Seneca wrongfully censured for that by Quin­tilian.

THE last Rule is Gravity, which permits not the Historian to retail himself, or lend to whomso­ever he makes speak, any Sentence that has not Weight and Substance, is not Solid and Serious. By this Rule he must abstain from playing with Antitheses, Equivocals, Allu­sions, and certain Periods, that are, as Petronius calls them, but as shin­ings of broken Glass, they prick and shine, and withall, that there is nothing weaker nor less solid. Quintilian compares them sometimes to the Sparks that twincle in the Smoak; and sometimes to little [Page 145] Flowers, that being of no consistence, fall so soon as touch'd: And 'tis that, it may be, a worthy Man means, when he calls them the Emmonies of words.

The Controversies of old Seneca, Declamations falsly attributed to Quintilian, the Panegyricks of the latter Empire are stiffened through­out with these Points; and if the Expressions of Tertullian are said to be Iron and Stone, one may well say these are Nettles and Briars. Bertaud the most Pointilleux of all the Poets, was called the Thistle: He affected not to make a Stanza that was not sharp as an Epigram. Longinus, Hermogenes, Quintilian, and other Masters of Rhetorick have always protested against this Corruption; and particularly Quin­tilian is every where out of Hu­mour with Seneca, and accuses him as an Empirick in Eloquence. But if we should take his Opinion, Process would be taken out against him, as a Corrupter of Youth, [Page 146] and he banished the Schools and Libraries with as much Ignominy, as the Poets are banished the Repu­blick of Plato.

But I cannot avoid saying (what Respect I may otherwise have for Quintilian) he makes himself in this too much a School-master; whether his Criticisms proceed from Jealousie, or a Peevish Temper, he declaims against Seneca's to ill Purpose, and without reason, and follows the Humour of Pedant Philosophers, always opposing those of the Court. But whatever was the cause with Seneca, Serious and Grave through­out; 'tis certain there is nothing more contrary to the Dignity of History, and Importance of Matters she handles, than this Madness of playing with little words. The Historian is an Interpreter of Truth, Teacher of Civil Life, Director and Counsellor of Princes, an Instructor and Guide to Posterity; and if he should amuse himself with such Trifles, that are only to be bore [Page 147] with in Children, Declamators and Scholars of Sophists, it would be as seemly to see a Feather in the Cap of a Senator: And since 'tis Princes, Statesmen, Generals and Ambassa­dors he makes speak, what he lends must be Richer and more Sub­stantial.

CHAP. IV. That a Point in Thoughts is diffe­rent from Force. An Example of the Force of Thoughts. Of In­structions and Precepts, and how to be used.

THere is yet a Distinction to be made between the Point and the Force, whether in Thoughts or Expressions. There are certain Bold Thoughts effectually explain'd, certain Expressions flowing from bright Conceptions, yet with a re­strain'd Light, as in a Point, by [Page 148] which are represented in little things of the greatest Grandeur without Diminution. These Thoughts, these Expressions, these Images, belong to Wits of the first Rank. And far from rejecting them with ill Points, we ought to respect them as the Lights of Stars, whether they come from their Nature, or the Intelli­gences that inhabit them. As we respect those Precious Stones, in which Pliny tells you the Majesty and Riches of Nature are abridg'd; Seneca (notwithstanding Quintilian) the old Pliny, and Tacitus, are rich throughout with this sort of Riches; and a few Lines taken out of Tacitus may serve for Example of this re­massed Force, this contracted Gran­deur, of which we speak. In the Life of his Father Agnicola, which in my Judgment is the greatest Effort of his Wit, he introduces a British Captain speaking against the Romans in these words. These Rob­bers of all the World, now the Ex­hausted Lands can no more furnish [Page 149] their Rapine, think to Rifle the Seas: Where they meet with Opulent Enemies, they are Cruel through Covetousness: Where with Poor, through Ambition. The East and West, vast as they are, cannot satisfie; they alone with like greediness throw themselves upon the Poverty and Riches of Nations. All they aim at is but to Ravage and De­stroy, to Ravish the Empire under false Pretensions: Yet they Vaunt to have established Peace in Provinces they themselves have rendred Desolate, If the Modesty of our Wives and Sisters saved them from Violence, when they were our Enemies: It cannot now they are become our Guests from their Lasci­vious Friendship. Slaves, that Nature and Fortune destined to Servitude, having once sold themselves, are nou­rished by their Masters. 'Tis Brittain only buys her Slavery, Supports and Nourishes her Oppressors. These are Lightnings that dazle the Sight, Thunders that Astonish; and if Nature had given the use of Rea­son to Lyons, they would thus [Page 150] have expressed their Anger and In­dignation.

Here I should speak of Instructions and Precepts, that are not less the Office of an Historian than Sen­tences; but having the same End and Form, and being under the same Definition, what I have said of Sentences, may comprehend them also. The use of them must be as Sober, Moderate and Restrain'd, and the Historian that would not leave his Instructions subject to the Censure of the Grave and Wise, must have the same Discretion and Regard in the Management of them.

I shall only say in the Matter of Precepts, the best and least Pedan­tick way is the Oblique. When the Historian, not willing to make him­self a Tutor in the Eyes of the World, lends them to another: By this Innocent Artifice, accom­modated to Mens Fancy, that value more things at a distance, than near at hand, the Reader, that per­haps [Page 151] may pass by what the Histo­rian says in his own Person, will receive with Esteem by the Me­diation, and as from the Hand of some Prince, Statesman, or others he sees hold some considerable Rank in History.

CHAP. I. Of the Worth of Description; And some Rules the Historian ought to observe.

DEscriptions will here have their place after Sentences, and it would not be Just (they doing so much Honour to History as sometimes they do) if they had not a part in this Treatise. As they are Representations and Paintings made by Words, it may be said they are in Poetry and Hi­story, as Hangings and Pictures in a Palace.

[Page 153]But we must not perswade our selves, they being upon Paper and without Colour, the Representa­tion is less perfect: 'Tis quite ano­ther sight, to see a Combat or Wrack drawn by the Pen and Stile of Virgil and Livy, than to see it done by the Pencil of Raphael him­self or Titian. The Pen represents not only the Colous and Features of the Body, it represents the Thoughts and Passions of the Mind, gives Life and Action, Speech and Understand­ing to her Figures, and as those made by the Pencil, how Beautiful soever, are all without Spirit and Life, without Movements; those that are made by the Pen, although Invisible, move and stir themselves, War by Sea and Land, are Eloquent or Couragious, as the Workman pleases to Inspire them.

This in favour of Descriptions, that certain Criticks would take from History: But those are People that are pleased with nothing that is Pleasant; and were they let alone [Page 154] with their Chagrin, they would pull the Stars from Heaven, and Eyes from our Heads. But Descriptions, how Beautiful soever we make them, must have their Rules, as all other beautiful things that cease to be so, when they cease to be go­verned. Let Wariness then be the first Rule in the use of Descriptions, and the Historian, though never so ready in this way of Drawing, must not pride himself to multiply them in History, and shew his Wit to the Prejudice of his Judgment. That which pleases in one season and place, pleases not always nor every where; and Rarity gives value to many things. We seldom admire the Sun, because she shews her self every day; when the Comets, that have nothing taking, but de­nounce what is Ill and Ungrateful, because they appear not every Year, draw the Eyes and Admiration of all the World.

