IN the Province of Dalmatia, upon the Confines of the State of Ve­nice, liv'd a young man called Isuf Vascouich, meanly born, and ve­ry poor; but having a great heart, and impatient of the mise­ry of his Condition, he resolved [Page 2] to put himself into the World, and try what Fortune would do for him.

He set out of his Father's House in so ill equipage, that before he had gone far, his feet were all cut with the stones: which moved an old woman, who was touched with pity to see a handsome Youth in that condi­tion, to give him a pair of Shooes; a kindness which in due time he amply requited. Isuf (for by that name he was afterwards known) came first to Nadin in Croatia, where having some knowledge of the Turkish Tongue, he put himself in the service of Sinan Bey, one of the Governours of that Country, as a helper in the Stables: But be­ing [Page 3] taken notice of for a youth of more than an ordinary Wit, he was perswaded by a Capigi, who was going to the Court, to get his Congé of Sinan Bey, and to accompany him to Constanti­nople, the place for men to seek for Fortunes. Coming to the Seraglio, the best Imployment he could get, was, to cleave Wood for the Grand Seignior's Kitchin; from which in a little time he was advanced to carry Water into the Garden, and admitted there as an under-Gardner; a Post of all inferiour ones the most advantageous, since the Em­perour passeth much time a­mongst those people, and often calls his Councils of State and War into his Gardens; by which [Page 4] means those Gardners come ac­quainted with all the Grandees of the Court, and are known to the Sultan himself; who having no Hereditary Nobility, advan­ceth many times the meanest of his Slaves to the most eminent Dignities of the Empire.

It hapned that Isuf came into this Employment much about the time that Sultan Amurat went for Babylon; who before he be­gan his Journey, sent for his three Brothers, Orcan, Bajazet, and Ibrahim, one after another; and discoursing to them of the Expedition he was undertaking, did what he could to sound their inclinations: and finding that Orcan and Bajazet desired Arms and Horses, that they might [Page 5] wait upon his Majesty to the War, he thought it not safe to leave such young men behind him; and so commanded that they should both be strangled. But Ibrahim, who innocently, or rather, as it is thought, by the in­struction of the Sultaness his Mo­ther, asked nothing of him but a few Aspers to buy Cages to put his Birds in, was left alive; but out of all capacity to make any disturbance in the absence of his Brother, being put under a strict Guard in one of the Towers of the Seraglio, where he had no creature to serve him but a woman-Negro, a Mute. In this Tower there was a win­dow which looked into the Gar­den where Isuf used to water the [Page 6] Flowers; from whence Ibrahim would often peep through a Grate upon him, and listen to him as he sung, seeming delight­ed with the Musick of his Voice. Isuf perceiving he was taken no­tice of by Ibrahim, and having compassion for this miserable Prince, would at certain times when no body observed him ap­proach the Tower, and tell Ibra­him all the news of the Court, regaling him with such Flowers and Fruits as were in the Garden. Ibrahim finding that Isuf was dis­posed to serve him, and thinking him discreet, desired him, if he wished him well, as he preten­ded, that he would talk no more at the Grate, since if it were dis­covered, it might be the loss of [Page 7] both their lives. But (said he) when you have any thing to im­part to me, sing it in a tune as you pass under my window; which I shall understand as well as if you spoke. By which means Ibrahim came to know all that passed in the Seraglio, and whatever suc­ceeded in the Army.

Amurat was now upon his march to besiege Babylon, when advice was brought him that the King of Persia had taken the Field with one hundred and twenty thou­sand Horse, and was incam­ped some leagues from Babylon, in a vast and fertile plain, aboun­ding with Forage and Provision; where he stayed to countenance the Besieged, and to be ready upon occasion to give them suc­cour.

[Page 8]Old Babylon was built by Queen Semiramis, upon both sides the Euphrates, which cuts it in two; and was the Metropo­lis of the Assyrian Empire, and one of the seven Miracles of the World: But out of its ruines is arisen another Babylon, called Bagdet by the Turks, which stands not upon Euphrates, but fifty miles off, upon the River Tigris, which runs into Euphrates. This City is very vast, divided by the Tigris, and incompassed with an ancient Wall with some Half-Moons about it. But its chief strength consisted in three great Ditches, and in the number and resolution of the Defendants; of which were forty thousand Garison-Souldiers, and as many [Page 9] Inhabitants bearing Arms, be­sides Gunners and Enginiers, who came from several parts of Christendom to serve the Persian.

Upon the news of Amurat's marching, the King of Persia commanded the Suburbs of the City to be levelled with the ground, and put the place into the best condition it was capable of to receive so formidable an Enemy. And that he might o­mit nothing to stop this Inun­dation which threatned to over­whelm Asia, he sent an Ambassa­dour to Amurat with rich Pre­sents, to sue for Peace. But the Tyrant commanded, if the Am­bassadour did not offer the resti­tution of Babylon, that they should cut off his Nose and Ears. [Page 10] This the Grand Visir disswaded, as an indignity not to be done to the Minister of so great a Prince, and one of their own Religion. The Present was most magnifi­cent which the Ambassadour brought: Eight Mules laden, forty Dromedaries cover'd with cloth of Silk and Gold, eight Per­sian Horses with rich Housses, eighteen Carpets of Silk and Seven of Gold, two hundred and forty Vests of Brocado and Vel­vet, two hundred pieces of the finest Porcellain, forty Sable Skins, nine Persian Bows with Arrows of most exquisite work­manship, great quantities of Musk and Amber-greece, and twenty five Bayls of Linnen painted. Besides, the Ambassa­dour [Page 11] presented the Emperour with divers delicious Drinks, as the most acceptable things to a man so debauched and vitious; and last of all, the Alchoran written upon Silken paper, which the Grand Seignior in reverence kissed.

Hardly had the Ambassadour exposed his Presents, and delive­red his Credentials, but he was surrounded with Guards, and carryed Prisoner to his own House; contrary to the Faith given him, and to the Law of Nations. But Amurat gave him to understand, that he would carry him back into Persia him­self; who to increase his Army, had made six thousand new Ja­nizaries, though he had decreed [Page 12] a little before, that their number should not upon any pretence be augmented. And to sweeten their Order, which he had much exasperated, and to oblige them for the future, he dressed him­self in the habit of a Janizary, and marched so all his Journey in the head of his Army. Nor was his care less of his other Mi­litia's: for he appeared personal­ly at the Musters of his Timars, to see that no man upon pain of death should decline the ser­vice. And because the General of the Ordnance seemed to make some difficulty of getting along four vast pieces of Cannon, by reason of the badness of the way, he immediately caused his head to be struck off. So that after [Page 13] that, no creature durst interpose the least obstacle or delay to the executing of Amurat's Com­mands. Seeing Conservatories of Snow, which were to refresh his Wine, he would not let them be filled; saying, he would have nothing of Luxury or Delicacy in his Camp, and that he went not to carry Ice but Fire into Persia. He commanded all the Takers of Tobacco who were in his Army to be fley'd alive, and to be left exposed upon the High­way for an example. His chief Physician, a man learned in the Persian and Arabian Tongues, making him a relation of the ad­mirable effects of Opium, he for­ced him to take so great a quan­tity of it himself, that he dyed within a few hours.

[Page 14]All the way that Amurat went, his Army augmented, upon the arrival of new Sangiachs, who all left their Governments to at­tend the Sultan; who though he met with many disasters in his march, endured all with an invin­cible patience. As he crossed the Euphrates, the Bridge over which he passed his Army broke, not able to bear the weight which was upon it: Baggage, Horses, Camels, and many Souldiers, be­ing swallowed by the water, swoln with the rains which were lately fallen. Besides this, a mortality reigned in his Army, which carryed away his Souldiers every day. But no misfortune could deject Amurat, or retard his progress. The difficulties he [Page 15] encounter'd did but whet his Courage: and, as if he were sure of conquering, he made a Vow that he would not change his clothes till he was in Baby­lon.

But though his heart was so much set upon this enterprize, he often thought of the state of his Affairs at home; and fearing Changes in his absence, repented him of the humanity which he had shewed his Brother Ibrahim; and therefore dispatched away one of his Bassa's to Constanti­nople, with orders to see him strangled. The Bassa could not come so secretly into the Sera­glio, but it was discovered by some of the Sultana's; who suspecting the cause of his Jour­ney, [Page 16] and having pity for Ibrahim, the only Prince left of the Otto­man Line, would not let the Bassa touch him; but drove him out of the Seraglio in such haste, that he hardly escaped to carry the news to his Master. Amu­rat, though his heart boyled with rage for this Affront, did not think it a time to revenge it; but suppressing his resentment till his return, continued his march with most indefatigable pains; and the Ninth of November, in the year 1638, sat down before Ba­bylon.

Just before his arrival there, he was met by the Bassa of Cairo with rich Presents, and four and twenty thousand Souldiers. And from Palestine and all the Neigh­bouring [Page 17] Countrys came Recruits, which added considerably to the number of his formidable Army. About the same time came Tar­pos King of Arabia, with his Mo­ther, Wife, and Son, to lay themselves at Amurat's feet. He was courteously received by the chief Bassa's, and feasted after their manner. Thence he went to visit the Grand Seignior; but whether he were doubtful of his safety, or repented him of his coming, it was observed that at his entring he grew very pale. But finding Amurat's Favourite there to receive him, he thought it a good Omen; and was present­ly out of apprehension, when he saw himself presented with a Vest of Cloth of Gold lined with Sa­bles, [Page 18] and a good purse of Che­quins, with thanks for the assi­stance he had brought the Empe­rour.

All the Troops of that vast Army being joyned, there was a Council called, not onely of the chief Officers, but of the old Ja­nizaries and Spahi's who had been in the Wars of Hungary, to have their opinions concer­ning the conducting of the Siege. After great debates, it was con­cluded that an assault should be made at one time in three pla­ces: the first at the white Gate, under the Command of the Grand Visir, with a Battery of twelve Cannon; the Second at the black Gate, by Mustapha Bassa, with a Battery of ten Can­non; [Page 19] and the third at the Per­sian Gate, by Chussain Bassa, Beg­lerbeg of the lesser Asia, with eight pieces. Amurat visited all the Ports himself, promising his Souldiers vast Donatives; and wrote to the Caimecan of Con­stantinople, that he should order Prayers to be made throughout the Empire for his Success, he being resolved to conquer or to die. He put on plain clothes, that he might not be distingui­shed from other men; and that he might be present where dan­ger presented it self, without be­ing observed. His horse stood always ready sadled at the door of his Pavillon, that he might not lose a moments time where there was occasion for his pre­sence.

[Page 20]Upon the opening of the Trenches, and the raising of the Batteries, he gave fire with his own hand to the first Gun; which was followed with a fu­rious tempest of Canonades. In the beginning, the besieged sal­lied out in gross Squadrons; but being repulsed with great slaugh­ter, they grew more cautious. There was a bloody Contest one day to get a Half-moon; and it was hard to say whether the Ag­gressors were less expert in at­taquing, or the Besieged in de­fending. But the Turks vast numbers supplied their defect of Skill, overcame all difficulties: so that they brought their Works to the edge of the ditch. And though their Mines had no [Page 21] effect, the besieged began to a­bate of their Courage, being in despair of succour. The Siege was carryed on more with Swords than Spades, since there being no Outworks, all was reduced to Assaults.

Amurat was so transported with a desire of carrying the place, that he would have led his men to the Breach himself, but that he was stay'd by his Captains, who represented to him the extremity of his danger; offering to precipitate themselves, and sacrifice their own lives, ra­ther than he should adventure his.

Having passed the first and se­cond Ditch, they met with despe­rate resistance at the third; but [Page 22] with multitudes of men they filled that too, and lodged upon it; so that now there was no defence remaining but the Wall, which, after they had made a breach in it of fifty yards long, they furiously assaulted. And here appeared a theatre of death, not onely in tempests of Shot, but showrs of artificial Fire, Sulphur, and Bitumen. Both sides fought for Life; the besieged expecting no quarter if the place were taken, and the besiegers no mercy from Amurat if they did not take it. On Christmas-day the Turks made their last attempt, led on by Mustapha Bassa, whose men mounted the breach with greater bravery than it had been yet as­saulted. [Page 23] The Persians with e­qual resolution met them: and here began a Fight which was to decide the quarrel. As some men fell, new ones still succeeded; the earth being dyed with blood, and covered with car­casses. At last the besieged were forced to give ground, being quite tired; and the Turks still re-inforced with fresh Recruits, climbed up the breach over heaps of bodies; and Mustapha being the first who entered, with his own hand planted the Royal Standard in the City.

In this Siege, of diseases and wounds, there perished fifty thou­sand Turks, and above ten thou­sand were wounded. Of the Persians, all the bravest men fell; [Page 24] onely some four and twenty thousand, who survived the slaughter, throwing down their Arms, were by Amurat's com­mand received to mercy. But Mustapha offended at the cle­mency of Amurat, perswaded him to put them all to the sword: remembring him how at Revan in Persia, where he gave the Conquered Quarter, to requite his Mercy, as soon as his Army was gone, they rose upon his Garison and cut them in pieces, and restored the City to the Persian. This made Amurat, notwithstanding his Faith passed, give order to his Janizaries to cut all their throats; and, that the execution might be more terrible, to do it in the night, by [Page 25] the light of lanterns and torches. Of all this number there were onely seven and twenty escaped, who were reserved by Amurat to be carryed to Constantinople to adorn his Triumph.

