This is fine for a Sermon, but few people would be of this Miniſters Opinion. In the bottom they will ſee how many perſons this deprives them of. There are already great ones of the Hugonot Party, who are turning Catholicks, they will be followed by ſeveral others, and theſe great Heads will draw a Multitude of ordinary people, who labour and live under them.

My Miniſter foreſaw this; and added that it would immediately happen, but that it would not continue

The truth is, that its a blow once given, whoſe effects will not laſt long for Converſions: Neither is it what is looked upon as moſt conſiderable. It is a great point, that having taken from them the Chambers of the Edict, and the divided Chambers. Theſe bodies having been expreſly eſtabliſhed for them and in their favour, rendred them conſiderable, without reckoning that they had Preſidents, and the half of the Counſellors in the divided Chambers: This made appear they were ſtill held in conſideration. At preſent they are abandoned to injuſtice and violence. When they have a Catholick Antagoniſt they are ſure to loſe their Proceſs; and when both Parties are Hugonots, that which gives hopes of changing Religion is certain to gain his Cauſe.

I was in Languedock when the divided Chamber of Caſtelnaudary was ſurpreſſed, and that the Hugonot Counſellors were ordered to go to Tholouſe to be parted in the Chambers. Theſe poor people were in a conſternation that cannot be deſcribed. They ſaid the King ſent them to Slaughter. They related to me ſeveral Tragical Events which had hap ••… d either by the fury of the people 〈◊〉 injuſtice of the Parliament of 〈◊〉 againſt them. Amongſt 〈◊〉 things they told me that two 〈◊〉 Counſellors, going one day 〈◊〉 their Chamber, were hanged up 〈…〉 Court without any form 〈◊〉 .

They ſay that the Council, in the ſafe Conduct that was given to Jerome of Prague, had inſerted this Clauſe, Salva Juſtitia; that thus they had only promis'd to warrant Jerome of Prague from violence, and not from the arreſts of Juſtice: But I avow to you that all this is not capable of juſtifying the Conduct of that Council. Neither does it paſs in France for a Rule that they will follow. If they do not keep with the Hugonots all that has been promiſed them, it is not that they ground themſelves upon the Morality and the Conduct of the Council of Conſtance. They do not pretend to depart from good Faith; they make profeſſion of keeping the Edict of Nantes: Do you not ſee this at the Head of all the Declarations which are made againſt them? And now lately, in that by which the Catholicks are forbidden to embrace the P. R. Religion, upon pain of Confiſcation of goods, loſs of Honour, and Baniſhment; though that never any Declaration was made that was more contrary to the Edicts of Nantes. We have one called Bernard, and another Lawyer of the City of Poictiers, called Tilleau, who have made large Commentaries upon the Edict of Nantes, for to make appear, that without formally revoking that Edict, the Hugonots may be deprived of all that Edict grants them, in giving to every one of the Articles Interpretations and Gloſſes that would never have been im •••… ed: And theſe are the 〈…〉 .

This is good for an ••… ing But after all, this does not ſatisfie the Conſcience, and one is no leſs convinced of having violated his word: For thoſe who obtain Arreſts againſt the Hugonots, according to the Gloſſes of Bernard and Tilleau, are well perſwaded that they are Gloſſes of Orleans, which overturn the Text. But do you know what I told my Hugonot, to ſtop his Mouth, upon theſe Infractions in the Edicts?

Perhaps you told him, that one is not obliged to keep a word that has been extorted by violence; that the Hugonots have obtained thoſe Edicts by main force: That ours were conſtrained to yield to the miſery of the times; but that at preſent the King is in Right of Nulling thoſe promiſes. Our Advocates plead daily thus at the Bars, and there are likewiſe grave Authors who write it.