And after all, Descriptions being but Resting-places as well for the [Page 155] Historian as the Reader, it would be very Ungenteel for the one, and unuseful for the other, to search Repose at every step. Besides a multitude of Descriptions would be a Confusion and Obstacle to the course of History; and the Reader being desirous of coming to an end, would suffer with Impatience these delays, notwithstanding the Care taken to embellish them. Let the Historian remember then, Instru­ctions being the principal end of his Labour, to which Descriptions serve but little, and only by way of Ornament, he ought not to use them but when Prudence and Occasion require.

CHAP. II. Other Rules for Descriptions. Ovid censured: And of some Histo­rians that have fail'd in these Rules.

BUT let him take care in this, he does not as the Rich Co­vetous, who do profusely, and without measure, what is done but once a Year; 'tis not enough Descriptions are seldom, they must be short. The same Reasons of Confusion, Obstacle and Interrup­tion, that forbid a Heap and Crowd­ing, forbids also Length and Exten­sion; chiefly when this Length runs upon things that make neither Substance nor Shadows; serve nei­ther the Essence nor Accidents of Affairs.

And in this consists the third Rule, that forbids in any Description which is not to the purpose, works [Page 157] not some great Effect, and is not worthy the Grandeur and Majesty of History. The Ancient Criticks despised Ovid, for that in a De­scription of the Deluge, where the Towns and People had equally suffered Wrack, when Forrests, Mountains and Earth, were drown'd, he mentions Wolves that Swam with the Sheep without biting them. How would they then have decried Livy or Tacitus, obliged by the Dignity of History to a more composed Gra­vity, if the like had escaped their Pens.

The less Severe Criticks of Italy would not pardon one of their Hi­storians, who in a long and trou­blesome Description of a Feast made at Rome for the King of Navar's Daughter, in her passage to Marry the Duke of Ferrara, leaving the Duty of an Historian, and taking upon him that of Maistre d'Hostel, obliges his Reader against his Will, to see the Account he gives of all the Services and Expence made at that Feast.

[Page 158]And shall we forgive an Histo­rian, that having but a word to say, of the Magnificence with which the Late King was received at Paris in his return from Rochel; makes all the Wards march in Arms; counts the Ranks and Files of Companies; represents the Ha­bits and Liveries of their Captains; their Colours and Feathers; and from thence enters by force the Town-hall, takes upon him to co­ver the Tables, to range the Dishes and Plates; after this goes to the Greve, describes the Machines and all the Fire-works, distributes the Wine, and lets off the Fusees. This unuseful Diligence could hardly be indured in a Gazette-maker who writes for Shops and Ale-houses.

By the same reason in describing of Battles, after ranging the Troops of one side and the other, he must not amuse himself to represent the Horses, Arms, Devices and Ban­ners; to tell all the Thrusts made [Page 159] with Pikes and Swords, the Woun­ded and Kill'd, as the Poets do by the Rules of their Profession; this were to confound the things ought to be distinguished, and mingle Poetry and History together. Ho­mer is very large in describing the Buckler of Achilles; Virgil has outgone him in Wit, Judgment and Fame, by the Description of Aeneas his Arms, where is abridged all the Roman History: And to do yet more than Homer, he repre­sents too the Symbols, the Chiefs of the Latin Army carried in their Bucklers and Helmets. Ariosto and Tasso, who followed their Method, have done the same; and my self, by their Example, in my St. Lovis, not only in the Tournament spoke of in the fourth Book, but in the Marching of Armies and Combats, to the end this Diversity of Pictures that are proper to Poetry, might enliven that matter, a Composure of the same Colour, and equal through­out, had rendred disagreeable.

[Page 160]These Beauties are not permitted the Historian, who serves Muses either more Serious or more Severe; and we know no body that has not in some measure abstained from it, if it be not that worthy Person that Lucian tells employ'd a whole Book in describing the Bridles and Trap­pings of Vologezes Horse, and ano­ther longer to represent the Figures he saw in the Buckler of another General.

CHAP. III. Other Rules necessary in Descriptions. How and to what Degree they ought to approach Poetry. Apuleius cen­sured, and his Stile.

ALthough these Affected Descrip­tions of Poetry be forbid the Historian, 'tis not to be understood, that in those proper for him and [Page 161] his Right, he is obliged to confine himself, and avoid all that belongs to a Poetick Fullness and Elevation: On the contrary, 'Tis in these places chiefly he ought to take Li­berty, and unfold, as Lucian says, the Sail of History to the Poets Gale.

This Fourth Rule demands Vi­gor and Force of Spirit, to be ob­served as it has been by the Histo­rians, who have had wherewithall to support the length of their Work, and extent of their Fame. I be­lieve I have already said Versifica­tion excepted, Salust, Livy and Ta­citus are not less Poets than Homer and Virgil. I may add, That if the Poetick Genius has sometimes warm'd their Fancy, it has been chiefly in Descriptions.

But the Force and Vigor this Rule requires, must be accompa­nied with Judgment and Discre­tion, as all others, for fear the Vessel of History (to speak again in Lucian's Phrase) pressed by the [Page 162] wind of Poetry with too much Violence, should split against some Rock, or be lost in some Barbarous Gulph. The Historian must above all shun the Winds that carry to the Florides of Apuleius. If there be an Anti­podes to true Latinism and Eloquence; 'tis that Country where good Sense, Reason and Judgment are worse treated, than in that Famous Isle of Witchcraft, where Men are turn'd into Beasts. And yet this Writer has his Imitators, his Golden-Ass-Adorers, as well as the Golden Calf; when there is not a more Villanous Animal, not fit to be re­ceived into any Stables less foul than those of Augeus. But is there any thing so bad, that pleases not some depraved Appetite? And tho' France has for some Years produced no Monsters, she has had hereto­fore her Apuleius's, notwithstanding she is at present freed from such Prodigies. If Modes as well as Seasons have their Revolution, who can promise the Phoebus of Norvese, [Page 163] and Gothick of Vignere will not re­turn again, with the Golillos and Ruffs of those Times.

CHAP. IV. The last Rule in Descriptions, and its Importance.

FOR the sixth and last Rule, An Historian must not enter into any Country where he is Ignorant of the Language, without an In­terpreter to assist him. I mean he must not undertake to describe any thing he does not know, or has not been informed of. Otherwise he will but form Chimera's, where he thinks to draw Representations: Speak of War in a Court-Stile; and of Navigation in Terms of Hus­bandry: Will take the Country for the Soil; and when he has an Assault or Battle to describe, will do it in the words of a Proctor, who [Page 164] gives an account of his Proceedings in the Pursuit of a Process.

