A DEFENCE OF THE SCOTS ABDICATING DARIEN, &c.

PREJUDICE being apt to byass a Man's Pen, the Pur-blind Pillars of the Scotch Company will not stick to taint me with it. That I mayn't de­ceive you, I don't profess my self their Friend, having the same Reason, or per­haps more, as those Skelletons who have narrowly escap'd the Kingdom of Heaven, and are starv'd to Death. Nevertheless, I declare, that I will curb my Sentiments so far, as to keep my self close to the Mat­ter of Fact, giving an impartial Account [Page 2]of the Procedure of that Company, and of the indirect Artifices they made use of, to decoy a great many honest Gentlemen, and other brave Fellows into their Service, and how they left them in the Lurtch, expos'd to Famine, and the Spanish Mines: And if I deviate in any particular Passage from the Truth, I lay my self fairly open to the fiercest Steel'd Pen of the Company, who, no doubt, will endeavour to vindicate them, and stifle my Credit. All the Favour I ask, is, that they give me fair Play, stick close to the Subject, and bring better Au­thority for what they write, than what the Author of the Colony's Defence hath of­fer'd, to disprove the Spaniards Title to the Isthmus of Darien, and to advance that of the Scotch Company.

William Paterson, the Author of this Pro­ject, and Penman (as it it is shrewdly guess'd) of the Octroy, came from Scotland in his younger Years, with a Pack on his Back, whereof the Print may be seen, if he be alive; having travell'd this Country some Years, he seated himself under the Wing of a warm Widow, near Oxford; where finding that Preaching was an easier Trade than his own, soon found himself gifted with an Anadab's Spirit. Prophets being generally despis'd at Home, he went on the Propoganda side. Account to the West-Indies, [Page 3]and was one of those who settled the Island of Providence a Second time: But meeting some Hardships, and ill Luck there, to wit, a Governour being impos'd on them by the King of England, which his Conscience could not admit of, the Property of their Constitutions was alter'd, and they could no longer a Free Port, or Sanctuary for Buccaneers, Pyrates, and such Vermin, who had most need of being reclaim'd into the Church: This Disappoint­ment oblig'd Praedicant Paterson to shake the Dust from off his Shooes, and leave that Island under his Anathema. He return'd to Europe some Twelve Years ago, with his Head full of Projects, having all the At­chievements of Sir Henry Morgan, Batt Sharp, and the Buccaneers in his Budget: He en­deavour'd to make a Market of his Ware in Holland and Hamburgh, but without any Success: He went afterwards to Berlin, o­pen'd his Pack there, and had almost caught the Elector of Brandenburgh in his Noose; but that miscarry'd too: He likewise im­parted the same Project to Mr. Secretary Blathwait, but still with the same Success.

Meeting thus with so many Discourage­ments in these several Countries, he let his Project sleep for some Years, and pitch'd his Tent at London, where Matter is never want­ing to exercise plodding Heads. His former [Page 4]Wife being at rest as well as his Project, he wanted a Help that was meet for him, and not being very nice, went no further than the Red-fac'd Coffee-woman, a Widow in Burchin-Lane, whom he afterwards carry'd to the Isthmus of Darien; and at her first landing thrust her about Seven Foot under Ground, to make the Possession de facto of New Caledonia more authentick. While he sojourn'd in London, he found Employment for his Head; and like a true Quack, boggl'd at nothing that offer'd it self to his Thought. He was concern'd in the Hampstead-Water; and had an original Hand in the Project of the Bank of England; but being oblig'd (as he says himself) to communicate his Thoughts to some Eminent Men, who were more able to carry it on, they bubbl'd him out of the Premium, and the Glory of the Project. The Man thinking himself ill us'd by the Managers of the Bank of England, study'd how to be up with them; and in Opposition to it, he applies himself to the Project of the Orphans Bank, where he was afterwards sometime a Director; but that missing of the Wish'd-for-Aim, by reason of the clipp'd Money, &c. and he meeting with some Disgrace there too, was resolv'd at once to be even with the Body of the Nation.

Thus discontented, and uneasie in his Mind, he rous'd up his Darien Genius, and [Page 5]having vampt it up with some new Light he had purchas'd by conversing with Dampier, he marches Bag and Baggage to the Ancient Kingdom, where it met with such Encou­ragement at first sight, that Johnston's, or if you will Tweddale's Act was viis & modis, con­ceiv'd and born in a Trice. At this time, and for some Months afterwards, Paterson had more Respect paid him, than His Majesty's High Commissioner; and happy was he or she that had the Favour of a Quarter of an Hours Conversation with this blessed Man: When he appear'd in Publick, he look'd with a Head so full of Business and Care, as if he had Atlas his Burthen on his Back; and if a Man had a Fancy to be reputed Wise, the first Step he was to make, was to mimick Paterson's Fiz: Nay, some Persons had such a Conceit of the Miracles he could perform, that they began to talk of an Engine, to give the Island a half Turn-round, and to set the Orkneys where the Islands of Scilly stand.

But to proceed to the Cream of the Story, you are to understand, that Esquire Paterson (for at his Arrival in Scotland, he acquir'd or assum'd an English Title) brought a Couple of Tutors, or Nurses along with him, who pass'd for Partners in the Project, tho' in Ef­fect a Couple of subtle Youths, whose Office was to put Paterson's creud and indigested Notions into Form. One of these was a Wal­loon by Birth, whose native Name was Le [Page 6]Serrurier, and his English one James Smith. He was Master of most of the European Lan­guages, and particularly of the English. He formerly acted as Secretary to the fam'd Italian Prince, who put so many Tricks on the Hollanders, with his Philosophers Stone; but at this Juncture he pass'd for a conside­rable London Merchant. The others Name was Daniel Lodge, born of Yorkshire Parents in Leith, in Scotland, per Accident, bred a Merchant in Holland, but crack'd, and turn'd to his Shifts in England. This was a pleasant, facetious Fellow, knew the World exactly, and acted his Part in this Tragi-Comedy to a Miracle.

So much I have offer'd by way of Preli­minary, that you may have a Glimpse of these dark Pillars, by which the Scotch Com­pany was to be lighted down into the Spanish or Darien Mines, and over that Isthmus to the Phillipin Islands, California, China, and to Ja­pan, it they could turn Dutch Men.

The Companies Act being now touch'd with the Royal Scepter, and for the more Dispatch, pass'd thro' the Seals per Saltum, they were empower'd by Virtue of a neces­sary Clause thereof, to take in Foreign Sub­scriptions to a lesser half of the Capital Stock; so that the main Stress of the Project lay in fingering this Money. The Three Projectors frankly engag'd to use their Interest with their Correspondents and Friends in England, [Page 7]Holland, and in the Hans Towns, for 300000 l at least; in Consideration of which, and of the Acquisition, and in Token of their Gra­titude for the Project, the Company was to give the Triumvirate 20000 l So to work all Hands went.

There being three different Parties in Eng­land jarring at that Time, about the India Trade, and the Old Company having got the Better on't, it was easie to draw a great many of the Male-Contents into the Scotch Com­panies Net; nay, the Subscriptions came in so quick that he was the happiest Man that could get his Name first down in their Books: For Paterson preach'd up only an India Trade here in England, taking no Notice of Darien, but to some Select Heads that were able to bear it; when once the Mony was in Scotl. they knew how to dispose of it. To be short, they had now more Money in their View than they knew what to do withal, if the House of Commons had not baulk'd them, and re­primanded the Subjects of England for their Foolery. The Companies Books were cary'd Home with abundance of Secrecy and Care, tho' they had as good left them behind, there having been never a Groat of the English Mo­ney paid in as yet. The Projectors follow'd them as the Sons of Levi did the Ark in old Times; and when they came to Scotland, their chief Business was to preach up the vast Ad­vantages which the House of Commons fore­saw [Page 8]to acreu to the Scotch Company and Na­tion. by this Octroy and Trade, and to back their Sermons with the greater Authority, the Commons Address to the King was printed and reprinted at Edinburgh (but not a Syllable of the King's Answer mention'd) which confirm'd the whole Country of the Riches they were like to be surfeited with by this Act and Trade. To be short, they came in Shoals from all Corners of the Kingdom to Edinburgh, Rich, Poor, Blind and Lame, to lodge their Subscriptions in the Compa­ny's House; and to have a Glimpse of the Man Paterson; who satisfy'd them as fast as they came, that altho' they sign'd such a Sum for Fashion's sake, to give the Company more Reputation Abroad, yet the Quarter Part would only be demanded, there being no occasion for any more; and that they could not lie out of the Use of their Money above 18 Months, or 2 Years at most, which by that time, and the Old Cant, of God's Bles­sing, would fetch good Returns, and large Dividends.

The Companies Books had not been long open'd in Edinburgh, before 400000 l was sign'd (when it will be all paid in, the Lord of Hosts knows) and it now being high time to shut the Books there, and go where the Money lay, to wit, the 300000 l in Hol­land, and the Hans Towns, the Projectors were consulted about it. The Result of which was, [Page 9]that they might not act precipitately in this Affair, it was necessary they should make some real Show of their Resolution and For­wardness, by sending a Couple of fit Persons over to Amsterdam and Hamburgh, to build half a Dozen of stout Ships of 50 Guns apiece; that by laying out their Money in the Dutch Country, the Dutchmen might be prepossess'd with a kind Opinion of the Company, and thereby make it appear, how willing they were to extend the warm Rays of their Oct­roy, to People who deserv'd it better than their ungreatful Neighbours.

Some warm Debates happen'd on this Oc­cassion, what Two Persons should be entrusted with this mighty Affair, for by reason the Kirk and Church-money was equally in the Stock, both Parties endeavour'd to imploy their own Instruments. There were several Meetings on this Affair, and it was at long-run amicably concluded, that Alexander Ste­venson, late Kirk-Treasurer, or Kirk-War­den of Edinburgh, a Zealous and Long-grace Sayer, and Capt. James Gibson, Merchant and Malignant of Glasco, should be the Delegates.

The next material Thing that came in Course was to lodge a Stock of Cash in Lon­don to answer their Delegates necessary Oc­casions abroad: The Sum agreed on was ei­ther 18 or 20000 l but what Man to entrust with this Sum that was fed on English Beef and Puddin, was another Hesitation. The [Page 10]Oracle Paterson being consulted herein sage­ly responded, that his Brother Smith's Bu­siness requiring him to go and remain for some time at London, he expecting some Ships home from Carolina and New-England, wherein he had large Effects; he was of O­pinion, that they could not lodge it safer than in his Hands. Smith returns to London, and having got the Gelt in his Sack, never broke his Rest afterwards about the Project. The Company at the same Time had substituted Two other Cashiers abroad, to wit, Mr. Francis Stratford, Mechant, at Hamburgh, (now Governour of that Company) and Alexander Hendersson, alias Archbisshop, at Am­sterdam, who were to draw from Smith's Bank, as the Delegates had Occasion.

This Walloon Banker, and Italian Secretary answer'd the Bills punctually till a better half of the Money was extracted; about which Time finding the Company baulk'd of the Holland, as well as English Subscrip­tions, he thought it necessary to hold his hand, and was passive in suffering a Bill of 200 l of Stratford's drawn on him to be protested at London. I shall leave him here for some­time, that I may bring the rest along with me, and only tell you, that Smith now find­ing himself Master but of 8500 l of the Com­panies Cash, and not sure that he shoulde­ver see so much of it again, and looking on this as little more than his Quota for the Pro­ject [Page 11]and Subscriptions (altho' the Latter hap­pen'd to fail, not through any Fault or Neg­lect of him, but by the Frowns of the House of Commons in England, and Holland by some surly Dutch Men Proprietors in the East and West-India Companies, and Lords of Amsterdam) he thought the Premium wrought for sufficiently, and that it was but just he should pay himself, since his Intenti­on was as honest as if it had succeeded; and if he had anything over his neat Share, it was convenient to hold it fast to enable him to go to Law the easier with the Company.

The Company bit their Lips, but endea­vour'd to keep it hush for some time, that the World might not perceive how they were deservedly bubbl'd. Smith knowing their Circumstances never went out of the Way for 15 or 16 Months afterwards; and then being sensible that if once the Compan. Ships were fail'd, there would be no great Occasion to pay him any more Civilities to keep the Pro­ject secret, and consequently he must expect the Company would be on his Back. On these Considerations he was on the Wing for his own Country, and was got so far on his Journey as Gravesend, when as Luck would had it, he was nabb'd with a Capio te at the Companies Instance. Some of his own and Wife's Relations were in the Coach with him, to see him to Dover, when this Accident happen'd: But he on this Occasion com­pos'd himself with more Sedateness of Mind, than M. Bousfliers did at Namure; and being unwilling to part with the Money so dearly earn'd, bespoke [Page 12]Lodgings in the Marshalsea, till on the late Revo­lution of that Sanctuary, the Marshal and he went off together on a new Project to Carolina.

Daniel Lodge was at Edinburgh, when the first Bill was protested, and had his Papers seiz'd and carry'd to the Campanies Office, and a Couple of Centries set over himself, but he being Yorkshire Blood, Scotch born, and Dutch bred, it was not easie to fasten any Thing on him.

Paterson was at Hamburgh on the Embassie when he heard of the Misfortune of Stratford's Bill; but all the Mends he could make, was to sigh and look dull. Nevertheless it was observable, that altho' Paterson rail'd at Smith behind his Back, there was never an ill Word between them when they met: For you are to understand, that Smith was one of the Companies Commissioners in Holland and Ham­burgh about the Time he suffer'd the Bill to be protested in London.

But to return to the setting out of this Embassie; Stevenson and Gibson being for some time gone over the Water to build Ships, and beat the Way for Subscriptions; the next Step was to chuse fit Per­sons to follow and manage this Point. Five such were appointed by Name of the Committee of Fo­reign Trade, who were cloath'd with an ample Commission from the Company, to take Subscrip­tions Abroad, to appoint Factors, to controul the foresaid Two Legates, to provide Officers and Sea­men; and, in a Word, to do what they thought necessary for the Company's Service. Paterson and Smith were the first Two,—a Scotch Merchant of London the Third. The Laird of Gleneagles for the Church, and Colonel John Erskin, Governour of Sterling-Castle, and Darling of the Kirk, made up the Quorum, the last Two being both Men of Honour and Worth, but altogether Strangers to Trade.

Two of these were order'd to Holland directly from Scotland, and Gleneagles was to pass by London, where he was to do some business, and take Smith, and the other in his way. Gleneagles having ar­riv'd at London, and joyn'd with the other two, articled with me at Moncreifs Coffee-house, in November, 1696. By the Arti­cles of our Contract, I was to go in the Company's Service from London to Am­sterdam, or Hamburgh; from thence to Scotland, and from thence on a Trading Voyage to either of the Indies, as the Company should appoint; and thence back to Scotland. I was at the same time made tacitly to believe that I was to go to the East Indies, and that the Ships would sail next March at farthest. The Encouragement (if I had been candidly dealt with, and honestly paid) seem'd to be fair enough in Merchants Service: So having order'd my Affairs in England to go to India, I went in Company of these Gentlemen to Amsterdam, where we arri­ved about Christmas following.

Here the whole Committee or Embassy met; where having view'd their Ships in that Port, to wit, one of 46 Guns ready built, and another of 60 on the Stocks they apply'd themselves to the business of Subscriptions. The Scheme laid down to [Page 14]them was this; Henderson formerly men­tion'd, a Scotch Man, Cossart a French Man,—an English Man, and— a Ducth Man, all Merchants of Amster­dam, were to subcribe 8500 l amongst them ( Smiths Summ) and were to draw in there Friends and Correspondents for as much as they could: In considera­tion whereof, these four were to be the Company's Factors in Holland, and to have 2 per Cent. for what they bought and sold. This was easily agreed to; and for their further Encouragment, they were in­vested likewise with the 2 per Cent. Com­mission of all the Money already laid out by Capt. Gibson on the two Ships, Canvas, Sails, Cables, Anchors, Powder, Guns, &c. in all above 10000 l which Properly was Gibson's right by his Commission from the Company. This was the first honest step they made by Vertue of their controuling Power.

These new Dutch Factors ply'd their Friends all over Holland, who generally for some time before were mightily taken with the Scotch. East India, Trade, their Exemption from Duties for 21 years, and tickled with the Conceit that they should be Sharers in it. But through an ugly accident which happen'd in Camphire, at Paterson's and the Collonels Landing, the [Page 15]whole Mess of the Companies Pottage was in danger of being miscook d. The Story runs thus: These Gentlemen had a rough and tedious Passage from Scot­land, and it seems the Skipper had not laid in Provisions for his Passengers over plentifully, which was the occasion that Paterson at his landing in Camphire (and being welcom'd and entertain'd by one Panton, a Merchant there) tasted more freely of the Creature then he us'd to do; (for he always set up for a Water-biber) which Panton perceiving, ply'd him warm­ly, and took the Liberty of pumping him. Paterson's Tongue running glib with the Hollands Cannal Water on the Eloginm's of the Octroy, happen'd to babble out a Secret of the Company, viz, That their Act empower'd them to give Commissions to any kind of People (without asking their Nation) to Trade to the Indies under Scots Colours; and that such People might dispose of their India Goods where they pleas'd, pro­viding they made a sham Entry in Scotland. And if the Company should agree to take 3 per Cen. for the Goods, such Ships as Traded with their Commission were able to undersel the English and Dutch full 17 per Cent. Panton was glad of the News, & improv'd the Story amongst his Friends, who design'd to sign in the Companies [Page 16]Books; and these run now on this Com­mission for the 3 per Cent. finding it a safer way of Trading, then by putting their Money in the Companies bottom; neither would they of Zealand ever afterwards en­ter on any other Terms.

We were no sooner come to Amsterdam, then we met with this Story fresh in the Coffee-houses there. It was too late for Pa­terson to eat in his words; so that all the Salvo we could make to dash the Story, was by saying, that this was the Com­panies sho'el Anchor, if every thing else should fail them; but that they had no occasion to make use of that Power at present; nor that Mr. Paterson meant so when he spoke it. But that which gave us the dead stroke in Holland, just as the Companies Books were open'd, the East and West India Companies run open mouth'd to the Lords of Amsterdam, shew­ing what was hatching by the Scotch Com­missioners in their City, to ruine the Trade of the United Provinces. The Lords gave them satisfaction in the mat­ter, and made no noise of it; for we were made to understand in a day or two afterwards, that our Subscriptions were dash'd, and none to be expected there. On this occasion it was resolved in the Commitee, that Paterson, and the Col­onel [Page 17]should forthwith proceed to Ham­burgh, to see what could be be done there, the rest being to remain in Holland for some time, to give the less Umbrage to the Hamburgh Project.