You have gueſſed right: but thereupon my Hugonot grew ſtrangely paſſionate. Ah! this is, ſaid he, a cruelty we cannot ſuffer. This is our ſtrength, and they are ſo bold as to attacque us in this part, as if it was our weak ſide. It is true, that we were armed ſome years before that the Edict of Nantes was made. But in favour of whom did we bear thoſe Arms? It was to eſtabliſh the Illuſtrious branch of Bourbon upon the Throne, that belonged to it. VVe ſhall ever be proud of having ſhed the pureſt of our Blood, to reſtore to France it's legitimate Kings there was a deſign of depriving it of. After this growing more cool, he made me an abridgement of the Hiſtory of the League. He made me ſee that the Houſe of Lorrain, in that time, aimed leſs at Hereſy than at the Crown. He made me remember that from the time of Charles the 9th, the Princes of that Houſe cauſed a Book to be Printed, for the proving their Genealogy, and to make appear that they were deſcended in a direct Line from the Second Race of our Kings, for the making way to the Crown. He acquainted me that there was at the ſame time a Concordat paſſed between the Duke of Guiſe, the Duke of Montmorency, and the Marſhall de St. Andrew, which was called the Triumvirate. One of the Articles of that Concordat boar, in expreſs terms, that the Duke of Guiſe ſhould have in charge to deface intirely the name of the Family and Race of the Bourbons. Henry the Third, ſaid he to me, could he be ſuſpected of Hereſie, or aider of Hereticks? Never was any man more linked to the Catholick Church than he. Yet the Houſe of Guiſe had ſworn his ruin: They would have ſhaved him, which they highly threatned him with, and they one day writ upon the Chappel of the Battes, to the Auguſtins of Paris, theſe four French Verſes.

They are of the ſame ſenſe with thoſe two Latin Verſes which were found ſet upon the Palace Dyal.

The Faction of the Houſe of Guiſe cauſed this to be done: And this poor Prince, after a thouſand delays and troubles, reſolved at length to make that execution ſo famous in our Hiſtory; it is that of the Duke and Cardinal of Guiſe, who were executed at the States of Blois. That Prince muſt needs have ſeen his ruin approaching, and inevitable to come to that, ſince that he well foreſaw that this blow would raiſe him ſo many ſtorms, and give him ſo much trouble. Who knows not that the Faction of Rome, and of Spain, had a Deſign of raſing the Houſe of Lorrain upon the Throne of France, for the excluding the Houſe of Bourbon? In the year 1587. the Pope ſent to the Duke of Guiſe a Sword engraven with flames, telling him by the Duke of Parma, that amongſt all the Princes of Europe, it only belonged to Henry of Lorrain to bear the arms of the Church, and to be the Chief thereof. Almoſt all the Kingdom was engaged in that Spirit of revolt: The King found no other ſupport, than the King of Navar and of his Hugonots. It was Chaſtillon, the Son of the Admiral de Coligny, who ſaved the King from the hands of the Duke of Mayenne at Tours. This Chief of the League cryed to him, retire you white Scarfs; retire you Chaſtillon, it is not you we aim at, it is the Murderer of your Father. And in truth, Henry the Third, then Duke of Anjou, was Preſident in the Council when the Reſolution was taken of making the Maſſacre of St. Bartholomew, in which the Admiral Coligny periſhed. But his Son, forgetting that injury, to ſave his King, anſwered thoſe Rebels; You are Traytors to your Country; and when the Service of the Prince and State is concerned, I know how to lay under my feet all revenge and particular intereſt; he added, that after the Aſſaſſinate committed by the League, in the perſon of Henry the Third, Henry the Fourth was ready to ſee himſelf abandoned by his moſt faithful Servants, becauſe of the Proteſtant Religion, which he made profeſſion of; which appears by a Declaration that this Prince made in the form of an Harangue to the Lords of his Army, on the 8th day of Auguſt, 1589, in which he ſays, that he had been informed that his Catholick Nobility ſet a report on foot that they could not ſerve him, unleſs he made profeſſion of the Roman Religion, and that they were going to quit his Army. Nothing but the firmneſs and fidelity of the Hugonots upheld this wavering Party. He muſt be, ſaid my Gentleman, the falſeſt of men, who diſſembles the Ardour and Zeal with which thoſe of our Religion maintained that juſt Cauſe of the Houſe of Bourbon, againſt the attempts of the League: And to prove, ſaid he, that their intereſt was not the only cauſe of their fidelity, we muſt ſee what they did when Henry the Fourth turned Roman Catholick. It cannot be ſaid but that they then ſtrove to have a King of their Religion: However, there was not one who bated any thing of his Zeal and Fidelity, the King was peaceable poſſeſſour of the Crown, the League was beaten down, he was Maſter in Paris, he was reconciled to the Court of Rome when the Edict of Nantes was granted and publiſhed: Our Hugonots were no longer armed, nor in a condition of obtaining any thing by force of arms, ſince that the Change of Religion had reduced all the Roman Catholicks to him, he would have been in a State of reſiſting their violence. It was the ſole acknowledgment of the King, and of good Frenchmen, that obliged all France to give Peace to a Party that had ſhed their Blood with ſo much Zeal and Profeſſion for the conſerving the Crown, and the reſtoring it to its legitimate Heirs. I avow that we did our Duty; but are not thoſe to be thanked who do what they ought? How is it poſſible that theſe things are at preſent worn out of the memory of men? I am certain, that if the King was made to read the Hiſtory of his Grand-father, he would preſerve ſome inclination for the Children of thoſe who ſacrific'd themſelves to the glory of his Houſe.

