The Pre-eminence OF PARLEMENT.
Sectio Prima.
I Am a Free-born Subject of the Realm of England; whereby I claim as my native Inheritance, an undoubted right, propriety, and portion in the Laws of the Land; And this distinguisheth me from a Slave. I claim also an interest and common right in the High Nationall Court of Parlement, and in the power, the priviledges and jurisdiction thereof, which I put in equall ballance with the Laws, in regard it is the fountain whence they spring; and this I hold also to be a principall part of my Birth-right, which great Councell I honor, respect, value, and love in as high a degree as can be; as being the Bulwark of our liberties, the main boundary and banke which keeps us from slavery, from the inundations of tyrannicall Rule, and unbounded Will-government. And I hold my self obliged in a tye of indispensable obedience, to conform and submit my self to whatsoever shall be transacted, concluded, and constituted by its authority in Church or State; whether it be by making, enlarging, altering, diminishing, disanulling, repealing, or reviving of any Law, Statute, Act, or Ordinance whatsoever, either touching matters Ecclesiasticall, civill, common, capitall, criminall, martiall, maritime, municipall, or any other; of all which, the transcendent and uncontrollable jurisdiction of that Court is capable to take cognizance.
Amongst the three things which the Athenian Captain thank'd the gods for, one was, That he was born a Grecian, and not a Barbarian. For such was the vanity of the Greeks, and after them, of the Romans, in the flourish of their Monarchy, to arrogate all civility to themselves, and to terme all the world [Page 2] besides Barbarians: So I may say to have cause to rejoyce, that I was born a vassall to the Crown of England; that I was born under so well moulded and tempered a Government, which endows the subject with such Liberties and infranchisements that bear up his naturall courage, and keep him still in heart; such Liberties that fence and secure him eternally from the gripes and tallons of Tyranny: And all this may be imputed to the Authority and wisedome of this High Court of Parlement, wherein there is such a rare co-ordination of power (though the Soveraignty remain still entire, and untransferrable in the person of the Prince) there is such a wholsome mixture 'twixt Monarchy, Optimacy, and Democracy; 'twixt Prince, Peers, and Communalty, during the time of consultation, that of so many distinct parts, by a rare cooperation and unanimity, they make but one Body Politick, (like that sheafe of arrows in the Emblem) one entire concentricall peece, and the results of their deliberations, but as so many harmonious diapasons arising from different strings. And what greater immunity and happinesse can there be to a People, than to be liable to no Laws but what they make themselves? to be subject to no contribution, assessement, or any pecuniary levy whatsoever, but what they Vote, and voluntarily yeeld unto themselves? For in this compacted Politick Body, there be all degrees of people represented; both the Mechanick, Tradesman, Merchant, and Yeoman, have their inclusive Vote, as well as the Gentry, in the persons of their Trustees, their Knights and Burgesses, in passing of all things.
Nor is this Soveraign Surintendent Councell an Epitome of this Kingdom only, but it m [...]y be said to have a representation of the whole Universe; as I heard a fluent well-worded Knight deliver the last Parliament, who compared the beautifull composure of that High Court, to the great work of God, the World it self: The King is as the Sun, the Nobles the fixed Stars, the Itinerant Judges and other Officers (that go upon Messages 'twixt both Houses) to the Planets; the Clergy to the Element of fire; the Commons, to the solid Body of Earth, and the rest of the Elements. And to pursue this comparison a little farther; as the heavenly Bodies, when three of them meet in Conjunction, do use to produce some admirable effects in the Elementary World: So when these three States convene and assemble in one solemne great Iunta, some notable and extraordinary things are brought forth, tending to the welfare of the whole Kingdom, our Microcosme.
HE that is never so little versed in the Annales of this Islle, will find that it hath bin her fate to be four times conquered. I exclude the Scot; for the scituation of his Country, and the quality of the Clime hath been such an advantage and security to him, that neither the Roman Eagles would fly thither, for fear of freezing their wings; nor any other Nation attempt the work.
[Page 3]These so many Conquests must needs bring with them many tumblings and toffings, many disturbances and changes in Government; yet I have observed, that notwithstanding these tumblings, it retained still the forme of a Monarchy, and something there was always that had an Analogy with the great Assembly the Parlement.
The first Conquest I finde was made by Claudius Caes [...]r; at which time (as some well observe) the Roman Ensignes, and the Standard of Christ came in together. It is well known what Laws the Roman had; He had his Comitia, which bore a resemblance with our Convention in Parlement; the place of their meeting was called Praetorium, and the Laws which they enacted, Pleboscita.