As soon as this bloody execu­tion was ended, the sacking of the City was given to the Soul­diers; which continued three days, with all imaginable cruel­ty; their avarice not distingui­shing Mahometans from Christi­ans, nor Friends from Enemies.

The loss of Babylon was a grea­ter mischief to the Christians than to the Persian: for as long as this place stood, the Ottoman Forces were continually employ­ed upon this frontier, and wasted with long marches through de­sert [Page 26] and uninhabited Countrys; so that they did but now and then molest the Christians. But from the loss of Babylon, and the Peace with Persia, the Cala­mities of Christendom may take their date. From hence it is that Poland and Hungary have been of late invaded, and Can­dia lost. And since this time the Persian hath attempted no­thing considerable; but hanged up his Scymeter against the wall, and let his Arms grow rusty for want of use.

This hazardous enterprize of Babylon being brought to so hap­py a conclusion, Amurat would have pursued this Victory into Persia, but that he was stay'd by some indisposition of health; and [Page 27] at the same time he received a Letter from the Favourite Sul­tana, being then upon the fron­tier attending his return; who invited him from the assaults of War, to those of Love. A woman of a most charming behaviour, and so bountiful, that she gave the Messenger who brought her the news of the taking of Babylon ten thousand Dollars.

Amurat, who was unbounded in his Rewards as well as Punish­ments, to requite the Grand Visir, who was slain in the Siege, made his Son, though very young, Governour of Mesopotamia, one of the most esteemed Commands in the Empire: and Mustapha Bassa, who had been so great an instrument in the taking of Ba­bylon, [Page 28] he advanced to the su­preme Visirship. He sent his chief Ecuyer with a rich Present of Sables to the Queen his Mo­ther, to acquaint her with his success; having ever born her a most filial reverence. To reward this grateful News, the Queen ob­tained of her Son the Bassaship of Bulgaria, and confer'd it upon the Messeger.

Amurat, at his departure from Babylon, left the Grand Visir behind him, with secret instru­ctions not to reject any reasona­ble offers of Peace: and then he dismissed the Persian Ambas­sadour, whom he had kept Priso­ner with him all this while; and delivered him a Letter in answer to that which the Ambassadour [Page 29] had brought him from his Ma­ster; the tenor of which was: I who am Lord of Lords, and com­mand Arabia, Persia, and Greece, exalted by the aid of God to the Empire of the Ʋniverse, the in­vincible Possessor of the White and Black Sea, Lord of the Di­vine House of Mecca and Medina, as also of Hierusalem, Aleppo, Da­mascus, and of all those Holy and Venerable places, of Cairo and Ba­bylon, of Ethiopia and the lesser Asia, of the Georgians and the Tartars, and in a word, supreme Lord of the seven Climates, Sul­tan Amurat Can, To the brave Soffi, to whom God give peace if he deserve it. As soon as this my Imperial Letter, which is fit to be obeyed, shall come to thee, be [Page 30] it known that the cause why I de­tained till now thy Ambassadour whom thou hast sent to my happy Port to sue for Peace, was, that I might subdue Bagdat; which I have done, thanks to the edge of my Invincible Sword. If thou desirest to be quiet, deliver up those Provinces which were the Domi­nion of my unconquered Ancestors, putting them into the hands of my Beglerbegs, who will advance thi­ther with my victorious and unre­sistible Army. Otherwise expect me in the Spring with my Troops, more numerous than the sands of the Sea, in the bowels of thy King­dom. That shall succeed which is determined from eternity.

[Page 31]The destruction of Camels and beasts of burden had been so great in this march, that there were scarce enough remaining to carry home the Baggage to Constantinople, whither Amurat was now hastning, to solace him­self after his fatigues, and to re­fresh his Souldiers. The Sultana's and all the Ministers vied with one another who should get the richest Regalo's to present their Monarch; which, with those which were sent him by the Queen-Mother, were in all com­puted at above a Million of Gold.

Upon the way, his Majesty was seized with so violent a Head-ach, that he could not stand: whereupon his Physicians [Page 32] were sent for. The next day he was taken with a trembling, which at first was looked upon as the effect of a Fever; but continuing, they apprehended it might turn to a Palsie or Apo­plexy. With this he had so great a swelling in his legs, that he could hardly sit on horse-back; the state of his health being ut­terly destroyed by his excesses of Wine and Women.

The Sultana Favourite came before him into Constantinople with six Gallies; and the Queen-Mother, attended by all the Grandees, went out to meet him; and then he made his entry with a number of Coaches cover'd with cloth of Gold. At the end of the Cavalcade Amurat him­self [Page 33] appeared, dressed in a Per­sian habit, with two and twenty Slaves of the chief men of that Nation, whom he had taken Pri­soners at Babylon. His treasure carried by ten Gallies was landed at the Seraglio: and that which he brought home, was calculated to be more than what he took out when he began his Jour­ney. Christian Princes grow rich by Peace, but the Turk by War; who repairs his expences out of the Avanies which he lays upon his rich Subjects, and out of the Spoils of the Nations which he conquers.

Being now returned home, the first thing he did was to shew that rage which he had so long hidden, for the indignity [Page 34] which was done him in his ab­sence in saving Ibrahim when he had commanded his death. And therefore he gave orders that those Sultana's and all their wo­men who had a hand in that a­ction should be strangled, leaving the unfortunate Ibrahim alive but till he had a Son born to in­herit the Empire.

And now Amurat elated with his Victories, seemed to be above Fortune, and to despise all things, even his own Law and his own Religion, and to care neither for man nor God. He put his Mufti to death; which the most tyrannical of his Prede­cessors had never attempted; laughed at all Devotion, & would not fast at the Ramasan: but [Page 35] abandoning himself to all kind of dissolution, one night he made so great a debauche, that they were fain to carry him to bed; though but a little before, he had made a Vow, being very sick, that he would never drink Wine more; and caused all the Cups and Glasses with which he had made his debauches to be broke, though some of them were of Crystal of the Rock, and others of Stones of great price. But this last debauch put an end to all his extravagancies: for being seized upon by an unintermit­ting Fever, his Physicians were in that fear, that they durst not direct any Remedies, lest if they failed to give him Life, they should procure their own Deaths. [Page 36] But being pressed by the Queen-Mother and the great Ministers to do something, they agreed to let him blood: which had an ill effect; for he died presently af­ter, in the flower of his age, ha­ving lived thirty three years, and reigned fifteen.

Amurat being dead, the chief Visir with all the Grandees of the Court repaired to the Prison where Ibrahim was kept, the onely surviving Prince of the Royal Family. When they came to the door to salute him Empe­rour, he suspected it an artifice of his Brother to take away his life; and lifting his hands to Heaven, prayed to God to preserve the King his Brother, for the prospe­rity and glory of the Ottoman [Page 37] Empire. But they all confir­ming to him with protestations the death of Amurat, and the change of Ibrahims Fortune, which translated him from the Grave to the Throne; after some resistance he let them into his Chamber, where they found him almost stifled with stench and putrefaction; the Negro-woman who attended him being dead in the Room, and no or­der taken to carry the Corpse a­way. But still being jealous that the news which they brought him was not true, he declared to the company, that if it were so as they told him, that God had taken to himself the Emperour his Brother, he would not stir out of his Chamber till he had seen [Page 38] his body. They seeing him re­solute, to comply with his plea­sure fetched the Corpse of Amu­rat to the prison, and lay'd it down before him. At the sight of which, Ibrahim had that hor­rour, that he seemed to be af­fraid of the very carcass; and not trusting to his eyes, would feel with his hands if he were a­live, who had kept him so many years in a kind of perpetual death. Nor yet satisfied with feeling the body cold and stiff, he kneeled down and put his mouth to the mouth of the Corpse, to try if he could per­ceive it breathe. At last, find­ing that great Monarch dead and unmovable, who had held in mo­tion so long a great part of the [Page 39] world, he rose up, and said these words, becoming the Majesty of a free Prince: There lies the grea­test King and the greatest Tyrant that ever was. And then walk­ing out, they cloathed him in purple, and proclaimed him Em­perour with loud acclamations of the Souldiers and the People.

And so he began his Reign auspiciously, and had made his Subjects happy, if he had conti­nued as he began: for he confir­med the Peace with the State of Venice, entred into an allyance with France, and had a fair Cor­respondency with all the great Potentates of Europe. And to give the world an opinion of the clemency of his nature, he commanded the Grand Visir that [Page 40] he should put no man to death but for just and urgent rea­son.

The Grand Visir thinking this mildness of Ibrahim to proceed from his simplicity, began to go­vern as despotically as if he had been Emperour himself. He re­moved from the Court all the great Ministers and Servants of Amurat, upon pretence of giving them Governments and Charges; and filled the Family of Ibrahim with his own Dependants. One­ly the Selectar Bassa he had not power to displace, nor to em­ploy any where else, in regard of the nature of his Office, which kept him always about the per­son of the Emperour: Yet he prevailed so far with his arts and [Page 41] cunning, that he at last got his head, and so remained Arbiter of all affairs.

During these changes in the Court, as Ibrahim one day was enjoying the pleasure of his Gar­dens, which till then he had not of a long time seen but out of a grate, one of the old Gardners of the Seraglio came and cast himself at his feet: which he perceiving, stay'd to speak with him, asking him what news there was in the Court, and what the World said of his person. The Gardner taking hold of the occasion, had the courage to tell him, that all good men were troubled to see his Majesty more a slave to his own slave, than he had lately been to the King his Brother. [Page 42] Ibrahim wondring at what he said, asked him who it was that he was a slave to? To the Grand Visir, replied the Gardner. See, Sir, said he, if in all thy Court there be the face of any Minister or Servant of the Emperour Amurat. No, said he, there is not one: All of them are banished by Mustapha; onely the Selectar, who by reason of his Office could not be taken from thy person, hath lost his head, because he would not be an Instrument of his Tyranny. Look about thee, and thou wilt see thy self surrounded with his Dependants and Crea­tures; nor canst thou move one of thy eyes but he knows it. Thou art here shut up and lost amongst Women, whilst thy Visir commands all the Men of thy Empire. Awake, [Page 43] and think of thy Brother Amurat, who though for reasons of State he kept thee a Prisoner, was a great and wise Prince, and would not let his Slaves be his Masters. He loved his Subjects, and protected them from the oppression of his Mini­sters and Souldiers. He would know every thing; and as he was the chief man in his Empire for his quality and merit, he would be the chief in administring justice, and concerning himself for the safety of his people. Make thy self a wor­thy Successor of so great a Prince, who having with his arms subdued half the World, hath founded this mighty Empire upon the basis of Honour and Justice.

The words of this old man made an incredible impression in [Page 44] the breast of Ibrahim, who being sensible that that was too true which the Gardner told him, re­solved to free himself from the subjection he was in, and do some surprizing thing, that the world might see he was master of him­self, and knew how to command without the help of others. The Office of Selectar was now va­cant by the arts of the Grand Vi­sir, who had taken off the head of him who last possessed it; nor was it known upon whom For­tune would confer this important Charge, to which all the youth of the Seraglio aspired, as to the highest reward of Vertue. Nor did the Grand Visir care for ha­ving any Selectar at all, lest it should diminish his authority, and [Page 45] make one of those who were now at his command, his compe­titor in the Government. How­ever, Ibrahim resolved to pro­ceed to the election of this Offi­cer, and commanded there should a great Feast be made, such as is usual at the creation of the Selectar.

Upon the news of this, the Grand Visir was infinitely trou­bled; not so much for the dan­ger of having a Rival in the Em­perours favour, as for finding in Ibrahim a Genius to command, and an assurance in doing busi­ness of that concernment without participating it to him. So that he durst not directly oppose the Grand Seigniors resolution, which would have been a capital of­fence, [Page 46] but artificially endeavou­red to discredit the election, by telling him that his Highness needed not take care to make a Feast for the exaltation of one of his slaves, since Feasts were most proper for the Triumphs of Princes. Ibrahim heard him with much coldness, telling him that he would advance and de­press whom he pleased; and for all his remonstrances, would ce­lebrate a Feast for the Creation of the Selectar, according to the custom of his Progenitors. Mu­stapha was silent, as if he had been struck with thunder; and a­mazed at so sudden a change in the Sultan, found that he was mistaken in thinking Ibrahim an Idiot; and that that dulness and [Page 47] stolidity which had appeared in him, was rather an effect of his long imprisonment, and the con­tinual apprehension he had been in of death, than want of natu­ral parts and understanding.