It cannot be denied that this Party has rendered great Services to Henry IV, and to the Crown. But the Queſtion is, to know whether much be owing them upon that Account. Have not they been well paid, by a repoſe of ſo many years, which they have enjoyed ſince that time?

I ſaid to my old Gentleman, after all, in the bottom you have no reaſon to complain: All that is done, is with deſign of Converting and Saving you; You ought to conſider that it is the Intereſt of a State to have but one Religion: Every one knows, that the diverſity of Religions is the ſource of Diviſions, and that often it cauſes great troubles. You need only read the Hiſtory of the laſt Age to be aſſured of it. He thereupon anſwered me, You open me a great field, permit me that I ſtop a little here, and that I make you ſee, firſt, That that is a miſunderſtood Zeal which endeavours at preſent the Converſion of the Proteſtants of France: in the ſecond place, That this Deſign can never have the ſucceſs that is expected: and in fine, that nothing is more oppoſite to the true Intereſts of the King, than the Conduct they at preſent hold with us. When I had promiſed him Audience, he ſpoke to me much to this purpoſe.

Firſt, As for the Zeal which moves, at preſent, ſo many People to make what they call Converſions, I muſt tell you, that I never conceived that real Converſions were to be procured by ſuch means: They would ſave us you ſay, in good time, but let us be ſaved by honeſt means: They damn us by endeavouring to ſave us, even though the Religion to which they would bring us were good: They make us ſell our Religion, they make a traffick of Souls, threatnings and promiſes are employed; no employ is given, no grace granted, without adding to it for Condition the Change of Religion: The ſimple are ſurprized, the Children are taken away, they lay hold on the irreligion of certain people, either Libertines or Brutes, who having no ſenſe of God, are ever ready to betray their Conſciences for Money; In effect ſuch people are paid, the King is put to great Charges to recompence the Converts, that is to ſay, for the entertaining perſons who have neither Religion nor Piety. It is certain, that of a thouſand which turn Catholicks, there is perhaps not one who does it out of a motive of Conſcience: The one has loſt his ſuite at Law, and his Goods, and knows not where to put his head; another ready to loſe an Employ which kept him alive, and which they would have taken from him, ſacrifices his Conſcience for the preſervation of his Fortune. A Child angry with its Parents, who had puniſhed it, revenges it ſelf on them, by becoming of another Religion than theirs. A young Woman, who has loſt her honour, goes to ſeek it in the ſtrongeſt Party, and is willing to cover all her infamy with the vail of Converſion. If the Grandees be excepted, who are tempted by pleaſures, and invited by hopes of ſome conſiderable advancement; theſe Converts are almoſt all ſuch perſons as are the dreggs of the people, who are drawn in by motives worthy of the baſeneſs of their Birth and their Courage: Let the holy Writ be read, and ſee if the Apoſtles and their Succeſſours ever made uſe of ſuch-like means for the Converting Pagans and Infidels. And with all the pains that are taken, they will never ſucceed in the deſign of reducing by theſe kind of ways all the Proteſtants of France into the Roman Church. Great Progreſſes have been made for ſome late years, but do they believe that that will always laſt? A long Peace had retained in our Party a great number of the ungodly, who ſtuck to our Religion, becauſe they did not find themſelves better elſewhere. Thoſe people who never had any Religion, make no difficulty now to change it; But our Party will purge it ſell, and when it is drained of the ungodly ones, and when there is none amongſt us but honeſt people who have perſevered out of Principle of Conſcience, it will be no longer ſeen that ſo many perſons yield to promiſes and threatnings; thus the numerous Converſions will ceaſe. Moreover, you muſt know, Sir, that they take you to be very credulous, when they tell you of numerous converſions. There are five or ſix Bigots in France, who have erected themſelves into Converters, keeping a Regiſter of their Converts, and from time to time ſhew the King theſe Regiſters; but they fill up theſe Catalogues after a ſtrange manner. Beſides, theſe Gentlemen Converters are plaid upon, and they are even willing to be cheated, that they may afterwards cheat his Majeſty; becauſe they know that he is liberal, even to • rofuſion, to thoſe who turn Catholiks. • here are Rogues, who never having 〈◊〉 Proteſtants, not ſo much as by 〈◊〉 on, go and put themſelves up •••… the Catalogue of Converts, that they may be rewarded for their pretended Converſion. And in fine, where are theſe Converſions made? It is at Paris, and in ſome other great Cities of France, where there are Miſſions and Houſes of propagation eſtabliſhed, where the people are perpetually ſollicited by Promiſes and by Threatnings. But in all the Provinces, and particularly in the Country, there are hardly any Converſions ſeen: perhaps within twenty years one might count ten or twelve thouſand perſons, who from Hugonots have turned Catholicks; what is this to near two Millions of Souls of that Religion, there are in France, and when will they then have done?