The Saxon Conquest succeeded next, which were the English, there being no name in Welsh or Irish for an English man, but Saxon, to this day. They governed by Parlement, though it were under other names; as Michel Sinoth, Michel Gemote, and Witenage Mote.
There are Records above a thousand years old, of these Parlements, in the Raigns of King Ina, Offa, Ethelbert, and the rest of the seven Kings during the Heptarchy. The British Kings also, who retaind a great while some part of the Isle unconquered, governed and made Laws by a kind of Parlementary way; witnes the famous Laws of Prince Howell, called Howell Dha, (the good Prince Howell) whereof there are yet extant some Welsh Records. Parlements were also used after the Heptarchy by King Kenulphus, Alphred, and others; witnesse that renowned Parlement held at Grately by King Athelstan.
The third Conquest was by the Danes, and they govern'd also by such generall Assemblies, (as they do to this day) witnesse that great and so much celebrated Parlement held by that mighty Monarch Canutus, who was King of England, Denmark, Norway, and other Regions 150 years before the compiling of Magna Charta; and this the learned in the Laws do hold to be one of the specialst, and most authentick peeces of antiquity we have extant. Edward the Confessor made all his Laws thus, (and he was a great Legis-lator,) which the Norman Conquerour (who liking none of his sons, made God Almighty his heir, bequeathing unto him this Island for a legacy) did ratifie and establish, and digested them into one entire methodicall Systeme, which being violated by Rufus, (who came to such a disastrous end as to be shot to death in lieu of a Buck for his sacriledges) were restor'd by Henry the first, and so they continued in force till King Iohn; whose Raign is renowned for first confirming Magna Charta, the foundation of our Liberties ever since: which may be compar'd to divers outlandish graffs set upon one English stock; or to a posie of sundry fragrant flowers; for the choicest of the British, the Roman, Saxon, Danish, and Norman Laws, being cull'd and pick'd out, and gathered as it were into one bundle, out of them the foresaid grand Charter was extracted: And the establishment of this great Charter was the work of a Parlement.
[Page 4]Nor are the Lawes of this Island only, and the freedome of the Subject conserved by Parlement, but all the best policed Countries of Europe have the like. The Germanes have their Diets, the Danes and Swedes their Rijcks Dachs; the Spaniard calls his Parlement, las C [...]rtes and the French have, (or should have at least) their Assembly of three States, though it be growne now in a manner obsolete, because the Authority thereof was (by accident) devolv'd to the King. And very remarkable it is, how this happened; for when the English had taken such large footing in most parts of France, having advanced as far as Orleans, and driven their then King Charles the seventh, to Bourges in Berry; the Assembly of the three States in these pressures, being not able to meet after the usuall manner in full Parlement, because the Countrey was unpassable, the Enemy having made such firme invasions up and down through the very bowels of the Kingdome; that power which formerly was inhaerent in the Parlementary Assembly, of making Lawes, of assessing the Subject with Taxes, subsidiary levies, and other impositions, was transmitted to the King during the war; which continuing many years, that intrusted power by length of time grew as it were habituall in him, and could never after be re-assumed and taken from him; so that ever since, his Ediots countervaile Acts of Parlement. And that which made the businesse more feasable for the King, was, that the burthen fell most upon the Communalty (the Clergy and Nobility not feeling the weight of it) who were willing to see the Peasan pull'd downe a little, because not many years before, in that notable Rebellion, call'd la laquerie de Beauvoisin, which was suppressed by Charles the wise, the Common people put themselves boldly in Arms against the Nobility and Gentry, to lessen their power. Adde hereunto as an advantage to the worke, that the next succeeding King Lewis the eleventh, was a close cunning Prince, and could well tell how to play his game, and draw water to his own mill; For amongst all the rest, he was said to be the first that put the Kings of France, Hors de page, out of their minority, or from being Pages any more, though thereby he brought the poore peasans to be worse than Lacquays.
With the fall, or at least the discontinuance of that usuall Parlementary Assembly of the three States, the liberty of the French Nation utterly fell; the poore [...]oturier and Vineyard-man, with the rest of the Yeomanary, being reduced ever since to such an abject asinin condition, that they serve but as sponges for the King to squeeze when he list. Neverthelesse, as that King hath an advantage hereby one way, to monarchize more absolutely, and never to want money, but to ballast his purse when he will: so there is another mighty inconvenience ariseth to him and his whole Kingdome another way; for this illegall peeling of the poore Peasan hath so dejected him, and cowed his native courage so much by the sense of poverty ( which brings along with it a narrownesse of soule) that he is [Page 5] little usefull for the warre: which put's the French King to make other Nations mercenary to him, to fill up his Infantery: Insomuch, that the kingdome of France may be not unfitly compared to a body that hath all it's bloud drawn up in to the arms, breast and back, and scarce any lest from the girdle downwards, to cherish and bear up the lower parts, and keep them from starving.