As soon as the Grand Visir was gone, Ibrahim commanded that they should look him out a poor Gardner called Isuf Vas­couich, and conduct him imme­diately to his presence. Isuf understanding he was sent for by the Grand Seignior, imagined that his last hour was come, and that he was fetch'd to be put to death for discovering the late Emperour Amurat, and betray­ing his secrets to Ibrahim, who might reasonably think he would do the like by him; since Prin­ces, [Page 48] though they make use of Traytors, do always hate them. But he was quickly undeceived: for Ibrahim came out to meet him, and imbracing him with o­pen arms, and kissing him, told the company that this was he whom he would make Selectar Bassa; and that he thought it justice and gratitude to do it, since Isuf was the onely person in the world who had obliged him, having with the utmost ha­zard of his life served him in his calamity, when none alive but he durst own him. An heroi­cal piece of Gratitude, and fit to be recorded to succeeding Ages! If Ibrahim had not stained the lustre of this action by other o­dious and detestable vices, he [Page 49] had not gone out of the world as he did, with the opinion of a Monster and a mad-man, but been eternized by Fame amongst the most vertuous Princes.

Isuf, who but the day before had nothing in the world that he could call his own, being now created Selectar, found himself in an instant, with what his Ma­ster gave him, and with the Pre­sents which were made him by the Sultana's and the Grandees of the Court, worth a million of Gold. Some sending him Jewels, others Money, some Horses, others Slaves, others Furniture for his house. And that he might be as great as For­tune could make a Subject, Ibra­him declared him Bassa of the [Page 50] Sea, and gave him to Wife a Lady of the Ottoman house.

But in all this greatness and prosperity, he was quickly weary of the Court: for finding that Ibrahim's nature was so corrupt­ed by his Fortune, that of a hope­ful Prince he was like to make a cruel Tyrant, being bloody, wil­ful, and uncapable of counsel; he resolved secretly with himself to retire from the Court, to a private life, and to pass the re­mainder of his days in quiet in his own Country. And because this could not be done by a man in his Post, without giving some suspition, he bethought himself of this pretence. It is a custom in Turky for men who are arri­ved to great riches, that they [Page 51] may lessen Envy, to employ part of them in pious works. And be­cause none can found Moschees but the Grand Seignior himself, or such Bassa's as have conque­red Provinces or Kingdoms to the Ottoman Empire, he resolved to build and endow some houses in the Country as Innes for Pil­grims, that Travellers might be entertained there in their Jour­neys without expence; a thing of great convenience for stran­gers, in that desert and depopu­lated Empire. Communicating then to Sinan Bey his first Master his design of building an Inne for Pilgrims in his own Country, and in the Territory of Urana where he was born, he assigned Sinan money to begin the work, [Page 52] and sent down by him several Presents to his kindred, and five hundred Royals to the good old woman who had given him a pair of shooes when she met him barefoot on the way.

Now there arising some di­spute betwixt Sinan Bey and o­ther Agents of Isuf concerning the covering of this new house, one thinking best to send into Hungary, others into Apulia for Tyles; he sent to them to ha­sten the work, bidding them not to trouble themselves about the covering, since he would be there time enough himself to give or­der in it. The preparations for this building, and these words of Isuf, that he would be there him­self, coming to the knowledge [Page 53] of the Venetian Ministers at Constantinople, who watch with continual jealousie every thing that is done and said in that Court, made them suspect that there was some mischief brewing against the Republick. For they could not imagine that so great a man as the Selectar Bassa, chief favourite of the Grand Seignior, and one who was thought to bear particular ill-will to the State of Venice, should leave the Court, and come down into Dalmatia, onely to give orders about a building. And therefore con­cluding that this was but a pre­tence to cover some great design, they found a way by Presents to the Grand Visir, and other means, in which above all Nati­ons [Page 54] there the Venetians are skil­ful, to stop the Selectar's Jour­ney.

It may easily be conceived what a disappointment this must be to the Selectar, who had set his heart upon retiring from the Court, that he might put his life and fortunes in safety; for the accomplishing of which, he could devise no other means but this. He could not but be troubled too, to be defeated of the satis­faction he had promised himself in seeing his native Country, and shewing his Wealth and Great­ness there, where not many years before he had been a miserable Peasant. Indeed this so increa­sed the aversion he had to the Venetians, that it was not long [Page 55] before they felt most heavy ef­fects of his resentment. Of so much moment sometimes, in the greatest affairs of State, are little disgusts given to the Ministers of Princes.

About this time Ibrahim was meditating a War against Malta, in revenge of an injury which he had received from the Maltese upon this occasion: The Grand Sultana amongst her At­tendants had a Georgian Lady, a most gentile and charming beauty, with whom Ibrahim took his pleasure, and had a Son by her. This so disturbed the Sul­tana who govern'd his affections, to see her self Rivalled by her own woman, who daily grew in the favour of the Sultan, that she [Page 56] caused a slow poyson to be given her, which destroyed her health, and preyed upon her beauty; and had certainly carried her to her grave, but that Antidotes, joyned with youth and a vigo­rous constitution, overcame it. However, the Georgian thought her self unsafe in the Court, ha­ving an implacable enemy of the Sultana; so that one day she cast her self at Ibrahims feet, be­seeching him to give her leave to perform a Vow she had made to their great Prophet; which was, to go in pilgrimage to Mec­ca, to carry her little Son there to be circumcised. But Ibrahim was so fond of her, that he would not hear of it, till she told him that it was not onely the [Page 57] satisfaction of her Conscience, but the consideration of her Health, that obliged her to make this humble sute to him; since her Physicians had assured her she was in danger of death by her ill habit of body, and that they knew nothing so likely to restore her as the Bathes of Rhodes, which were in her way to Mecca. This made Ibrahim at last, though with much relu­ctancy, consent to her Jour­ney. But he had that con­cern for her, that he ordered the best ship he had to carry her; and appointed Gelis Aga, one of the greatest Aga's of the Court, who had been a Favourite to three Grand Seigniors, to attend and take care of her. And so [Page 58] in September 1644, this Geor­gian Lady with her little Son im­barqued for Rhodes, with forty Women and thirty Pages, and all other equipage sutable to the condition of a person who had the favour of so great a Mo­narch. They had not been ma­ny days at Sea, when six Galleys of Malta, who were cruzing to­wards the Isle of Rhodes, de­scried about break of day a great Gallion bearing Turkish Colours; and making up to her, began a bloody fight, which continued many hours; wherein Boisbo­drant General of the Galleys was slain, and several other Knights of Malta, with one hundred and sixteen Officers, and two hun­dred and fifty six wounded. At [Page 59] last the old Aga being kill'd, they boarded the Gallion, taking the Lady with her Son and her retinue, and three hundred and fourscore other Turks, besides two rich Merchant-ships which were in company. The Gallion was so torn with the shot receiv'd in the fight, that she founder'd in the Sea before they could get to Malta. And the Lady op­prest with grief for her misfor­tune, and the captivity of her Son, dyed in a little time after her arrival there. The Great Master gave the young child to the Dominican Fryars to breed him up in the Christian Religion; which they did with that success, that when he came to years of understanding, he did not onely [Page 60] make profession of the Christian Faith, but entered into a Religi­ous life, and took upon him the habit of a Dominican, and the name of Father Dominique Ot­toman. In this Habit I saw him at Paris in the Court of the Ja­cobins, in the year 1665, being carryed thither by the Venetian Ambassadour Seignior Alvisi Sa­gredo, now Patriarch of Venice, to whom he gave a picture of himself, which I now have. The Dominicans had taught him so well, that he had the knowledge of most Sciences, and spoke five or six Languages. And though he seemed under the habit of a Fryar to have the meen of a Prince, he conform'd himself strictly to the Rules of his Or­der; [Page 61] nor could I see any distin­ction betwixt him and others of the Convent, but that he left the Ambassadour at the stair foot, whilst the other Fathers atten­ded him to his Coach.

Ibrahim hearing of the loss of his Ship and the captivity of his Mistriss, fell into such a rage, that no man durst speak to him; vowing he would be revenged in the extirpation of the Maltese. And then commanded his Army to be drawn together, and a Fleet to be made ready to be­siege Malta. But his great Mi­nisters and Councellors, who un­derstood the difficulty of this enterprize, took a time to dis­swade him from it; representing to him that the voyage was very [Page 61] long, the season of the year spent, and that he had not Sea­men ready to man so great a Fleet as was necessary for such an Expedition; and above all, they minded him of the strength of the place which he would be­siege, which was not onely ad­mirably fortified both by Art and Nature, but defended by the most expert men of all Christen­dom, who having no imploy­ment but to fight, were bred Souldiers from their infancy, and with a few Galleys kept the whole Levant in awe.

Upon which, Ibrahim, who would not be contradicted, as knowing no reason but his own will, grew into that fury, that he had like to have put them to [Page 62] death who made this remon­strance to him; so that for some time no man durst open his mouth to him any more upon this matter. At last, one of the Visirs who had more courage than the rest, said, None of us know what Malta is, having ne­ver been there; but it would be fit, before your Highness resolve up­on so great an enterprize, that you had exact information from some one who hath been upon the place; and then told him that he knew an Aga lately come from thence, who had been a slave there four years, and could give a perfect account of all things, if it were his pleasure to command him. Upon which the Aga being cal­led, Ibrahim bad him faithfully [Page 64] and freely relate to him the state of that Island. The Aga with profound obeisance assured him that the strength of Malta was considerable; that besides the advantage of the scituation and double fortifications, which made it almost impregnable, it was de­fended by men of high resoluti­on; that all the Campagne round the Town was nothing but a hard rock, without earth to work on, so that it was almost impossible to make any Appro­ches; that the Fleet which should bring an Army there, could not stay before the place, by reason of want of Ports, and the fu­rious winds which reigned in those Chanels; that Italy and Sicily were so near, that the place [Page 65] would continually receive suc­cours; and last of all, that Mal­ta was so far from Constantinople, that his Army could not arrive there time enough; it being neces­sary for whoever would besiege that place, to be there in June, since in three months time they of necessity must retire, the tem­pests in those Seas were so vio­lent about the beginning of Se­ptember.

These reasons, so contrary to the designs of Ibrahim, instead of satisfying him, did but inflame his anger. But however, that he might know all that the Aga could tell him, he asked him what People those Maltese were, who made the Conquest of Mal­ta so difficult. The Aga answe­red, [Page 66] that they were a body of Nobility drawn from all parts of Christendom; and naming the Knights Nation by Nation, told him that the major part of them were Frenchmen; that their Prince the great Master who commanded them was a French­man; and that to make the en­terprize easie, it would be best for his Highness to try if he could prevail with the King of France to call home the Knights of that Nation; without which it would be almost impossible to take Malta.

At these words Ibrahim was so incensed, that he storm'd as if he had been mad; and hardly knowing what he said or did, commanded them immediately to [Page 67] bring him the French Ambassa­dour's head: which had certain­ly been done, but that the Chiz­lar Aga, a black Eunuch who was there, diverted him. This Aga being a grave man, and of great reputation for his Judg­ment, as well as Zeal for the Grand Seigniors Service, remon­strated to him, how that for a­bove these threescore years, in which he had had the honour to serve five Emperours, he had seen many Wars, and great ca­lamities had befallen the Monar­chy; but in all the Consultati­ons of his time, he had never known so much as mention made of cutting off an Ambassadours head: that such an indignity could not be done to so potent a [Page 68] Monarch as the King of France, but it would be revenged; and if the Galleys of Malta could give his Highness such distur­bance, what might the King of France do with the mighty For­ces of his Kingdom? That this action was contrary to all Reason of State and good Government, and would redound much to the prejudice of his Empire, which his Ancestors had maintained from time to time as well by prudence as by power.

This discourse was heard with applause by all the Council: but Ibrahim, who measured the reason of all things by his own caprice, was so offended with him who made it, that in a rage he commanded the unfortunate Eu­nuch [Page 69] to be put to death. The Council, though they were sensi­ble of the danger to which they exposed themselves, were so tou­ched at the injustice of this sen­tence, and had that respect for the Chizlar Aga, that they interce­ded for him. But all they could obtain, was to have the Judg­ment of Death changed into Exile. And so the poor man was banished to Gallipoli, and in an instant despoiled of all which he had been getting in the service of threescore years.

The enterprize of Malta be­ing found not advisable, and I­brahim still breathing hate and revenge against the Christians, proposed in Council to fall upon Sicily; which if they were once [Page 70] Masters of, Malta could not long resist, since from thence it had all its provisions. Some Si­cilian Bandito's, who commonly are the most mortal enemies of their own Country, had sugge­sted this to the Grand Visir, per­swading him that they would put Syracusa into his hand; which he being once possessed of, might with little difficulty subdue the rest of that Kingdom. Others ad­vis'd an expedition into the King­dom of Naples. But both these Propositions being rejected, they fell into discourse of Candia; when Isuf Selectar Bassa, to whom Fortune now presented an occa­sion to be revenged of the Vene­tians, represented to them, that in his opinion that business was the [Page 71] most feasible of any thing that had yet been thought of: And that it was just too, since the Maltese, who took the Grand Seigniors Gallion, after this ex­ploit landed first in Candia, and were courteously received there by the Inhabitants, who bought their Prizes of them.