I know not, continued he, how they can hope to draw in ſo great a number of people; there is nothing more difficult to be forced out of the mind than ſentiments of Religion, and nothing more difficult to be rooted out of a Country than a Sect that has had time to fortifie it ſelf there, and which is ſetled in its Opinions: Fire and Sword cannot extirpate it. Do we not ſee it proved in the Spaniſh Low-Countries? From the time that the exerciſe and profeſſion of the Proteſtant Religion was forbidden there, ought it not to be extinguiſhed? yet there are ſtill found a great number of thoſe People, whom they call Guiſes. And for my part, I cannot forbear believing, That the Doctrine and Opinions of the Albigenſes have been preſerved in Languedock, as a Fire hid under Cinders, from the time of thoſe Albigenſes even to Calvin's time. And it is to this that I attribute, that our Reformation has made greater Progreſſes in that Province, than in the others. All thoſe who would make ſerious reflections upon what I have now ſaid, will grant, that they will never compaſs the reducing the Proteſtants of France into the Roman Church: And thus all the pains that are taken, and all the ills they ſuffer, will only make them miſerable and raiſe Malecontents.

This is certainly all that your Orator could imagine for the maintaining his two firſt Propoſitions? I am very impatient to know what he could ſay for the maintaining the third, that the deſign of re-uniting the Religions in France is againſt the Intereſts of the King and State; for it is a ſtrange Paradox, common ſenſe dictates that there is not a greater good in the World, both for Temporals and Spirituals, preferable to that of ſeeing in a State an unanimous conſent in matters of Religion.

When my Gentleman was at the part I left you at, I perceived his forces failed him: You have put me, ſaith he, upon a Chapter that requires ſomething more knowledge than I have. A Souldier is not obliged to know more than the Hiſtory of his Age; but give me leave to bring you to morrow a man who will tell you more therein than I can.

You was not ſorry at this occaſion of breaking off a Converſation that gave you time to breath.

You are in the right, I willingly granted him what he deſired; we parted, and the day after at the hour we had appointed, I ſaw him enter, accompanied with an old Civil Lawyer of his Party; who in the ſequel ſeemed to me a pretty able man. After the firſt Complements, he began with telling me; You are generous, Sir, in permitting a man, who found himſelf too weak, to go ſeek for ſuccours. This Gentleman has informed me of the ſubject of the Converſations you had with him. He told me where you ſtopped, and if you think fit, we will renew it in the ſame place.

Methought he had done with proving, that they would never ſucceed in the deſign of reducing all the Hugonots of France into the boſom of the Church.