All this seriously considered, there cannot be a more proper and pregnant example than this of our next Neighbours, to prove how infinitely necessary the Parlement is, to assert, to prop up, and preserve the publike liberty, and nationall rights of a people, with the incolumity and well-fare of a Countrey.
Nor doth the Subject only reap benefit thus by Parlement, but the Prince, (if it be well consider'd) hath equall advantage thereby; It rendreth him a King of free and able men, which is far more glorious than to be a King of Slaves, Beggars, and Bankrupts; Men that by their freedome, and competency of wealth, are kept still in heart to do him service against any forraine force. And it is a true maxime in all States, that 'tis lesse danger and dishonour for the Prince to be poore, than his people: rich Subjects can make their King rich when they please; if he gain their hearts, he will quickly get their purses. Parlement encreaseth love and good intelligence twixt him and his people; It acquaints him with the reality of things, and with the true state and diseases of his kingdom; It brings him to the knowledge of his better sort of Subjects, and of their abilities, which he may employ accordingly upon all occasions; It provides for his Royall Issue, payes his debts, fines means to fill his Coffers: and it is no ill observation, That Parlement-monyes (the great Aid) have prospered best with the Kings of England; It exceedingly raiseth his repute abroad, and enableth him to keep his foes in feare, his Subject [...] in awe, his Neighbours and Confederates in security, the three main things which go to aggrandize a Prince, and render him glorious. In summe, it is the Parlement that supports, and bears up the honour of his Crown, and settles his Throne in safety, which is the chiefe end of all their consultations: For whosoever is entrusted to be a Member of this High Court, carrieth with him a double capacity; he sits there as a Patriot, and as a Subject: as he is the one, the Country is his object, his duty being to vindicate the publike liberty, to make wholsome Lawes, to put his hand to the pump, and stop the leaks of the great vessell of the State, to pry into, and punish corruption and oppression, to improve and advance trade, to have the grievances of the place he serves for redressed, and cast about how to find something that may tend to the advantage of it.
[Page 6]But he must not forget that he sits there also as a Subject, and according to that capacity, he must apply himselfe to do his Soveraigns businesse, to provide not only for his publike, but his personall wants; to beare up the lustre and glory of his Court; to consider what occasions of extraordinary expences he may have, by encrease of Royall Issue, or maintenance of any of them abroad; to enable him to vindicate any affront or indignity that might be offered to his Person, Crown, or Dignity, by any forraine State or Kingdome; to consult what may enlarge his honour, contentment, and pleasure. And as the French Tacitus (Comines) hath it, the English Nation was used to be more forward and zealous in this particular than any other; according to that ancient eloquent speech of a great Lawyer, Domus Regis vigilia defendit omnium, otium illius labor omnium, deliciae illius industria omnium, vacatio illius occupatio omnium, salus illius periculum omnium, honor illius objectum omnium Every one should stand Centinell to defend the Kings houses, his safety should be the danger of all, his pleasures the industry of all, his ease should be the labour of all, his honour the object of all.
Out of these premisses this conclusion may be easily deduced, That, the principall fountaine whence the King derives his happinesse and safety, is his Parlement; It is that great Conduit-pipe which conveighes unto him his peoples bounty and gratitude; the truest Looking-glasse wherein he discernes their loves; now the Subjects love hath been alwayes accounted the prime Cittadell of a Prince. In his Parlement he appears as the Sun in the Meridian, in the altitude of his glory, in his highest State Royall, as the Law tels us.
Therefore whosoever is averse or disaffected to this Soveraigne Law-making Court, cannot have his heart well planted within him: he can be neither good Subject, nor good Patriot; and therefore unworthy to breathe English ayre, or have any benefit, advantage, or protection from the Lawes.
Sectio Secunda.