The Hamburghers swallow'd the bait to a wish; for the more opposition the En­glish and Dutch offer'd to the project, con­firm'd them the more that it was their Interest to embrace it. The River Elve, on which Hamburgh stands, is Navigable for flat bottom Barges of 70 or 80 Tuns, for some 200. Miles up into the Country of Germany, which gives them an oppor­tunity of serving all the North parts of that Empire with Goods more convenient­ly then the Hollanders can: And as they have no East India Goods but what they have at second hand from England and Holland, or a few from Denmark, by joyn­ing now with the Scotch Company, they have a prospect of worming the Hollan­der out of a good part of the German Trade.

In Parenthesi I must own that this part of the Project was Reasonable on both the Scotch and Hamburgher side, if it had been meant as it was told; but the Devil on't was, the Hamburgers knew nothing of Darien, but builded altogether on Ships laden with India Goods, whereof their [Page 18]City and Port was to be the Receptacle and Mart; while Paterson wanted only their Money to raise Forces to over-run Mexico and Peru.

The way being thus prepared by these two Fore-runers, the body of the Com­mitee receiv'd advice to repair thither at sight, all things being ready for Signing and Sealing. And I receiving orders to accompany them, set out from Amster­dam, after we had spent three Mouths there in vain; and arrived at Humburgh on La­dy-day, 1697. Our Affair was so gene­rally favour'd by the Burghers of this City, that at our arrival we printed Pla­caarts, and fix'd them on the Exchange, and other publick Places there, intimating that the Companies Books were to be open'd in the Commercie Kamber the week following for Subscriptions; but they were to take notice (the best Jest on't) That by the Constitutions of the Company, no Man could sign above 3000 l. sterling for himself; as likewise, that their Books could not ad­mit above 200000 l. in all.

These Placaarts were no sooner pasted up on the Posts, than Pamphlets were crying up and down the Streets, full of ill Nature, and a great many sad Truths; advising the Hamburghers to enquire fur­ther into the Project, before they parted [Page 19]with their Money, lest they should ne­ver see it again. These Pamphlets con­tain'd 3 or 4 Sheets, and were printed in French, High and Low Dutch, under the Title of, A Letter from a Friend in Amster­dam, to his Friend in Hamburgh. But the Hamburghers having such a Confidence in Paterson's Phiz, and smooth Tongue, and by the forward appearance the Com­pany made with their new Ships of 50 Guns all in a row, they believ'd all this stuff, to be hatch'd in Samaria, from whence no good can be expected.

But that the Scriptures might be ful­fill'd, by the Elects meeting with Disappoint­ments and Crosses while they sojourn here; or on the other hand, that of Honesty's be­ing the best Policy, either you please; the Companies Book was likewise shut up here, without getting a Groat of the Ham­burgers Money, although that City got near 30000 l of the Company's. The human reason of this Disappointment, if I am not mistaken, was as follows; in the Octroy there was a certain unnecessary Pa­ragraph, which occasion'd a great many English and Hollands Speculations, viz. That in case the Company should be interrupted in their Trade, &c. the King had ingag'd to interpose the Regal Authority to do them Right, and that at the publick Charge. Pa­terson, [Page 20]and the other Agents of the Com­pany, to magnifie their Charter, did in­sinuate in all Companies, That the King was to assist and defend them with his Ships of War, or otherwise, if there was occasion, and that out of his own Pocket, which they did not question to be English Coin; when at the same time, the words of the Act cannot bear it; much less, That a Scots Act of Parliament should dispose of English Ships and Money. But since the Scotch Company would force this gloss on the Text for their Advantage, the English Tra­ders to India made as profitable a use of it the other way; for say they, Was it not enough that the King of Great Britain should pass an Act in favour of his Scots Subjects to Trade to India, and exempt them from Duties for 21 years, which is an evitable Prejudice to the English Trade, since it's impossible to hinder them from sending their India Goods by stealth over the Border, and underselling our Markets by 25, or 30 per Cent. but that they should be empower'd to take in For­reigners to be Sharers with them in this Trade; and not only thereby suck the Blood and Marrow out of England for 21 years, but that our English Ships of War (for the maintenance of which great Tax­es and Imposts are laid on our Trade and [Page 21]Goods) should defend this Scotch Compa­ny's Trade, and these Foreigners who run away with the whole.

These weak Proceedings of Paterson and the other Agents, with the Sentiments the English had of it, made the Govern­ment of England, send to the Senate of Hamburgh a Caution by Sir Paul Ricaut, Resident there, to take care how they suffer'd their Burghers to embark with private Men, the King's Subjects, under the hopes of the English Protection, which being to the Prejudice of their own Sub­jects, could not be reasonably expected. This was the Substance of the Memorial given in to that Senate, who had never hi­therto countenanc'd the Committee, altho' the Private Burghers were so Resolute to Join.

Adverse Fortune still attending our Em­bassie, they thought fit to steer home­wards, and make the best of a bad Market, being now fully satisfy'd that there's no other Body's Money to be Trusted to but their own: And having left me with Le­gate Stevenson to tend the Ships till farther Orders; they set out from Hamburgh in April.

The Report of this Mournful Story be­ing made to the Board in Scotland, they found that they had been hatching rotten [Page 22]Eggs for a Twelvemonth by-gone: But that which was still worse, 50000 l was sunk into Dutchland on Ships that were nei­ther fit for Merchants Service nor War, 8500 l sunk in Smith's Pocket, a Cargoe of all sorts of Goods and Materials for a Plan­tation ready bought, viz. Scotch Cloath 8000 pieces White, ditto Brown 4 or 5000. ditto died and strip'd 2000. Sterling Sear­ges 8000 Ells, Men and Womens Shoes 5 or 6000 pair, Slippers about 1500, pair, Mens coarse Stockings 4000 pair, Wo­mens ditto 2000 pair, Scotch Hats a great quantity, English Bibles 1500, Periwigs 4000. some Long, some Short, Campaigns, Spanish Bobs and Natural ones; and truly they were all Natural, for being made of Highlanders Hair, which is blanch'd, with the Rain and Sun, when they came to be open'd in the West-Indies they look'd like so many of Sampson's Fireships that he sent amongst the Philistines, and could be of no use to the Colony, if it were not to mix with their Lime when they plaster'd the Walls of their Houses. This was all the Merchandable Cargoe, save about 500 l worth of Hamburgh Linen and Holland, and to the same value of little Trincums bought in Holland for a Guinea or Indian Trade, and about 2 or 3 Hogsheads of Bees-wax. The rest was in Materials for [Page 23]the Colony, viz. Hoes, Axes, Matches, Knives, &c. And for the main Design 1500 spare Buccaneer-Pieces, some Hun­dreds of Barrels of Powder, Shot proporti­onable and about 80 or 90 Drums. This Cargoe of Merchandize and Materials for the Colony, amounted to about 19000 l including 25 per Cent. advance, which the Company charg'd on every Article. So that there was about 74000 of the 100000 l Sunk. The remainder was towards Pro­visions, Payment of the Sailors and other Servants of the Company, and Discharge of the Company's Civil List: But of this odd Money above 10000 l was deficient in the Payments, to wit, some great Men could not be forc'd to pay, they Natively thinking their Countenance to the thing to be enough for their share; others were Sick, and a great many stark Dead of the Project, but most of them not able to raise their Quota.

The Company's Affairs looking now so pale-fac'd, they were for some time stagger­ing in their Resolutions: And on this Occa­sion it was propos'd to the Board by the Laird of Drummellier, a Topping and Lead­ing Man of the Company, and back'd by Robert Watson, a Leading Man amongst the Merchant Directors, that they should send Order to their Agents in Holland and [Page 24] Hamburgh to sell off the Ships, and that their Committee of homeward Improvements should dispose of the foresaid Cargoe to the best Advantage, and the Company to make a Dividend of the Product, amongst the Proprietors of the Stock. This Propo­sal was Rejected as Inglorious, and they being now in utrumque Parati, were Re­solv'd Seu varsare dolos, and that their Ser­vants, but not themselves, should be the Victims to the Certae occumbere Morti.

From this Minute they fixt their Resolu­tions, that since their Ships were built, the Provisions, Cargoe, and other Necessa­ries already provided, they should not look back, but equip for Sea with all Ex­pedition; if they Perish there, or the Pro­ject Miscarry, they could shew the World that they drove the Nail so far as it would go, and at last, shift the Miscarriage from off themselves. And to satisfie the World that their Despair was evident; at the sign­ing of the Company's last Instructions to the Colony, This Drummellier would have it added in the Postscript as a Benediction, That they should get Money Honestly if they could, but be sure to get it, and if they came Home without it, then the Devil get them all.

By the sequel of the Story the Reader [Page 25]may judge whether they did not put this Resolution into Practice. After the Em­bassie or Committee of Foreign Trade left Hamburgh, nothing Remarkable past there, save that after Mr. Stratford had given them a Splendid Entertainment for their Foy, they went off without bidding him kiss there—and believing that all these Dishes were a Pig of their own Sow, left Instructions behind them that he should not act any longer as the Company's Cashier. Whether this was the True Reason of his being laid aside, or that of his Original Sin, I cannot resolve you; but this I know, that he gave them Credit at their first appear­ance in Hamburgh, indented with the Buil­der of the four Ships, with the Ropemakers, Blacksmiths, and other Artificers, to fur­nish the Company, and bound himself for performance of the several Contracts; and at last he was oblig'd to Arrest the same Ships (as they were sitting out) for 800 l Flemish, that being the Ballance of his Accompts; and they lay in Limbo a Fort­night or three Weeks before this Money could be paid.

We Sail'd with two of these Ships, viz, the Caledonia and St. Andrew from the Ri­ver of Hamburgh the 10 of November, 1697. (having left the other two behind us, rea­dy Launch'd and lying to Rot in the Ouse) [Page 26]and arriv'd in Leith Road on the 20th. to the no small Joy of the Proprietors of the Stock, two Thirds of whom firmly be­liev'd for six Months by-gone that all was Cheat, and that there was no such Ships in Rerum Natura.

About the same time the Rising-Sun of 60 Guns, and the Ʋnicorn of 46, were fallen down from Amsterdam to the Texel, in order to joyn us, that we might make our Parade the more Splendid in Leith Road. These Ships, you must know, had their Complement of Men bore on them for several Months before, as if they had been ready to Sail; but Archbishop Henderson, their trusty Friend and Agent, having about 3000 l due to him and Partners, did not think it discreet to let both Ships go till he had the Money in his Pocket; several kind Epistles and civil Words past between the Company and him on this occasion, but to no material purpose; for he was ap­prehensive that if once they got the Ships in Scotland, his Money might be like Butter in the Black Dog's Hauce, or that they might detain so much of it as came to the Quota of his and Partners Subscriptions, which he and they had no Inclination to. On these Considerations the Archbishop sent home the Ʋnicorn, and brought the Com­pany's Rising-Sun back to the Meridian of [Page 27] Amsterdam, where she being Frozen up, for that Season, was oblig'd to lie till she Thaw'd, and for some Months afterwards, till he had his Dutch Gilt again. And in­deed I think the Accident was very lucky, for besides the Honour which the Company purchas'd by entertaining the Czar of Mos­covy Aboard while she lay at the Pales of Amsterdam, if she had gone to the West-In­dies, she might have set there and never ri­sen again; and so Drummellier would have been disappointed of his Dividend.

The Hamburgher Ships and the Ʋnicorn, being arriv'd at Leith, it was resolv'd to car­ry them up the Fryth till the hardest of the Winter was over; but the Seamen (a great part of whom had been 11 or 12 Months in the Service, and as void of Faith as Mo­ney) would not move an inch till they were paid, altho' several of the Directors came Aboard to Interpose their Authority. This oblig'd a certain Committee to be appoint­ted for their Payment, who brought down the Money to Leith, and endeavouring to show themselves Good Husbands for the Company, pinch'd may be 5, 6 or 7 Shil­lings out of each Man's Wages, (not for Dammages, for there was no Goods) which oblig'd the Sailors to give them a hearty Curse to their Faces, so soon as they had got the Money in their Hats. All that [Page 28]was sav'd in the Caledonia by this Manage­ment was within 40 l And when I told Little Blackwood my Sentiments of it at the Pay-Table, he reply'd, that it was no mat­ter, every Little makes a Mickle, and the Company had need to save all they can. The Consequence of this was, that when the Company had occasion to fit out their Ships in the Spring, none of these Sailors that were worth the hanging, would List themselves, and we were oblig'd to take Tag, Rag and Bobtail, and such as no Skipper in the Fryth would Eatertain. The Company indeed depended on their Country-Men who were discharg'd of the English Service on the Peace, but they were disappointed, for none of them would leave Old England. So that when we came to Sea, we were so feebly Mann'd, (altho' we had Eaters enough) that if it had not been for the Land Officers and their Men, I am satisfy'd that our Ships had run away with us.

In July following, the Ships being ready to Sail, the Sea-men were paid off, and for their farther Encouragement, receiv'd 2 Months Pay Advance; as for the rest, those who are alive, must catch it if they can, tho' it may be guess'd what they have to trust to, by the Defences which the Company makes at this time in Doctors-Commons, in an [Page 29]Action of Sea Wages they are sued for. To wit, that the Company Transfer'd their Ships, Men and Cargo, over to the Collonie; that they are now two distinct Societies, that what Wages were due by the Company, were paid before the Ships went from Scotland; and altho' the Com­pany advanc'd the foresaid two Months Pay, yet it was not on their own account, but lent to the Collonie. This is a pretty ho­nest Evasion of the Company to cheat so many poor Men out of their Wages: I don't know what success such Defences will meet with in their own Courts, but they are now rejected in Doctors Commons, and the Money order'd to be brought into the Court.

But before I go any further, I'll give you a clearer View of this Transfer. The Company having laid out a round Summ of Money on this Expedition, thought the most probable way of seeing it again, was to charge the Collonie with it, to let them improve it the best way they could, and pay the Company certain Parcels of it at such and such Terms. They valu'd these three Ships and Cargo, with the two Tenders, (including the Provisions and Mens Wages they had already paid) at 70000 l for which they took the Coun­cils Bond to be paid as aforesaid. They [Page 30]were likewise to have certain shares in the Mines, Minerals, &c. and to be free of Duties in the Collonies Ports, whereas Strangers were to pay 2 per Cent. (which was to be apply'd to the maintenance of the Collonies Forts, and other necessary Uses.) These Gentlemen, who gave their joynt Bond for this 70000 l were not worth so many English Pence; and the Transfer was so clandestinely carried on, that if it had been known to the Sea-men, or those who expected Wages, there had not one Soul of them gone in the Service. And I dare be positive, that when we ar­riv'd in Darien, this Transfer was such a secret, that it was not known to ten Men besides the Councellors.

The Seamen being thus paid by the Com­pany what was due to them, with the two Months advance, were made believe that when once these Landmen were set ashore, they were to proceed on a Trading Voyage, and return to Scotland to be paid, where­with they were well enough satisfy'd. The Landmen were still in worse Circumstan­ces, for they had no Pay, nor none to trust to; only the hopes they were faten'd with of picking the Gold off the Leaves of the Trees, which few of them doubted of, that went on that foot. For the more formality of the thing, and to make it of a greater value, [Page 31]there was a kind of Indenture or Contract between the Company and these Landmen. The Soldiers were not to go under that De­nomination, but that of Planters. The 60 Officers (12 of them had been Captains in Flanders, and the other 48 subalterns) were term'd Over-seers, Sub-Overseers and Assi­stants. The true Mystery of their cramp Names lay here, if I am not mistaken: The Octroy empower'd the Company to list and entertain Soldiers for the Service of their Collonies, and to exercise Martial Disci­pline; but at the same time, what Souldi­ers they listed in Scotland, must be with the Privy Councils leave first obtain'd. At the listing and enrolling of these Land-men, the Company thought it in vain to ask the Council that savour, for some weighty Reasons, which I shall not offer here; so took their own way of Christ'ning them, designing at the same time to make them answer the same ends, when once they got them between the Tropicks; and in the mean time, it was not necessary that these Land Officers, or Planting Soldiers should know the secret of their Infirmity. I must tell you, that Pennycook, and some more of the Council were so ignorant of it, that if it had not been for one who was none of their Number, they had hang'd up some of the Land-men at Sea, to try their hand. [Page 32]And after we had been a while in the Col­lony, and the poor Men so starv'd, that they were oblig'd to desert to any body that could fill their Bellies, some 9 or 10 of these were brought back by a party; and since they found they could not hang them, without running the hazard of being hang'd themselves for it afterwards, they chain'd great Weights of Iron to their Leggs, and condemn'd them for a certain number of years to Slavery. These Act­ings were as unlegal as the other; for if by the Constitutions of the Collony their Port be free, and if these Men be Planters by the Indenture or Contract made with the Company, they are Freemen, and not ly­able to the lash of Martial Discipline.

The Terms of these Indentures run thus, That the Planters should be mantain'd by the Company three Years; and what Ground they clear'd in that time, should be dispos'd of by the Colony, as they should think fit; allowing 50 Acres to each Planter, with a House in the Capital City of 50 foot square; 100 Acres to each Officer, with a House proporti­onable. And to set the greater value on that rich land, the Councellors themselves, by the Constitutions, could not have above three Portions, to wit, 150 Acres. These poor deluded Fellows had better sold them­selves for the time in some of the English [Page 33]or French Plantations, and have got 18 or 20 l by the bargain, without either running the hazard of starving, or of the Spanish Mines. And altho' there had been no dan­ger of either, yet what could a naked man make of this 50 Acres of Ground, or of 500, at the three years end, if it were not to sow Potatoes, Maez, and Plantains, and live as Adam did.