In despight of the great and little Atlas, against Nature her self he will make a New World, and Maps as new; as those lately made for the Globe of the Moon: Place the Lap. and Fin-landers under the Line, and Ethiopians under the Pole; bring the Pyramids from Egypt into Italy, and carry the Italian Aque­ducts into Egypt: Not content to take away one side from the Apenins, he will transport it all into Asia or Africk.

Such-like Miracles have been done by Historians that were not Saints, if we believe Lucian, who says, That in his time there were that carried whole Towns out of one Country into another, with as much ease as a Gard'ner Transplants his Flowers; and further make as Pro­digious Transformations as those in Ovid's Metamorphosis, turn Towns into Captains, and Captains into Towns; for which the Mareschal [Page 165] de Bassompierre accuses one of our Historiographers; make Mountains Rivers, and Rivers Forrests; and without a Miracle or Witchcraft, without the help of Heaven or Hell, there is nothing in Nature he will not change from one Kind to ano­ther, by the sole Vertue of his Igno­rance aided by his Fancy.

CHAP. I. Whether Harangues are Superfluous in History? And whether contrary to the Rule of Truth?

HArangues hold the Third place in Composition of History; and if it belongs only to an Orator to be an Histo­rian, as all the Masters say after Cicero, 'tis here chiefly the Orator-Historian ought to display his Rhe­torick. I know all the World is not of his Opinion, but what is Raymund Lully, and others that [Page 167] imbrace the contrary, but Pigmies opposed to this Achilles of the long Robe. Diodorus of Sicily produced against Harangues, condemns but those that intangle and dismember a Narration, put things out of their Method by their unreason­able length, or number yet more tedious. And as this Greek, that ought to love Wine as all other Greeks do, would not have burnt down all the Vineyards to free the Ground from some bad Vines; so he never design'd to cleanse History from some ill Harangues, all sorts should be taken from her.

'Tis opposed to this, That the Law which permits nothing false in History, is violated by these Ha­rangues, that are all false, and framed by the Historian: That Probability alledged to maintain them, is an Usurpation upon the Poets, and she shamefully abused. What is there of Scythian or Barbarous; nay, what is there not of Delicate and Polite in the Harangues the Ambassador of [Page 168] Scythia made by the Favour of Quin­tus Curtius to the Great Alexander. And who can believe Galgacus, that Tacitus places at the head of a People separated from others, and as it were out of the World, Harangued with such Figures and Expressions as he lends him. The same may be said of his Arminius and Civilis, which he makes speak as if Disciples to Longinus and Hermogenes. In like manner, the Romans, covered with the Dust of their Cabins, and smelling of Garlick, as says a Modern Author, are produced by Titus Livius with as much fineness of Wit, and Grace of Language, as was used a long time after by the most Curious in the Court of Augustus.

CHAP. II. That Harangues are necessary in Hi­story, not contrary to Truth nor Probability. Historians and Poets justified thereupon.

ALL these Reasons conclude nothing against Harangues. The Law of Truth ought not to be understood, but of things that re­ceiving some consistence either by Tradition or Writing, might come entire and without Alteration to the Knowledge of the Historian; he is obliged to take them as they come to him by these ways, and the Law of Truth confines him, that without changing any thing either in Matter or Figure, he should make use of them such as they are. 'Tis not so with Words that have Wings, as a Greek Poet says, and after the Arabian Conceit are the Birds of Carriage, no Nets [Page 170] can take them, no Bands hold them; and it would not be enough the Historian was a Magician, he must yet be a Prophet, if he was to recite every Syllable (as the Messengers of Homer) of all that was said by Persons introduced in his History; notwithstanding there are Occa­sions where 'tis necessary they should speak; for a Trader that is Dumb, a Counsellor Silent, an Am­bassador without Words, would there make but strange Figures. The Historian must then make them Speak, and lend them Words, and that is found better than if they should all express themselves in different Languages, and renew the Confusion of Babel in every Hi­story.

In making Harangues the Histo­rian Vsurps not upon the Poets; there are that belong to each of them, but with this difference, the one is founded upon Truth to the Exclusion of Falshood; the other upon Falshood▪ to the Exclusion o [...] [Page 171] Truth; because Falshood coloured and disguised, gives all the Honour to Poetry.

Two Famous Examples in Hi­story and Poetry, that deserve Ob­servation, will clear better this Do­ctrine: The first in the Fourth Book of Virgil's Aeneids, where Dido, moved by Love, Despite, Despair and Fury, whether she stirs or speaks, does all so probably, so well composed, so natural, one cannot see her without Loving, Hating, being in Anger, and Mourn­ing with her. Notwithstanding this resemblance of Truth is ground­ed upon as great a Falshood as ever was. And it was not enough for Virgil to raise the Winds and Seas, employ all the Gods that preside over Tempests, to bring his Aeneas to Carthage in the time of Dido, he was further obliged to force Chronology, and do Violence to two Ages.

The other in the First Book of Livy, where the Fair and Chast [Page 172] Lucretia, Mad with the Outrage offered to her Honour, expresses her self in so becoming a manner, and in Terms so Natural, no body but would believe the words her own. And that happens, because the Truth of the thing drawing with it the Probability of Words founded upon it, gives them part of those colours that then must pass for true. Are Ambassadors accused of Falshood, that express themselves more elegantly than their Instru­ctions: And the Letters of a Secre­tary of State, do they cease to be true, and the Prince's, because they are more enlarged, and in better Terms, than in the Original?

'Tis then a Calumny, to say the Truth of History is violated by the Resemblance in Harangues. And the Injury goes yet further, for this Re­trenchment must be likewise made in Judgments, Reflections and Conje­ctures, that are Parts so Essential to History, she ceases to be when they are taken from her.

[Page 173] Livy, Tacitus and Quintus Curtius, are not only accused for having laid aside Truth, but Probability, in lending more Wit, Politeness and Eloquence, to those they make speak, than the Genius of their Country and Manners of their Age will bear. It must be answered, That Sense and good Wit are the Growth of every Country, and all Ages: That Scythia has had her Philosophers as well as Greece: And at this time the Canadins, notwith­standing the Barrenness of their Soil, are born Eloquent and Haranguers, and have a Natural Rhetorick, as figured and Sententious, as that we are taught in Schools and Books.

Besides, The Poets, so great Ob­servers of Resemblance and Proba­bility, never thought it adviseable to change the Stile as they change the Persons. There is but Plautus that pleases himself with playing the Trivelin, as one may say, in affecting such an odd unusual Me­thod. But if we believe Horace, [Page 174] Plautus was, in the time of Augustus, what Clopinell is now. All others are equal and uniform throughout, the Servants in Terence speak as good Latin as their Masters; the Shepherds and Shepherdesses in Theo­critus, express themselves agreeably and with Wit: Nay, his Polypheme, Monstrous as he is, has something Gallant. And if the Criticks in the time of Virgil, reproached his Cor­ridon for a rustick word; what had they done his Dido, Anna and Jarbas, if he had lent them the Barbarous Thoughts and Language of Africk. Let this be said, not only to justifie the Eloquence of the Scythians in Quintus Curtius, but the Politeness of the Shepherds in Virgil, Sanna­zara, Tasso, Guarinus and the Mar­quess d'Vrfe, and the fine Thoughts, generous and tender Passions, I have attributed to the Saracens, that make the principal Figures in my St. Lovis.