BY that which hath been spoken, which is the language of my heart, I hope no indifferent judicious Reader will doubt of the cordiall affection, of the high respects and due reverence I beare to Parlement, as being the wholsomest constitution, (and done by the highest and happiest reach of policy) that ever was established in this Island; to perpetuate the happinesse thereof, Therefore I must tell that Gentleman, who was Author of a Booke entituled the Popish Royall Favorite, (lately printed and exposed to the world) that he offers me very hard measure; nay, he doth me apparant wrong, to terme me therein, No friend to Parlement, and a Malignant; A character, which as I deserve it not, so I disdain it.
For the first part of his charge, I lwoud have him know, that I am as much a friend and as reall an affectionate humble servant and Votary to the Parlement as possibly he can be, and will live and dye with these affections about me: And I could wish, that he were Secretary of my thoughts a while, or if I may take the boldnesse to apply that comparison his late Majesty used in a famous speech to one of his Parlements, I could wish there were a Chrystall window in my breast, through which the world might espye the inward motions and palpitations of my heart, then would he be certified of the sincerity of this protestation.
For the second part of his Charge, to be a Maligna [...]t, I must confesse to have some Malignity that lurks within me much against my will; but it is no malignity of minde, it is amongst the humours, not in my intellectuals. And I beleeve, there is no naturall man, let him have his humours never so well ballanced, but hath some of this Malignity raigning within him; For as long as we are composed of the foure Elements, whence these humors are derived, and with whom they symbolize in qualities; which Elements the Philosophers hold to be in a restlesse contention amongst themselves (and the Stoicke thought that the world subsisted by this innated mutuall strife) as long I say, as the foure humors, in imitation of their principles (the Elements) are in perpetuall reluctancy and combate for praedominancy, there must be some malignity lodg'd within us, as adusted choler, and the like; whereof I had late experience, in a dangerous fit of sicknesse it pleased God to lay upon me, which the Physitians told me proceeded from the malignant hypocondriacall effects of melancholy; having been so long in this Saturnine black condition of close imprisonment, and buried alive between [Page 8] the wals of this fatall Fleet. These kinds of malignities, I confesse are very rife in me, and they are not only incident, but connaturall to every man according to his complexion: And were it not for this incessant strugling and enmity amongst the humors for mastery, which produceth such malignant effects in us, our soules would be loth ever to depart from our bodies, or to abandon this mansion of clay.
Now what malignity my Accuser means, I know not; if he means malignity of spirit, as some antipathy or ill impression upon the minde, arising fromdisaffection, hatred, or rancor, with a desire of some destructive revenge, he is mightily deceiv'd in me: I maligne or hate no Creature that ever God made, but the Devill, who is the Author of all malignity; and therefore is most commonly called in French le Malin Esprit the malignant spirit. Every night before I go to bed, I have the grace, I thanke God for it, to forgive all the world, and not to harbour, or let roost in my bosome the least malignant thought; yet none can deny, but the publike aspersions which this my Accuser casts upon me, were enough to make me a malignant towards him; yet it could never have the power to do it: For I have prevail'd with my selfe to forgive him this his wrong censure of me, issuing rather from his not knowledge of me, than from malice, for we never mingled speech or saw one another in our lives to my remembrance: which makes me wonder the more, that a Professor of the Law, as he is, should ronounce such a positive sentence against me so slightly. But me thinks PI over-hear him say, that the precedent discourse of Parlement is involv'd in generals, and the Topique Axiome tels us, that Dolus versatur in universalibus there is double dealing in universals: His meaning is, that I am no friend to this present Parlement (though he speaks in the plurall number Parlements) and consequently, he concludes me a Malignant; Therein, I must tell him also, that I am traduc'd, and I am confident it will be never p [...]ov'd against me, from any actions, words, or letters (though diuers of mine have bin intercepted) or any other misdemeanor, though some things [...]re [...]ather'd upon me which never drop'd from my quill. Alas, how unworthy and uncapable am I to censure the proceedings of that great Senate, that high Synedrion, wherein the wisedome of the whole State is epitomized? It were a presumption in me, of the highest nature that could be: It is enough for me to pray for the prosperous successe of their consultations: And as I hold it my duty, so I have good reason so to do, in regard I am to have my share in the happinesse; And could the utmost of my poore endeavours, by any ministeriall humble office (and sometimes the meanest Boat-swain may help to preserve the Ship from sinking) be so happy, as to contribute [Page 9] any thing to advance that great worke (which I am in despaire to do, while I am thus under hatches in this Fleet,) I would esteem it the greatest honor that possibly could befall me, as I hold it now to be my greatest disaster, to have fallen so heavily under an affliction of this nature, and to be made a sacrifice to publike fame, than which there is no other proofe, nor that yet urg'd against me, or any thing else produc'd after so long, so long captivity, which hath brought me to such a low ebbe, and put me so far behind in the course of my poore fortunes, and indeed more than halfe undone me. For although my whole life (since I was left to my selfe to swim, as they say, without bladders) has bin nothing else but a continued succession of crosses, and that there are but few red letters found (God wot) in the Almanacke of my Age, (for which I account not my selfe a whit the lesse happy;) yet this crosse has carried with it a greater weight, it hath bin of a larger extent, longer continuance, and lighted heavier upon me than any other; and as I have present patience to beare it, so I hope for subsequent grace to make use of it accordingly, that my old Motto may be still confirmed, [...].