This is all the Encouragement these Gentlemen and Planters had to trust to; and altho' most, or all the Officers had been listed 4 or 5 Months before they were ship'd aboard, yet they had not a farthing allow'd them for their subsistance, but what the 12 Captains or Overseers could pinch out of their Companies; neither could that be much, for their Planters were allow'd but 3 d. a day for their subsistance, from the date of their listing, to their going on board; indeed about a Month before we sail'd, upon a certain occasion of the Land Officers grumbling, the Directors, out of their Benevolence, or rather to stop their Mouths, order'd 10 l for each Cap­tain, with a Subscription of 100 l in the Capital Stock (which was only 25 l Gift,) and for the Subalterns in Proportion; which generous Gratuity made all things easie.

The Contract or Charter Party between the Company and Council, was penn'd before the Councellors were created; but that signify'd little, for these Candidates would scarce have stuck at the Terms, tho' they had been harder. But to tell you the truth, they were to seek for Per­sons fit for that purpose, and were glad to take such as they could get. By the Con­stitutions a greed on by Rozy Mackenzie, and the Company, seven Councellors were to be created before the Ships sail'd from Scotland, and these were to be invested with a Power to assume to the number of six more, as they should see occasion. I have reason to believe that the design of leaving these six Chairs vacant, was for the Encouragement of such English or French Men of Substance, as should come in and joyn them from the West India Planta­tions.

To give you the Characters at large of these 7 Councellors, would be tedious; wherefore I desire you may accept of this in short. 1. James Cunningham led the Van, he had been a Major in the Scots For­ces, and disbanded on the Peace; a Pillar of the Kirk, and never out of Scotland before. 2. Donald Macay, a Scrivener's or Writer's Clerk, newly come out of his Apprenticeship, but a Youth of good Parts. 3. — Veach, a [Page 35]Man of no Trade, but advanc'd to this Post on the account his Father was a godly Mini­ster, and a Glorifier of God, I think in the Grass-market. 4. Robert Jollie, a jolly Scotch over-grown Hamburger, who was ormerly a Skipper, and us'd the Shetland Trade, but had for some dozen years been set up at Hamburgh, in quality of Merchant; and after that a Broker, and now a Councel­lor. 5. Robert Pennycook, formerly a Sur­geon in the English Navy, then a Lieutenant, and afterwards Commander of a Bomb; this Gentleman having gain'd Experience by be­ing 21 years from Scotland in several Trades or Occupations, he was by a Stratagem of an Acquaintance of mine, call'd home to take this Post upon him, about 6 or 7 Weeks before we sail'd, and was advanc'd by the Interest of the Krak Party, the better to ballance that of the Church, and to keep our Dr. M— a reputed Atheist, who would certainly have debauch'd both. Mr. Pennycook was not only Councellor, but likewise Captain, Com­madore, and the very Orford of our Navy. 6. James Montgomrie, whose Designation I cannot well tell, but you may know him by the Story of the bloody Fight he had with the Spaniard, where so many hundred were kill'd and taken Prisoners, tho' at the same time there was never a Spaniard hurt. This Gentle­man was formerly an Ensign in the Scots [Page 36] Guards, but not liking that Office, left it, and carry'd a brown Musket in another Re­giment. The Reasons of his Preferment to this Post, was his Grand-fathers being Earl of Eglington; and his own Father, by the Mothers side, being Major General Mont­gomrie. 7. Robert Pincarton, a good down right, rough spun Tar, never known before by any Designation or State Office, save that of Boatswain to Sir William Phipps, when he was on the Wreck; and now, poor fello [...], a Diver in the Spanish Mines at Cartha­gena.

These were the seven wise Men, who were to divide Mexico and Peru amongst them. Veach being sick of the Voyage, stay'd at home; and on this occasion Wil­liam Paterson, whom I hinted at before, having come from Scotland with us in qua­lity of Voluntier (for he was in Disgrace some Months before we came off; and his projecting Head growing too big to get out of the Ports of Edinburgh without an Engine, he was at his liberty either to go into the Tolbooth, or on board in this Station, which he pleas'd) was assum'd into the Senate in Veach's Place, after we had got so far as the Madera's on our Voyage.

I had almost forgot to tell you of our Clergy, with whom I ought, in good [Page 37]Manners, to have begun. Two Ministers with a Journey-Man to take up the Psalm, were commission'd by the General As­sembly, with full Instructions, I suppose, to dispose of the Bibles among the Indi­ans. One of these was an Extraordinary good Man, but he ow'd his Education to the Army in Flanders, where the Kirk Rust was rubb'd off him. The other was Young Headstrong, as infallible as his Ho­liness, Sawcy and as Impertinent as the Mo­derator himself. They thought to have establisht the Scotch Kirk Discipline in A­merica, but having past the Tropick of Cancer, they could find such a sensible Al­teration in our Men, nay, in the Major him­self, by the Influence of that Zone, that they began to dispair of it, and their Heart-strings being quite broke at the Sight of that dear Land of Promise, they just lookt upon it and so were gather'd to their Fa­thers. They were not much miss't indeed; for the only Time we had Oceasion for the Priestly Office, was the Marriage of Pa­terson's Wifes Maid, after her Belly had been a Third up, and then her Master happen­ing to be Praeses, or high Priest for the Week, Celebrated it in as much Form, or perhaps more than if it had been done in a Scotch Kirk.

But before I leave Europe altogether; I must tell you One Passage more, which was a Secret to a great Part of the Court of Directors when we left Scotland, it being manag'd only by the private Committee, and 2 or 3 more. The Story runs thus, The Companyes, or rather private Com­mittees Agents at London, had been for some time in Terms with Lionel Wafer to bring him into the Service, they had no positive Instructions to agree with him at first, but only to sound him as to the Par­ticulars of the Country of Darien. Wafer, it seems, was in Terms with some private Merchants of London, about sending a Vessel thither for Nicaragua Wood, to which he was to Pilot them; and about the same Time he was putting his Journals into the Press. Pennycook, before he left London, went with Mr. Fletcher a Scotch Gentleman and some others designedly to discourse this Wafer, and having treated him at Pontacks, satisfy'd themselves of his Capacity to serve the Company, they ad­vis'd him not to be hasty in Publishing his Book, or at least till he heard further from Scotland. There was a Collection of some Gui­neas amongst these Gentlemen for Wafer, the better to back their Advice. When Penny­cook arriv'd in Scotland he acquainted the pri­vate [Page 39]Committee with his Sentiments of Wafer, on which they wrote for Mr. Fletcher by the next Post to secure him for the Companies Service, and to make the easiest Bargain he could.

Mr. Wafer had stood for some Months by-gone at 1000 l but now Mr. Fletcher being in Earnest with him he agreed on the following Terms.

• 1. He was to serve the Company for the Space of 2 Years in their Expedition, for which the Company was to pay him 750 l whereof 50 l ready down.
• 2. He was forthwith to proceed to E­dinburgh, and there to answer such Que­stions as the private Committee or Commit­tee of Trade should ask him.
• 3. In Consideration of 20 Guineas more, which hethen received in hand, he was to put a Stop to the Publishing his Book for the space of a Month; and when he came to Edin­burgh, if the Company and he could not come to Terms for the suppressing it altoge­ther, then he was either at Liberty to go in their Service for the foresaid 700 l or to return to England, which he pleas'd.
• [Page 40]4. You may easily perceive something, Mystical in the wording of these Articles, whereby the Company might shake their Neck out of their Noose, but that Mr. Fletcher mean't it so, I will not say, but am rather willing to believe he was sincere and ignorant of the Companies Design on him.

Mr. Wafer, Pursuant to the Contract, (having order'd his Affairs in England for his Voyage to Darien,) took Post for Scot­land, and on the Road past by the Name of Brown, by the Committees Direction. He was stopt at Haddinton, 12 Miles short of Edinburgh, by Mr. Pennycook, who was or­der'd to Lodge him at Mr. Fletcher's House, about 2 Miles Wide of that Road, and there he was to stay till the Committee should come to him, least by his going into Edinburgh he should be seen by Paterson or Lodge, (who at this Time were kept in the Dark as to the Companies Resolutions,) or by any other Person that might know him. The private Committee came to him next Day, and having enter'd on Bu­siness, askt him first, if he had order'd his Affairs so in England that he needed not return. He answered that he had, and [Page 41]was ready to go abroad at 48 Hours warn­ing: To this they reply'd, that it was very well, tho'by the Sequel of the Story you'll find it none of their Meaning.

During the first 2 or 3 Days Conferences, the Subject of the Discourse was Darien, of which he unbossom'd himself freely. And for their further Incouragement, he ingaged to lead them to a Treasure of Nicaragua Wood, whereof 300 Men could cut down so much in Six Months, as should defray the whole Charge of the Expeditinn, which if he did not perform he should forfeit his Title to the 700 l Premium agreed on. The Gentlement were curious in Inform­ing themselves whereabouts this Treasure was, whither it was near the Sea or any River whence it could be easily Shipt Aboard. Wafer, not suspecting any De­sign upon him by Persons of so noted Cha­racters, resolv'd them in every Particular, and pointed out the very Spot of Ground, where it grows, with the Bearings and Distance of it from Golden Island. They now think­ing themselves Cock-sure of the Treasure, and sufficiently Instructed as to the Coun­try, had no more Occasion for Wafer, and believ'd that the 700 l Pilotage might be sav'd, to help to fetch up Smith's Summ.

Next Night he has brought into Edin­burgh under Pretence of a nearer Commu­nication, and was lodg'd in a private Cell near the Companies Office Three Pair of Stairs high, where he could scarce distin­guish between Sun Light and Moon Light; and here he was oblig'd to keep close least by being seen abroad the Project should take Air. Wafer was well enough pleas'd with his Confinement, having still the 700 l in View; but as there's no Certainty in Sublunary Things, so the Pilot mist of his Mark; for in a Day or two afterwards some Gentlement of the Committee came to him and with abundance of Concern, made him understand, that the Project had taken Wind in England, that Admiral Bembo was lying with a Squadnon at Spithead, to wait their Motion; and that it was re­solv'd that very Morning, in the Secret Committee, to alter their Darien Project. Wafer being somewhat daunted at the News, had but little to say to the Matter: And these Gentlemen to blind him the more, ask'd him several Questions about the Rivers of Platte and Amazones (both 1000 Leagues wide of Darien,) and whe­ther he could be serviceable to them that way; to which he answered, No.

Thus they parted from him, shew­ing a great Concern for their own Disappointment, as well as his; tell­ing him withal, That since they could not go in his Darien Project, they would think of a Gratuity sit for him, which he might expect that Even­ing.

This Gratuity was the Sum of Twen­ty Guineas, which he receiv'd by the Hand of Mr. Pennycook: And I suppose he was now at Liberty to Print his Book, for I think he was ne­ver so much as Commun'd with about it. I was order'd to see him out of Town, which gave me an Opportu­nity of having the mournful Story Re­capitulated, whereof neither he nor I at that time knew the Draught. It was not necessary to enjoin Wafer to conceal his Scotch Journey from the English, his own Interest obliging him to keep it hush, since the greatest Remedy he could expect was to be laught at. However, I dare say, he hath acquired so little Knowledge of Edinburgh (except what he learn'd of the Company,) that if he were to re­turn [Page 44]to that City, he could no more find the Way to his Lodging, than the Company could to the Nicaragua Wood, notwithstanding they thought themselves so sure of it by Directi­ons.

I was afterwards one of those who went for several Miles along the Coast, in Search of this Treasure, but were oblig'd to give it o'er: And in Lieu of this, our Men were order'd to fell several kinds of strange Trees, which naturally grow in the Colony's Garden.

These were squared and cut in Ten Foot Peices, for the easier Stowage, and were to be sent Home by the first Ship, to see if the Company's Virtuoso's could find any Lebanon a­mongst them.

When they come, I dare say, they will Puzzle the General Assembly to find Names for them all, for I can scarce think that Old Nunkle trotted so far West to Christen them.

But that I may now take leave of the Com­pany (whom I am unwilling to part with as yet if it were not for fouling too much Pa­per) and hale my Topsail-sheets home for my Voyage to Darien: I must acquaint you that about 7 or 8 months before we sail'd, a Committee was order'd for the dispatch of business, viz. for the victualling and sitting out of the Fleet. I was ordered to assist at two or three meetings of this Committee with my advice in the Victualling part (that for some time before lying within my Province) and they having told me that 900 men was the Compliment they design'd for this Expe­dition, and that they must regulate the daily expence according to the store they had, so as to make it hold out 9 months; this was soon done, and if we had been ready to sail then, the Provisions might have held out ac­cording to the calculation: but our Masters being no Witches at their craft a third of their Provisions were expended before we could be ready to sail. There was none to be had in Scot­land, and if there had there was no Money to go to Market; the 100000 l being sunk, and the Companies credit not worth two pence, not­withstanding the glorious show our Ships made from the Castle-hill of Edinburgh. And I have reason to believe, that we had stuck there as well as the Rising Sun did in the Pom­posse, if it had not been for some few Pillars of the Company who mortgag'd their Estates [Page 46]for 4 or 5000 l for which the Company made over the two new Ships at Hamburgh and the Rising Sun at Amsterdam for their security. It was not convenient to let our men know the ill state of our Provisions; but on the o­ther hand, there was such a noise made or our plenty, and of our having a twelve months store of all kinds for 1000 men, that it was like to have set us all by the ears together be­fore we were long at Sea. This management was principally due to Mr. Robert Blackwood one of that Committee, a little busy-body, who took this part of it upon him, and is now in disgrace for the same. Whether he deserves it altogether himself I will not say; but however, the Company thinks it necessa­ry he should be the Sacrifice, altho one half of their Collars is not enough to attone for what so many brave Fellows has suffered.

Having sail'd from Leith about three days I acquainted Mr. Pennycook with my doubts as to the Provisions, and how necessary it was the Council should be satisfied of our store be­fore it were too late. Next day he made the Signal for the Counsellors to repair on board, and the Pursers of the several Ships were or­dered to lay an account before them of what Provisions they stood charged with. This done, I was ordered to calculate the whole and make a Report how long the store would hold out at the usual allowance for 1050 men, our Compliment being thereabouts. I could [Page 47]not make above 5 months and a half of any specie except Stock-fish, of which we had full 11 months, and that at 4 days of the week, but had not above 4 months Butter and Oyl to it. The Council design'd to put into the Orkney's to send an Express to the Company and give them an account of the slate of Pro­visions, but meeting with thick and bad wea­ther in the passing of them, we were obliged to go on; and having calculated that store to hold out 9 months, our men were forthwith put to that sharp allowance. This occasion'd ill blood enough, and I was like to have got my throat cut for being the Author of it. As for our Drink, we had not above ten tunn of Beer in our Navy when we left Leith; but in lieu thereof we were assur'd by the Company, that we should take in Wine at Madera's, for which they had sent us credit on Mr. Miles, who had Effects in his hands of one William Arbuckles a Director; dut being come thither, we found this to be a mistake, to say no worse on't. Our men now being at such short allow­ance, and no other Drink to trust to but stin­king Water, did not know how to brook it well.

The Officers and Gentlemen Voluntiers, who had brought but little money with them (being in hopes that there was enough before them) were obliged to sell their moveables to Jack Portugueese, such as Scarlet Coats, Clooks and Swords, wherewith they pur­chas'd [Page 48]a little Wine for themselves. The Se­nate was in the same case, for they had no Cash in their Bank, and being under such ano­ther necessity as David was when he eat the Shew-bread, made bold with the several Ships stock-purses, wherein was only 100 l for each Ship, and 10 l for each Tender, in case they should meet with any disaster at' Sea and be oblig'd to be put into a Foreign Port. With this Money, and a few Pipe-staves, they purchas'd 27 Pipes of Wine, and a small recruit of fresh Provisions. But this would not have gone far, for if it had been serv'd out but at a quarter of a pint a day to each man it would not have held out above six weeks.

That you may tast a little of our Provisi­ons as well as I, you must know that our Stock-fish was the best, if there had been a pro­portion of Butter or Oyl to it. Our Beef was 3 fourths Irish, and the rest Scotch, both alike sit for a long Voyage. There was about a fifth part of the Irish stall-sed, the rest grass Beef, and the whole about 18 months in salt. As for our Bread, 27000 l weight of it was made up of damnified Wheat which was bought cheap, and the money of it is now in the pocket of a Director, whose Christian Name is Drummellier. This Bread was not sit for dogs to eat, but it was a mercy we had a good many Highlanders in our Legion, who were not used to feed on much of God's Crea­tures that's hallowed. The Pork was indiffe­rent [Page 49]good, but there being no great store of it aboard we reserv'd it always for our Sun­days dinner. As for Cheese, we had none, by reason, I suppose, that only serves for concoction, or to create an appetite.

Thus we march'd as the Scots Armies did in former days with their 40 days Provisions on their backs against their Enemies; whom if they did not meet before that term was ex­pir'd they dispers'd and went home again. But their case and ours differ'd in some essen­tials, these were never far from home, knew what to trust to, and if they happen'd to be disappointed of the Enemies Plunder, they could make bold with their Neighbours Chickens while they were on the Road, and that never reckon'd Stealing: But we were sent to the back of Gods elbow, where we could see nothing but Death, starving and the Spanish Mines before our Eyes, and although our inclinations were never so strong to bor­row any of our Neighbours goods, yet our power was always deficient.