But for the present, this was secretly diverted by the Grand Visir, who was a friend to the Republick of Venice; and con­demned by the Mufti as contra­ry to their Law, which will not allow a War to be made against Christians when they are in War amongst themselves, for fear they should unite together a­gainst Believers. Besides, the Mufti said that it would be un­just [Page 72] to invade any Prince before they had declared War against him. Upon which, there was nothing at that time concluded. But Ibrahim in his own mind de­termined now to turn his Arms upon Candia; which was a Se­cret he would deposit no-where but in the bosom of the Selectar; and therefore kept it from the knowledge even of the Grand Visir, for fear he should discover his design to the Venetians, with whom he suspected that he kept intelligence.

In a few days after this, the Ambassadours of France and Ve­nice were sent for to Court, and given to understand that the Grand Seignior desired to know of them who these people were [Page 73] who had taken his Gallion; and why they the Ambassadours had not advised him of it without be­ing asked. To so impertinent a question their answer was, that they knew nothing of it, and that it was certain it was come to pass without the consent of their Princes, who desired to maintain a sincere correspondence with the Grand Seignior. It was re­plied, that his Highness was a­mazed to understand that the King of France his ancient Con­federate should send his Subjects to Malta to make war upon him under the Banners of others; that he had always held the King of France for his very good Friend, but that for the future he should look upon him as his [Page 74] mortal Enemy, if he did not call his Knights of Malta home, and make them restore all that they had taken upon his Gallion. To this the French Ambassadour an­swered, that the French who liv­ed at Malta were out of the Kingdom of France; that the King his Master had no authori­ty over them, that Island being tributary to the King of Spain, who was then in war with France; and as for the restituti­on of the Goods which were taken by men who did not de­pend upon his King, there was no reason why they should speak to him of it.

Then they began to reproach the Venetian Ambassadour, that the Ministers of the Republick, [Page 75] contrary to the Peace sworn with the Grand Seignior, had gi­ven free ingress to the Malta Gal­leys into the Ports of Candia; and that after the taking of his Gal­lion, they had there landed men and horses, and sold their Prizes: And therefore to prevent the like inconvenience for the fu­ture, his Highness demanded of them the Port of Suda, to secure his Fleet which he was sending to besiege Malta. The Ambas­sadour answered, That Candia had never entertained the Gal­leys of Malta: That the Grand Seignior was misinformed, and that he would acquaint the Se­nate with his demand; but that he did verily believe they would never grant it.

[Page 76]In the mighty preparations which were now making for the invasion of Candia, Ibrahim and the Selectar with most profound dissimulation endeavour'd to hide the design; and to take all um­brage from the Venetians of a War with them, they gave leave for two Drugger-men and a Ja­nizary to pass to Venice with a Safe-conduct to fetch Seignior Dolfino, who was designed Bailo to Constantinople, as they were used to do in times of peace. And with Seignior Soranzo the present Bailo at Constantinople they continued all demonstrati­ons of courtesie and friendship, to make him believe that Ibra­him intended a sincere Corre­spondence with the Republick. [Page 77] But Soranzo, who was a man of an acute and penetrating under­standing, discerned that all this was counterfeit; and that not­withstanding this appearance of good-will, they were preparing to sheath their swords in the bowels of the Venetians. But not being able to penetrate the certainty of their design, he sol­licited the Senate to provide for Candia. With this concurred the advice of Antonio Nava­giero Proveditor of Canea, who had information from some Spies of his at Constantinople, that the preparations making were not for Malta. And at the same time Navagiero took some dis­guised like Fisher-men sounding the depth of the Water about [Page 78] Canea, whom he kept Prisoners, and acquainted the Senate with it; taking occasion from thence to give them an account of the condition of the place, and what Souldiers and Provisions were necessary for the defence of it. Ragozzi likewise, Prince of Transylvania, who had constant intelligence from Constantino­ple, advised Cardinal Mazarine that the Turk had a design upon Candia: which the Cardinal pre­sently imparted to Seignior Bat­tista Naris the Venetian Ambas­sadour at Paris. But the know­ledge of this came not to Venice till after the Venetian Bailo was arrested, and that the Turkish Fleet was under sail for Can­dia.

[Page 79]The Senate of Venice being now alarmed, and fluctuating in their opinions what to do, be­twixt the fear of neglecting their own defence on the one side, and of provoking the Ottoman power on the other, resolved on a middle way; which common­ly proves fatal to those who use it. And therefore they would not send such a force to Candia as might make the Grand Seig­nior think they designed a War with him, but onely as much as was necessary to reinforce their Garisons, and so be onely upon the defensive, without giving oc­casion of coming to a rupture. So they fitted up two Galleazze, and elected thirty Gentlemen to command so many Galleys; gi­ving [Page 80] order to Cornaro General of Candia to make ready the twenty Galleys of that Kingdom, and to keep them there to de­fend the Port of Suda. They likewise laded two ships with Ammunition and Victuals, which, as they were going for Candia, at the Cape of Mattopan were met with five Vessels of Biserta, which engaged them in a bloody fight that continued six hours. But at last the Venetians, not­withstanding the disadvantage of their number, opened their way with their Cannon, and came well to Candia. But Capello, who was sent with other ships which carried nine Companies of Foot, with divers Gunners and Enginiers, besides provisions of [Page 81] Victual and Powder, arrived at Suda without any ill encounter. Upon which General Cornaro sent the twenty Galleys of the Kingdom thither, with divers o­ther Vessels, for the preservation of a place upon which it was thought the fate of Candia de­pended. But experience hath shewed what a mistake that was, and that the preserving not of Suda, but of Canea, had been the saving of that Kingdom. For Canea being taken, which was upon the firm land of the Island, there was no force there sufficient to resist the impressions of the Turks; so that to loose that, was to loose all. Whereas the Fort of Suda was not of that conse­quence, being onely a Rock in [Page 82] the Sea, and at a good distance from the main land of Can­dia.

As soon as Ibrahim understood that his Fleet was ready, he de­clared Isuf Selectar Bassa Captain-General of the Expedition, gi­ving him a Commission sealed up, with express command not to open it till he came to Nava­rino in the Morea; where he was to consult with his Captains what course to take for the bet­ter executing of his design. And then he went in person to see his Armada, where Isuf cast him­self at his feet, with threescore and ten of his chief Officers. It is reported, that Ibrahim being told how the Aga of the Janiza­ries had said, that if the Army [Page 83] went for Candia, the Laurels which they brought thence would be watered with Turkish blood; cryed out, that they would meet with no opposition, and that he had sent Isuf to take possession for him of that King­dom. When Isuf took his leave, Ibrahim presented him with a rich Scymitar set with Diamonds; and prayed to Mahomet to give him a prosperous and successful voyage.

The Venetian Bailo at Con­stantinople, who began now to get some light of the design, went, according to the custom of that Court, to compliment the Captain-General at his depar­ture; who received him with unusual courtesie. And the Bai­lo [Page 84] with a dissimulation as deep as his, with his tongue wished him a happy Voyage, when in his heart he would have been glad that he and all his Army had been in the bottom of the Sea.

This great Fleet sailing out of the Hellespont, filled all the Kingdoms of the Mediterranean with fear and terrour, none yet knowing where the tempest would fall. But it is very strange that the Mufti before they went should declare in the Divan, that this War against the Christians was unjust, and against the Laws of Mahomet. And when they told him that all things were lawful to the Grand Seignior, because he could do whatever [Page 85] he pleased, and none could call him to account for it; he re­plied, that the Ottoman Force was very great of it self, but un­equal to all Christendom united together; and therefore it was rashness at this time to provoke the Christian Princes, who it was to be feared might now make a greater league together than they had done in the War of Cyprus. The Grand Visir re­primanded the Mufti for this li­berty, telling him that he was more zealous for his Law, than well acquainted with Reason of State, the maximes of which have nothing to do with those of Re­ligion.

Ibrahim hearing what had passed in the Divan, and of the [Page 86] Remonstrances the Mufti had made there, deposed him from his dignity, to the great scandal of the People, who murmured loudly at this action; and said, that God would never bless the Ottoman House, as long as the chief Minister of his great Pro­phet was thus used: so well-af­fected are those people, though ignorant and unbelievers, to what they conceive to be according to Law and Justice.

The Selectar now being un­der sail with his vast Fleet, arri­ved at Scio, the most delicious Island of the Archipelago, com­manding all his Vessels to take in Water. Here he landed; and after publick Prayers made in a Moschee for the success of [Page 87] his enterprize, he took a review of all his Forces, animating his Souldiers, and filling their minds with great expectations. And being curious to know the opi­nions of his general Officers and chief Captains concerning the War he was going to make, he called a Council; and concealing the Orders he had from the Grand Seignior to invade Candia, shew­ed them onely a Commission which he had received to make War upon the Christians; and so desired their advice where to begin the War most for the ad­vantage and glory of the Otto­man Empire. Assan Bassa, an Albanese of great reputation in the Army, began a discourse a­bout the attacking of Malta; and [Page 88] when he had set forth the ha­zardousness of that enterprize, and the disastrous success of for­merly attempting that place; he concluded, that he did not ap­prove of it. Amurat Aga of the Janizaries concur'd with him, adding, that there was no going to besiege any place in the We­stern Seas, without good har­bours to retire to: intimating thereby, that to fall upon Can­dia would be more commodious. All the other Captains seemed to be of the same opinion. But the General of Barbary could not contain himself from falling soul upon the Venetians, remembring the defeat which the Barbary Galleys had received at the Val­lona, and not considering the [Page 89] vast sum which the Republick had given to make up that breach. And to exasperate the Council, he at last assured them that the onely remedy they had to repair past injuries, and to prevent fu­ture, was to despoil the Veneti­ans of Candia, which was the Sanctuary of the Christian Pirats; and that this was very easie at this time to be effected, since the Inhabitants were desperately dis­contented, and the Island unpro­vided of all things necessary for a defence.

The Selectar was much pleas'd to find the opinion of his Officers so well quadrate with his design; and presenting them with Herns feathers for their Turbants, as a mark of his esteem, he set sail for [Page 90] Negropont. As he passed by Tine, the last Island of the Re­publick in the Archipelago, to make the Venetians more secure, he sent a Frigat and two Saichs into the Harbour, to demand per­mission to take water there; giving out that the Fleet was bound for Malta. Staying here some days, and having received all sorts of refreshments from Seignior Riva Proveditor of the Island, he came to Cape Colonna, from whence he dispatched away a Frigat to Ibrahim, to give him an account of his Voyage, and of the Courtesies he had received from the Venetians.

The cruel Prince seeing he could no longer hide his design for Candia, on a sudden own­ed [Page 91] his treachery, and said, that the reason why he had so dis­sembled, was to secure his re­venge; and that he had but broken faith with those, who had first broke it with him. And then he commanded to seize up­on the Venetian Bailo in his own house, and to put a guard of Souldiers upon him: excusing this horrid violation of the Law of Nations to the Ambassadours of other Princes, by saying, he did this to prevent the Bailo from discovering his designs to the Re­publick.

As soon as it was known at Venice that their Bailo at Con­stantinople was arrested, and a War begun, they sent to the great Potentates of Christendom [Page 92] to sollicit succour. The Empe­rour excused himself upon his inability to help them, since he had occasion for his Troops him­self. England was engaged in a miserable civil War, so that no­thing could be expected thence. Holland would not meddle, out of consideration of the trade they had in Turky; nor shew them any further favour, than to sell them ships for their money; a Courtesie which they would not have denied their Enemies. But the Queen of France, for the cre­dit of her Regency, gave them four Fire-ships, and a hundred thousand Crowns in money, with permission to raise what Officers and Souldiers they could in France. The Spaniard, who [Page 93] was nearer the danger by reason of his Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples, made magnificent pro­mises, but furnished out onely five Galleys. The Pope set out five more, and published a Ju­bile, giving leave to the State of Venice to raise a hundred thou­sand Crowns in gold upon their own Clergy. The Grand Duke sent two Companies of Germans, which he drew out of his Gari­sons; and five Galleys; which, with the Pope's and the Spanish Galleys, and six Galleys of Mal­ta, made one and twenty Gal­leys; and were commanded as a distinct Fleet by Prince Lodovi­sio, as General of the Church. The Duke of Parma sent two thousand men; and the Ge­nouese [Page 94] made mighty offers, but upon such conditions as were re­jected. For they required to be treated with the same respect as the State of Venice, and to have their Arms set up in the Vatican-Hall at Rome, as the Venetians have, amongst the crowned heads: a demand, which the State of Venice chose rather to be with­out their Succours than consent to.

At this time the miseries of Candia were foretold by several strange Presages, as great Earth­quakes, and births of Monsters; and, which was most of all taken notice of, the front of St Mark's Church, and part of one of the Bastions called St. Mark, fell down to the ground of their own accord.

[Page 95]The fame of the Ottoman Fleet in the Archipelago being come to Candia, and of their watring at Tine with so much civility, as likewise of several Turkish ships having been enter­tained and regaled at Cerigo by the Rector of that Island, to whom they brought respectful Letters from Coroaga Bassa of Rhodes, made the people hope that the apprehensions they had conceived were without ground, and that the Ottoman Fleet was designed for some other place than Candia: Fortune does so delight to delude Mortals with some momentary quiet, that the calamities which are to come may fall more heavy upon them.