HE produceth my attestation for some passages in Spaine, at his Majesties being there, and he quotes me right, which obligeth me to him; and I hope all his quotations, wherein he is so extraordinarily copious and elaborate in all his workes, are so; yet I must tell him, that those interchangeable letters which passed between His Majesty and the Pope, which were originally couch'd in Latine, the language wherein all Nations treate with Rome, and the Empire with all the Princes thereof, those letters I say, are adulterated in many places, which I impute not to him, but to the French Chronicler, from whom he tooke them in trust. The truth of that businesse is this: The world knowes there was a tedious treaty of an Alliance 'twixt the Infanta Dona Maria (who now is Empresse) and His Majesty, which in regard of the slow affected pace of the Spaniard, lasted above ten years, as that in Henry the sevenths time, 'twixt Prince Arthur, and (afterwards) Queen Katherine, was spun out above seven: To quicken, or rather to consummate the work, his Majesty made that adventurous journey through the whole Continent of France, into Spaine; which voyage, though there was a great deale of gallantry in it (whereof all posterity will ring, untill it turne at last to a Romance) yet it prov'd the bane of the businesse, which 'tis not the errand of so poore a Pamphlet as this to unfold. His Majesty being there arriv'd, the ignorant common people cried out, the Prince of Wales came thither to make himselfe a Christian. The Pope writ to the Inquisitor Generall, and others, to use all industry they could to reduce him to the Romane [Page 10] Religion; And one of Olivares first complements to him, was, That he doubted [...]ot but that His Highnesse came thither to change His Religion: whereunto he made a short answer, That He came not thither for a Religion, but for a Wife. There were extraordinary processions made, and other artifices us'd by protraction of things, to make him stay there of purpose till the Spring following, to worke upon him the better: And the Infanta her selfe desir'd him (which was esteem'd the greatest favour he received from her all the while) to visit the Nunne of Carion; hoping that the sayd Nunne, who was so much cried up for miracles, might have wrought one upon him; but her art failed her, nor was His Highnesse so weake a subject to work upon, according to His late Majesties speech to Doctor Mawe and Wren, who when they came to kisse his hands, before they went to Spaine to attend the Prince their Master, He wished them to have a care of Buckingham, as touching his Sonne Charles, he apprehended no feare at all of him; for he knew him to be so well grounded a Protestant, that nothing could shake him in his Religion. The Arabian proverbe is, That the Sun never soiles in his passage, though his beames reverberate never so strongly, and dwell never so long upon the myry lake of Maeotis, the black turfd moores of Holland, the aguish woose of Kent and Essex, or any other place, be it never so di [...]ty; Though Spaine be a hot Countrey, yet one may passe and repasse through the very Center of it, and never be Sun-burnt, if he carry with him a Bongrace, and such a one His Majesty had.
Well, after his Majesties arrivall to Madrid, the treaty of Marriage went on still, (though he told them at his first comming, that he came not thither like an Embassador, to treat of Marriage, but as a Prince, to fetch home a Wife;) and in regard they were of different Religions, it could not be done without a dispensation from the Pope, & the Pope would grant none, unlesse some Capitulations were stipulated in favour of the Romish Catholikes in England, (the same in substance were agreed on with France.) Well, when the dispensation came, which was negotiated solely by the King of Spains Ministers; because His Majesty would have as little to do as might be with Rome, Pope Gregory the fifteenth, who died a little after, sent His Majesty a Letter, which was delivered by the Nuncio, whereof an answer was sent a while after: Which Letters were imprinted and exposed to the view of the world; because His Majesty would not have people whisper, that the businesse was carried in a clandestine manner. And truly besides this, I do not know of any Letter, or Message, or Complement, that ever pass'd 'twixt His Majesty and the Pope, afore or after; some addresses peradventure might be made to the Cardinalls, to whom the drawing of [Page 11] those matrimoniall dispatches was referred, to quicken the work, but this was only by way of civill negotiation.