But now to proceed on our Voyage, and give you the remarkable Occurrances of it and of our Darien entertainment; you are to know that we left the Edinburgh Fyrth on July the 17th. 1698, and having fetch'd a turn round the Orkney's we arriv'd at Madera's about the last of August, and staid there 5 or 6 days, till we purchas'd the foresaid 27 Pipes of Wine. Here the Council open'd their In­structions, [Page 50]by which they were ordered to Steer to Crabb-Island, and take possession of it in the name of the Company and Nation of Scotland, and leave a small deteachment there. This Island lies to Leeward of St. a Cruz, a­bout 9 Leagues, to windward of Porto-Rico, about 5 Miles and 18 Leagues from St. Thomas a Danish Island. Having made the Island of St. a Cruz, our Senate order'd the Ʋnicorn and one of the Tenders into St. Thomas, to get some Pilates for the Main, and to return to us at Crabb-Island. While the Council sat on this occasion, we drove to the Northward-most end of St. a Cruz, and not being in too much hast to come to an Anchor at Crabb-Island, we fetch'd a trip to Windward round St. a Cruz, which occasion'd the disappoint­ment of our settlement; for our Missioners to St. Thomas having innocently scatter'd some words there of our Crabb design, the Governour forthwith dispatch'd a Sloop with ten Men and an Officer to take possession of it in the name of Denmark; so that at our arrival in the Bay, or Road of Crabb-Island, we could see a large Tent ashore with the King of Denmark's Colours flying. Our Se­nate sent ashore to know the meaning of it, and were made sensible that they came too late. Next day the Ʋnicorn and Tender ar­riv'd, having brought with them one Allison, who Commanded a Sloop in that Squadron of Privateers, who had landed at Golden-Island, [Page 51]and march'd over the Isthmus, about 18 Years ago. We were glad of such a Pilot, for there was no Man in our Fleet that had ever been on the Spanish Coast. We left Crabb Island the second of October, and having met with Southerly and Westerly winds for 3 Weeks or a Month together, it was the second of No­vember before we came to an Anchor on the Darien Coast. We lay becalm'd a Week be­tween Cartagena and Cape Tiburoon (which is the Westermost point of the Gulph of Darien) where for want of any Air, but what was Sulphurous, our Men fell down and died like rotten Sheep.

We came to an Anchor about 7 Leagues to the Northwest of Cape Tiburoon, and altho' we were close by Golden Island, yet neither our Pilate, nor any person else knew the Land, till the Indians inform'd us. The Ʋni­corn being the first Ship that came to an An­chor sent her Boat ashore; where having left an hostage with some Indians, who had a Plantation there, two Canous with a few In­dians came on board the Ships. The Canou which came to the St. Andrew where I was had Captain Andreas on board, who was af­terwards the Companies and Collonies Land­lord: They were some hours aboard before we could make them understand us, altho a Jew (who was our Linguist) endeavour'd it with his Spanish, Portuguese, French and Dutch; till once they were got drunk with our Punch [Page 52]and Madera Wine, and then Captain Andreas with his Lieutenant spoke it as fast and much better than our Jew. Having got their load they were not able to go ashore that night; and next day we weigh'd and came into the Bay within Golden Island, which is about 4 or 5 Miles wide and deep. And having sound­ed with our Boats along the shore, we found a Lagoon on the South-East side of this Bay, which runs up within the Land about two Miles and a half; this appearing to be a good Harbour for us, we went into it and Christ­ened it, by the name of Caledonia Harbour. The mouth or entry of this Harbour is a large Mile over, and so steep too on both sides that a Ship may go so near as to throw a Bisket-cake ashore. One side of the Harbour to­wards the Sea is a vast Mountain and Penin­sula, being joyn'd to the Main at the bottom of the Harbour, by a neck of low Land, a­bout 3 or 400 Paces over. The extream point of this Peninsula, which makes one side of the Harbours mouth, is a low and flat piece of Sandy ground, containing about 30 Acres, and divided from the Peninsula by another neck of 180 Paces over from Sea to Sea. This was pitch'd upon as the strongest Sanctuary in case of attacks, as likewise for the convenience of a battery towards the Harbours mouth: We Christen'd this piece of ground by the name New Edinburgh, and the Platform of 16 Guns which we made [Page 53]there was call'd Fort St. Andrew. The neck of Land was cut through to let the Sea en­compass the New City and Fort, and part it from the Peninsula, and within the Treneh a breast-work with a Parapet was rais'd, and a half bastion at each end. On the other side of the Trench the Trees were fell'd, and the ground clear'd for a Musquet-shot round, to give us a fair prospect of the Spaniard, in case of an attack. This piece of ground was the Scotch Collony; as for the Peninsula it self, it might have been fortify'd with some labour and pains, but not thinking it conve­nient to part so few men to defend these two Posts, it was resolv'd by the Council to stick close by this and fortify it to the bestad-vantage. As for the opposite point on the Main, which makes the other side of the entry into the Harbour, it is a high ridge of a Moun­tain which with a sharp or edg'd end butts into the Sea, and so crosly contriv'd that it would puzzle all the Inginiers in Europe to plant a Gun on it that could do any Service. So that at best, this Harbour is only a shelter from bad weather, the Platform call'd Fort St. Andrew being of little use to defend it; the Ships in­deed by bringing a Spring on their Cables, and their Broadsides to bear towards the mouth of the Harbour, might serve for so advantagious a Battery, as one Ship within the Harbour might be as good as two that came in to attack them, the nature of which strength may easily be comprehended by any Seafaring men.

But to return to our Landlord and the other Indians; Captain Andreas's Plantation was a­mongst the Mountains, about 4 miles from our Harbour; the extent of his Government was from Carrit-bay about 8 or 9 miles on one side of us, and Golden Island about 5 miles on the other side, such a portion of Land being the Lairdship or Kingdom of these Captains whom the Buccaneers, Privateers and Scotch Company would have to be Kings and Sovereign Princes. At our first Landing, Captain Andreas came down and lookt on us, and seem'd to be well enough satisfy'd with his new Tenants (he thinking it in vain to appear otherwise, for if he had muster'd his whole Clan to oppose us, 6 of our men with fire-arms were enough to conquer him) but what his sentiment was will appear by the sequel. After that Visit he did not come near us for 3 or 4 weeks; and during this time the mighty noise of our Force spread­ing all along that Shore, and the hopes we gave them of restoring them to their ancient Liberty and Greatness, there came Canous with Indians from all the neighbouring parts to view us: it was our interest to make them wel­come, so that they came daily to us without any dread, and having staid till we were weary of them, went home again with some little presents of Beads, Looking-glasses, or Knives. About the same time Captain Ambrosio came from the Westward to us, with a Periaga full of Indians, to the number of 30, including Men, Women and Children, (for when they [Page 55]travel they carry their whole Families with them) and having come within half a mile of our Ships they set up a Flag of Truce, and lay on their Oars till our Pinnaces went out and assur'd them that they should be safe. This Ambrosio is one of their greatest Captains, and at present an Outlaw, or if you will, at war with the Spaniard, having murder'd 10 of them at the Isle of Pines sometime agoe: his Plantation and Government is about 50 miles to Leeward of the Collony, and about half way between and the Samballa's Islands. He was made very welcom, staid 2 or 3 days, and told us that we were not safe in Captain An­dreas's Ground by reason he was a Spanish Cap­tain and a very Spaniard in his heart, and al­though he seem'd to be well enough satisfy'd with our landing in his Ground, yet he was not to be trusted but came purely with a design to spy us. Captain Andreas absenting himself so long from the Collony added to the same suspicion, and our Senatours being resolv'd to know more of it, 3 of their number went on a Visit to his Plantation, and having enter'd his Wigwam (or Cage-like house) he sat still on his Seat without saying one word to them, or seeming to know that he ever had seen them before, although he was made heartily drunk at both the times he was on board. Mr. Pen­nycook and the others having met with this cold Entertainment from Captain Andreas (for they were not offer'd so much as a Plan­tain or Callabash of Drink, which is the usual [Page 56]Entertainment the Indians give to their Friends at their first entry) came home again confirm'd of what Ambrosio and the other In­dians had hitherto said. The next time Capt. Ambrosio came he insisted on the same story, and would needs perswade us to remove from that place and come nearer to him, where we needed not apprehend any betraying de­sign from him by reason his killing of these 10 Spaniards at the Isle of Pines, and taking that Periaga with a brass Pitterara could never be forgiven by them. Our Council met on this occasion, where it was order'd that Pen­nycook, Montgomery, Macay and Pinparton Counsellors, with Robert Drummond Com­mander of the Caledonia should go to Ambro­sio's, with the Long-boats and Pinnaces mann'd with 70 Fire-arms, and on their way to sound all the Harbours along the Coast. I was de­sir'd by these Gentlemen to go with them, and having stopt the first Night at the Isle of Pines, 6 Leagues to Leeward of the Collony, where Captain Long was riding in His Majesty's Ship the Rupert Prize, we lodg'd that Night on Board with him. The next day we proceed­ed on our Expedition sounding the Coast, where we sound some good Harbours that were able to contain all the Navy of England, but they could not be fortify'd so as to hinder the Enemy from coming in. When we ar­civ'd at Ambrosio's little River or Brook we lan­ded, and were Piloted by his Son Captain Pedro to the Plantation, which is about a [Page 57]league from the Sea, and is so cunning and obscure, that without a Guide it is impossible for any man to find the way to it. We crost one River eleven times, wading always up to the middle, and I believe we could have gone a nearer way if they would, but they do this designedly, that the Path or Road may not be found out by the Spaniard. Being arriv'd at the Plantation, Captain Ambrosio came out of his Wigwam about 30 Paces and welcom'd us, he had a white Cotton Frock on fring'd at the bottom, and his Court or Clann behind him (who were all mu­ster'd on this occasion) to the number of thirty men besides Women and Children; they were in such Frocks as Ambrosio's, and had short Lances in their hands: He carry'd us into his Wigwam, and his Wives gave every one of us a Plantain and Callabash of their drink (which is made of Indian Corn, and like unboil'd Flummery) this being all the Food we got till the next day at noon we came down to our Boats, except a dish of mine'd Meat of Wild Hogg, wherein was about two pound of Meat, which serv'd to give us a tast of their finest Cheer. We hung in Hammocks that Night in Ambrosio's Wigwam a­mongst his and his Son Pedro's Wives, and our men lay without round a large Fire that was made for them. Next morning Ambrosio went out betimes with 3 or 4 of his men to hunt for us, but there be­ing no appearance of his return at noon, and our Belliers crying Cupboard, we did not stay to bid him fare well; and his Son Captain Pedro having re-con­ducted us to the Sea side, desir'd the Linguist to tell Captain Pennycook, that his Father and he expected some Present for that Entertainment. We had brought nothing with us at that time, so told him, that the next time his Father came to the Collony the Council would thank him, and give him some­thing, which afterwards was two pieces of Scotch [Page 58]Cloth, two Fire-locks, and some Pouder, with a few Shot, wherewith he was mightily pleas'd.

Having return'd to the Collony, and a Report of the Expedition being made in Council, and the Port where we were reckon'd the most secure, it was resolv'd to remain there, dispatch the Fortifica­tion with all expedition, and make the best Bargain with Andreas we could. On the last of November, being St. Andrew's, day, it was manag'd so (but how I cannot resolve you) that Captain Andreas came a­board the St. Andrew, where was a Festival on the account of the Day, and he being ask'd by the Lin­guist, why he was so uncivil to the Councellours when they came to visit him in his Plantation, he answer'd, That he meant no harm, and that they must impute it to his Ignorance of the European Customs (altho' this Tale could not come well from one that was bred among the Spaniards) and not to his want of good-will. He was desir'd to sit down and share with them, the Linguist telling him the occasion of that Feast.

After Dinner, the great Bowl of Punch being set on the Table (the sight of which was pleasant e­nough to Andreas) the Council was resolv'd to push the thing home, and told him what Ambrosio and the other Indians said of him; to which he reply'd almost verbatim, as follows, That he could not de­ny but that he was a Spanish Captain, and had been so a long time; that the reason of his shewing the Collony so little Countenance was, by reason some See History Buchaneers. 16 or 17 years past, the English and French landed in that very Ground, being 12 or 13 hundred in number, and made them believe they were come to free them from the Spanish Yoke, and restore them to their own Country; his Friends and Relations join'd and assisted them at the taking of Sancta Maria and o­ther Towns on the South Sea, and likewise serv'd on [Page 59]board their Ships with them in their South Sea Expe­ditions, till at two years end they found, that all their design was on the Spanish Plunder, and having got that, lest them expos'd to the Cruelty of the Spaniard, who have cut off most of the Indians there­abouts, and that for several Years they were oblig'd to live obscurely in the Mountains; as for himself and Friends, they were oblig'd to accept of the Spa­niard's Terms; but at the same time, if he thought that the Collony were sincere, and that their Nati­on could protect him and this Kindred, he was rea­dy to break with the Spaniard and join with them. Few words more were made of it, the Council ac­cepted of his proser, and promis'd great things e­nough for the Nation, and the Secretary was or­der'd immediately to make out a Commission for Andreas. It was made on Parchment with the Col­lonies Seal and a fine Ribband affixt to it, the tenor whereof run thus. Captain Andreas having desir'd Protection from the Collony for himself and the o­ther Indians under him, the Council does hereby take him and them into their Protection, and ap­points the foresaid Andreas to be one of their Scots Collonies Captains, to command all the Indians that's already in his Ground, and to fight against and de­stroy the Enemies of the Collony of what Nation soever. This Commission was wrote in English and read to him by the Jew in Spanish; and for the more solemnity of the thing, the Council gave him one of the Long-Boats Jacks to wear in his Canou, a Fuzee, and a pair of Pistols, and a Basket-hilted Sword, and fir'd 21 Guns at his Inauguration. In the Evening Captain Andreas went ashore with his Flag slying and the other ensigns of his Honour, ex­cept The Commission, which I found the day follow­ing cram'd into a Locker of the Round-house where empty Bottles lay. What the meaning of leaving his Commission behind him was I could not appre­hend, [...] [Page 58] [...] [Page 59] [Page 60]but the next time he came aboard it was gi­ven him.

The Collony's Affair continu'd thus till Christmass, during which time the Neighbouring Indian Captains came to visit us, to wit, Captain Possigo, young Die­go, another Pedro Antonio, and Nicola, who gene­rally used to rail at one another behind their Backs, but all agreed that Andreas was not to be trusted notwithstanding his new Commission. Ambrosio was with us during the Christmass Holy-days, and having met with Caprain Andreas on Board the St. Andrew (whom he always look'd on as his mortal Enemy) reproach'd him with his Villany, by telling him, that he was still a Spaniard altho' he took the Collony's Commission: This occasion'd some blows between them, and both Parties were going to fall on, if they had not been parted by our Seamen. They were kept asunder till the Evening, and then Mr. Pennycook persuading Ambrosio to be reconcil'd to him (or at least, to appear so) a Bowl was made and the Friendship made up, they seem'd then to be good Friends all that Night, till about the time that they were to go to sleep, poor Captain Andreas ei­ther fellor was tumbl'd down the main Hatch-way into the Hold, where lighting on a spare Anchor that lay there, he was so bruiz'd that he gave up the ghost soon afterwards. No body could tell how this accident happen'd, only two things were remarkable in it: That the Hatches of the Hold were always lock'd down at Nights by reason the sharpness of our Diet made some Men watch all opportunities of getting into the Hold where the Oatmeal and Beef lay, but they were fairly open this Night. The o­ther is, that there was no care taken while he was aboard to bleed him, or give him any thing inward­ly to keep the Blood fluid and from settling on the bruiz'd parts, but laid him up till next Day his Wife and Relations carry'd him a-shore double.

Captain or King Andreas having made his Exit thus, his Brother-in-Law Cap­tain Pedro, with the interest or advice of the Senate, was Seated on his Throne, and he prov'd so friendly to the Collony that about 12 days after his Advancement a Party of Spaniards to the number of 26, being sent to view the Scots, came streight to Captain Pedro's or Andreas his Govern­ment, desiring some of his Men to Pilot them to some convenient place where they might view the Scots Fortification and Ships, these Indians ingaged it, but advi­sed them to lie closs for a day or two, untill they view'd whether or no the Coast was clear and no Scots Parties abroad, So having posted them on the side of a small River, left them and inform'd the Collony of what they had done: On which Captain Montgomery Detach'd a Party of a 100 Men, and went round in their Boats, carrying these Indians along with them: as they were rowing up this narrow River, the In lians of a sudden gave the Hollow, that the Scots might know they were upon them, but before they could fee any body by rea­son of the thickness of the Woods, the Spani­ards pour'd in a Volley of small Shot amongst them, kill'd one Ensign Sainton, with two more, and wounded 14, and then run as [Page 146]fast as they could, our Men Landed and persu'd them, but caught none of them, save this Domingo de la Rada, and two more Common Soldiers, of whom the Proprie­tors of the Flying-Post have made such a noise these five or six Months past.

This is the ground of the Companies title to the Isthmus of Darien, and that was the Bloody Fight wherein so many hun­dreds of Spaniards were kill'd and taken Prisoners. Our Men being reduc'd to the foremention'd short Allowance, and wrought every day from Sun to Sun in felling of Trees, and Fortifying themselves, and feeing but little appearance of the Riches they were told of, began to be very faint-hearted. Several deserted from the Shore, and some of our best Men from the Ships, no body knew whether; and eight or nine of those who were caught and brought back again confess'd that they were going in to the Spaniards, where they might expect more Vi­ctuals and less Slavery than what they had there.

Notwithstanding these general murmur­ings, the Council could not augment the Allowance, without runing the hazard of starving a Month or two sooner, for there's no kind of Food to be had in that Mountainous & Woody Country, save Plantains, Bonnano's [Page 147]Potato's and Indian Corn, which are so scarce by reason of the few Natives, that our Men sold their New Shirts to the In­dians for 20 or 24 Plantains a piece, which would not serve a Man above three or four days, and our Council were oblig'd to give strict Orders that no Man should sell his Cloaths, else I verily believe our Men had been naked in two months after our Landing. They were oblig'd to a certain Animal call'd a Sojour, which is a small Land Crab, that is hous'd in a shell like that of a Wilk; These Sojours were very plentiful at our first Landing, but they soon fail'd; and then our Men eat the in­ner rind of the bark of great Iree, which was not unpleasant to the tast, but it be­ing of no nourishment, and thought to be unwholesome, they were discharged to eat of it. I doubt not but there's plenty of Fish on that Coast, but our Company fur­nishing us only with a small. Net made of Packthread for each Ship, they could catch no more in a day than what serv'd the Counsellors and Sea Captains; and these Nets soon fail'd too. We made a shift to make a couple of Turtle Nets out of the store of Lines or small Cord we had aboard, but then we had not a Vessel that was fit to go a Turtling, till after some [Page 148]time, two of the Jamaico Sloops who had brought and sold their Cargo of Provisions to the Collony were hir'd by them to Tur­tle for them: These Sloops staid about a month in their Service, till they had got so many Turtle for them as by contract came to a 100 and odd Pounds, and finding that there was neither Money nor Money's worth to be had in the Collony, they broke off with them, and with much a do could get so much Money as to satisfie them for their Service. They had some dependance on the wreck of a French Ship which wascast away coming out of the Harbour the day before Christmas, she having near 40000 l in Doubloons and Dollars on board, which she had got by trading on the Spanish Coast, but I am told by some persons who are come home since I came, that they could not recover any thing of it, by reason of the continual swell that beats on that shore. Here (in Parenthesi) I was Shipwrack:d, had my Servant drow'd, and lost the few Goods I had with Bag and Baggage, and if it had not been for the little Money which I sa­ved I had not found the way home as yet: As for the Gold and Riches of that Coun­try, I heard enough but saw little of it; I presume if there were such store, the Spa­niards would not have left it so expos'd. [Page 149]These Kings or Captains who came down to us might bring perhaps half an Ounce or an Ounce at a time with them and sell it for Powder and Shot, and at first for a speckled Shirt, but there came so little of this Com­modity amongst us that it would be long time before a Man could load his Pocket with it, much less a Dutch built Ship. What Gold I purchas'd there it cost me 3 l 10 s. per ounce, and I believe I brought as much of it away with me to England as most of those Counsellors who are come home since, notwithstanding the noise which they made of it.