[Page 96]Of all the Islands of the Me­diterranean, Candia is one of the most famous, and most conside­rable. No place hath afforded more matter for the invention of ancient Poets, who made it the Country of the Gods, the King­dom where Saturn reigned, and where Jupiter was born. It lies at the entrance of the Archipe­lago, in almost an equal distance from Europe, Africa, and Asia. The form of it is long and nar­row, being near two hundred and fifty miles in length, and not fifty in breadth; and the circumfe­rence about six hundred miles. For fertility of soil, few Countrys in the world exceed it; and though it do not abound in Corn so much as some other [Page 97] places, it makes up that in Pa­sture, Oyls, and generous Wines, in which it hath hardly any e­qual. By reason of the narrow­ness of the valleys, it hath no navigable Rivers; but is full of excellent Springs and Fountains, Caverns and Grotto's, where the Inhabitants repair in the furious heats of Summer, to refresh them­selves. The hundred Cities for which it was so much celebrated by the Antients, at this day seems a Fable, since there are now but four in being, viz. Candia, Sitia, Rhetimo, and Canea.

At the time of the Invasion it had about two hundred thousand Souls, twenty Galleys, a conside­rable body of Horse maintained by those whom they call Feuda­taries, [Page 98] and who possess the Lands of the Country; and a Mili­tia of Foot in the nature of Trainbands. It hath two prin­cipal Havens: Spina longa to­wards the East of the Island, and towards the West Suda, both of them defended with good Forts scituated in Islands. So that till now it was thought so strong, that the Turks had never the courage to assault it; nor pro­bably had they done it now, if some of the Inhabitants, Tray­tors to God and their Prince, had not invited and opened them a way to it. It was first governed by Kings, then an Aristocracy, after that made a Colony by the Romans; then it came to the Greek Emperours; and [Page 99] last of all, upon the taking of Constantinople by the Latines, and the dividing of the Empire betwixt the French and the Ve­netians, it came both by purchase and right of Conquest to the Venetians, under whose Domi­nions it continued till it was late­ly taken by the Turks.

As the Candiots were comfor­ting themselves with the thoughts of the danger they had escaped, believing the Turks gone for Malta; upon a sudden, by fires from the hills where they kept Watch, they understood with horrour and amazement that the Fleet stood in for Candia. Na­vagiero Proveditor of Canea immediately sent away divers of the City to raise the Country, [Page 100] and warned in the Gentlemen Feudataries of that part of the Kingdom, conjuring them to u­nite themselves for the common defence: but there was not much fruit of that Message, since most of the Gentlemen were Bandited, and gone from home in contu­macy to the Laws. But many of the Country-men came run­ning to Canea, demanding Arms and Ammunition, and shewing great forwardness to oppose the landing of the Enemy.

The next morning, being the thirteenth of June, in the year 1645, the Turkish Fleet appea­red off of Cabo Spada; and sai­ling with a gentle gale with their Galleys in the Vant-guard, came to an Anchor over against [Page 101] a place called the Gogna, where they rode about two miles from shore. After they had refreshed themselves some hours, they ap­proached land, and imbarquing their men in little boats, landed them without the least oppositi­on. For such was the base cow­ardise of the Country-people who were drawn up in Compa­nies to defend the shore, that at the very first sight of the Turkish Vessels they abandoned their Post, and ran away to the Moun­tains; choosing rather to meet death or slavery in an ignomi­nious flight, than by bravely ha­zarding their lives endeavour to save their Country.

The Forces which were lan­ded marched with flying Co­lours [Page 102] towards Canea, whilst ano­ther part of them presented them­selves before San Teodoro, where there were two Forts; the up­per of which had been lately vi­sited by the General of the King­dom, and dismantled as unuse­ful. In the lower there were onely forty souldiers in garison, which were newly reinforced with twenty five more, upon the first advice of the Turks ap­proaching. It was an easie thing for such a Force, after a battery of many hours, to take this place by assault; and yet it cost the Turks very dear. For the Ca­ptain who was in the Fort valu­ing his liberty above his life, as the Turks were entered gave fire to a Mine, and blew himself [Page 103] with his wife and children into the air, with above two thousand of his Enemies. The name of this Captain, whose memory cer­tainly deserves to live, was Biagio Giuliani, a Subject of the State of Venice, and native of the Ci­ty of Capo D'Istria.

San Teodoro being taken, the Turks brought most of their Fleet into that Port, and there continued disimbarking till they had landed the rest of their men, with their Machines, Ammuniti­on, and Artillery; in doing of which they had no disturbance either from Land or Sea. The Fleet consisted of fourscore Gal­leys, two Galeons, two hundred Saichs and Caramussals, with a vast number of Barks and other [Page 104] Vessels. They landed, as the Turks themselves reported, sixty thousand fighting men. With these were many French and Fle­mish Enginiers and Gunners, Smiths, Carpenters, and other Artificers; and a stately Train of great and small Artillery, with abundance of all other warlike provision. Two days after their landing, appeared a Tartan and two Saichs, with ten Frigats of Barbary; which were esteemed the best Vessels of all the Fleet.

At this time Antonio Nava­giero was Proveditor of Canea, and Count Dominico Albano of Bergamo Governour. In the place, besides the Townsmen, were fourteen Companies of Foot, which made a body of a­bout [Page 105] eight hundred men effective. There was a Troop of Stradiots also in the Town, which was all their Horse; and of the Country-Volonteers, not above one hun­dred men. Of the Militia of the Country, five hundred thirty five Souldiers; which, with a hun­dred thirty two Scholars of the Town, were then all the Defen­dants. Navagiero wrote to the several divisions of the Countrey with all speed to send their men into Canea: but their Leaders could not perswade them to come; only from Bicorno appear'd five hundred men; but as soon as they came in sight of the Ene­mies Camp, they fled; and, for all the diligence the Officers could use, they could not get a­bove [Page 106] a hundred of them stay. Upon the first alarm of the ap­proach of the Turkish Army, there came many women with their children running out of the Country into the Town: Upon which the Proveditor thought to choose some of the most service­able of them, and to turn out the rest: but the Citizens seeming discontented at it, he consented they should stay; and it proved to good purpose, since he after­wards made great use of them in the Siege. These were all the Forces which were in Canea when the Turks landed: But before they began to attack it, there got in three hundred more of the Country-Militia, & a Band of a hundred Caloieres, which [Page 107] are a sort of Greek Fryars or Re­ligious men of the Order of St. Basil; who did excellent service, and were as forward to expose themselves as any of the Soul­diers, in all the most desperate exigencies of the Siege.

Though Canea had the repu­tation of a strong Town of War, it was not so indeed: For the Fortifications were irregular, it having five Bastions and four Curtains of unproportionable length. In the mouth of the Harbour the greatest part of the Parapets were wanting; nor had the Fossé either breadth or depth sufficient, being without any false Bray, and with the Counterscarp ruined. There was no covered way; and the natural scituation [Page 108] of the place was extreme defe­ctive, not onely by reason of se­veral eminences of ground which commanded the Ramparts of the Town, but of certain Vallies by which a whole Army might march up to the very Fossé co­vered by the hills from any of­fence. So that when it was sur­veyed some years before, by skil­ful Captains and Enginiers, they concluded it indefensible against any great Army, without a cir­cuit of strong Out-works, and at least a Garison of four thousand men to defend it. Besides these inconveniencies, a great part of the Artillery was dismounted, and there were neither Beds nor Wheels to be found for the great Ordnance.

[Page 109]In so great defect of all things, and with so small a num­ber of Defendants, was Canea invested with a great Army abun­dantly provided with Artillery and all other instruments of death; with a vast number of Pioniers, by which means they incredibly advanced their Ap­proaches; and adding Art to Power, made abundance of arti­ficial Fires, to hide their men as they worked, from the sight of the Town. And at the same time they beat Drums and Kettle­drums, and set up Tents in di­vers places where they had no Souldiers, to make the Garison spend the shot of their Cannon and Muskets in the air, and shoot at places where there was no body to hurt.

[Page 110]About three days after their landing, the Enemy began the first Battery with six pieces of Cannon; and in two days more, they had raised three other Bat­teries, with which they continual­ly beat several parts of the City; which was more and more infe­sted, as the Turks advanced their Approaches, with Musket-shot and Arrows. The Cannon in­deed at first did no great effect more than frighten the people with battering down the Stee­ples and the Town-house; which, by reason of their height, were most exposed. But on the o­ther side, the Cannon of the Town did terrible execution up­on the Enemy; so that they had not the courage to attempt an [Page 111] Escalade, though they had brought almost all the Oars of their Galleys on shore, to make Ladders of.

It was now eight days since the beginning of the Siege, with­out any news of Succour, and many of the Defendants were already killed and wounded; which gave great apprehension to the people, when they consi­dered how few Souldiers they had, and how those few were already diminished. In the midst of this perplexity, came Letters from General Cornaro, which assured them he was preparing to come in person to relieve them, and was now drawing to­gether the Militia of the whole Kingdom for that purpose. But [Page 112] Fortune soon deluded the en­deavours of the General, since the new Levyes, when he should have marched on for Canea, most cowardly abandoned him; so that he was forced to retire to Suda with his own followers.

At this time, Seignior Angeli making use of the silence and obscurity of the night, passed with three hundred men through the whole Turkish Army; and though they were saluted with showrs of shot as they went got well into Canea. But this Suc­cour was far inferiour to the ne­cessities of the place, which had already lost more than this Relief supplied; so that their number still diminishing, they could make no Sallies upon the Enemy, who [Page 113] were now with their Approa­ches come neer the Fossé. But when Seignior Angeli was got in, who by his authority, being Major of the Garison, had com­posed several differences in the Town, it was proposed by the Officers to make a Salley, that they might see the Works of the Enemy. This was done with that vigour, that they penetrated into the Turk's Trenches, slew many, and put more of them to flight; and came back into the City with great spoils, and no loss. But desiring afterwards to try their fortune again, they found the Enemy better upon their guard, and return'd with nothing but blows. So that considering the condition they [Page 114] were in, and what scarcity there was of Defendants, they did not onely resolve to make no more Sallyes, but to abandon the Half-Moon, and draw all their men into the Town, to defend the Walls. And now Canea began mightily to be streight­ned: for the Turks being come to the Fossé of the Bastion of St. Demetrius, fell on raising earth about the Counterscarp; which Wert, the chief Engienier in the Town, thinking to di­sturb them in, made two Mines below, but with no success.

Whilest things went on thus by Land, the Turkish Fleet at St. Teodoro did send out most of their Gallyes every morning towards Capo Spada, to make [Page 115] discoveries at Sea; so that from the other side any Vessels might have come from Suda to Canea with safety. And indeed, Na­vagiero every day wrote to Ca­pello Commander of the great Ships which lay at Suda, Sollici­ting him for Succour. But Ca­pello, whether it were that he had no mind to expose himself to an engagement with the Turks, as some accused him; or that really it was his opinion, as he pretended, that the preserving of Suda was of more importance than the succouring of Canea, he would never be prevailed with to stir. Though the Town was now much pressed, it was not so shut up, but that the be­sieged found ways, either with [Page 116] small Boats, or expert Swim­mers, who knew all the Creeks upon the Coast, to advise Ge­neral Cornaro of their danger, and of the wants they were in not onely of Souldiers, but of Pioniers, and Gunners, and of Beds and Wheels for their Ar­tillery; but above all, of Am­munition, of which there was a daily consumption. And because they had not Mortar-pieces for their Bombs, and that it would be too long to stay for them from Candia, they invented some of Wood, bound about with Hoops of Iron, which did great service, though they lasted but a little while. But as there was a penury of all necessarys in the Town, so was there a vast a­bundance [Page 117] in the Turkish Camp; and there was not a day that there did not arrive Vessels from some part or other of that vast Empire, either with Men, or Victuals, or Ammunition, for the service of the Leaguer. For Candia lies so in the Turkish Do­minions, that from some place or other Vessels might come there with any wind. The diffi­culties and distresses of the Town more and more increasing, Nava­giero sent Vincent Michele, a noble Venetian, and Chancellor of Candia, to inform General Cornaro of the condition Canea was in, and of the necessity there was of a considerable and present succour. Upon which Cornaro resolved to dispatch thither [Page 118] Count Fenarolo, one of his chief Officers, with three hundred pay'd Souldiers, and five hun­dred of the Bands of the Coun­try, who are called there the Carnides; and twelve Cannoniers commanded by Benedict Canale a young Gentleman of Venice of great expectation, who carry­ed with him three thousand Che­quins for the Souldiers. As they came neer the Enemies Trenches, where they should have passed with all the silence that might be, the Country-Bands, who were but ill discipli­ned, made such a noise, that they awaked the Turks; who stood to their Arms, and presently in­vested them. Count Fenarolo, who led the Vantguard, bravely [Page 119] charged through, and with a few men with him got into the Town. But young Canale, whilst he was fighting with his Sword in his hand, was most traiterously murdered by one of his own Servants, who stripped him of his Chicquines, and im­mediately ran over to the Ene­my, where he met with that Ju­stice which he fled from. For the Selectar Bassa being inform'd of the treachery of this Villain, had so great a detestation of him, that he commanded him to be put to death.