[Page 175]But for what end so long a Dis­course, The Example of all the Hi­storians, leave no place for Excuse: We have in Greek and Latin Colle­ctions of their Harangues, as the most Pure and Fine Part of their Wit. And to take the Opinion of Raymund Lully, and others, upon the Practise of these Great Men, would be to take the Judgment of a Colour-seller upon the Pictures of Fountain-bleau, and the Roof of Val de Grace. Harangues must then re­main in History, but in the place and form they ought, not to em­barrass, burden, and be trouble­some.

CHAP. III. What Persons ought to Harangue? What ought to be the Subject Mat­ter and Measure of Harangues? Thucydides and Salust reprehended for having fail'd in this Rule.

THE Historian that will be Curious in the Fitness and Regularity of his Harangues, must above all have regard to the Age, Quality, Credit, and Desert, of those he makes speak. It must be otherwise here than in a Comedy, where the Vallet has his turn as well as the Master. And 'tis not much, Princes, Statesmen, Captains or Ambassadors, have right to be heard, because the most Subtile Ex­tracts of Policy are ordinarily in Harangues: And an Officer of the Wardrobe, a Life Guard-Man, or a Clerk of the Palace, that would appear Men of Importance, would [Page 177] make in History as base an Incon­gruity, as could be made in Gram­mar.

Secondly, He must not employ his Rhetorick throughout, but only upon Occasions, and Matters that have wherewithall to sustain it. Times of Battel were heretofore proper for Harangues, but now that Fashion is almost out of Date; and the Forwardness of the Soldiers Courage, leaves little room for the Captains Eloquence.

Consultations, where are treated of Peace and War, Alliance or League, Abdication or Election of a Prince, Examples of Justice or Clemency, and the like Affairs of great Account, are proper places for Harangues; but to use them upon the Death of a Foot-Captain, Preparation of a Hunting-bout, or the Attack of a Barn, is to abuse Rhetorick, and spend a great many fine words to no purpose. Such Harangues would be like those made in the Senate before the Emperor, [Page 178] about the Seasoning of a Turbut of extraordinary size, if Juvenal may be credited.

Thucydides and Salust, though so great Men, and both Chiefs of their Order, are reproached with having fail'd in this Rule: The one in a long Mournful Harangue made by Pericles at the Funeral of Fifteen Gentlemen that died in the Service of the Republick; was not this to expose the second Jupiter of the Athenians (so Pericles was called) to abuse his Lightnings and Thun­ders, employing them in so mean a Matter. But the Historian lend­ing his words to the Orator, would make it appear he was not less one than the other, and that his Elo­quence was able to make as much noise in Writing, as the other had done with his Voice. However the Funeral of Fifteen Soldiers might have been made with less Expence, and the Mournful Ora­tion better employ'd at the Obse­quies of those Athenians lost in Sicily [Page 179] in greater Numbers and with greater Glory. But Pericles was then Dead, and there was never another Orator, to whom the Historian could lend his Eloquence.

The Latins have not been more Regular in this than the Greeks: Salust Harangues throughout, and almost every where without occa­sion. In the Conspiracy of Cataline, the long Harangues Obscure and Contract too much the Narration; and in his Jugurthin War, the great Discourse made by Memius Tribune of the People, without any other Reason than the Reputation of the Man for one of the best Speakers of his Time, makes it plain enough he takes all Occasions, right or wrong, to make Satisfaction by his Historick Eloquence, for the ill Suc­cess of his Oratorian.

Let the Historian then take for a Third Rule, in Composition of Harangues, to avoid Multitude and Length; by which the Narration is broken, the Reader retarded and [Page 180] put out of his way, as by Hedges and Ditches in the Road of a Tra­veller that hasts to his Journeys end. There is no Labour more Ungrateful, nor more Unhappy, no words worse employ'd, and they are declined by all as infected places. And if heretofore a Gallant Man chose rather a Prison, than give his Approbation to an ill Poem; those may be found, that think the Gallies more Supportable than the reading such Harangues.

Boccalin is very pleasant in his Occurrences of Parnassus, and makes appear the Pain suffered in this kind of Lecture: He tells you, That an Old Man being found reading a Madrigal under a Laurel-Tree with his Spectacles on, 'twas judg'd by the Senate a Scandalous thing, and he condemn'd by universal Con­sent to the reading an Harangue in Guiccardin. Since they have been made shorter even in France, where they were altogether as troublesom.

[Page 181]In the Fourth place, He must not forget Aristotle's Rule, that Ha­rangues made to be read, require more Art and Study in their Com­posure, than those to be spoke. And likewise this Study ought not to be that of a Sophist, to beat about the Bush and smooth a Period; this Art not to be placed in Affectations of Points, Antitheses, and such-like Figures, that are but to say the Coequetaries of Rhetorick: All there ought to be Grave, and accommo­dated to the Condition of Persons, and Qualities of Affairs. And if Agreeableness, so much recom­mended by the Masters of this Art, demands Application throughout, in this place more particularly. For a King to speak like a Sophist, a Captain like a Declamator, an Am­bassador to deliver his Credentials in Points, would make strange Fi­gures: They might as well go to Council, Battel and Audience, in the Habits of Comedians.

[Page 182] Pathetick Characters and Passionate Movements have also their place in Historical Haranguers, but they must come naturally, and without Vio­lence. The Subject and Occasion bring them in, nor are they to enter with the Noise and Tumult they make in Oratorical Actions, where they are as Thunders and Light­nings in a Cloud big with Tempests. Historick Eloquence, that speaks but from the Pen, has no Voice nor Be­haviour, must be more Calm and Reserv'd. And 'tis not in the Closet, and upon Paper, is expected Thun­der-bolts and 'Storms, like those this second Jupiter of the Athenians made in the Assembly of the People. I will not further enlarge upon the other Riches, that belong to the Composition of Harangues, 'twould be a return to the College, and In­croachment upon the Profession of Cicero and Quintilian, that have given long Lessons for them.

CHAP. IV. Of the Kinds, Use and End of Di­gressions.

DIgressions have the last place in the Parts of History, but I cannot see for what Right, or Rea­son, this last place is given them. Where they are absent, there is no Want; and where found, many times Troublesome. Livy has a­voided them with Honour; Poly­bius and Salust abridg'd them to their Reputation. Those who would have Digression to History, as an Episode to Poetry, know neither one nor the other. A Poem without an Episode, is but the Carcass of a Poem; Whereas there is nothing want­ing to an History without Digressi­on. To what would they reduce the Aeneids, if the Sack of Troy, the Loves of Dido and Aeneas, the De­scription of Hell, and other Episodes, which are as the Porticoes, Galleries, [Page 184] and Anti-chambers, to a Palace, were taken from her? And what would the History of Tacitus lose, if that long and fabulous Digression of the Worship and Temple of the God­dess of Cyprus; and that other longer of the Original and Religion of the Jews, fill'd with Falsity and Malice, were retrench'd? Notwithstanding the Esteem I have for him, and the Pleasure I take in his Entertain­ment, as often as he comes to them, I profess my self tired, and all I can obtain of my Patience, is to attend till he has done.