I thought ſo as well as you. But this Gown-man did not judge that the Souldier had ſaid enough upon that point; wherefore he continued the matter thus. You muſt grant, Sir, that in the riſe and fall of Hereſies and Schiſms, there is ſomething Divine, and which paſſes our underſtanding: They are deceived, who imagine that the wounds of the Church are to be cured by Humane means. God for the puniſhing the coldneſs and negligence of the People and Paſtors, ſuffers the Devil to ſow Weeds in the field of the Church; and when his anger is appeaſed, he cauſes thoſe Schiſms to ceaſe, and extinguiſhes thoſe Hereſies that his Juſtice had permitted; and he does it by means which he alone is Maſter of. It is true that thouſands of Hereſies which were in the firſt Ages, are no longer in being: Arrianiſme, that made ſo much noiſe in the World, is quite gone. But to whom do we owe this? It is neither to violence nor puniſhments: Good Emperours never made uſe of them; and the effuſion of blood is contrary to the good Spirit of the Church. The Arrians indeed were perſecutors, but were never perſecuted. It is not by ſuch-like means as thoſe by which they pretend at preſent to Convert the Hugonots of France, to wit, by depriving them of their Temples, and removing them from Charges, and doing them injuſtices, and violating the promiſes that were made them, and reducing them to die of Hunger: Humane will does the more ſtrive againſt theſe ſort of Oppoſitions. Neither was it by the way of Councils: For after the Decrees of the Council of Nice, of that of Sardica, and of ſeveral others that have been held againſt the Arrians, their Sect has multiplyed and has reigned with more inſolence than before; that Sect is inſenſibly extinguiſhed of it ſelf, and no one knows how, after having exerciſed its furies in Aſia, Greece, and Africa, during more than two hundred years. But this Hereſie being thus extinguiſhed, to conclude from thence, that with the cares that might be taken, all other Hereſies might be ſtifled, and affirm that a Schiſm cannot laſt long; that after having ſubſiſted ſome time it muſt neceſſarily ceaſe, is to be but little acquainted with the Hiſtory of the Church. The Schiſm and Hereſie of Neſtorius, have not they ſtill laſted to this day in the Eaſt, from the year 430, that is to ſay, for above twelve hundred years? The Schiſm of the Eutychians is of no later a date than that of the Neſtorians, than about twenty or five and twenty years: for Eutyches and Dioſcorus were condemned in the year 451. in the Council of Chalcedon; and from that time the followers of thoſe two Men have filled all the Eaſt and the South, under the names of Eutychians, Severians, Auphalans, Armenians, Jacobites, Cophtes, and even of Abyſſyns. For all theſe People who ſtill at this day make the greateſt part of the Aſian and African Churches, adhere to the Schiſm of Eutyches. It is above ſeven hundred years that the Latins are in Schiſm with the Greeks, and all the pains that the Popes and Eaſtern Emperours have given themſelves at ſeveral times, have not been able to extinguiſh this Schiſme. If Prudence, Cares and Vigilance have not been able to bring to paſs the ruine of Sects that were not founded upon Truth, and who had violated Charity by their Separation; they ought not to hope to ruin the Party of the Reformed, which is ſupported by Truth, has purged the Church of ſo many errours, and has in no manner violated Charity, in ſeparating it ſelf from a Church, that choſe rather to chaſe away from its boſome, than ſuffer any Reformation. The concluſion of all that great affair will make appear, that thoſe who have Sworn the ruin of the Hugonots, fall upon God himſelf, which will not be for their advantage.

This new Preacher carries it very high, but what did you anſwer to all this?

As he had more advantage over me, than I had over my Gentleman, I was obliged to ſuffer; the match being unequal. But I reſolved to let the diſcourſe continue, and to retain the principal things he ſhould oppoſe me with, to be informed of by you. Is any thing of theſe Facts falſe, that this man laid, thus as I have recited them?

No: But though the Facts that he told you be true, it is not certain that the Concluſions he draws from thence are very good; which we will examine at one time. But for the preſent I will not interrupt you.