I left the Collony the 27th of December, at the same allowance as we were reduc'd to in July, when we left Scotland; only there was an allowance of Madera Wine after our Landing, to wit, an English Quart to a Mess (being 5 Men) once a Week: Two Quarts to each Captain once a Week, of which these Gentlemen made only one want, and the Night they got their Allow­ance, they went as merry to Bed as if they had been in their Winter Quarters at Ghent or Brussels, altho they were ablig'd to drink fair Water for a Week afterwards: As for the Subalterns, when I came off, they were not allow'd one Spoonful.

Thus you see how a 1050 Men were sent by the Scotch Company on a blind Project, of getting Riches for them with five or six months Allowance at most, no Credit, and a ridiculous Cargo, neglected by them, and expos'd to Famine Death and the Spanish Mines. How the Compa­ny will shake this miscariage from off them­selves I cannot see: However, I will give you a sample of what they will be ready to offer in their own vindication.

First, Their being baulkt of their fo­reign Subscriptions made them lose Time and Money, whereby they could not send out such a number of Men and quantity of Provisions as the Project would have requi­red. But who is to blame for this, why should they trust to another Man's Purse till such time they are sure of it? Why did they prodigally throw away 50000 l in Holland and Hambrough (purely to make a bluster there) when they could have bought 3 Second-hand-Ships as fit for their Project, for the third of the Money? And since their design was to settle a Collony and Forts on the North and South Seas, why did not they apply themselves rightly to it? That which might have been honest­ly sav'd out of this 50000 l might have carried over above 2000 Men with 12 months [Page 151]Provisions of every Specie at good allow­ance. I have made this appear in Scotland some time ago, and since to some of the greatest Men in the Company.

The second Reason they will be apt to offer is this, the Ships were Mann'd, the Sea-men and Land-men Listed and on board, no Provisions to be had in Scotland, while more were providing abroad, these aboard still were expending; besides, there was no Money in the Cash-room, nor any more to be had from the Subscribers, till once the Ships were sail'd, many being so sick of the Project, that they doubted whether they should ever pass the Bass. If this should be allow'd to pass for Current it may reasona­bly be ask'd whether five or six Months Provisions should have lasted to this time. If ever they expected to hear any more of their Ships, ought they not to have call'd in more Money on our departure, and provi­ded Provisions instantly, and had Ships with us by Christmas, or January at farthest; whereas none sail'd from Leith till May, which was near two Months after they re­ceiv'd the Collonies Packet. If they pre­tended to be ignorant of our necessity before this Packet came, they had no excuse after­wards, they knew our want, as like wife that they had not sent a Groats-worth of [Page 152]Credit with us to any part of the World, altho now when its too late, they have made a fashion of doing it in New­England.

The third Reason they will make great use of is this, that at the setling of Barba­does, and several other West-india Islands, as likewise the American settlements on the Main, the People met with a great many hardships, and the like are to be expected at the beginning of all such Settlements. To this I answer, that at such Settlements the Undertakers and Planters know what they are going about, and what to trust to, which is no ways parallel with the Case of the Company, for those being on an honest design had no more in their view than the Blessings of Heaven, and the Product of the Earth, and what they reap'd thereby was for their own use. On the other hand the Gentlemen who went in the Scotch Compa­nies Service, were not born to Work, nor did they design it when they went from their Fathers Houses, and this the Company knew full as well as they.

A fourth reason they will offer is this, that they sent a Cargo with us, which might have purchas'd Provisions had it not been for the English prohibition. To this [...], that the Company having sent [Page 153]us on so dark an Errand, (where they must needs be assur'd, that not only Spain, but the other Trading Nations would be in our top) should not have trusted to that, unless they contriv'd it designedly to pick a quarrel with those Nations whose inte­rest it was to refuse us Provisions or Ne­cessaries to support our Collony. As for the Cargo it self, I refer my felf to the particulars, and let any Merchant be Judge, whether it was fitted for sale, especially in the West-Indies. The 1500 Fuzzes were the best of the Cargo, but they could not be parted with; the Linnen was the next, but I have been assur'd by Merchants on Port-royal, that 500 l worth of Scorch cloath makes the Commodity a drug there at a­ny time. Besides, altho' we had not been sent on a dark design, yet we cou'd not ex­pect to Trade with Jamaico; our Cloath and other Goods are seizable there, either in our Bottoms, or in their. Sloops. if the Jamaico Men should truck Provisions with us, they cannot carry our goods home with them, neither can they expect to Trade with the Spaniard, on the account of our Settlement. I know very well that the first Sloop which brought Provisions to us, sold them at what rate they pleas'd, and had our Scotch Cloath in truck at the prime cost, yet they durst [Page 154]not carry it to Jamaico, nor venture to Trade with the Spaniard, but were oblig'd to leave it behind with Captain Allison, the old Buccaneer, to whom the Sloop was consign'd. Lur still this reason of the prohi­bition will not hold Water, for if there had been Money or market Goods in the Collony. The English prohibition could not have kept Provisions from us. The French and Dutch I­slands were not confin'd by this Prohibi­tion; and I dare say there are so many good Christians at Currassa, that if Redp. and B's story of the Collonies bars of Silver had been true, they would soon have made Pro­visions a drug in Caledonia.

Besides, I can't think that the Prohibi­tion had any influence on those four Sloops who went from Jamaico to the Collony laden with Provisions of all kinds, altho' two of them return'd without breaking bulk, I am rather apt to believe it was for want of those Silver bars and gold dust, which in the Au­tum shakes off the Trees there.

As to the prohibition in self, whereon the Author of the defence stumbles so oft, and would gladly found the Basis of his quar­ral. 'Tis believ'd that his Majesty knew nothing of the Collonies Settlenient at Da­rien, but what he had at second hand from R—th's Prints, till the Spanish Ambassa­dor [Page 155]told him from his Master, that some of his Majesty's Scotch Subjects had invaded the Spanish Dominions, in his Province of Darien, which he look'd upon to be con­trary to the Treaty of Peace. If his Maje­sty stopt the Spaniards mouth for the present, till he inquired into the matter, and forbid his English Subjects in the West-Indies to have any Communication with these Peo­ple in Darien, till such time as the Title were concerted, he did no more than what was consonant with the Constitutions and Eslablishment of the English Islands, altho' there had been no Spanish Compla [...]nt. Nei­ther could the King imagine that the Com­pany [...]ould [...]end out their Ships on to Fo­reign an Expedition, so unprovided as to depend wholly on the English Plantations. And if the King sorb.d these to supply the Scotch Collony, he did not prohibit the Scotch Company, not Scotch Nation to send them what Provisions, or other necesiaries they thought nt. If the Scotch Company took most care to send out Buccaneers Pieces, with great quantities of Powder and Shot, and trusted to what Men they could decoy from the English and French Islands, the defign was neither fair, nor honest, and it may reasonably be believ'd, that both these Nations would have taken measures [Page 156]to bring them back again after they went. And if his Majesty takes care that his Plan­tations in the West-Indies shall not be re­duc'd to Forrests, he can't be blam'd, con­sidering the vast Riches they send home to England yearly, and the Customs which come into his Coffers, when on the other hand, all that the Scotch Company can make by such depopulations, will not put one Peny in his Pocket these seventeen years at soonest, worth the product of seventeen Hogsheads of Tobaccco.

Laying aside the Spanish Complaint and admit the Scotch Company to have a legal Title to their Settlement, was it not rea­sonable that the Government of England, having met with the clandestine Declara­rations, which the Scotch Collony had spread all over the West-Indies, inviting them over to Darien, &c. Should take sui­table measures to prevent the ill consequen­ces of the same, and retain their own Sub­jects. The Declarations are notorious, and must be penn'd by some Body belonging to the Company or Collony, and I presume the opposite Proclamation or Prohibition was penn'd by some Englishman, who had some Interest in the English Plantations. 'Tis very well known that when Captain Pin­carton met with the misfortue of being ob­lig'd [Page 157]to run his Vessel ashore under the Guns of Carthagena, his Chief Errand was to Barhadoes, and there to make use of the 48 hours (that's allow'd to foreigners to Wood and Water) in doing business for the Collony, and leaving Declarations to be spread over that Island; and so from thence to other English and French Islands, making use of the same Pretence of wanting Wood and Water. These si­nister dealings are not suffered in the Collony of any Nation, and if the Eng­lish and French Governments take care to prevent such designs, I cannot see how they can be blaim'd: 'Tis very well known that those Declarations were so kindly entertain'd all over the Westin­dies, that what with the Umbrary use that was made of King William's name, and the hopes of Spanish Spoil, most Men who were not Indu'd with Real or Per­sonal Estate, were making ready to go over to Darien: Nay the unthinking sort of People about the City of London, on the Coin'd Rhodomantado News, where­with the non-authoriz'd Prints were dai­ly stuft, were pleas'd and big with the Project, looking no farther into in than Jacks Gold, which they natively believe every body has a right to; when at the same time [Page 158]the knowing Part of the World is sensi­ble that Jack is the common Dradge of Europe, and if the Mines of. Peru and Mexico were in any other bodies hands, wesh uld not get such a good account of either of these Metals.

By what has been already said, it may easily appear whether or no these Gen­tlemen have staid long enough in Darien, and whether the director, of the Compa­ny, or they deserve most to be there at this Minuet. As for my part I got my Belly full of the Project, and am now glad to see my self alive here, altho I left my Eldest Son (of the first Marriage) be­hind me in Calidonia.

Being afflicted with a Mallady imagi­naire for some Months before I came off: I purchas'd my Liberty of the Collony with difficulty enough: About the same time the Counsel having resolv'd to send home one of their Tenders with a Pack­et to the Company, and a sample of the strange Woods that grow in the Collonies Garden, I thought to have got my Pas­sage in her, but was disappointed by a State Reason, which was thus, Major Cunningham was the chief Instrument in­contriving and forwarding the Express, and having brought his marks to bear, [Page 159]so far as that the Vessel was Carreen'd, Tallow'd and fitted for the Voyage, he was sudden'ly afflicted with my Distempar, and it seiz'd him so violently that on the se­cond day of his illness he call'd a Coun­cil (being Preses for the week) and fa­tisfied them that he must leave them and go home to his native Country, for the recovery of his Health. Pannycook and Macay smelling a rat, us'd both fair and foul means to detain him, but all would not do. Mean while they con­triv'd ways to detain the Vessel till the Majors Preseship was out, and the week following, it was Resolv'd in Council Nemine Contradicente (except the Major) to take some other way of sending home the Packet, and to convert the Tender into a Fireship: The Majors Tallent not lying in Sea Engagements, he could not offer much aginst the necessity of it. About the same time the French Ship mention'd before, happen'd to put into our Harbour, as like wise a Hollands Ship, that was trading on the Spanish Coast, and came hither for Sanctuary, the Bar­levanto Fleet being on the Carthagena Coast: The French Ship was bound home to St. Malo,'s and I design'd to take my Passage in her, but the Major [Page 160]being possest with some frightful Stories of the French Captain's making an Ob­lation of him to the Governour of Car­thagena, would not venture in her. The Ship was cast away going out of the Harbour in fair weather, for want of Wind, and 24 of her Men drowned: I escaped narrowly in Mr. Pennycook's Boat, while he was forc'd to swim for his Life. A Jamaico Sloop having brought some Provisions to the Collony about the same time, and being bound home, the Mayor and I took our Passage in her.

We left the Collony the 27th. of De­cember, arriv'd in Jamaico a fortnight af­terward, and in Bristol the 18th of March last, where the Major and I parted, he going for Scotland and I for London: At our parting he would oblidge me to write nothing to Scotland in prejudice of the Darien Project, and I promised him that he should have such liberty in telling his own Story there, that for the space of two Months I should not write concerning it, Directly or Indirectly, which promise I kept Religiously, although as it has hap­pen'd my silence has not been of much service to the Company.

I was no sooner arriv'd in London, than at the request of some Scots, Persons of [Page 161]Great Quality, I freely gave them a true account of affairs, and my Opinion of the Project: They had Journals at the same time from the Council of the Col­lony, but owned that they were better satisfi'd with my Account than the Jour­nals which were design'dly da [...]k in some Essential Points. My relation of Darien and Caledonia, in England, differ­ing from that in Scotland, it was thought necessary for the repose of the Subscri­bers to stifle my Credit: Nay, one of these great Persons told me afterwards that he had receiv'd Letters from some Earls in Scotland, to diswade him from giving Credit to my relation, it being the pure effects of Prejudice, and that the Collony wanted for nothing. Two thirds of the Scots Nation here in Town were on my Top; and abus'd me to my Back, like any Beggar. This and some other harsh usage, which I receiv'd at the Scotch Companies hands, oblig'd me to take this way of righting my self: I have no other aim by it, then that their Actions may be laid bare-fac'd be­fore the Scotch World, that some persons of that Nation may be unblinded, and see how far they have been led into a mistake.

As for the Spanish and Scotch Companies titles to the Isthumes of Darien (on which [...] [Page 156] [...] [Page 157] [...] [Page 158] [...] [Page 159] [...] [Page 160] [...] [Page 161] [Page 162]the Author has foul'd, six of seven Sheets of Paper, and said so little to the purpose) I think it is an unnecessary dispute at present, altho such a Re-inforcement sail'd the 24th of September. I shall on­ly rehearse to you here, what I told Sir J. S. who was sent for in May last from Scotland to Court, on the Companies Af­fair: At his arrival in London, he sent a Kindsman of his to my Lodging to let me know that he wanted to speak with me; I waited on him the same Evening, and having entr'd on the Subject of Da­rien, he pull'd out of his Pocket a Copy of the Collonies Journal; we soon run over the immaterial Passages of it, and came to that which was like to be the Subject of Debate, to wit, the true litle to that Country. He argued in favour of the Company, in some Law Terms, wherein I pretend to no Judgment, far­ther than my Reason will fathom; and urg'd that by the Civil-Law no Title to any Country, can be vallid unless it be de Facto as well as Jure, and those he distin­guish'd thus, all the de june right which the Spaniard had to Darien was the Pope's Donation, which is never regarded a­mongst Protestant Princes; That the Spani­ard had no possession de facto of that Coun­try [Page 163]unless he liv'd on the Spot, or had his Cattle running there.

To the first I answer'd, that if the Scots had been in Darien as soon as the Spaniards, and taken possession of it, the Companies Donation might have been as valid as the Pope's, but as these have been masters of that Country by a pro­scription of years, and their Title there­to never hitherto contraverted by any Prince or State till now by the Company. I could not see how at that rate any Collony or Plantation in the U­niverse can be safe. The Spaniaras must either be confin'd within their wall'd Towns, and the reach of their Guns, or they must be allowed the usual extent round them, as all other Collonies in America have. The Company might with the same Justice Land on the North-side of Jamaico, where, for 20 Leagues running there's neither English Man nor Beast to be seen, altho' there are as many, if not more, Wild Negroes in the Mountains of Jamaico, who have desert­ed their Masters than Indians, on thrice so much ground of the Isthmus of Da­rien. By the same Title the Company might have seated themselves on the I­sland of Tobaga (where there's never a [Page 164]Man) without asking the D. of Courland's leave. On the other hand, the Compa­ny has settled their Collony in the very Bosom and Centre of the three chies Cities of the Spanish-Indies, to wit, Car­thagena, Portobello, and Panama, the first being about 45 Leagues, and the other two not above 30 distant from the Collony, besides several smaller Towns and Gar­risons which are much nearer, viz, Sancta Maria, Tubaconti, &c. Nay the Spaniards are at work in their Mines within 12 Leagues of Fort St. Andrew.

As for the de facto right, 'tis evident that these Captains who are over the Indian Clanns, have Spanish names to distinguish them from the Vulgar, speak Spanish ge­nerally, their Wives go valed and cover'd after the same fashion, the Spanish Women go, altho their Men go naked: Besides, one Paragraph of the Collonies Journal makes this very Spot of Ground where they are settled, to be the Propriety of the Spaniard, by their acknowledging Captain Andreas to have been a Spanish Captain. As for the defences which Batt. Sharp adduced on his Tryal of the Indian Emperor (there having been no such per­son on the Isthumes of Darien these hun­dred years) and King Golden Cap, and [Page 165]the forg'd Commission he produc'd from that Emperor, it was all trick: Neither was there much pains taken to hang him, or disprove the Forgery. The Privateers indeed gave the title of King Golden Cap to the Indian Captains Son, who com­manded these Indians near Golden Island, and he was this Andreas his first Cousin, but kill'd by the Spaniards after the Privateers left the Isthmus, as those may now be who entertained the Scots so friendly. The Irish admitting some French Troops into their Country does not take away the King of Englands Title and Right to that Kingdom.