But since it so pleases the Ma­sters, let us suffer Digressions in History, and say, for Instruction to those that desire them, they are either Geographical, Historical, Poli­tical or Moral. In Geographical, The Author gives the Description of some Country he finds in his way: Such, in the Jugurthin War, is that of Africk. In Historical, is recited some particular Adventure; as that of the two Friends that Salust speaks [Page 185] of in the same place; or in the Ori­ginal of some State, People or Town; the two Digressions of Ta­citus, that I have mentioned, are of this kind. In Political, is given In­struction to Princes, Statesmen and Officers; there are Examples in Po­lybius of every sort: And this may be said without saying too much, That in the Republick of Plato, and Politicks of Aristotle, there are Maxims and Axioms have less of Policy than in this History. In the Moral, the Historian gives Lessons upon Vertue and Vice, a Good and Evil Life, and the Consequences of one and the other. Salust gives an Example in the long Digression he makes in his Cataline, of the Birth, Progress and Fall of the Republick: And though he is full of Spirit, Rules and Sentences, he takes up too much space in so little a Work: And it may be said in that place, the Histo­rian does like a tired Traveller, that having but one days Journy to go, stays two at the first Inn he meets [Page 186] with. All these Rules, all these Sentences, received under the name of Fabius and Cato, lose their Force and Edge under that of Salust.

Let the Historian then remember, not to make unnecessary Digressi­ons, which serve not to dress, clear, or sustain his Matter; and that those he does make, are very rare and short. Otherwise, being but Resting-places, as Livy calls them, or Inns as others, he will be re­proach'd with making more Rests than Way, and as many Inns as Rests.

CHAP. I. Of the Preface; Rules to be observ'd, and Faults to be avoided. Re­flections upon the Prefaces of Salust.

IT is not enough the Architect has Marble and Stones, and the Art to work them, he must yet know the Placing, Building and Connexion they require. Without that, he will put that below that should be above, that behind that should be before; and in lieu of a Palace, make a Monster of Stone, [Page 188] as the Italian Architects say. This Knowledge of Order and Placing, is not less necessary for the Histo­rian, if that be wanting, his richest Materials, ill joyn'd or ill placed, will be but as Heaps of Stone with­out Mortar, Connexions, Symmetry and Form. But as there remains but two Pieces to dispute and place, the Preface and Narration, the Disposition, so necessary, cannot be difficult.

He will begin then by a Preface, which is to him as a Prelude to those that play upon the Theorbo or Violin; by that he prepares the Mind and Affection of the Reader, and disposes him to a continued and favourable Attention. Let him not follow the Example of Cesar, that has no Preface at the Front of his Commentaries. History is a more finished Structure, has Body, Parts, Proportion and Measure, according to Art; and to a Building of this Nature, there must be other Skill and Order than in Commen­taries [Page 189] and Memoirs, that are but as a Mass of Materials waiting for the Hand of the Workman. The Lovre, though so Magnificent and Great, offends the Light, and baulks the Imagination, by its yet want of a Portal: And a History, though composed by Livy or Tacitus, would not less offend those that see it without a Preface: Lucian says, such Works are Bodies without a Head.

But whether we take her for a Portal or Head, she is not left to the Fancy of the Workman: She has her Rules, that must not be violated, without doing con­trary to the Rudiments of History. She must be rightly adapted, of Just Measure, Modest and Con­formable to the rest of the Body. One cannot, says Horace, without Laughing, see the Head of a Man upon the Neck of a Horse, and it would be as Extravagant to see a Horses Head upon a Man's Shoul­ders. Such-like Representations, [Page 190] are only fit for Signs to those odd Animals exposed in a Fair. And there is nothing more resembles those Monsters, than a History that begins with a common Pre­face, not immediately relating to the Subject, but would serve as well a Spanish as a French Narra­tion; as proper to the Wars of Solyman, as those of Charles the Fifth. Salust, that Roman Antiquity pro­poses for one of her most perfect Models, is fallen willfully, and seeing his Fault, into this Incon­gruity. He begins his History of the Conspiracy of Catalin and the Jugurthin War, by two Moral De­clamations, which belong as little to their Subjects, as a Doctors Cap to a Soldier. 'Tis possible they were the Remains of his Oratorical Profession, and he thought it better to place them there, whatever ill Figure they might make, than to lose them.

Whatever Salust might mean, besides that these two Prefaces [Page 191] have as little to do in the places they are put, as any other; they are not of right Measure. And it may be said, That being so long as they are, they make there the same Figure, to use Lucian's Com­parison, as the Head of a Colossus upon the Body of a Dwarf. The Historian must have a care of this second Fault; his Preface must be short and close, especially before Histories of little Bulk: And if he does not prefer the vain Reputa­tion of Eloquence, to the Prejudice of his Judgment, he must not do as that Architect who made the Entrance of a Chappel large enough for a Cathedral Church.

Above all, let him avoid Osten­tation and Pride, that more becomes a Captain in a Comedy, than the Wisdom of an Historian, from whom is expected more Modesty and Gravity than any other Writer. By that he will gain the Good Will of his Reader, make him more Favourable and Antidate against [Page 192] the Venom Envy carries in her Eyes and Tongue. And his Mo­desty will obtain that Indulgence from the Criticks, would never have been allowed to his Quality or Merit. On the contrary, The softest Natures are exasperated, the Charitable not less than the Envi­ous, the Doves as well as the Ser­pents, have their Gaul, and turn their Beeks and Claws against those that force them. And the Work, whatever Merit it may otherwise have, will suffer the Chastisement due to the Presumpti­on of the Workman. 'Tis yet worse, when the Desert does not support this Presumption; when in lieu of Marble and Jaspar that was expected, is placed course un­polish'd Stuff; and a Country Cottage in the room of a Palace: Such things are not to be en­dured, and no body but would Laugh at the Extravagance, to speak after Lucian, of Armour made with Osier and Bark of [Page 193] Trees, under a Guilded Head­piece.

The Historian must begin then with Modesty, and double it when he speaks himself; do it in such a manner, the Ink and Paper, if it were possible, should blush with him. And this hinders not his speaking Magnificently of his Mat­ter, if deserv'd, because 'tis not his own making. He may praise it with the same Modesty a Sculptor does his Marble: This will be a Spur to the Curiosity and Atten­tion of his Reader, and a Preser­vative against the Trouble and Wearisomness, as ordinary in long Lectures as long Voyages.