Since you deſire it, I will continue to tell you what I can remember of a Converſation, which appeared to me in ſome places ſomething above my Capacity. I hear, continued our Civil Lawyer, that this Gentleman has obliged himſelf to prove to you, that the courſe they take at preſent in France, againſt our poor Proteſtants, is quite contrary to the Intereſts of the King and State. Give me leave, Sir, to repreſent you ſeveral things upon that point. Firſt, is it not true, that it is againſt the Kings Intereſts to depopulate the Kingdom. There are ſtill in France, near two Millions of Souls of the Reformed Religion: If all theſe perſons were away, their abſence would certainly make a conſiderable Breach. There is no body but knows, that the force of States depends on the multitude of Inhabitants: It is this that makes the United Provinces ſo powerful. It is incredible that ſo little a State can reſiſt ſo powerful Enemies, and carry it's name to the end of the World; which only proceeds from the prodigious multitude of Inhabitants which are there. It is this that makes Arts flouriſh there, Neceſſity being the Mother of Induſtry. It is the cauſe of the Commerce, becauſe the Territory being too little to nouriſh ſo many Men, they have been obliged to go ſeek to the very ends of the World, the neceſſaries that their own Country could not furniſh them with. And in ſeeking wherewith to keep them alive, and that they might not be famiſhed, addreſs has made them find out immenſe Riches. The King knows very well, that the force of a Prince conſiſts in the multitude of Subjects. Wherefore he has made ſeveral Declarations in favour of thoſe to whom God grants great Families, and who thereby the more contribute to populate the Kingdom. He has ordered, that thoſe Victuallars who have have two Children, ſhould enjoy exemption from all Taxes, Impoſts, Subſidies, Collects, and quartering of Souldiers. It is his will, that the Nobles who have the ſame number of living Children, have two thouſand Livers of yearly penſion out of the publick Revenues; and for the exciting young people to marry themſelves betimes, he orders by another Declaration, that the young married ſhall not be ſubject, till the age of five and twenty years, to any publick Charges. It is to this intent, that ſuch diverſe Declarations have been made by his Majeſty, which forbid all his Subjects to leave the Kingdom, and go inhabit elſe-where. By all theſe Courſes the King would get and keep Subjects. But his Majeſty by the Declarations which have been made againſt the Reformed, has loſt twenty times more Subjects than he can have gained, or kept by thoſe other ways, which his prudence, or that of his Miniſters had ſuggeſted to him. It will be made appear to him, if he pleaſes, that within theſe fifteen years, his Declarations againſt the Hugonots, have drove away of them out of France, above ſixty or fourſcore thouſand. All the Frontiere Provinces of England, Holland, and Germany, as Normandy, Campagne, and Picardy, are already ſenſible of this; particularly the City of Amiens. Since the Temple has been taken from the Hugonots of that City, it is certain, that the moſt part of their Merchants have retired themſelves into forreign Countries, and that they have carried with them, at leaſt twelve or fourteen hundred thouſand Livers of Riches out of the Kingdom, and which will never return into it. In caſe they would but make the leaſt attention upon this point, it would appear, that it is impoſſible, but that the Kingdom will be deſerted by this Courſe. It is certain, that all the Reformed who loſe their Goods and Eſtates, by what is called the diſgraces of Fortune, do quit the Kingdom; becauſe that their Religion hinders them from recovering themſelves by any means. In chacing away all thoſe who bear the Arms of the Guards du Corps, of the Muſqueteers, and the Gendarmes, and all the Kings Houſehold; in taking the Commiſſions from ſeveral thouſands of Commiſſaries, who lived upon their Commſſions, in neglecting the Officers, and refuſing them advancement: In a word, in taking away, as they do, the means of ſubſiſting from an infinite number of Hugonots, who cannot ſubſiſt of themſelves; they are drove out of the Kingdom; and all forreign Countries are ſeen covered with French-men, who ſeek for employ, and the means of ſubſiſting, that are refuſed them in their own Country. I looked upon it as a certain thing, that of 50 thouſand, that the Rigour which is exerciſed againſt us, reduces into this eſtate, there are not five hundred who turn Catholicks, all the others are as many loſt Subjects for the King. They are much deceived, if they believe that little is loſt in loſing people who have hardly any thing. For it is certain, that the Armies of a State are almoſt wholly compoſed of ſuch ſort of people; It is the induſtry of ſuch perſons who keep up Commerce and Arts. There is a City upon the Frontiers of Champagne, which formerly belonged to the Dukes of Bouillon, touching which I am informed, they make great brags to the King, that when he took poſſeſſion of it, that City was almoſt wholly Proteſtants, and that at preſent the number of the Catholicks much ſurpaſſes that of the others. But they tell not the King what was told me; that the ſeverity with which they treated the Reformed, has obliged them to retire; that the Catholicks which they fill the City with are Beggers and poor Wretches: That of a good City, they have made of it a retreat for people who have nothing, and who are a charge to the Commonalty; that thoſe Catholicks the City is filled with, by expelling the ancient Inhabitants, come from the Burroughs and neighbouring Villages. Thus the King gains no new Subjects, though the City gains new Inhabitants; and he loſes all the good Subjects, who go away and ſeek for repoſe elſewhere, and carry with them what Riches they have. The ſame thing happens in the Provinces, bordering upon Swizzerland and Geneva: They are not ſenſible yet of this diminution, but they will one day find it. Beſides, they may aſſure the King, that all thoſe zealous Convertours, who brag to him, that they increaſe the Catholick Church, will much contribute to deſart his Kingdom. It is certain, that of thoſe who change Religion to become Catholicks, there is not the fourth part, I dare ſay the ſixth, who perſevere in the Religion that they have embraced: They changed out of Intereſt, Lightneſs, Fear, Love, or ſome other paſſion which ſurprized them. When paſſion is cooled, reaſon returns, thoſe people are aſhamed of their change, and their Conſciences become awake. And as the moſt part have as little benefit in France, as in another State, it little imports them where they are, and they go away to avoid the Rigour of the Edicts againſt Relapſes.