The Spanish Title is likewise confirm­ed by the Concession of all Princes, and Treaties of Peace, whereby the Spaniard does not only cut off the People of all Nations whom he finds cutting Logwood in the Bay of Campechy (a great many Leagues distant from any Spanish Town) but keeps the Barlevento Fleet, and an Armadilla always ranging along that Coast, and makes prize of all Foreigners he finds trading on his Coast, without his Commission; If they have so much as a stick of Logwood, or three pieces of Eight aboard: Which if hed did not act Legally, to be sure the Soveraign heads [Page 167]of those Subjects, would long e're now have demanded satisfaction or made re­prisal.

This was the Substance of what I of­fer'd to Sir J. S. and what use he made of it, I never inquir'd after, as for that part of the Champions defence describ­ing the Isthumes of Darien, I must tell you that it is calculated in all the mat­terial passages of it for a Scotch Meridian, as the Darien News were for six Months by the Companies Agents here in Town, who knew that what was Printed here and sent to Scotland was far better be­liev'd than the Apocrypha. The Eden­brugh. News-monger was never wanting on his part, for he still had something new from St. Germains to frighten us with the Cabals there, and private meetings between, the late King James and Lovis, but however necessany such hob-goblin stories might been an inchanted Country, yet they never went down within the found of Bow-bel.

As for the Champions endeavouring to prove the Scots interest by a separati­on, I will excuse my self from medling with that part of the Subject, knowing at the same time that the Wisemen of that Country know the benefit of that Union [Page 168]better than this Author, or some more, who make use of the Machin of the Col­lony to set the two Nations together by the ears, the better to advance their own private Ends. As for his other, fiery E­jaculations, I have no inclination to med­dle with them, their being little to be got on either side, by ripping up of such Sores; and it not belonging to me to say any thing on that Head, I'll take my leave of the Company and their Champion at present, and only say that if he is resol­ved to separate, I would have him pick some quarrel that's honester than this, and the next time he enters the Lists, to ad­vande juster reasons for it, than what he now does for Caledonia Novissima.

AN INQUIRY INTO The Causes of the Miscariage of the Scots Colony at Darien.

THE main design of H—s and his Sub­orners, is to charge the Miscarriage of the Scots Colony upon their own Country, to clear some Gentlemen that perhaps may be found within the Verge of White-Hall, from having any hand in it, and to evince the necessity of those Proclamations publish'd against the Scots in the West-Indies, so as no Person or Par­ty in England may seem justly chargeable with the ruin of that Colony; a certain Evidence that the Crime is very black, and that they are put to a miserable shift, when those Gentlemen are at such expence of Contrivance and Pains to wipe off the Imputation, and so ready to fall in with any Tool that they think can assist them in so doing.

Enough has been said already to demonstrate that the evidence of such an infamous Person as H—s, and so circumstantiated, would not be admitted in any Court of Judicature in Europe, especially against such an honourable Society as the Company of Scotland for trading to Africa and the Indies, which consists of the very flower of the Nation, and perhaps has more Persons of illu­strious [Page 2]Birth, Quality and Merit in it, than any trading Company that ever yet was erected in the World. The Directors particularly, whom H—s and his Masters have condemned to the Halter, p. 46. are most of them Persons of that Quality, Estate, Worth, and untainted Honour, as the Ac­cusation of no one particular Person, tho of never so good Repute, could in justice or decency be ad­mitted against them, and much less the malicious Calumnies of a Renegado.

But to set this matter in a clearer Light: Where­as we have only H—s's own word for what he asserts in vindication of his Friends and Suborners; we shall demonstrate against him and them too from undeniable matter of Fact, that some Peo­ple in England are justly chargeable with the ruin of that Colony.

We shall begin with the opposition made to the Scots Act by the Parliament of England, (to whom the matter was misrepresented) the Answer they obtain'd from the King, and the Prosecution they commenc'd and threatned against English Natives, and Scots-men residing in England, that should sub­scribe to the Scots Company.

In the next place we alledg the English Resident's Memorial at Hamburgh, against that Governments suffering any of their Subjects to subscribe to the Scots Company.

It is likewise well enough known that the Influ­ence and Example of the English Court hinder'd the Subscriptions of our Neighbours in Holland.

Nor can it be denied but this continued Thread of Opposition from the Court of England, must needs hinder the Subscriptions of a great many in Scotland, who could not but foresee that a Storm was threatned by so many Clouds.

To this we may add, that the Kingdom of Scotland have not yet forgot the discourting of the Marquiss of Tweddale (who was known to be an able States­man, and a true Patriot to his Country) because of his touching that Act, when he had the Honor to represent his Majesty on the Throne.

Nor was it the least of our Misfortunes, that we lost such an able and faithful Minister of State as Secretary Johnston, and that too upon the account of his Affection to his Country in this matter. We are very well satisfied that his Majesty, who ad­vanc'd him to that Post for his Merit, and was so well satisfied with his ability and care, would scarcely have parted with a Minister of that Gen­tleman's Faithfulness and Penetration, but by the Intrigues of some People at Court.

Before we proceed any further with the Narra­tive of the Opposition made to us, we shall obviate one Objection which some Persons may possibly make, viz. That all we have said hitherto is no­thing to the purpose, because it does not regard our Colony, but the Company. To which we re­ply: 1. That this is so far from being an Excuse to our Opposers, that it highly aggravates our Charge against them, as being a plain demonstra­tion, that they were resolv'd to obstruct our Trade in every respect, and whatever it should be, with­out any exception. 2. That the opposing of the Company was the direct Method to prevent our ever having a Colony; and by the Laws of God and Man, those who endeavour to destroy the Embrio, are chargeable with a design of prevent­ing the Birth. But we shall come closer to the point in a little time, and resume the thread of our Narrative after one or two Observations upon what we have said already, viz.

• [Page 4](1.) That the greatest of those Difficulties and Disappointments which H—s says in his Book, the Company met with as to their Subscrip­tions, Payments, &c. may justly be charg'd to the account of that opposition made us from the Court of England.
• (2.) That there is so little reason to upbraid us, that our Efforts were not greater, that it is rather to be wonder'd at that the Company was not dash'd to pieces and crush'd in the bud; and much more that ever they should have been able to weather out the Storm of so much Indignation, overcome all those Difficulties, find Mony enough to build Ships, equip out a Fleet, and make a Settlement in America when neither England, nor Scots-men residing there, Hamburgh nor Holland, shall dare to assist them without incurring his Majesty of England's displeasure.

But to come directly to the Narrative of the Opposition made to our Colony. It is well enough known that the Kingdom of Scotland, as many other Parts of Europe, have suffered much for three or four years past by bad. Harvests, which rendred them uncapable of providing Bread for their Peo­ple at home, and much more of sending Supplies to their Infant Colony abroad: This was very manifest to some People about White-hall, and care was taken we should have none for our Mony from England, tho that Nation could have spar'd it, and perhaps we might have pleaded it as our merit, when in Parliament we voted his Majesty a standing Army, upon his Royal Word that it was necessary, tho we had more need to have sav'd the Mony to have bought Bread for thousands of our People that were starving for want, af­forded us the melancholy prospect of dying by shoals in our Streets, and have left behind them a [Page 5]reigning Contagion, which hath swept away multitudes more, and God knows where it may end.

Tho our Country was reduced to this deplorable state, that a generous Enemy would have shew'd us compassion, yet the malice of our Court Adver­saries did not rest here, nor with having follow'd us into Holland and Germany, but pursues us into America; and with Angry Proclamations forbids the Subjects there, on pain of his Majesty's Dis­pleasure, to afford any manner of assistance to the Scots at Darien: So that we are starv'd at home and abroad by our Enemies at Court, who having by this means dispossess'd us of our Colony at Darien, and knowing that the good People of England had reason to cry shame upon them, and might perhaps take their own time to re­sent this inhuman Treatment of their Neighbours in Scotland; therefore they found it necessary to suppress a Book wrote in defence of the Scots Set­tlement, and to hire a Scots Renegado Surgeon to varnish over the matter, and to represent his Countrymen as Knaves and Fools, that so they might fall unpitied.

To return again to the Opposition made us in America: It is not enough that we are starv'd out of Darien, but when we come from thence, and so leave what the Proclamations suppose to be the Dominions of their Allies, yet we must not be sup­plied in the English Plantations, nor have Provisions in exchange for our effects, tho our Men be dying for want, on pain of incurring the Displeasure of the Court; and therefore those who are willing to relieve us, must put their Inventions on the rack to sind out a way to do that with safety, which common Humanity, and much more Christianity, obliges them to do to a Turk or a Jew in the like circumstances.

Nay farther, tho notwithstanding our distress at home, we make shift to send a Convoy to our Co­lony abroad, because our future hopes depended so much upon it, they shall not have leave to put in to any English Port to refit, refresh, or stay for any of their Company that may be separated from them by storm; and yet our Friends who were so in­strumental in obtaining and publishing those Pro­clamations, must bribe a Renegado to declare to the World in print, that they were no way ac­cessary to the Blood of his Country-men that were starv'd to death at Darien.

It will appear plain that the Ruin of the Colony is chargeable on the Proclamations, if we consider the Consternation that must needs be among them when they saw themselves condemned, as hav­ing invaded the Dominions of his Majesty's Allies; so that they had all the reason in the World to think that they were not only precluded from all possi­bility of having any further supply or assistance from home, but in danger of being attack'd by his Fleet, as they that advis'd the emitting of those Proclamations must needs think his Majesty was oblig'd in Honour and Justice to order, if he was of opinion that the Scots had broken the Alliance betwixt him and Spain. Let any reasonable man consider what Anguish and Perplexity these Con­siderations, join'd to their pinching Wants and o­ther Circumstances, must occasion in the minds of those poor men, and whether it might not give a handle to those of them that were unwilling to stay, to mutiny against the rest, and put all into disorder, which might be fomented by other ill persons amongst them; for we are not to suppose that with 11 or 1200 men, there went no other ill man but H—s, since it's not improbable that they who opposed our Company so much from the very [Page 7]beginning, might be prompted by the same Malice to send Spies and Traitors amongst our Men on purpose to defeat their Design.

If it had not been that they were thus discou­raged and brought to their wits-end by those Pro­clamations, they would certainly have had so much Conduct as to have sent away a great part of their Men to Jamaica, or any of the English Plantations, where they might have subsisted till the arrival of a Convoy from Scotland; and so with those Pro­visions that were sufficient to carry them as far as New York, and a great deal further if they had not been retarded by Tempests, might have maintain'd a competent number of their Men to keep possession of the Colony till Supplies had arriv'd: but the Proclamations disabled them from taking this Me­thod, and by consequence are chargeable with the ruin of the Colony.

In the next place, it is undeniable that those Pro­clamations must needs have incouraged the Spain­ards and other Enemies in their Opposition against our Colony, and animated them to go on with their Preparations to drive us out. So that had they de­serted upon no other account but the noise of the great Preparations making against them by the Spaniards at Carthagena, Porto Bello, &c, as Sir Wil­liam Beeston seem'd to insinuate in his Letter; it makes the Proclamations directly chargeable with the Ruin of the Colony, since they had good rea­son to remove from thence when their own Prince had forbid all Commerce with them, and when their Enemies were making formidable Prepara­tions against them.

It is likewise plain that those Proclamations must necessarily prevent their having any Supplies from the Dutch at Curassaw, if they had any to spare: for since the Influence of ours and the Dutch Court [Page 8]prevented our Company's having any Incourage­ment in Holland, it is reasonable to believe it would have the same influence in reference to our Colony, in the Dutch Plantations.

We have likewise all the reason in the world to conclude, that the Influence of those Proclama­tions might hinder the Natives from giving our Colony those Supplies that it was in their power to have done; for there's no doubt but they had in­formation of 'em industriously sent them by some of our Adversaries, when Capt. Long was so malici­ous as to endeavour at our first arrival to possess them with an opinion that we were nothing but Pirats, and that the K. of Great Britain would dis­own us; and indeed by the event it would seem he had Instructions so to do. It is true that at first the Natives seeing our Men have a Competency of all sorts of Provisions, might not believe his Re­port; but they must needs have been confirm'd in the truth of it afterwards, when they saw them dying for want, and deceiv'd as to their Expecta­tion of further Supplies; and upon that account might think they had sufficient ground to withdraw their Assistance from them, and not further pro­voke the Spaniards in favour of a People that they found were not able to do any thing for themselves, and by consequence uncapable to protect them, which was the thing they were to expect from their Alliance.

Having thus made it evident that the Opposition our Company met with from Court at first, and the Proclamations issued against our Colony at last, are justly to be reputed among the principal Causes of the Miscarriage of that Design, we come in the next place to consider his Majesty's Answer to the Address of the Commons of England on that Head, and the Proclamations issued out against us in his Name in the West-Indies.

We are sorry that ever there should have been any occasion for such an ungrateful piece of work; but think it a Duty incumbent upon us, and what we owe to the Constitution of our Country, which we have reason to believe is industriously conceal'd from his Majesty, to write freely on this head, that the World may see what just cause we have to com­plain.

His Majesty's Answer, That he had been ill serv'd in Scotland, &c. is such, as our Ancestors (if we may believe our Historians) would have thought inconsistent with the Trust reposed in a King of Scots, a manifest Reflection upon the Justice and Fi­delity of the Nation, and a discovery of their Arcana Imperii to those that were quarrelling with them. We are not to suppose that his Majesty would give an Answer to an Address of this Impor­tance without Counsel: If he consulted with our Dutch or English Opposers, it was the same as if he had consulted our professed Enemies; if he con­sulted with Scots-men, and was advis'd to this An­swer by any of them, they are Traitors to their Country, and have betray'd its Soveraignty: for they ought to have advis'd him to answer, that as King of Scots he was not to give an account to the English for any thing transacted in that Kingdom; but if they found themselves any ways aggrivev'd, or thought their Trade endanger'd by the Scots Act, he should be willing to have the matter debated and adjusted by Commissioners of both Nations, as became the Common Father of both. This could not justly have been look'd upon by the Eng­lish as a refractory or stubborn Answer, but must have been imputed to his braveness of Temper, and fidelity to his Trust. But at once to give up the Soveraignty of Scotland, without demurring upon it, argues that his Majesty was advis'd [Page 10]to this Answer by Enemies to the Scotish Nation.

Our Parliaments have originally a greater Power than that of England; for what the States of Scot­land offer'd to the touch of the Scepter, their Kings had no power to refuse; or if they did, the Re­solves of the States had the force of a Law not­withstanding. Thus our Reformation was estab­lished in 1560, by an Act of the States; and tho our Queen Mary then in France, and her Husband the Dauphin, afterwards Francis I. refus'd to give their Consent, it remain'd a firm Law; which Q. Mary, when she return'd to Scotland, was so far from offering to dispense with, tho she was a great Asserter of her Prerogative, that she was oblig'd to intreat of the States so far to dispense with it themselves, as to suffer her to have Mass in her own Family. We might go farther back to the Reign of Robert II. who was check'd by the States for making a Truce with the English without their Con­sent, it not being then in the power of our Kings either to make Peace or War without the States. But the Truth of that Maxim laid down by our Historian, That the supreme Power of the Govern­ment of Scotland is in the States, is so obvious to every one that reads our History, that it cannot be denied; and hence it is that our old Acts of Parliament are often call'd the Acts of the States, and say, The three States enact, &c. for by our O­riginal Constitution the King is none of the States, but only Dux belli, and Minister publicus; which was well understood by our Viceroy the E. of Mor­ton, and the other Deputies from the States of Scot­land, when they acquainted Q. Elizabeth in their Memorial, That the Scots created their Kings on that condition, that they might, when they saw cause, di­vest them of that Power which they receiv'd from the People, which we have now reasserted in making [Page 11] our Crown forfeitable by the Claim of Right at the last Revolution: and perhaps that's none of the least Causes why our Ruin is now endeavour'd by the Abettors of a growing Prerogative.

It were easy for us to enlarge on this, and to shew from our Histories and Acts of Parliaments, that our Kings, according to our antient Constitution (which those Rapes committed on our Liberties in some of the last Reigns can never overturn) were inferior to their Parliaments, who inthron'd and dethron'd them as they saw cause, made them ac­countable for their Administration, allow'd them no power of proroguing them without their own consent, nor of hindering their meeting when the ardua Regni negotia requir'd it. They could not make Peace or War without them, nor so much as dispose of their Castles, but by their Consent. Their Councils were chosen and sworn in Parlia­ment, and punishable by the States: Nor had they any Revenue, but what their Parliaments allow'd them. These and many more were the native Li­berties of the People of Scotland, an 1638. and their Representation of their Proceedings against the Mistakes in the King's Declaration in 1640. And therefore his Majesty had no reason to say he was ill serv'd by the passing of an Act offer'd by the States of Scotland.

The Ignorance of those things have often occa­fion'd our being misrepresented by the English Hi­storians, and other Writers, as Rebels, and what not, when we really acted according to our own fundamental Laws. And not only they, but even our own Princes since the Union of the Crowns, have either been kept ignorant of our Constitu­tion, or so incens'd against it by the Abettors of [Page 12]Tyranny, that they have all of 'em, his present Majesty excepted, endeavour'd our Overthrow, as well knowing it to be impossible to bring Arbi­trary Government to perfection, whilst a People who had always breath'd in a free Air, and call'd their Princes to an account when they invaded their Properties, were in any condition to defend them­selves, or assist others against such Princes as de­sign'd an absolute Sway. But the Pill being too bitter to be swallowed by it self, there was a neces­sity of taking Priestcraft into the Composition, and to gild it over with the specious pretext of bringing the Scots to an Uniformity in Religion. The Court knew that this would arm the Zealots a­gainst us, and that it could never be aflected with­out the ruin of our Kingdom, whose Religion was so interwoven with our Civil Constitution, that there was no overturning of the one, without sub­verting the other. This will appear plain to those that know, that besides the Sanction of Acts of Parliament, the Church of Scotland is defended by a full Representative of the Clergy and Laity of the Kingdom call'd a General Assembly (which preserves us from being Priest-ridden, as our Par­liaments do from being Prince-ridden) where the King by Law had no negative Voice, no more than he formerly had in our Parliaments. This in effect is the Representative of the Nation as Chri­stians, as the Parliaments are our Representatives as Men; and as to the Laity, many of them are the same individual Persons that sit in Parliament. So that those Assemblies being a second Barrier a­bout our Liberties, it was thought sit to run down the Constitution of our Church, as not suted with Monarchy. The Case being thus, we dare refer it to the thoughts of our neighbouring Nation, who have gallantly from time to time stood up for [Page 13]their own Liberties, whether it were not more ge­nerous for them to unite with us than to suffer us to be oppress'd and enslav'd.