CHAP. II. The Historick Narration requires Order. What is this Order; and how it differs from that of Poetry.

THE Historian ought not to pass from one Preface to another, as some have done, that were to build Portal upon Portal, Threshold upon Threshold, and two Heads upon one Body. He must enter his Relation, and follow it with an equal Composure, with­out Interruption, and according to the Order of Events and Time. This Order is one thing in Hi­story, another in Journals and Annals: In Journals the Method is to follow the Accidents of a Day: In Annals of a Year. History is not so much confin'd, though she is obliged to observe Time, and go hand in hand with it: She is not so tyed, that she cannot some­times [Page 195] free her self, and follow the Course and Events of Affairs.

This Method of sometimes fol­lowing, and sometimes leaving Time, presupposes the Distinction of two Orders founded upon the Doctrine of Aristotle and Horace. Of these two Orders, says the Ma­sters, the one is Natural, the other Artificial. By the first, things are conducted equally, and with the same course, from the beginning to the end: By the second, they go and stop by Intervals, as the Writer pleases, that one while shews, another hides; sometimes leads strait, then through by-ways, to raise the Curiosity of the Rea­der, and keep up Desire and At­tention. This second Order, is that ought to be kept in Fabulous Structures, as are Poems and Romances. Homer has given the first Example in Greek, Virgil the second in Latin, Tasso the third in Italian. And if it be permitted to name my self after these great Artists, I have [Page 196] given the Fourth in French in my St. Lovis.

An Historian that is the Servant of Truth, and labours to establish her, has nothing to do with this Art of Disguising and Imposture; the natural Order is what she de­mands: And because it may be taken from the Chain of things to­gether, and their relation to time, the Historian is free to chuse which he thinks most open, least engaged, least subject to embarrass, and most proper to make entrance for his Matter in the Memory of the Reader.

There is yet some difference to be made between Vniversal Hi­story of many States and Nations, without Relation, without Depen­dance one upon the other; and particular but of one State, Na­tion or Reign. In the Vniversal, the Order of Time must accom­pany the Order of Places, and the Historian avoid following Ariosto, and other Architects of Irregular [Page 197] Fables; that without Vessels, or Wings, and what is worse, Example; without Need or Subject, boldly cross the Seas, and pass in a Mo­ment from one Pole to the other. And whilst you are most attentive to something Strange that is done in France or Spain, you are car­ried from thence of a sudden into Asia or Africk. He must give himself leasure, as much as the time will permit, to finish what he has begun in one Country, be­fore he goes into another. Hero­dotus, Diodorus of Sicily, Justin, and others who have undertaken Vniversal Histories, have held this Method; and their Example, is a Rule for all those that would after them enter this vast Tract.

Particular History gives no such Fatigues, nor obliges to make such long Journies: She is shut up in one Country, from whence she is not permitted to stir, with­out some Necessity draws her; [Page 198] there she adjusts, as near as possi­ble, the Course of things to that of time; but without tying her self to the Calender, without keeping Register of the Days or Years: When Events are so mea­sured, and go so just, that the Years keep equal pace with them, she follows regularly this Exactness, that serves much to the Placing, Understanding and Measure of things; but when it happens they pass from one Year to the suc­ceeding, the Composure of the Narration broken, and put off till another time, troubles the Mat­ter, and makes Confusion in the Eyes of the Reader; then she conducts to the place where the Narration began, and lets time go on till she finds an Opportu­nity to overtake and rejoyn him. Livy, Quintus Curtius and Tacitus have done after this manner; and in this they will be followed by all Lovers of good Order and [Page 199] Oeconomy; and who would avoid the like Confusion Thucydides fell into, willing to adjust too scrupul­ously the Periods of his History to those of the Sun.

CHAP. I. The Stile of History demands Orna­ment.

THere remains but the Stile to be treated of, which is to History as Cloaths are to the Body: And to the end a Me­thod may be held in this last Part, I will remass all that can be said of it in five or six Conclusions, grounded upon Authority, Reason and Ex­ample.

History admits nothing mean in her Stile, nothing Negligent or Vulgar: She must have Politeness, [Page 201] Adjustment and Dress: So says Aristotle, That Compositions to be read, ought to be wrought with more Curiosity and Study, than those to be spoke. 'Tis likewise Cicero's Opinion, who tells us the Sophist is allied to the Historian, and that the Stile of one and the other is almost the same. Hermo­genes also ranks in the same kind the Stile of History and that of a Panegyrick. And none that has heard speak of Sophists, and Makers of Panegyricks, can be Ignorant of the Magnificence of those People, and the Care they take for Orna­ment and Dress.

But if Aristotle, Cicero, Hermo­genes, and the rest, had not recom­mended Dress, and what is proper for History, her Dignity, Employ, and the Quality of Persons she serves, would demand it. She is one of the noblest Productions of Humane Wit; and Nobility is every where remark'd by it. 'Tis what distinguishes Palaces from [Page 202] Private Houses; and Gentlemen from the Vulgar: She is designed to instruct the Great; and the Go­vernour of a Prince ought to be otherwise cloathed than a Petty School-master: All her Discourses are with Kings, Statesmen and Ge­nerals: And 'tis not seemly to ap­pear in slovenly old Cloaths amongst such Company.

I add, A Negligent Use of them without Artifice, has little alluring: They must be adjusted, and well put on, to cause Observation. In Houses, Gardens and Garments, a bare Covering does not suffice: And how Profitable soever History may be, her Life will be but short, if she has not some Agreement to preserve her from the Outrage of Time. Above sixteen hundred Years Salust, Livy, Tacitus, Quintus Cur­tius, and more of the same Age, have lived with Honour, and been magnificently lodg'd, and richly cloathed; whilst others that knew not the Art to please, have been [Page 203] eaten by Worms and Rats in the corners they were thrown into.

CHAP. II. What ought to be the Ornament of the Stile of History; and in what it consists.

THE Stile of History must be adorned; but every sort of Ornament is not proper for her. The Dress must be applied to Ages, Conditions and Employs. A Plume of Feathers in the Hat of a Captain, has another mien, than in the Cap of a President: And what would become a Girl, would be very ill placed upon her Mother. Though Youth be the Spring of Life, and by consequence the time of Dress, a Young Person must not be seen every day by all in the same Habit: 'Tis the same in the [Page 204] Matter we are speaking of, History demands Ornament, but not that of a Ball or Theatre. It must be Ornament of Ceremony, and Holy­days, Serious, Grave and Modest; and she would be as ill deck'd up in the Locutions and Figures of Apuleius, as if a Grave Lady should go to Church in the Habit of a Comedian.

This Ornament then (to say something particular) must not be that of a Country-Wedding, where the new-married Wife is covered all over with Tinsel; 'tis made principally of three things, Ele­gance of Words, Just Disposition, and certain Light from Sentences and Figures, that shine and give Eclat to the Composure of the Stile. Words are Elegant, that are not of too old or too new a Fabrick; that are receiv'd by Men of Worth, and breath not the common Air. Disposition contributes to their Ele­gancy, when they have Number and Measure, that make a Har­mony [Page 205] the Ignorant are not capable of. As to Sentences, having al­ready discoursed of them, it will be enough to say here, they re­quire Management, where there appears more Oeconomy than Want. But to shew them to the Reader by certain Marks placed in the Margent, as if afraid they should not be taken notice of, besides the Affectation and Pedantry, is to give Value to ill Wine by the Sign.