At that place our Doctor ſtopped a little, appeared penſive, and thus renewed. I am going to enter upon a nice Subject; I have no mind to offend any one, but I cannot forbear telling the truth. We are all good French-men; but the King has much more intereſt to preſerve his Hugonot Subjects than all the others, ſince it is the only Party of whoſe fidelity he can be ſecured. Give me leave, Sir, to handle this point more particularly. it is certain, that the great diſputes that France can have, are with Spain and with the Emperour: There is not a Family in Europe, that can give ombrage to that of France, beſides the Houſe of Auſtria. Since Charles the 5th, that Houſe has ever aſpired to the Univerſal Monarchy. It is true that the King has brought it very low at preſent, and made it fall very much from its High pretenſions. But in fine, it is the Courſe of the world, which is humbled to day to be raiſed again to morrow. The Houſe of Auſtria has raiſed it ſelf from a very low Degree; it ſtill reigns in Spain, Germany, and Italy, that is to ſay, almoſt over the half of Europe; and when theſe large territories become ſenſible of their force, and to be animated by a great Chief; they may put Fance as hard to it as they did formerly. It is therefore certain, that the great Intereſt of our State, is to be always on the Guard on the ſide of the Houſe of Auſtria, and deprive it of its Allyes, and weaken its Subjects, and manage Alliances, and form Adherences againſt it, and extirpate out of France all that might favour it, and entertain there all that is moſt oppoſite to it. And this already makes appear how much intereſt the King has not to ruine a Party, that can never enter into Intelligence with Spain. The Houſe of Auſtria has conſerved ſo great a fury againſt the Proteſtants, and the Proteſtants conſerve ſo much reſentment for the violences that they have ſuffered by the Princes of that Houſe, that thoſe two Parties are abſolutely irreconcilable. It is not the ſame thing with the other Parties of the State. It is true, that there is ſome natural antipathy between a French-man and a Spaniard; but you are too well acquainted with the Hiſtory of our age, Sir, to be ignorant, that notwithſtanding thoſe antipathies the Intereſts of the Grandees has often made ſuch great engagements with Spain, that they had like to have ruined the State. The Hiſtory of the League, the entry of the Duke of Parma into France, and the intentions that the wicked French-men then had, to receive a King foom the hands of the Spaniards, are Warrants for what I advance. I could ſay ſomething more new, and add ſeveral ſtories of our Grandees, who diſſatisfied with the Court, put themſelves into the Spaniſh Party, made Treaties with that Crown, and would have been of very ill conſequence to the Kindom, if the preſerving Genius of the ſtate had not fenced off it's effects. But though all the reſt of France ſhould enter into ſuch a mind, the Hugonots Party alone would be a Barriere to the State, and would ſhed to the very laſt drop of its blood that it might not fall under the Dominion of Spain.

The King, in the State he is, has little need of keeping meaſures with any one for the becoming formidable to the Houſe of Auſtria, he who makes all Europe tremble, and carries the terrour of his Armes even into Africa.