Navagiero understanding that there were several Companies of Albanese in the Turkish Camp who had formerly served under the State of Venice, and not [Page 120] thinking themselves well dealt with at their Disbanding had ta­ken Conditions under the Turk, thought to try if by Rewards he could gain them back. And meeting with one in his Garison of their Countrymen who un­dertook to carry his Propositi­ons to them, he offered to settle better pay upon them than they had under the Turk, if they would return to the Service of the Republick; and to encou­rage them to it, he obliged him­self that every man should have over and above his pay Ten Crowns a piece for a gratuity. But the Albanese would not ac­cept of this offer, for fear of ruining their Relations and Kindred who lived in the Tur­kish Territories.

[Page 121]This attempt of putting in Succours by land having succeed­ed so unfortunately, there were Letters immediately sent to the General, to make known the de­plorable condition of the Town, and to press him to send away the great Ships and Galleys which lay at Suda for their re­lief. To this the General an­swered, that it was against the opinion of Capello, who com­manded the Ships, to adventure them for Canea, and leave Suda exposed; and that since the Feu­dataries and all the Militia of the Kingdom were not able to relieve the place, how should he alone do it? This Answer being come, the Proveditor and Gover­nour called a Councel of War, [Page 122] and communicated it to them; who all concurred to write once more to General Cornaro, to conjure him to send them succour; with a Protestation that they had done their duty, and that if the place were not presently re­lieved, it must fall. Upon this, Cornaro, being stimulated to it by Malipiero Proveditor of Suda, who was for adventuring all to save Canea, resolved to send another succour of five hundred men by Land, under the Com­mand of the same Count Fena­rolo, who in Turkish Habit con­veyed himself through the Ene­mies Guards, out of Canea to Suda, to hasten Relief, and to offer himself to conduct such men as should be ready. And at the [Page 123] same time Conaro intending to try what might be done at Sea, commanded three hundred men to be put upon three Galleys, with Ammunition, and such o­ther things as the Town most wanted, with order to endeavour to pass through the Turkish Fleet, and land their Succours. Upon these three Galleys, as Comman­ders, and as Hostages of greater succours, were three of the chief Gentlemen of the State of Ve­nice; young Cornaro the Gene­rals Son, Barbaro Badoaro, and George Morosini, who comman­ded the Squadron. Cornaro was of a Family which had brought a Kingdom to their Country, by the resignation of Katerina Cornaro Queen of Cy­prus. [Page 124] Badoaro was of the House of Participatio, who had been Hereditary Dukes of Venice, be­fore that Common-wealth was setled in that form of Govern­ment it now is. And Morosini was no less Illustrious than either of the other, as being of a House in which there have been several Princes of their Country, four Duchesses of Venice, three Car­dinals, two Queens, five Patri­archs whereof one of Constan­tinople, four and twenty Pro­curators of St. Mark, and eleven Captain-Generals.

The seventeenth of July, Bro­cobard, a Captain of great name, with three hundred chosen men, Sallyed out of the Town into the Trenches to meet the succour: [Page 125] and Proveditor Navagiero him­self in person went to defend the Counterscarp. And at the same time, as had been concerted, Count Fenarolo appeared in sight of the walls with the succour which he had brought so far without any opposition. But the Turks who lay in some hou­ses hard by, hearing a noise, stood to their Arms, and charge­ing the Venetians, put them in some disorder. Count Fenaro­lo, who again led the Vantguard, advanced with some few, the greatest part of his men forsa­king him, and many of them leaping into the Sea to avoid the Turkish Scymeters; amongst whom was lost one of the chief Enginiers in Candia; which was [Page 126] fatal to the Town, at a time that they had so much need of him for their Mines. Of all the Offi­cers, onely Captain Morat a Frenchman kept his Company together, and brought it entire into the Town. But with that, and all the rest of the Succour, there got in but two hundred and nine persons, part of which were wounded. The night after, the three Galleys which Cornaro had sent from Suda, came before Ca­nea; and it is hard to say, whether with greater bravery or success passed over the Prowes of four­teen Turkish Galleys into the Port. But by reason of the streightness of their Gallies, all they brought with them was two hundred Pioneers, some Chests [Page 127] of Fire-balls, Planks for their Ar­tillery, and fifty thousand weight of Powder. If the Siege had been raised, there could not have been greater joy in the Town, than was at the arrival of this Succour; which was testified by loud shouts, and firing all their Guns: which the Selectar Bassa wondring at, asked what was the cause of that noise in the Town; and being told that there were three Venetian Galleys come in with Succours, he sent for those who were Captains of the Guards that night, and commanded their Heads to be struck off.

These Galleys making their way so bravely into Canea in spight of the Turkish Fleet, made men see what might have been [Page 128] done if all the other Galleys and Ships which vainly wasted their time at Suda, had come with them. But the Venetians had not then tryed the goodness of their own Vessels with the Turks, who were so cowed after two or three Battels lost at Sea, that in the progress of the War, they every where fled before the Ve­netians, and durst not stand them though they were double their number.

These three Captains with their Galleys being got into the Port, drew their Ciurmes on shore, who did extraordinary ser­vice; the greatest part of them being afterwards consumed in the Siege. And that they might employ their times as usefully as [Page 129] they could, Cornaro undertook the defence of the Bastion of St. Demetrius, and Badoaro and Morosini each of them of ano­ther Bastion; standing there day and night, exposed to the great­est dangers.

To hinder the Turks who were now advancing to the Ba­stion of St. Demetrius, the En­ginier Wert made a Gallery in the Fossé, which as soon as he had finished, he found was un­useful, in regard there was no standing there to defend it. So that he was advised to set it on fire. But whilst the Officers were debating how to do it, the Turks charg'd them furiously, and made themselves Masters of the Gallery, with the slaughter of [Page 130] the greatest part of the Defen­dants. And so this Gallery be­came a double damage to them; not onely as they were deprived of it themselves, but as it proved of use and service to the Enemy.

By this time the Turks had made two Mines in the front of St. Demetrius Bastion; which the Defendants by their great di­ligence met with, and drove them thence, remaining Masters of the place. But they were not so fortunate in the counter­mining of a third Mine; for Wert finding the ground Sandy, and therefore thinking it impos­sible that the Enemy could make use of it, neglected the evacua­ting of it. But he quickly per­ceived the contrary by lamen­table [Page 131] experience; for fire being given to the Mine, with a most terrible commotion it tumbled all the flank of the Bastion into the Fossé, making a breach wide e­nough to enter. Whereupon the Turks with many Ensigns suddenly marched to the assault, which was most resolutely and with much effusion of bloud su­stained by the Defendants, who forced them to pull up the En­signs which they had planted up­on the Works, and to retire with great loss and confusion in­to their Trenches. But this suc­ceeded not without much harm to the Venetians, who lost Va­lentini a Corsican Captain & seve­ral others of their best Officers; the Proveditor Navagiero, who was in the thickest of the danger, [Page 132] being sorely hurt with a stone. In a word, the Churchmen and the women did wonders in this occasion. The Wall was not onely ruined with this last Mine, but the Parapet fell down; so that the Bastion on that side was open for an Assault: whereup­on Seignior Broazzo, who had performed all the parts of a good Captain, to encourage his men to follow him, took a Spade in his hand, and began to throw up earth to make up the breach; which he filled up with Buts and Sacks of Earth and Wool. And because they found the Turks at work upon another Mine at the point of the Bastion, Wert thinking it impossible to counter­mine it, bethought himself of a­nother [Page 133] way, which was, to make a Well above it, that it might e­vaporate without effect. But before this Well was half made, the earth about it fell in, and bu­ried the Workmen; so that then they had no way but to throw in a vast quantity of water, which penetrating into the Pow­der, and moistning it, hindred the Mine from taking fire.

The Enemies finding their Mines not so successful, betook themselves again to their Batte­ries; in order to which, they filled the Fossé with Bavins, and made the way even to the Town; and then gave another terrible Assault, but were stoutly repul­sed by the Defendants.

That evening an Arrow was [Page 134] shot into the Town, with a Let­ter in it, which seemed to come from the Selectar Bassa to the Governour, inviting him to deli­ver up the Town, and promising him good Conditions if he did: but declaring there should be no mercy, if he persisted to resist him. The Proveditor sent away the Letter to the General, and without making any Answer to the Enemy, continued to defend the place with his wonted dili­gence. The Selectar Bassa enra­ged that he had no Answer, gave order to prepare against the next morning all his Forces both by Land and Sea to give a general Assault. Presently after break of day, threescore and ten Gal­leys, with a hundred and fifty [Page 135] Barks full of Souldiers, appeared before the Port, with design that whilst the Galleys were batter­ing the Town, the Barks should with the Souldiers surprize the Mole, and at the same time the Land-Army should make an As­sault in four several places. The Proveditor did all that man could to animate his Souldiers, though weak and languid with labour and watching: and it happening by the favour of Heaven, that the Sea-Forces could not land by reason of a strong wind which blew from shore, he turned the force of the whole Garison to the defence of the Land-side; in which the very Women had a part, who with mighty boldness mixed themselves amongst the [Page 136] Souldiers, to defend their Houses and their Altars. The Constan­cy of one of these women was most remarkable, since though she saw her Father fall dead be­fore her, she never went back till they had quite repulsed the Enemy from the place where she fought. The Turks who came out of their Trenches with Sca­ling-ladders to assault the gate of Saboinera, were so plyed with Musquet-shot, that they threw down their Ladders and ran back. They who assaulted the gate of Rettimiotta, bore all down be­fore them, and entred with four Ensignes at the breach; but they were so ill treated with the shot of the Town, and of the Cannon which thundered upon [Page 137] them from the next Bastion, that they were forced to retreat in that hast, that they left three of their Ensignes behind them. They who assaulted the breach of St. Demetrius finding themselves exposed to the Cannon of the Bastion of St. Salvador, after great slaughter of their Men were also constrained to retire. But they who mounted by the fourth Breach, planted their En­signes, and maintained their ground some hours; but were at last repulsed with shame and con­fusion. As the destruction of the Assailants was very great, so was the loss of the Defendants; many of their best men perishing in this encounter, and the Gover­nour Albano, and the Captains [Page 138] Brocobard and Palma being dan­gerously wounded.

About this time there was an expectation of Succour from General Molino, who sent from his Fleet which lay at the three Islands four great Ships filled with Souldiers and Ammunition, to relieve Canea. But such was the fate of Candia, that they who had the conducting of these Ships, either through Cowar­dize, or want of judgment, in­stead of taking the right way to Canea, sayled to the Southward, and came to Giropetra on the o­ther side the Island, where they were at too great a distance to have any opportunity of doing service.

The Turks now came to em­ploy [Page 139] their Spades again, and to fall on working new Mines. Whereupon the Proveditor, having no hopes left of success, was thinking to set fire to the Arsenal, and to sink the Galleys and Ships which were in the Port, that they might not be of service to the enemy. But before he would do it, he wrote to Gene­ral Cornaro to acquaint him with his resolution; who not belie­ving the place to be in that des­perate extremity, or not know­ing what to do, returned him no answer. But Proveditor Nava­giero, that he might omit no­thing which care and prudence could do, finding that a Tra­verse which the Enemy had plan­ted in the Fossé threatned in­stant [Page 140] ruine to the Town, made a Mine, to see if he could break it: which being filled with six­teen bags of Powder, succeeded so fortunately, that upon the firing it blew the Traverse all in pieces; which the next night was made up again by the vast multitude of the Turks, who had so many hands to employ, that nothing was difficult to them. The next day the Turks gave fire to a Mine within the breach near the Traverse, un­der a weak Rampart of Earth; which being carryed into the Air by the violence of the fire, fell upon the Defendants who were there, and buryed them all alive: at which the Souldiers upon the Guard were struck [Page 141] with that terrour, that they a­bandoned the Post, and two thousand of the Enemy immedi­ately rushed through the breach upon the Bastion, and there planting their Ensigns, made themselves Masters of all the retreats into the streets; so that now Canea seemed irre­parably lost.

But for all this, the besieged no way dismayed, marched to the Walls to give the last proof of their courage. On the one side came the Proveditor, with Seignior Angeli and divers Cap­tains; on the other came the Governour Albano, who, though grievously wounded, with a Pike in his hand charged the E­nemy, being seconded by Mi­chieli [Page 142] Rector of the City, and by Chancellor Michieli, and by Bon the chief Magistrate, all noble Venetians. To them came running George Morosini, and young Cornaro, who did actions surpassing his age, and carryed back with him as a Trophy of his Valour a Musket-shot in his Face. And after all, came the Bishop of Canea himself, to ani­mate the Combatants with his holy Exhortations, and to give them an example of Christian fortitude. Upon which the De­fendants, so vigorously assisted on all hands, beat the Enemy with infinite slaughter from off the Bastion into the Fossé, with all the Ensignes that they had planted there. This bloody [Page 143] Conflict continued near seven hours; all the Garison having fought there, and all the Otto­man Army. And so great was the slaughter of the Turks, that the ground was covered with heaps of their Carkasses. On the other side, such was the loss of the Christians, that the great­est part of the Garison perished in this Encounter. Albano, be­sides his former hurts, had a wound in his mouth; and one Musket-shot in his Arm, and a­nother in his side. Bon was mor­tally hurt; Michieli, Brouazzo, and almost all the Officers in the Garison wounded, as well as the Gentlemen, Citizens, Soul­diers, and all Orders of men.