CHAP. III. That the Sublime Character is most proper for the Stile of History.

THE Sublime Character, that is to say, the most elivated way of Writing, is of all the most proper for the Historick Stile: 'Tis the Opinion of all the Masters, and amongst others Hermogenes, as Severe as Judicious a Critick, [Page 206] would have an Historian approach as near as possible to that of Plato's, that Greece acknowledged for the most Lofty of any; the M [...]ses also presided in his Academy, and were there adored. And if Verse and Fable were taken from Homer, he would not be found more a Poet than this Philosopher. Thucydides the Patron of Greek History, form'd himself after this Model: All the Latins of Reputation have followed him; and this Proposition is not less founded upon Reason, than Authority and Example.

Every one knows the Stile is as the Cloaths, and Representation as well of Things as Thoughts; and that there ought to be Proportion and Agreement between the Cloaths and the Body, the Representation and Thing represented; That a Childs Coat is not made for a Man, nor Colossus's and Gyants represented by Children. We have said, and 'tis agreed, that nothing ought to enter History but great Things, [Page 207] noble Actions, and high Enter­prises: The Rule of Proportions then and Agreements, will have the Stile with which these Things, Actions and Enterprises are to be cloathed or represented, should ac­cord with their Grandeur and Ex­altation. An Historian that is to represent (for Example) the Bat­teries raised against Rochel, and the English embark'd to Succor it; that has to describe the Weather, Alps and Savoy, overcome by the late King to the Walls of Susa, would be very Ridiculous to ex­press himself as if he were speaking of a Building made with Cards, or the Attack of a Paper Castle.

Let us therefore advise the Writer t [...] try his Strength, and see if he is in the Number of those exalted Spirits, for whom Nature has made nothing too high, nor of too great an Extent: Whether he has a Fund, from whence he can draw wherewithall to carve Images of the greatest Grandeur. If he has [Page 208] nothing of all this, can but crawl upon the Earth, and work in little, let him leave to others Hi­story, that is to be the Instruction of Kings and Princes, and satisfie himself as much as he pleases with writing Chronicles and Legends. It was said by a great Cardinal, rich in Expressions, That it belonged not to Barbers to play upon the Lute, Beggars to eat Melons, nor Pedants to read Virgil: It may be added, Nor those that want the Quill of an Eagle to write Hi­story.

CHAP. IV. That the Stile of History ought to ap­proach that of Poetry; and to what Degree.

THE Stile of History ought to approach that of Poetry, as much as possible for Prose, with­out exceeding the Bounds that se­parate them. This Conclusion is founded upon what has been said of their Alliance, and confirm'd by all the Masters, who will have History (as I have said before) a Poem free from the Confinement of Versification, a Poem on foot: And if I am permitted to repeat a word worth all has been said, A Poem in full Song without Musick. Now the resemblance between Hi­story and Poetry, that Agathias calls Sisters, not arising from the Matter feign'd in one, and true in the other, nor from Disposition Na­tural [Page 210] in the one, and Artificial in the other, it must necessarily arise from the Stile.

'Tis for that Dion. Halicar. be­lieves he Honours Thucydides and Herodotus, where he gives their Histories the name of Excellent and Delicate Poems. And in ano­ther place, expressing himself like a Master upon this Doctrine, he condemns in History a Slovenly ill-comb'd Stile: These are his words, And would have her have one studied, approaching the Poetick. All the Latins of the first Rank, have not been less Curious in this than the Greeks. And Pontin, a worthy and ingenious Writer, has taken great Pleasure in comparing many places of Virgil, with the like in Salust and Livy, where Verse excepted, the Poet is not more so, than these two Historians. And there are places enough, where Ta­citus otherwise so Serious, and some­times so Chagrin, forgets the Gra­vity of his Office, and takes upon [Page 211] him the Enthusiasm of an Heroick Poet.

But the Historian must have a care of deceiving himself, and know the Permission given History of coming near to Poetry, is not a bold License without reserve. There are Locutions and Figures he must avoid with as much care, as a Vertuous Woman abstains all things that offend her Modesty. What would be thought of a Hi­story beginning in these Terms, The Hours that attend upon the Sun, had not as yet opened the Gates of Heaven: Or thus, Aurora had not as yet appeared in the Balcony of Laque and Azure, placed upon the Portico of the Palace of Day: Or by these words, The Fiery-footed Coursers that draw the Chariot of the Sun, were still in the Ocean, and the Beautiful Driver had not as yet put on their Harnass of Gold and Rubies: And all this to express it was not yet day: People would laugh at such a Luxury of Speech, such a [Page 212] Magnificence of words ill placed: And what would be an Ornament and Rich in Poetry, would pass but for a Turlupinade in History. There is here then a Distinction to be made between Defect and Excess, a Draght and a Flood: Some would have the Composure of History low and mean like Le­gends; others would have her have the Theban and Pharsalian Heat and Enthusiasm: But the one allows not enough, the other too much; the middle way must be held, and Lucian's Rule observed.

In the Historick Character, he di­stinguishes a Sentence from the Stile; and this presupposed, he permits a Sentence (chiefly in certain De­scriptions that have something great) to make use of this Heat, to follow the Gale of Poetry, and ride on Horse-back, so he expresses him­self: But to the Stile he gives no such Liberty, recommends Reserved­ness and Modesty, and forbids Words and Expressions that look [Page 213] like Possession. He will have her go after a Sentence, not on Horse-back behind her but on Foot, and holding her Stirrups: These are yet his Words; and by these, ac­cording to his manner, always great and figured, he represents the Medium ought to be held by the Historian between the Orator and Poet.

CHAP. V. The Historick Stile demands Pureness and Clearness.

LET the Ornament be what it will, with which the Stile of History is adorned, she will not have all the Grace she ought, if she has not three Qualities, Purity, Clarity and Brevity, in every thing. What is free from Mixture is called Pure; and the Stile of Hi­story [Page 214] will be such, when it has no­thing Strange or Barbarous; of another Time or Place, Usage or Mode; and that all the Rules of Grammar are observed. This Purity, whether writ or spoke, expresses a Person of Quality, and it can­not be wanted, without being taxed with lowness of Birth or ill Breeding.

'Tis of this Pureness our French Theophrast Monsieur de la Chamber must be understood, when he would have (as he has often told me) History writ in the Stile of cer­tain little Romances, that have lately appeared under the Title of Novels. As he has not less Esteem for Thu­cydides and Livy, than Aristotle and Hippocrates; I am well assured he would not be the first to accuse them for having ill employ'd the Treasure of their Wit, and it would be without doubt to accuse them to rob History of the Orna­ments they have given her, and reduce her to I know not what [Page 215] sort of Purity, without Colour, Relish and Force.