That is true: But wiſe Princes as the King is have longer proſpects; they do not onely conſider themſelves and their preſent State, they conſider Poſterity and the future, and take their Sureties againſt all that may happen. Be it as it will, our Civil Lawyer proceeding farther upon the matter told me, Let me beg of you, Sir, that we may ſpeak freely. Is it not true, that the Court of Rome has engagements infinitely greater with Spain and the Houſe of Auſtria, than with France? Spain renders ſubmiſſions to the See of Rome, that France does not render it; Spain does not talk of the Liberties of its Church, as they talk in France of the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, as theſe Liberties paſs at Rome for Hereſies, or attempts againſt the Holy See. Spain is ſubmitted to the Tribunal of the Inquiſition, France rejects it, even in what it has of Good. In fine, Spain keeps Faith and does Homage to the Court of Rome, for one part of its States, as the Kingdoms of Naples and Arragon; and on the contrary the Kings of France will not depend on the Pope for Temporality, and hold only their State of God and their Swords. In one word, theſe engagements between Spain and the Court of Rome are ſuch, that this Court does not at all ballance, when it is to take the French or Spaniſh ſide; and never kept it ſelf neuter, but when it feared the Forces of France. Wherefore the Italian Party, and the Spaniſh Party, are to be looked upon as the ſame Party. The King of Spain is Maſter of moſt part of Italy: The Popes are often Spaniards by Birth, and they are ever ſo by inclination; the Spaniſh Faction amongſt the Cardinals is ever the moſt numerous. Thus the great Intereſt of the King and of France, is to be ever upon the Guard againſt the Italian Faction, which can eaſily become Spaniſh. Now this Italian Party is not only in Spain and in Italy; it is in Germany, in France, and every where elſe; it is the Body of the Clergy. One cannot be ignorant of the engagements that all the Roman Catholick Clergy has neceſſarily with the Court of Rome. This Court is the Head, the Clergy is the Body, the Eccleſiaſticks and Monks are the Members, and all theſe Members move by the Orders of the Head. Again, I have no Deſign to chocque the Gentlemen Clergy, whoſe perſons I reſpect; I do not doubt but that they have good French Hearts; But in fine, they have their Maximes of Conſcience; they are of a Religion, and they muſt follow its Principles. Now the Principles of their Religion binds them to the Holy See, and its preſervation preferably to all things; moreover, Intereſt makes illuſion in Hearts and Minds. Their Intereſt obliges them to take the Popes part, who is their Preſerver and Protectour; and what they do out of intereſt, they perſuade themſelves that they do it out of Conſcience. Firſt, it may be ſaid of the Monks, that all the Houſes they have in France, are as many Citadels that the Court of Rome has in the Kingdom. Thoſe great Societies have withdrawn themſelves from the Dominion of the Biſhops, they depend immediately on the Holy See; they have all their Generals of Orders at Rome; and thoſe Generals who are Italians and Spaniards, are the Soul of the Society; they are obliged to follow their Opinions and their Orders; the Italian Divinity is the Divinity of the Cloiſters. Thus the King may reckon, that all the Monks look upon him as the Pope's Subject, as being lyable to be Excommunicated, his Kingdom put under an Eccleſiaſtical Cenſure, his Subjects diſpenſed and releaſed from the Oath of Fidelity, and his States given by the Pope to another Prince. And every time that this happens, they will believe themſelves obliged, out of Conſcience, to obey the Pope. If in thoſe Orders of Monks there happens to be ſome particular One, who follow other Principles, it is certain that they are in no Number, and do not hinder that the Body of the Monks is abſolutely in the Intereſts of the Court of Rome, and by conſequence in that of Spain. Thus you ſee already a conſiderable Party of whoſe Fidelity the Kings of France cannot be aſſured. And what is this Party One may ſay that it is all France: for the begging Monks and the Jeſuits are Maſters of all the Conſciences; they are Confeſſors, they are Directors, they perſuade what they will to thoſe that are devoted to them. The Houſe of Bourbon ought not to doubt of this truth, if it never ſo little calls to mind the endeavours that were uſed by the Monks for the forcing from it the Crown, when the Race of the Valois came to fail. It is againſt this ſo conſiderable Party that the State ought to take its Precautions, in preſerving that other Party which can never be of intelligence with this; it is that of the Reformed. Hiſtory tells us how impoſſible it is to be long without having Diſputes with the Court of Rome. It is always attempting, and one is obliged to defend ones ſelf againſt its enterpriſes. It is capable of ſetting great Engines a going, of making Engagements and Alliances: It had twenty times like to have ruined Germany, it has dethroned great Emperours, it has likewiſe cauſed great troubles in France, and one cannot be too ſecure againſt its ambition.