[Page 144]This Assault being over with so great destruction to both sides, Wert, unable to walk by reason of his many wounds, was carryed in a Chair into the Council-Chamber, where the Governour languishing too with his wounds, was already come; and there, in presence of the Bi­shop, the Proveditor, the Re­ctors, the Counsellors, and chief Magistrates of the City, and all the Officers of the Garison that were considerable, he proposed, since the Breaches were open, and the Ramparts down, scarce any Captains or Officers left, their Militia almost consumed, no Powder, the Townsmen and Countrymen cow'd; since there was neither hopes of Suc­cour, [Page 145] nor any possibility of sub­sistence, That they would be pleased no longer to delay to make Conditions with the Ene­my, and thereby prevent the slaughter of so many innocent People: telling them, that it was not onely necessary, but that it would be Pious to do it; and that they might have justified it by the Laws of War, if they had done it much sooner. The Governour concurred with him in his opinion, which was appro­ved by all the chief Captains. Onely Proveditor Navagiero op­posed it, saying, they had to do with an Enemy who kept not Faith; so that to render the place, would be to deliver them­selves up to death. Wert re­plyed, [Page 146] that if they by their ob­stinacy should stand out to no purpose, it would be a justificati­on of any cruelty the Enemy should use to them; who if he did break his Faith, let the infa­my of it fall upon him: That they ought to submit to what God Almighty pleased, when they had done all that discreet men could do for their preser­vation. But the Proveditor broke off the discourse, exhor­ting every man to return to his Post, and to do his duty. That night they sent again to General Cornaro, once more to acquaint him with the miserable state of the Town, which was without Officers, without Souldiers, with­out Enginiers, and reduced to [Page 147] the last desperation; and that after this time, they should ne­ver write to him more. All night long the Enemy continued their Batteries, to hinder the be­sieged from making up their Ramparts. In the morning Wert returned to renew the in­stances which he had made the evening before; and at the same time came Deputys from the Com­monalty of the Town to Nava­giero, to supplicate him, since it was the opinion of all the Cap­tains that the Town could no longer be defended, their Men and Ammunition being spent, and the Enemy lodg'd upon their Ramparts, that he would be pleased to have commiserati­on of them, and not expose to [Page 148] the rage of a barbarous Enemy, a People who had so freely spent their Bloud and Fortunes in the service of their Prince and Country. The Proveditor and all the Officers were touched with pity at this Address, and went away immediately to the Bastion where George Morosini commanded, to have his opinion of the business; who told them that he being sent thither with three Galleys to Succour the place, when he had done it, stayed to defend it; but that now they were deliberating a­bout the rendition of it, he would have nothing to do with that, but leave them to resolve of what they thought best for the Publique service, whilst he [Page 149] would consider what belonged to him to do for the preservation of his Galleys.

The same morning the Cap­tains came again to the Provedi­tor to press him to Treat, tel­ling him that Malvezzi Master of the Fire-works, who had done such important service in the Siege, was newly dead of his wounds. Whereupon the Proveditor in­treated the Bishop to Celebrate the Mass of the Holy Ghost, to implore the direction of God in this so great tribulation; and calling together all the chief men of the City, that they might have their part in what was trea­ting by the Officers of War, de­sired to know if any man there could propose any way to pro­long [Page 150] the defence of the place. But the Condition of it was so deplorable, that they all cryed out it was no longer to be de­fended; and that there was a necessity of making suddenly some Composition, unless they were resolved to give their Wives and Children up to be slaughtered. Whereupon the Proveditor was fain to consent that there should be an Instru­ment in writing drawn up for the Rendition of the place; which was to be subscribed by the Proveditor, Governour, Bi­shop, and all the Military Of­ficers. When this came to be signed, the Proveditor was so grieved in his Soul to see to what a pass he was reduced, that he [Page 151] would have put off the doing of it: thinking to set fire to the Arsenal, to sink the Ships and Galleys in the Port, and so break in pieces the Artillery. But per­ceving the Souldiers would not have obeyed him if he had given any such command, nor put a thing in practice which would have deprived them of all hopes of quarter; and considering that if through his occasion not onely the Garison but all the People in the Town should have been put to the Sword, it would have been no advantage, but rather a prejudice to his Prince and Coun­try; and that the sacrificing of so many persons would not pre­serve the place; he forbore put­ting those thoughts in execution.

[Page 152]After Dinner, the Deputys of the Town came again to press the Proveditor to Parley, conju­ring him no longer to expose the honour of their Wives and Daughters to a licentious and in­censed Enemy. The Provedi­tor received them with much courtesy, giving them hopes of what they desired; but would come to no resolution, till he had once more sent to General Cornaro: which he did that night, acquainting him with the desperate extremity they were in, and that yet he would expect till the next day before he Trea­ted, to see if there could be any hopes of Succour sent him that night. But receiving no answer from Cornaro, and being [Page 153] summoned again next morning by the Enemy, who were prepa­ring for another General Assault, and going to give fire to Nine several Mines, he was at last pre­vailed with to command a White Flag to be put out upon the Breach. Upon the sight of which, immediately the Cannon ceased, and they heard a voice saying, What would you have?

Then Angeli and Bacchieli went out to Parley, telling the Aga, who asked them what they would have, that they desired a Cessation of Arms of the Cap­tain Bassa, and that he would be pleased to send some one of Authority into the Town to Treat. Presently a Cessation of Arms was granted, and the [Page 154] Turks came out of their Tren­ches in vast numbers upon the Bastion of St. Demetrius, where they sate themselves down upon the ground with so profound a silence, that in such a multitude there was not one word to be heard: and a Turk who by chance shot off his Musket, had immediately his Head struck off. Some say that the Turks were resolved, if the Town had not Treated when it did, to have rai­sed the Siege, their Army was so shattered, and their men so cow­ed with the resistance they had met with. But certain it is, that they much admired the bravery of the Defendants; and Assan Bassa was heard to say, That the great Amurat had never taken Ba­bylon, [Page 155] if there had been such men in it as were in Canea.

The Cessation of Arms being begun, the Aga immediately gave advice of it to the Selectar Bassa, whose Head. Quarters were at St. Constantin, where he was lodged in a stately Pavilion. Upon notice of the Cessation, the Se­lectar Bassa bid them tell them in the Town, that they should make ready Hostages to be Caution for the performance of the Treaty; and that for his own part, they should find him disposed to give them all reasonable satisfaction. Within a little time, Bacchieli and Captain Brocobard, men con­siderable amongst the Christians, passed out of the Town into the Camp for Hostages, and were [Page 156] received there with much courte­sie At the same time came from the Camp to the Town, sent as Hostages by the Selectar Bassa, Zembis Zaccaia Nephew to the Selectar, and Ibrahim Ma­ga. Zembis came arm'd after the Turkish fashion, attended by two Souldiers arm'd with Swords, Bucklers and Pistols: Upon his back he had a Vest of Crimson-Sattin which reach'd the ground, and upon it a rich Mantle em­broidered with Gold. He and Ibrahim were not suffered to en­ter the City, but had a place prepared for them to sit in the Casemats along the walls. Where Zembis declaring that he was the Nephew of the Selectar Bassa, with great veneration he pulled [Page 157] out a Paper with the Imperial Seal, which he said was the Com­mission given by the Grand Seig­nior to his Unkle, authorizing him to make what Capitulations he pleased; and then told them that he was come from the Se­lectar Bassa to know what it was that they demanded. Angeli made answer, that they desired a Cessation of all Hostility for fif­teen days; at the expiration of which time, if no Succour came, they would surrender the Town. Zembis replyed, that the Veneti­an Fleet was so far from coming to succour them, that to his cer­tain knowledge they were re­turned from Zant to Corfu. An­geli replying, that however they might stay fifteen days to see if [Page 158] they would come or no; Zem­bis swore a great Oath, that he was so sure that they would not come, that he would engage himself, if they did, to change his Religion, and turn Christian: and therefore if they had no­thing else to propose, he would take his leave, and return from whence he came.

Angeli and the rest hearing this, thought it best no longer to defer Capitulating, but immedi­ately sent away a Draught of what Articles they desired, to the Electar Bassa; who required for Hostages Proveditor Navagi­ero himself, and young Cornaro the Generals Son. But Captain Brocobard by his dexterity over­coming this difficulty, it was con­cluded [Page 159] that he and Bachieli should remain Hostages as they were, and that there should be added to them Seignior Premarini and Seignior Barozzi, two noble Candiots and Gentlemen of Ve­nice; as on the other side, there should be four Turks sent into the City.

The next morning Zembis re­turned with the Capitulation, ac­quainting them that the Veneti­an Hostages had been brought in­to the presence of the Selectar Bassa. But I, said he, know not with whom I treat, and therefore I desire that I may see your Prove­ditor. But that the Turks might not discover the misery of the Town, Navagiero came to the place where the Turkish Hosta­ges [Page 160] were kept, but attended with his Guards, and all the pomp he could appear in. Zembis salu­ting him with great Courtesie, took notice that Navagiero seem­ed to him much disturb'd: but, said Zembis, You ought to submit to the will of God, and comfort your self, since you have so brave­ly and so long defended Canea a­gainst the puissant Forces of the Grand Seignior. Navagiero an­swered, That the reason why he was no better provided to defend the place, and that it was so soon taken, was the confidence he had, that the Grand Seignior would not have broke the Peace which he had made with the Republick with­out any cause given him. Zem­bis not willing to enter into a [Page 161] discourse which tended to re­proach his Master, said, Well, for all this, I doubt not but we shall yet be friends. And so they took leave for that time, one return­ing into the Town, and the other to the Camp. Now the Terms of the Capitulation were these.

1. That Canea should be deli­vered up within six days.

2. That all men of what rank soever, who desired to depart from Canea and the Territory thereof, should have liberty to carry all their Baggage and Personal Estates with them, without the least mole­station; and to leave their real and unmoveable Estates to such of their Kindred as they pleased.

3. That such as would stay in Canea, should enjoy their Houses [Page 162] and Lands in the same manner as they did under the Venetians, without being obliged to pay any o­ther Tax than the ordinary Carag­gio which the Subjects of Scio and other places pay, which is the tenth part of their Estates.

4. That in matter of Judica­ture, the People should have pow­er to choose them three Judges, by whom the Inhabitants should be Judged according to their own Laws: and in case of Appeal, there should be a Turkish Judge, who should be resident there for that purpose.

5. That all Religious men, as well Greeks as Latins, should en­joy their Churches, Covents, and Revenews, in the same manner as they did under the Venetians; [Page 163] and that the Latin Christians should keep a Bishop after their Rites, and the Greeks another af­ter theirs.

6. That the Jewes may live there as they were wont to do, without any Tax or Imposts but the ordinary Carraggio.

These were the principal Ar­ticles which were granted to Ca­nea by the Selectar Bassa; which, though they much pleased at pre­sent, were in process of time but ill kept.

Now because the Selectar pre­tended that the Proveditor Na­vagiero should come in person to visit him and deliver him the Keys of the City, Navagiero be­ing concerned to decline that Of­fice, dispatched Antonio Zanca­rolo, [Page 164] a noble Venetian, and Com­mander of the Feudatory Horse, to the Turkish Camp with four Horses, whereof he ordered him to present the two best to the Selectar Bassa, and the other two to the two next General Officers. Zancarolo set out of Canea accompany'd with an Aga belonging to Assan Bassa of the Land; and when he came near to the Pavillion of the Selectar Bassa, who was Generalissimo both by Sea and Land, and first Page of the Grand Seignior, he sent word by a Calabrian Rene­gado to the Selectar, that he was there to wait upon him. The Renegado, after he had stayed about an hour, returned to Zan­carolo, and told him he might [Page 165] come when he pleased: who thereupon walk'd up to a great Tent standing betwixt two lesser ones. These three Tents were surrounded by a deep and broad Ditch, and at the entrance were placed ten Sacres upon woodden Frames, with a pole behind e­very one of them like that of a Coach, to which they might set Horses to draw them with ease from place to place. The Ditch was set round with a thousand Archers, all with Turbants and glittering Scymitars; which seem­ed to be the flower of the Army. These Archers had made them­selves Cabins of boughs of Trees neatly interlaced in one a­nother, and placed them in that order, that they made a most [Page 166] delightful shew. As Zancarolo approached, they drew from the Ditch, and made Lanes for him to pass through; every one having an Arrow in his Bow, as if he had been going to shoot.