There's nothing can be objected to this, but that all these glorious Privileges were swallow'd up by those Acts of Parliament that exalted the Prero­gative to such a height in the Reign of K. Charles II. To which we answer, That the Privileges of a Nation cannot be giv'n away without their own consent; and we are morally certain, that the Con­stituents even of those pack'd Parliaments did ne­ver give any commission to those that represented them, to give away those Liberties. Slavery is repugnant to human Nature; so that it cannot be supposed the Nation exalted the Prerogative on purpose to put themselves in a worse condition than besore, or that when they find it applied to ano­ther use than that which they gave it for, they may not reduce it to its antient Boundary. The neces­sity of Affairs did sometimes oblige the Romans to entrust their Dictators with an extraordinary and absolute Power; but when the occasion ceas'd, they recalled it, and kept to their antient and rational Maxim, that Salus Populi is suprema Lex. In the like manner the Enemies of our old Constitution may know, if they please, that we have retrieved the main point of making our Crown forfeitable by the Claim of Right; and therefore if they push us too far, it's a thousand to one but we may renew our Demands to the rest, or oblige them to cast them into the bargain.

But to return from this Digression. Tho we had no such peculiar Privileges belonging to us; why might not we expect that his majesty should be as kind to us as to our Brethren in England? He hath once and again declared to them in Parliament, That he never had, nor never will have an Interest. di­stinct [Page 14]from that of his People. Then why should not the Interest of the People of Scotland be the same with the Interest of the King of Scots? And if the People of Scotland met in Parliament, agreed upon it as their Interest to have that Act past for incou­raging Kieir Trade, how was it possible that the King of Scots could be ill serv'd by the passing that Act in Scotland?

Our Enemies, and H—s's Suborners have put a sort of an Answer to this in his mouth, viz. That the said Act was obtain'd viis & modis; but the Falshood and Malice of that Insinuation will appear to the World by the previous Act of 1693. for in­couraging of foreign Trade, by which it was sta­tuted, ‘That Merchants more or fewer may con­tract and enter into such Societies and Compa­nies for carrying on Trade, as to any Subject of Goods or Merchandise, to whatsomever King­doms, Countries, or parts of the World, not being in War with his Majesty, where Trade is in use to be or may be follow'd; and particular­ly, besides the Kingdoms and Countries of Eu­rope, to the East and West-Indies, the Straits, and to trade in the Mediterranean, or upon the Coast of Africa, or elsewhere, as above. Which So­cieties and Companies being contracted and en­tred into upon the terms, and in the usual man­ner as such Companies are set up—His Ma­jesty with Consent aforesaid did allow and ap­prove, giving and granting to them and each of them, all Powers, Rights and Privileges, as to their Persons, Rules and Orders, that by the Laws are given to Companies allowed to be erected for Manufactories: And his Majesty for their greater Incouragement, did promise to give to those Companies, and each of them, his Letters Patent under the Great Seal, confirming [Page 15]to them the whole foresaid Powers and Privi­leges, with what other incouragement his Majesty should judg needful.’ These are the very terms of the Act of 1693. and in pursuance of this Act our Nation being willing to form a Company for trading to Africa and the Indies, this Act which hath met with so much opposition in the World, was past June 26. 1695. which was two years after. Then with what Effrontery can H—s and his Suborners suggest, that it was obtain'd viis & modis, by surprise or in a sur­reptitious manner? But something they must say to justify their unreasonable treatment of us, and to blind the Eyes of the World.

Thus we see then that the Parliament of Scot­land went on deliberately to advance their Trade, and to make this Act: by which it's evident that they who advis'd his Majesty to say that he was ill serv'd in Scotland, impos'd upon him, have laid a Foundation of division betwixt him and his Par­liament, which are the two constituent parts of our Government; and if they be dash'd against one another, the whole frame of it must of ne­cessity be dissolv'd. Hence also it is evident that those Counsellors, if Scots-men, ought by our old Constitution to be call'd to an account by the Parliament according to the 12th Act of Parl. 2 James 4. And if they be Englishmen or Dutch­men, we have a right to demand Justice against them, as having meddled in our Affairs contrary to the Laws of Nations.

The Soveraignty of our Nation, and the Inde­pendency of the K. of Scots upon the Crown of England, being tacitely giv'n up by this Answer; and the Parliament of England being possess'd by our Enemies with a false. Notion of our Design, they put a stop to our taking Subscriptions from [Page 16]any Residenters in England; tho our offering to take in the English as Sharers, was a plain Demon­stration of the uprightness of our Intentions to­wards that Nation. This made it apparent, that we had no design in the least to supplant them in their Trade, but on the contrary to make them Partakers in ours, in order to lay a foundation for a closer Union, and greater Amity betwixt the two Nations; which if it had taken effect, our Trade had not been nipp'd in the bud, as now it is by the frowns of the Court, but might by this time have been improv'd to the advancement of the glory and strength of the Island: Whereas by the opposition made to that noble Design, the Nations are more alienated from one another than before, lessen'd in their Strength and Trade, and Scotland for ever lost as to their Friendship, usefulness, and joining with England on any occasion whatever, un­less proper Measures be taken to make up the Breach, and retrieve our lost Honour and Ad­vantage.

All that can be said to excuse so false a step in such a wise Nation as England, is, that they were impos'd upon by those that are Enemies to the true Liberties of both Nations, and by some of their Traders and ignorant Pretenders, to give advice in matters of Trade, who out of a sordid Principle of Self-interest, preferr'd their own pri­vate Gain to the general advantage of their Country. This would have quickly been seen, had his Majesty and the Parliament of England, instead of that violent opposition which they made to the Scots Act, desir'd a conference betwixt a Committee of the Parliaments of both Nations; then it would soon have appear'd what our true Design was, and that it was neither our Interest nor Inten­tion immediately to follow an East-India Trade, [Page 17]the apprehensions of which did so much alarm the Kingdom of England. That it was not our Inten­tion is evident from our rejecting the Proposals of our Countryman Mr. Douglas, the East-India Merchant, with which H—s upbraids us, by which at the same time he discovers his own folly and dishonesty; his Folly in arguing against the Interest of England, which he pretends to espouse; and his Dishonesty in proposing our fol­lowing a Trade, which his new Masters (who have paid him so well for his false Evidence) look upon to be destructive to theirs.

That it was not our Interest immediately to think of an East-India Trade is evident from this, that it would have exported our Mony with which it's known we do not abound, and ruin'd the Linen Manufacture of our Country, upon which so ma­ny of our Poor depend. This we think the City of London may be sensible of in a good measure, by the multitudes of their own Silk-Weavers, that are starv'd for want of Imployment; and also by the unsuccessfulness of their own Linen Manu­facture in England, by reason of the great quantity of Silks, Muslins, Calicoes, &c. brought from the East-Indies: from whence some wise Men have been and are still of opinion, that an East-India Trade of that sort tends to the general Impoverishment of Europe, tho it may enrich particular Persons. These Considerations, together with some Jealou­sies that Mr. Douglas might have been put upon making us that Proposal, on purpose to divert us from our other Design of an American Trade, were the true Reasons of our not hearkening to Mr. Douglas's Advice. This our Neighbours might have known, had they proceeded with us in such a Friendly manner as we had reason to expect, when we were so kind as to offer them a share [Page 18]in the Benefits of our Act. And the Government at the same time might soon have been satisfied, that the sinking of their Customs by our own and twenty years Freedom from that Duty, was a meer bugbear Pretence. It is evident that we could not have spent much East-India Goods in Scotland, and therefore must have exported them. If we had brought them to England, they were liable to Customs there. If we had offer'd to run them over the Border, they could as well have pre­vented that, as the stealing over their own Corn and Wool: and if we had exported them to any other places of Europe, the English by their Draw­backs could have done it in effect as cheap as we. By all which it appears, that there was no solid Foundation for any of those pretended Reasons, why the Government in particular, or the English in general, should have oppos'd us: and we wish that upon due inquiry it may not be found to be the effect of Dutch Councils; for that Peo­ple being jealous of their Trade, and Rivals to England on that account, cannot be suppos'd to have sat still and done nothing, when they saw we had obtain'd such an Act, and were resolv'd to take in the English to partake in our Trade, which if suffer'd to go on, might endanger theirs, and enable the English to outrival them indeed, besides the present loss they foresaw of our Custom, the Scots having most of their East-India Goods from Holland.

This we have the more reason to suspect, first because tho the English have formerly suffered in their Trade by the Incroachments and Intrigues of the Dutch, but never by the Scots; yet they have made no Application to his Majesty, for preventing the like in time to come. If it be said that be is but Stadtholder there, whereas he is [Page 19]K. of Scots: We can easily reply, that it appears: by what has been said already of our true Consti­tution, that the Kings of Scotland were as much ac­countable to the States of that Nation as the Dutch Stadtholder is to the States of Holland. The 2 d Reason we have to suspect the Influence of Dutch Councils in this Affair, is this, that 'tis their Interest to keep us and the English from uniting, and if possible of forcing us by that means into an Alliance with themselves, to prevent their own ruin, if England after this should come to fall out with them upon the account of Trade or other­wise, and likewise to have their Privilege of fishing in our Seas continued, which they know to be of such vast Advantage to them, that they are shrewdly suspected of having by Bribes, or other indirect Methods, prevail'd with some great Men, to supplant us as to the Benefits we had just rea­son to expect from the Act of 1661. incouraging our Fishery; the Privileges granted by which, are very considerable, and to continue for ever: nay to put it out of all doubt that they are join'd in this matter against us, H—s owns it as beforemention'd.

Being upon this Subject, we cannot but take notice of the difference betwixt the Spanish Me­morials about Darien, and of those late Memori­als presented by them to our Court against their meddling with the Succession of that Monarchy, or the cantoning it out into several Parcels in case the King of Spain die without Issue. The for­mer, tho insolent and hussing enough, were pro­cur'd by our Court, therefore calmly digested; and the desire of them effectually answer'd, to the ruin almost of the Scotish Nation: but the lat­ter was no sooner presented, than the Spanish Am­bassadors [Page 20]are disgrac'd in England and Holland, and forbid both Courts.

It may therefore deserve the Inquiry of our Neighbours, what this Regulation about the Suc­cession of Spain, and the dismembring of their Monarchy is, that occasion such outragious Me­morials: for there must needs be something in it that touches the Spaniards more sensibly than the business of Darien, and which they did not com­plain of till they were put upon it; and in like manner touches our court more sensibly to the quick than any Memorials about that Affair, tho they had not been of their own procurement, were capable of doing. Perhaps upon a narrow Scru­tiny into this Affair it will be found, that this keen and uninterrupted Opposition made to the Scots Settlement at Darien, does not proceed from any foresight of damage that it could do to the Trade of England, tho that be the specious Pretext, but from a Cause which touches some People more nearly, crosses their Project of dis­membring the Spanish Monarchy, and of having that important Post to their own share; they know that they have a natural, as well as a politi­cal Interest in some great Courtiers, and make little doubt of obtaining the preheminence before either of those Nations that compose the Empire of Great Britain. It concerns our Neighbours so much the more to inquire into this, because it is visible from the Resentments of it by the Spanish Court, that this matter is more like to affect the advantageous Trade that England drives with Spain, than our Settlement in America was ever like to do; which tho it be made a Sacrifice to his Catholick Majesty, and perhaps on purpose to make him digest the other Project with more [Page 21]ease, is like to be of as little advantage to Eng­land, as was the Sacrifice of the great Sir Wal­ter Raleigh formerly, tho it may be infinitely more to their damage. If our Neighbours have a mind to be fully inform'd of this matter, they know who were imploy'd in those Negotiations, and how to speak with them.

We come next to consider the Opposition made to our Subscriptions at Hamburgh by Sir Paul Ri­caut the English Resident there, in conjunction with his Majesty's Envoy to the Court of Lu­nenburg, who deliver'd in a joint Memorial to the Senate of Hamburgh, threatning them with the heighth of his Majesty's Displeasure, if they join'd with the Scots in any Treaty of Commerce what­soever. This we shall not need to make any Reflexions upon, the Petitions from the Company to his Majesty and his Privy Council in Scotland be­ing sufficient for that end.

Their first to the King was dated June the 28th 1697. and is as follows.

The Company finding that the said Resident did notwithstanding this Answer continue his Opposi­tion, and deny that he had any orders to the con­trary, petitioned his Majesty's Privy Council afresh as follows.

And therewith they join'd another to the King, as follows.

Notwithstanding all this humble Application, there was no stop put to that Opposition: So that the Hamburghers dar'd not venture to subscribe; and the Company, after great loss of time, and Mo­ney, and leaving two Ships unfinish'd, to the great Dishonour, as well as Disadvantage of the Nation, were oblig'd to recal their Agents, after having spent 30000 l and not receiv'd one Farthing there, tho the Hamburghers were so willing to join, that they were sorry there was not room left for sub­scribing more than 200000 l

The Company finding themselves thus injuriously dealt with, made application to the Parliament of Scotland for redress. Upon which the Parliament presented the following Address to his Majesty.

By all this it is evideht, that the whole King­dom of Scotland was unanimous in this matter and proceeded deliberately in it, as that which highly concern'd their Interest: yet we see that all their Endeavours were to no purpose; for our Enemies were so resolute in opposing our Trade, that rather than it should succeed they will not only trample under foot the Laws of Scotland, but the Laws of Nations, and exactly follow the Pattern set them by the French, in huffing and tyrannizing over their Neighbours, when at the same time they pretend to make War upon Lewis [Page 34]XIV. for practices of the same nature; and whilst they cry out upon the Decisions of the Chambers of Brisac and Mets, and of the Parlia­ment of Paris as tyrannical and unjust for invading the Rights of Neighbouring Princes and Nations, they set up a Cabal at Whitehall to do the like by Scotland and Hamburgh. Then let the World judg, whether the King of England had not less reason to say that he was ill serv'd in Scotland, than the King of Scots had to say that he was ill serv'd in England, since one single Address from the Parlia­ment of England prevail'd with their King to forbid all his Subjects to join with the Scots; whereas the repeated Supplications of the Company of Scot­land, the Address of their Parliament, and the Au­thority of Law, and his own Letters Patent could not prevail with the King of Scots to do Justice to his own Subjects. We wish these Gentlemen would consider this, who were so very angry at the Author of the Defence of the Scots Settle­ment, for saying that the King of Scots was detain'd prisoner in England. It is very certain, that never any King of Scotland before the Union of the Crowns, dar'd thus to trample upon their Laws, or to oppose the General Interest of the Nation; or if they attempted to do it, they were quickly made sensible of their being inferior to the Law, and the States of the Nation assembled in Parlia­ment, who till the Accession of our Princes to the English Throne, remain'd in an undisputed possessi­on of calling their Kings to an account for Male­administration, and of disposing of thei Lives and Liberties as they saw cause. We need not go so far back for Evidence to prove this, as Eugenius the 7th, who was brought to his Tryal on suspiti­on of having murder'd his own Wife, and acquitted upon discovery of the real Murderers; or of James [Page 35]III. whose Minions, by whose Council he govern­ed, were taken out of his own Bed-Chamber by the Nobles, and hanged over Lauder-bridg; and he himself persisting in those Courses, was killed in flight, after being defeated in Battle by the States, and in the next Parliament was voted to be lawfully slain.

We have a later Instance, and the Power of our Nation on that Head was largely asserted and accounted for by the Earl of Morton then Regent of Scotland, in that noble Memorial he delivered in to Q. Elizabeth and her Council in defence of our proceedings against Q. Mary whom we de­thron'd, and in her stead set up her Son: so that it is not the principle or practice of any one Party of our Nation (tho it has been of late fix'd upon the Presbyterians as peculiar to them) but was an Hereditary Right conveyed to us all by our An­cestors, practised by Papists before the Reforma­tion, and justisied by those of the Episcopal Per­swasion since, particularly by the Earl of Morton beforemention'd, who was the first that introduc'd Bishops into our Church after the Reformation.

Those things are not insisted upon with any Design of applying them to his present Majesty, or of incensing the People of Scotland to do so, but only to inform those that put his Majesty upon such Courses, that they are his greatest Enemies, and do what in them lies to destroy him. It is the common Right of Mankind to be protected by those they set over them, and to complain of Governors when they find themselves aggriev'd, and their Privileges torn from them by Violence. This Generation has prov'd it beyond possibility of Reply, that the greatest Pretenders to submissi­on to Princes, and the most zealous Patrons of Passive Obedience, will resist and dethrone their [Page 36]Kings too, when they find themselves oppressed by them. They that maintain the contrary, are nothing but mean-spirited Flatterers, or such as temporize with Courts, because of their own private Advantage; and be their Quality what it will, are far from being so noble and brave as that poor Woman who told Philip of Macedon, that he ceas'd to be King when he refus'd to hear her Petition. Upon the whole it will appear, that he Author of the Defence of the Scots Settlement, made the best Apology for his Ma­jesty that could be made, when he said that he was a Prisoner in England, and therefore forc'd to act thus against the Interest and Dignity of his Crown as King of Scots. It is demonstrated thus: If his Majesty were in Scotland, and another Per­son upon the Throne of England, it is certain his Majesty would have encouraged the Trade of Scot­land, and resented such practices in the King of Eng­land, as contrary to the Laws of Nations, and the Soveraignty of his Crown: If he did not, he would be look'd upon to be mean-spirited, and not fit to wear it; and if he took part with the King of England against the Dignity of his Crown, and the Interest of his Kingdom, he would not only be looked upon as an Enemy to his Country, but as felo de se. From all which it is plain, that as it is the best Apology that can be made for the King of Scots when he acts thus, contrary to the Ho­nour and Interest of himself and his Country, to say, he is a Prisoner in England; so it is a suf­ficient Justification of the People of Scotland to refuse Obedience to what he commands by the In­fluence of the English, or other Councils, in oppositi­on to their Interest, because they are the Commands of a Captive, and not of the King of Scots. If our Enemies say he is no Captive, but at Liberty [Page 37]to go to Scotland if he pleases, it is so far from making his Case better, that it makes it ten times worse; for if his Affections be captivated, we are without remedy, except we either sue for a Divorce, as in case of wilful Desertion, and de­nying conjugal Duty, or withdraw from under his roof, and remove to another Family, as God and Man will allow one Sister to do that is oppressed, and denied the Privileges of paternal Love and Protection, whilst another is caressed and dan­dled, and has her Fortune raised by diminishing that of the neglected Sister.