He cannot be Ignorant (who is of the first Rank of Philosophers) that the Forms must differ accor­ding to the difference of the Mat­ter. That the Materials of a lofty History, being different from that of a little Love-Story, the way of working them must also be diverse. 'Tis with the Purity of the Stile, as with the Property of the Habit, it may be comly throughout, but requires the same Adjustment and Care in all places. That that would be too much for Sylvia or Amarillis; would be too little for Semiramis or Cleopatra. And who dares maintain, the Stile that suf­fices a Letter, Love-Declaration, or other Trifle of that nature, can admit, the Harangue of a General encouraging his Soldiers to Fight; or the Head of a Faction inciting a Mutiny; a Statesman giving his Opinion of the Consequence of War or Peace; or the Description [Page 216] of a Battle, Sedition, Sack of a Town, Burning or Shipwrack of a whole Fleet: Such things must be expressed in other Terms, than the Despair of Celadon, or Com­plaints of Astrea.

I will give you an Example, The great Doctor in the Art of Loving, who said every Lover was a Sol­dier, and Love, as well as Mars, had his Camps and Armies; yet knew the Trumpet was as little proper for the one, as the Flagalet for the other. Besides he never spoke of War, but in Terms High and Magnifick; nor of Love, but in Words Soft and Smooth to the last Degree of Delicacy. And though his Stile be every where Pure, and his Locution Roman throughout, yet when he has in his Metamor­phose, the Chaos or Deluge under his Hand, when he is to describe the Birth of the World, the Com­bats of Gyants, the Universal Ship­wrack of Mankind, he expresses himself with quite another Force; [Page 217] without leaving his Purity, speaks in quite another Tone, than he does in his Elegies and Love-Epistles.

This, to Interpret our Dear and Knowing Friend, who as a great Lover and Artist in the Pureness of a Stile, would be but under­stood, that of all Ornaments he most esteemed Purity. We esteem it as much as he, and I am sure he intends with us it ought to be accompanied with the Force, Dig­nity and Elevation the Nobleness of History demands.

Let us proceed to Clearness, which is the second Quality required in the Stile of History. It may be made by the neatness of Words, that ought to be all Intellible, and placed in so good Order, as not to evade, hinder or trouble the Un­derstanding of the Reader, from joyning with that of the Writer, and taking all the Fineness of his Thoughts. It may be made in the second place more Advantagiously, and in a more Noble Manner, by [Page 218] certain Lights that pass from the Intellect of the Author to his Ima­gination, and penetrating the Images they there find, carry them bright as they are into his Stile; from whence they easily reflect by the Sight or Hearing into the Un­derstanding, according to the Capa­city of those that Hear or Read. This sort of Clearness is the most Grace­ful and Esteemed, but very Rare, and comes but from some Illumi­nated Wits of the first Rate, that enlighten their Works by their own proper Lustre, and hold the same Order and Rank as the Planets amongst the Stars.

CHAP. VI. That the Stile of History demands Brevity: And in what it ought to consist.

THere remains but Brevity, that is a great Agreement to History, and a great Charm to the Reader: But how few know in what this agreeable Shortness consists; many place it in the Management and Sparing of words, and perswade themselves, than to write in few, is to be short. Not knowing there are Madrigals of six Verses, longer than Poems of twelve thousand. Harangues of a quarter of an Hour, shorter than some Complements of four Lines. Others establish it in a cut or broken Stile, that is, without Band or Connexion, that falls and rises, begins and finishes in every Line. Father Matthew has given the first [Page 220] Example of this manner of Writ­ing and Speaking by Bits; and as ill Examples are usually most fol­lowed, this Jargon was in Mode during the Minority of the late King. And a certain Soldier of Rovergue or Perygort was made Publick with the Language of a Frantick; and put himself at the Head of a Band of such who thought to give themselves Honour by a Madness like his. When the Her­cules of Seneca, and Orlando of Ariosto▪ as Furious as they are re­presented, speak better Sence than those People. And the Corribantes of the Ancients, when the Wine had turned their Heads, play'd the Extravagants more reasonably and with more Followers. But my Wonder is, Malvezzi, other­wise so Worthy a Man, and others of his Country, should pass the Alps and come into France, on pur­pose to take this Infection.

This Brevity then we search after, is not made by Hashing of Sen­tences, [Page 221] and maiming of Words. And those that take Salust and Tacitus for Patrons, are mistaken, and chose those that condemn them. For though in some Descriptions, where these great Men affecting to make haste, they serve themselves with some Infinitives without Con­junctive Particles, a Privilege their Language gives them; yet in all the rest their Stile is conformable to the Masters Rules, that will have it go roundly and with an equal Course; like that of a River, with­out stop or turning by the Declen­tion of the Canal. On the other side, As History is a Structure, she demands Order and Connexion as all other Buildings; and her Mate­rials without that, would make but a tumultuous Heap of Sand without Lime.

There are others that place Bre­vity in Constraint, and think they are short whenever they pinch them­selves in; when they have remass'd many things in few Words. These [Page 222] deceive themselves, if they would have the Shoe less than the Foot, and the Habit too strait for the Body; for thereby the Foot becomes not more Noble, nor the Body better shap'd. But from being better made, or more at their Ease, they find themselves lam'd, and suffer the Torture. Everything has its Mea­sure, and whether above, or below this Measure, as there is neither Agreement nor Harmony, so no Beauty nor Pleasure must be sought after, but what arises from it.

This Brevity, where the Matter is shortned, as Hangings folded up, and Beds piled one upon ano­ther in a Wardrobe; is not the Shortness History requires; she per­mits not things to be hid, and shewn by pieces; will neither have them too much extended, nor too closely press'd, without being lamed or dislocated; that spoils the Figure, and offends the Sight. And 'tis in this properly consists the Historick Shortness, to expose nothing that [Page 223] may be suppressed without Injury to the Subject; to Suppress nothing that belongs to the Integrity or Beauty of it; not to take off the Sight, till every thing has the Ex­tension it demands; to remember that never so little added, though but a Line, is a Volume. This is the Opinion of all the Masters, of Cicero, who allows a Narration its Agreement: And the Sight alone, (without Reason) teaches us, there is no Beauty where there is want of Extension, and things heaped are in disorder; of Quintilian, that condemns the Leanness and Driness of a Narration, and declares, That what is not of just Measure, is but Confusion; of Plato that tells us, Shortness and Length have no Merit in themselves; and not the most short, but what is best must be chosen.

I will finish by these Oracles, not so Equivocal or Deceitful as those of Delph: Nor can I add any thing will give greater Value, or end this [Page 224] Treatise with an Authority of greater Weight or better Esteem. However I will not quit my Pen, till I have again acquainted the Reader, that what I have said of the Historian, I have said of a Man not yet born, nor will not appear, but in that Year that discovers the Perpetual Motion, and Philosophers Stone.