Now touching that responsory Letter from His Majesty, it was no other than a Complement in the severest interpretation, and such formalities passe 'twixt the Crown of England, and the great Turke, and divers Heathen Princes. The Pope writ first, and no man can deny, but by all morall rules, and in common humane civility His Majesty was bound to answer it, specially considering how punctuall they are in those Countries to correspond in this kind, how exact they are in repayring visits, and the performance of such Ceremonies; And had this compliance been omitted, it might have made very ill impressions, as the posture of things stood then; for it had prejudiced the great work in hand, I mean, the Match, which was then in the heat and height of agitation: His Majesties person was there engag'd, and so it was no time to give the least offence. They that are never so little vers'd in businesse abroad, do know that there must be addresses, compliances, and formalities of this nature (according to the Italian Proverbe, That one must sometimes light a candle to the Devill) us'd in the carriage of matters of State, as this great businesse was, whereon the eyes of all Christendome were so greedily fix'd; A businesse which was like to bring with it such an universall good, as the restitution of the Palatinate, the quenching of those hideous fires in Germany, and the establishing of a peace through all the Christian World.
I hope none will take offence, that in this particular which comes within the compasse of my knowledge, being upon the Stage when this Scene was acted, I do this right to the King my Master, in displaying the Truth, and putting her forth in her own colours, a rare thing in these dayes.
TOuching the Vocall Forrest, an Allegoricall Discourse, that goes abroad under my name, a good while before the beginning of this Parlement, which this Gentleman cites (and that very faithfully.) I understand there be some that mutter at certain passages therein, by putting ill glosses upon the Text, and taking with the left hand, what I offer with the right: (Nor is it a wonder for trees which lys open, and stand exposed to all weathers to be nipt) But I desire this favour, which in common justice, I am sure in the Court of Chancery cannot be denyed me, it being the priviledge of every Author, and a received maxime through the World, Cujus est condere, ejus est interpretari; I say, I crave this favour, to have leave to expound my own Text, and I doubt not then but to rectifie any one in his opinion of me, and that in lieu of the Plums which I give him from those Trees, he will not throw the stones at me.
[Page 12]Moreover, I desire those that are over criticall Censurers of that peece, to know, that as in Divinity it is a rule, Scripturae parabolica non est argumenativa; so it is in all other kind of knowledge. Parables (whereof that Discourse is composed) though pressed never so hard, prove nothing. There is another Rule also, That Parables must be gently used, like a Nurses breast; which if you presse too hard, you shall have bloud in stead of milke.
But as the Author of the Vocall Forrest thinks he hath done, neither his Countrey, nor the Common-wealth of Learning any prejudice thereby (That maiden fancy having received so good entertainment and respect abroad, as to be translated into divers Languages, and to gain the publick approbation of some famous Universities) So he makes this humble protest unto all the World, that though the designe of that Discourse was partly Satyricall (which peradventure induc'd the Author to shrowd it of purpose under the shadowes of trees, and where should Satyres be but amongst Trees?) yet it never entred into his imagination to let fall from him the least thing that might give any offence to the High and Honorable Court of Parlement, wherof he had the honor to be once a Member, and hopes he may be thought worthy again; And were he guilty of such an offence, or piacle rather, he thinks he should never forgive himselfe, though he were appointed his own Judge. If there occurre any passage therein▪ that may admit a hard construction, let the Reader observe, That the Author doth not positively assert, or passe a judgement on any thing in that Discourse, which consists principally of concise, cursory narrations, of the choisest Occurrences and Criticismes of State, according as the pulse of time did beat then: And matters of State, as all other sublunary things, are subject to alterations, contigencies and change, which makes the opinions and minds of men vary accordingly; not one amongst twenty is the same man to day as he was four years ago, in point of judgement, which turns and alters according to the circumstance and successe of things: And it is a true saying, whereof we find common experience, posterior dies est prioris Magister The day following is the former dayes Schoolmaster. Ther's another Aphorisme, The wisedome of one day is the foolishnesse of another, and 'twill be so as long as there is a man left in the world.
I will conclude with this modest request to that Gentleman of the long Robe; That having unpassionately perus'd what I have written in this small Discourse, in penning whereof, my conscience guided my quill all along as well as my hand, he would please to be so charitable and just, as to reverse that harsh sentence upon me, To be no Friend to Parlements, and a Malignant.