The Jamaica Proclamation against our Colony at Darien comes next to be considered, and is as follows.

It contains a heavy Charge against the Scots Company as having settled in Darien without in­forming his Majesty, and having thereby broke the Peace betwixt his Majesty and his Allies. As to their not intorming his Majesty with their Design, there was neither any need of it, nor had they reason to do it: that there was no need of it, is plain enough from the Act of Parliament impower­ing them to settle any where in Asia, Africa, or America, upon places not inhabited, or any other place, with consent of the Natives, and not pos­sess'd by any European Potentate, Prince or State: So that they were under no Obligation to acquaint him where they design'd to settle, provided they kept to the Terms of the Act. And that they had no cause so to do, is evident from that un­reasonable opposition that a Faction of Court had prevailed with him to make to them all along, which gave them just cause to expect the like treat­ment in time to come.

Then as to the Breach of the Peace betwixt his Majesty and his Allies by the Settlement, they had no reason to think themselves guilty of any such thing, and so much the less, that Dampier, Wafer, and all others that wrote of the Country gave an Ac­count [Page 39]of the Natives being in possession of their Liberty, and almost in continual Wars with the Spaniards. Besides, it was a rul'd Case in England, since Capt. Sharp was by Law acquitted in King Charles Il's time, not only for having marched through Darien in a Hostile manner, but for at­tacquing Places that were really in possession of the Spaniards, as St. Maria and Panama, because he acted by virtue of a Commission from those Darien Princes. This, together with their not finding a Spaniard or Spanish Garison on all that part of the Isthmus, was enough to justify the fairness of the Scots Settlement there, and to have put a stop to this hasty Sentence till both sides had been heard.

But instead of that, the Advisers to this Procla­mation take upon them, in a very Magisterial manner, to declare the Scots guilty of a Breach of the Peace betwixt his Majesty and his Allies: which is so much the more remarkable, that this Procla­mation is publish'd in the West-Indies, before ever it was known what the Scots could say in their own defence; and sent away before the presenting of the Spanish Memorial, which was on the third of May 1699. and the Proclamation bears date April 9th 1699.

The unfairness of this Proclamation is evident from this, that at the very same time it is pub­lish'd in the West-Indies, the Lord President of the Sessions, and his Majesty's Advocate for the Kingdom of Scotland, were sent for from hence to see what they could say to justify their Pretensions to Darien; which they did by such Arguments as have not yet been answer'd.

We leave it then to the impartial Thoughts of the good People of England, whether we have not occasion to say that our King is in the Hand of our Enemies, since we are thus condemn'd with­out [Page 40]a hearing, and our Nation put tothe trouble and expence to send Lawyers out of the Kingdom to defend themselves before those that had al­ready condemned them. And since this is a visible effect of the Union of the Crowns, by which we are every day more and more oppressed; let them speak their Consciences, if we have not all the rea­son in the World to dissolve that Union, except the Nations be more closely united, and upon a better footing.

That we were so treated in former Reigns, we had no great cause to wonder, when the Court was engaged in a Conspiracy against our Religion and Liberties. And our Nation being inferior to none in their Zeal for both, it was but natural to think that we should be the first Sacrifice: But to be treated thus by a Prince who hath ventur'd his Life to save us from Popery and Slavery; a Prince who for Courage in War, and Conduct in Peace, is not to be match'd in Story; a Prince who is under God the Great Champion of our Religion, and the bold Asserter of Europe's Liberty; a Prince whose Family we revere, and whose Person we a­dore; a Prince for whom we have so chearfully ventur'd our Lives, and lost so much of the best Blood in our Veins; to be so treated by such a Prince hath some thing cutting beyond expression, and proves that our Disasters are no way to be re­medied, but either by a total Separation, or a closer Union of the two Kingdoms.

We cannot be so unjust to his Majesty's Charac­ter as to think a Prince of his Magnanimity could be guilty of so mean a thing as willingly to sub­ject the Crown of his Antient Kingdom which he received free, to that of another. We cannot once suffer it to enter into our thoughts, that he who dares to out-brave Death in the Field a thou­sand [Page 41]times a day, should act so unworthy a part as first to condemn, and then to try us. These and all other things of that sort we must needs charge to the account of our Enemies about him, who misrepresent us, and therefore surprise his Majesty into any thing he does against us.

As to that positive Sentence of our having acted contrary to the Peace betwixt his Majesty and his Allies, we have all the Reason in the World to complain of it. Is our Kingdom then become so mean and contemptible, that what is transacted according to the Acts of our Parliaments, and Pa­tents of our Kings, is liable to be annull'd, or de­clared illegal, by any Person that has the hap to be made an English Secretary of State, Governor of one of their American Plantations, or a Member of their Council of Trade? If it be so, his Ma­jesty's Dignity, as King of Scots, is well defended in the mean time, when it is liable thus to be tram­pled upon by his own Servants as King of England. This does indeed verisy what has been said, that our Kings since the Union leave their Anti­ent Kingdom to the disposal of their Ser­vants: but whether this be agreeable to the Co­ronation Oaths of our Kings, let them determine that are concern'd to enquire; and perhaps it may be worth the consideration of our Neighbours, whether since we have been govern'd by Servants, they have not for the most part been subject to Mini­ons, and that the one does naturally pave the way for the other. So that they are no great gainers by the Bargain.

If it be answer'd, that the Proclamations are issued by his Majesty's Authority, and that there­fore our Sentence proceeds from his Bar.

We answer, 1. That there are shrewd Suspitions that a certain Gentleman or two who have af­fected [Page 42]all along to shew their Zeal against the Scots in this Affair, have push'd this matter beyond their Instructions; for there's no man that knows his Ma­jesty's Justice and Wisdom, can admit a thought that he would condemn us before we were heard.

2. We don't at all question his Majesty's Au­thority as King of England, to forbid his English Subjects to give any manner of Assistance to the Scots at Darien (tho we might say it was unkind) but we absolutely deny that he has any Authority as King of England to condemn the Proceedings of the Subjects of Scotland for any thing they trans­act without the Dominions of England. If it be otherwise, his Majesty, as King of Scots, is bound to appear at the King's-Bench-bar in Westminster-Hall for what he hath done as King of Scots, upon the Lord Chief Justices Summons; and of what Consequence this may be to himself or his Successors, may be easily judg'd. Had Oliver, and the other Regicides, bethought themselves of this, it had been more for the Honour of England, and would have taken off a great deal of the odium that is charg'd upon them for cutting off King Charles, had they search'd for something Criminal in his Conduct toward the English Nation as King of Scots, and condemned him for that. Tho they did not think upon this, perhaps others may; and then the English will be able to justify themselves as not having cut off their own King, but their Enemy the King of Scots, as there's no doubt they would have done by King Charles II. had he not made his escape after the battel of Worcester.

This may perhaps deserve the thoughts of his present Majesty and others concern'd in the Suc­cession, and so much the more that the depen­dence of the Crown of Scotland upon that of England hath been lately asserted by some Eng­lish [Page 43]Historians, and indirectly hinted at in a pre­tended Answer to the Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, p. 24.

But to satisfy that Gentleman and others, who please themselves so much in vilifying the Scotish Nation, they may turn to the Reigns of Edward I. II. & III. and they will quickly find that Sir Wil­liam Wallace, K. Robert Bruce, James Lord Doug­las, Thomas Randolph Earl of Murray, and others that we could name, did so gallantly defend the Soveraignty of Scotland against those bold Pre­tenders to a Superiority over us, that their Suc­cessors have had no great stomach to pursue their Claim to it since: So that if ever they had any, it is forfeited by Prescription.

Oliver's imaginary Conquest so much insisted on by the dull Answerer of the Scots Defence, and o­thers, will be of no use to the Faction in this matter, since that was no National Quarrel, nor did the English pretend to any such thing, as a Conquest of us, but immediatly withdrew their Forces upon the Restoration. So that Oliver's Conquest, as he calls it, was only the Victory of one Party over another in a Civil War, it being well known that he had Friends in Scotland as well as England, which (if that Wise Author will have Oliver's Victories to be Conquests) he had conquer [...]d too before ever he came near Scotland.

We don't insist upon this with any design to de­rogate from the Valour of the English Nation, which is known all over the World, but to stop the mouths of those pitiful Scriblers, and to give a Caveat to those Gentlemen about Court, who talk so big of conquering Scotland upon this present oc­casion.

But we wish them to consult beforehand how England in general stands affected to such a De­sign, [Page 44]and how they will justify the Lawfulness of it, lest it fare with them as it did with K. Charles I. and his Cabal, who not only in Council advis'd, TO REDUCE US TO OUR DUTY BY FORCE RATHER THAN GIVE WAY TO OUR DEMANDS, as may be seen in the Representation of the States of Scotland in 1640. but rais'd Money, and levied a formidable Army to carry on their Design; and yet the Hearts of these Bravos fail'd them when they came in view of the Scots, who repuls'd them twice with shame, the first time when they encamp'd their great Army near Barwick, and the next when we charg'd them at Newburn. And at last the best of the Nobility and Gentry of England thought fit to put a stop to those dangerous Proceedings, and follow'd his Ma­jesty with a Protestation against them, as well knowing, that if Scotland were once subdued, the Liberties of England could not be long liv'd.

That it is the Interest of England now to prevent the Ruin of Scotland, as much as it was then, will appear by the following Arguments.

• 1. That the present Juncture of Affairs makes it necessary for the Kingdom of England rather to strengthen themselves by making new Friends than by procuring new Enemies. They are not ignorant that they have a controverted Title to their Crown entail'd upon them, and that the Pre­tenders against those in possession are in the French Interest, and under their Protection. Nor can they be ignorant, that to the old National Hatred betwixt France and England, the French have added that of the Protestant Religion. Of late years they have declared themselves the most implacable Enemies of it; and their King in all his Triumphs has that ascrib'd to him as his greatest Exploit, that he hath quelled the Monster of Heresy. The case [Page 45]being thus, it must needs be against the Interest of England to suffer any froward and headstrong Facti­on to embroil them with Scotland, or to ruin that Kingdom; the Consequence of which will be the exposing themselves as an easier Prey to the Con­quest of the French or any other Enemy.

  That the French had a hand in fomenting our late Civil Wars, and made use of their Firebrands in all Parties, is beyond dispute; and that it is now more their Interest to divide us than ever, is so palpable that it cannot be denied. Nothing in human probability could have stop'd the impetuous Current of their Arms, but the Interposition of Great Britain; and therefore it concerns them, both in point of Interest and Revenge, to dash us against one another: and if the ill Usage that we meet with from the Court of England should force us a­gain into a French or other Alliance, the World cannot blame us; since the Laws of Nature and Nations are for us. Put the case that a smaller num­ber of Christians should be unjustly attack'd by a greater, whom nothing will satisfy but the utter Ruin of the former: Could any man in conscience blame the weaker Party to call in the Assistance of Jews and Pagans to preserve their own Lives? Is it not the same case with the Scots? have they not ever since the Union of the Crowns been oppressed and tyranniz'd over by a Faction in England, who will neither admit of an Union of the Nations, nor leave the Scots in possession of their own Privi­leges, as Men and Christians? Was it not a Party in England that impos'd upon us first in Matters of Religion? Did we send first to oblige them to sub­mit to the Geneva Disciplin, as they call it; or was it they that first imposed their Ceremonies and Forms of Prayer upon us? Was it we who first in­vaded them with an Army to subvert their Civil and [Page 46]Religious Liberties, or did not they first invade us? Was it we who first made Acts against their Trade, or they who made Acts destructive of ours? Did we issue Proclamations against their Colonies, or have they done so by ours? In the name of God then let them declare what they would have us to do. They will not unite with us, nor suffer us to live by our selves: Nor must we have any share of their Trade, or carry on a Trade by our selves. Is it not plain then that the Faction oppress us? and yet we must not complain of this sort of Treat­ment.

• 2. If the State of Affairs in Ireland be consider'd, it will appear to be such, as may make it dange­rous to suffer the Scots to be oppressed and pro­vok'd in this manner It is well enough known that the People of Ireland are not very well pleas'd with their Treatment by some in England. This, together with the great numbers of Scots in the North of that Kingdom, who bear a natural Af­fection to their Country, and would be very uneasy to see its Ruin, may prove of dangerous conse­quence, in case of a Rupture with Scotland.
• 3. It will further appear to be the Interest of England not to suffer the Scots to be so much run down, if they consider the posture of their own Affairs at home. The Divisions and Animosi­ties betwixt the several Parties in England are well enough known: So that besides the Sport it would afford to the common Enemy of our Re­ligion and Country, to see those two Nations en­gaged in War, the Enemies of the present Go­vernment would be sure to improve it, and watch for an opportunity to avenge themselves for what has been done against the late K. James, and his Friends. It is well enough known what hopes they and some People beyond Sea conceive from the [Page 47]Differences that this Treatment of the Scots may probably occasion; and as they have an irrecon­cilable Hatred against our Nation, because we de­clar'd so generally against the late King, and are so zealous for his present Majesty, there's no doubt but they will foment our Divisions as much as they can, and insinuate themselves with both Parties, in order to set them together by the Ears. They know that so many as fall in England of those who adhere to the present Constitution, and so many as fall in Scotland for supporting the Trade and Free­dom of their Country, so many Enemies they are rid of; therefore there's no question but they pro­mise themselves a plentiful fishing in such troubled Waters.

  It likewise deserves the consideration of our Neighbours, that they don't stand at present in very good terms as to matter of Trade with France, Holland and Flanders; nor is it well known what the Issue of the present Controversy with Spain about regulating their Succession may be. The im­pending differences betwixt the Northern Crowns may perhaps in a little time imbroil them with one or other of them, and affect their Trade also on that side. All which being consider'd, it would seem to be the Interest of England to assure them­selves of the Friendship of the Scots, by treating them in a kind and neighbourly manner.

• 4. It will appear in particular not to be the Interest of the Dissenters and sober Churchmen, that the Scots should be thus run down, because their own Ruin will be the unavoidable Conse­quence of it. This they may soon be convinc'd of if they will give themselves leave to consider how they were treated in K. Charles the First's time, when the Court did swell with so much Rage against the Kingdom of Scotland for asserting their Liber­ties [Page 48]then, as they do now. All those Church of Eng­land-men that could not conform to the Innovati­ons brought into the Church by Laud and his Party, were treated as Puritans and Schismaticks; and those that appear'd for the Liberties of the Nati­on against the Ship-money and other Arbitrary Impositions of the Court, were treated as Rebels and Traitors. If they look into the two last Reigns, it will appear as plain as the Sun, that when Scot­tand was oppress'd, and their Liberties wrested from them, the Dissenters and moderate Church­men in England were brought under the lash: the former were depriv'd of their Religion and Liber­ties, and the latter expos'd to destruction by Sham-plots, &c. because of their appearing for the Laws of their Country. We need mention no more Instances to put this out of Controversy, than those deplorable ones of the Earl of Essex and Lord Russel; to which we may add the shameful and barbarous Treatment of the worthy Mr. John­son Chaplain to the latter, because he so excellent­ly defended with his Pen the Birth-right and Free­dom of all true Englishmen.

From all this it will appear that England in gene­ral must suffer by the Ruin of Scotland, and that those who have all along stood up for the English Liber­ties, must lay their Account to come under the lash, if once our Necks come under the Yoke: therefore we dare appeal to the sober Men of the Church of England, Whether it be their Interest that a Nation which agrees with them in all the Articles of their Church, those about Discipline excepted, should be destin'd to ruin, because we believe with most of the Reformed Churches, that there is no Office superiour to that of a Presbyter of divine Institution. Must we be denied the Pri­vileges of Men and Christians, because we think [Page 49]that the Discipline of the Church may be more safely intrusted, and more faithfully administred by the joint Indeavors of the Minister and the Heads of his Congregation, by an Association of neighbouring Ministers, and the Heads of their Parishes, and by Delegates both of the Clergy and Laity of those Associations in a general Convocati­on, than by another Model? But enough of this Subject. Let any Man peruse the learned Arch­bishop Ʋsher's Treatise of Presbytery and Episcopacy reconcil'd, and there they will find that the diffe­rence is not so great as some People have made it their business to make the World believe. But if nothing less than our destruction will serve those Gentlemen, because our Church is of a different Constitution from that of England, and that our political Principles and original Constitu­tion are diametrically opposite to arbitrary Power, let the Dissenters of England, and all those Church­men that concurr'd in the late Revolution, look to it. When their Neighbour's House is on sire it's time for them to prepare their Bucket's. If this Digression be thought impertinent, H—s and the Answerer of the Scots Defence must bear the blame of it. They would insinuate to the World that the Affair of our Trade and Colony is a Presbyterian Project, on purpose to render it odious and suspected to the Church of England; therefore it was necessary to obviate that false and malicious Suggestion, and to acquaint our Neigh­bours that the Company make no difference as to the matter of Perswasion: and let it be put to the Test when they please, it will be found that those of the Episcopal Opinion are as zealous for the thriving of our Trade, and the Honour of our Nation (both of which are concern'd in this Affair) as any of the other.

To wind up this matter, if any Party in Eng­land entertain suspicions of us, the better way to prevent us is to treat us kindly, and enter into an Union with us on such Terms as his Majesty and the Parliament of both Kingdoms shall agree, and so as the Civil and Religious Liberties of both People may be preserved. That will be casier and safer than to relie on the Hopes of an uncertain Conquest; or if they don't think fit to do so, it's but reasonable they should leave us in the undi­sturb'd possession of our own Liberties: But if they will do neither, let them no more accuse those that complain of this Treatment as Incen­diaries, but seriously examine whether they them­selves mayn't with more Justice be accounted Op­pressors.