As he entred the Tent, he found the Selectar Bassa sitting Cross-leg'd upon the ground af­ter the Turkish manner, and leaning upon a Cushion of Sky-colour'd Velvet embroydered with Gold. He was cloathed with a Sky-colour'd Vest lined with Ermins, and had a Sword at his side set with Jewels, the floor being covered with Persian Car­pets. He seemed to be about thirty years of age; his stature was ordinary, his complexion fallow, his eyes black, his beard [Page 167] thin, and he looked like a man who was naturally obstinate and cruel. He was incompassed with several Turks of a Vene­rable presence, and advanced in years, and most of them clothed in fine white Linen. Behind them stood eight beautiful Boys in Liverys of Green cloth, holding their hands on cross. Coming up to the Selectar Bassa, the Aga who was Zancarolo's Guide fell upon his Knees; and Zan­carolo presenting himself to him, kissed his Vest: which comple­ment was received by the Sele­ctar with very little courtesy. Then Zancarolo told him by an Interpreter, that he was come from the Proveditor of the City to kiss his hand; who would [Page 168] have been now in person to have done that Office, but that he was hinder'd by the Gout; and humbly beseeched him to accept of those two Horses which he had brought him; which though they were not such as his Great­ness deserved, were the best that could be found in a besieged Ci­ty. The Selectar's answer was, that he held himself obliged to the Proveditor for his good affe­ction, and that he willingly ac­cepted of his Present. At these words the Aga rose up; and go­ing to the Boys who stood be­hind the Selectar, they took from under a Carpet a Vest of Cloth of Gold, and delivered it to the Aga, who gave it to Zancarolo to kiss, and then put it upon his [Page 169] back. After this, he fetched, three other Vests of less value, and presented them to three Gentlemen who accompanyed Zancarolo. Then he lifted up a Carpet which was at his feet, and taking two handfuls of Dol­lars, he gave fifteen to the Gen­tleman of the Horse, and the rest amongst the Grooms who looked to the Horses.

Zancarolo when he took his leave, desired a Pass, that he might safely depart from Canea. But the Selectar answered him, that God was one, and his word was one; and bid him go where he would without fear. But said the Selectar, Why will you go away? I will continue you in your charge of Spaghilar Aga, that [Page 170] is, Commander of the Horse, and will be glad of all occasions to see you. Zancarolo giving him thanks for the honour he of­fered him, told him that he was a Noble Venetian, and could not be wanting to the obligations of his birth. Raghem, said the Se­lectar; which is as much as to say, Very well: and so dismissed him.

The Aga came out to guide Zancarolo further, and making the Turks stand off who flock­ed to see him, carryed him on purpose through a Meadow where lay a number of Heads of Christians lately slain; and then led him down into the windings of the Approaches, and thence into the Trenches: A vast im­mense [Page 171] work, and full of inextri­cable Labyrinths, containing ma­ny subterraneous Rooms, Lodg­ings, and Alleys, through which their Souldiers could pass cove­red from the Cannon and Mus­ket-shot of the City.

Through this way the Aga conducted Zancarolo to Assan Bassa his Tent, who had about him a number of Janizaries; and in his company was the Aga of the Janizaries himself. This As­san was a little old man, of a ruddy complexion, of a cheer­ful and jovial countenance, and a very cunning politick man. He wore a Crimson Vest with streight sleeves, and a Turbant of the same colour. When Zancarolo presented himself to him, the [Page 172] Aga fell upon his Knees as he had done to the Selectar Bassa, and Zancarolo kiss'd his Vest. But Assan received him in another manner than the Selectar had done: for rising from a Bench where he sate, and not upon the ground, as the Turks use to do, he kissed Zancarolo's forehead, and made him sit down by him; telling him, that he took most kindly the Horse which he had brought him, and thought him­self much obliged to the Prove­ditor, esteeming more the af­fection of the giver, than the va­lue of the gift; and that he desi­red some good occasion to requite his Excellence for this honour he had done him. Then he made them bring in two Silver Cups a [Page 173] most delicious Drink; and pre­senting one of them to Zanca­rolo, would have him drink first; which he with many Com­plements refusing, at last Assan began; who fanned Zancarolo all the while he was pledging him, with the wing of a Vul­tor, expressing great satisfaction in seeing him. From thence Zancarolo went to the Spaghitar Aga, and presented him the fourth Horse. This Aga was a young man of no Civility, but in appearance proud, treacherous, and cruel.

In the Articles of the Capitu­lation, it was agreed, for the convenience of those who would go away, that the Turkish Fleet should retire to San Teodoro, [Page 174] and the Land-Army withdraw farther off the Town. But this was not executed; and when the Captain Bassa was moved to do it, he answered, that he did not mean to draw off his Armies both by Land and Sea for six days to­gether, thereby to make way for the Venetians from Suda and o­ther places to clap Succour into the Town; but that they in the Town should make ready to march out at the same time both by Land and Sea, and give him notice of it; and then to make way for their more convenient passing, he would draw off his Armies on all sides.

Hereupon they began to im­bark the Arms and Ammunition, and sick and wounded people, [Page 175] with their Fire-works, and all that the streightness of the time would permit them to carry a­way. And order was given the tenth of August to such as were sound and able to walk, to pre­pare themselves to march out under the Conduct of Seignior Angeli by Land: of which at the same time they advised the Captain Bassa, desiring him to withdraw his Army and his Fleet as he had promised; to which he returned answer, that it should be done. But the next morn­ing the Garison, when they ex­pected the Armies should have been drawn off, and the Coasts clear, perceived upon the sea­side the guards of the Galleys and ships doubled, and upon the [Page 176] Land-side the Army drawn up in Battel about the City in the form of a Half-Moon with the points drawing together, as if they intended to inclose the Ga­rison, as they marched out. This sudden alteration, with the Mes­sage which was sent them by the Captain Bassa to march out, for he would march in, gave them a reasonable jealousie that the Turks would break their Faith, and either put them all to the Sword, or make them Slaves. Hereupon Morosini ran to his Galleys, intending to get out to Sea, or to dye in the attempt. And Navagiero and Albano in­tended to leave a memory be­hind them to posterity, and with their Swords in their hands to sell [Page 177] their Lives as dear as they could. But the retiring of the Turkish Fleet and Army presently dissi­pated this umbrage: whereupon the three Galleys sail'd away for Suda; and at the same time that the Galleys put to Sea, Segnior Angeli marched out by Land with the remains of the Garison, which did not amount to five hun­dred.

It was a spectacle of astonish­ment to the Turks, when they saw that they who had resisted them were but such a handful of men, as it was of glory to Ange­li and his Souldiers to find them­selves so admired by their Ene­mies. For the Selectar Bassa sa­luted Angeli with great courtesie, and did him much respect as he [Page 178] passed, applauding his valour, and giving him two old Aga's for his Guard, and commanding them to be careful of him, and not to leave him and his Souldi­ers till they were out of danger. And thus ended the Siege of un­fortunate Canea; which would have sent the Ottoman Army home with disgrace, if either the numbers of her men had been equal to their Courage, or that she had been as well suc­coured as she was defended.

The Selectar Bassa in the mean time had the less satisfaction in his Victory, because it had cost him so much blood; and that he apprehended in his absence his Competitors at Court might re­present things to his disadvan­tage, [Page 179] and possess Ibrahim that he had been too prodigal of his men. Therefore as soon as he had taken order for the repairing of the ruines of the Siege, and putting the place in defence, he picked out several of the finest Boys and most beautiful Girls that were in the Town, and a­dorning them with rich Vests and the best Cloaths that could be got, sent them of a Present to Ibrahim. The best of those which were left, he retained for his own service, making them so fine, that they were envyed by their Neighbours; as if good Cloaths could cover the miseries of Servitude, or that Chains were less heavy for being guil­ded. Two Churches he turned [Page 180] into Moschees, and filled them with most magnificent adorn­ments. He gave the Christians Liberty of Conscience, and be­haved himself at the beginning with such humanity and mildness to them, that they were in no fear of him at all. Insomuch, that few of the Inhabitants would go away, but resolved to settle themselves in Canea under their new Masters. But this gentle Government did not con­tinue long: for in a little time he return'd to his nature, and shewed himself a Turk. So that when Gentlemen came to visit him, as they were fain to do who lived under his power, he would put them to do very mean Offices; saying, that the [Page 181] necessity which there was of pre­sent fortifying the Town, would not permit him to make any di­stinction of persons.

And having it in his thoughts to make himself Master of Suda, without which Canea was not secure, he commanded Premari­no a Gentleman of the Venetian Colony to go thither from him, and to let the Governours of it know that they would do well to deliver it up voluntarily; which if they did, they might be sure to be well used and re­spected as prudent Commanders, who knew how to comply with the times, and with the fortune of the Conqueror; but if they did not, they must expect to feel the cruel effects of his indignati­on. [Page 182] Premarino would have ex­cused himself from so unworthy an Embassy; but the Selectar telling him that it was his duty as well as his interest to obey his new Prince, and threatning him if he did not, the poor Gentleman, for fear of death, at last undertook so dishonorable an employment. Imbarquing then upon a Galley he went for Suda, and shewed the Commission he had recei­ved from the Selectar to Seig­nior Malipiero Proveditor of that place. Malipiero with great gravity told him, that he being intrusted by his Prince with the defence of Suda, would never part with it as long as his Soul was in his Body. And then with a fierce and incensed Coun­tenance [Page 183] he reproached Premari­no with his unpardonable Trea­son in coming upon such a Mes­sage; telling him, that he was unworthy the name of a Chri­stian, much more of a Noble Ve­netian, which was an Order of men so devoted to their Coun­try. This Answer he accompa­nyed with a Cannon-shot, which broke the stem of Premarino's Galley, and put him into great confusion. But at his return to Canea, the Selectar Bassa gave him a Scymitar, and two rich Vests, and other Regalo's, as marks of his favour.

The Selectar having now set­led all things at Canea, and see­ing no appearance at present of any trouble from the Christians, [Page 184] prepared to return in Triumph to the Court; first taking a ge­neral review of his Army of which he found wanting some seventeen thousand men.

When he came to Scio he met Orders from the Grand Seignior which commanded him to hasten to Constantinople, that he might be present at the so­lemnity of the Bairan. Upon which he quitted the Army, and imbarking upon a fleet Galley, arrived there eight or nine days before it.

Never man made his entry with more universal applause, or was received with higher de­monstrations of respect by all people, even by the Grand Seig­nior himself, who rose from his [Page 185] Throne, and ran to meet him, extolling him to Heaven, and loading him with Praises and Promises that he would never forget his Services, or ever have any Favourite that should be so dear to him as he. But see the instability of Humane things! In the revolution of a few days, this Favourite, this Conqueror, and Darling of Fortune, by the insti­gation of some of the women, & the cruelty and ingratitude of I­brahim, fell into the last disgrace.

The first thing these Enemies of his insinuated to Ibrahim, was, that this great Bassa of whom his Majesty made such account, and whose name was so cryed up by the People, did not take Canea by his own valour and conduct, [Page 186] but by the bravery of the Barba­ry Pyrats, without whose assistance he had been repulsed with shame. When by this invention they had undermined the esteem which the Grand Seignior had for him, they began to talk of the vast riches Isuf had gotten, how Ca­nea was full of Silver and Gold; and that of so mighty a prize as he had met with, he kept all to himself, and had not presented the least part of it to the Sultan his Master; so that it would be thought weakness in his Highness if he did not call him to ac­count.

It was not hard, with such dis­courses as these, to work upon the jealous and mutable nature of Ibrahim, especially where there [Page 187] was any concern of profit, he be­ing the most avaritious creature in nature. And now being an­gry with Isuf, and inclined to quarrel, the first thing he took occasion to reproach him with, was, that he had kept his Faith with the Christians at Canea, who all deserved to be hanged for their presumption in resisting his Arms. To which Isuf an­swered, that the Town being rendered upon Articles of War, he thought it necessary to make them good, not onely to avoid the infamy of breaking Faith, but to invite other places to sub­mit to the Ottoman Govern­ment; which if they saw Condi­tions were not kept, would [...]'d out to despair, and never yeild. [Page 188] But Ibrahim being brutal, and ignorant, and understanding no Reason but his own will, was not capable of such arguments; but every time he saw him, would cavil at some thing or other; and at last told him plainly, that he must find him some money; which if he did not do suddenly, he should pay for his disobedi­ence with his Head. To this Isuf made no reply, but with­drew himself from his fury. Some days after he sent for Isuf, and with Outrages and Threats commanded him to bring forth his treasure, declaring that if he did not, he would have him strangled. At this language the Bassa was so disturbed, that loosing at once both his patience [Page 189] and respect, he made Ibrahim this Answer: All the Treasure I have, is the glory of my Actions. As for your menaces, they so little move me, that I see nothing in the world which can make me desire to live. But I am not surprized at this usage, when I consider that I have served a Prince who is a Fool. Scarce was the words out of his mouth, but the Grand Seignior inflamed with rage and indignation commanded he should be strangled. Being car­ryed away into another room, the new Grand Visir, who was Isufs creature, came to him, and intreated him to beg Ibrahim's pardon, which he was confident would be granted him if he im­plored it. But Isuf would by [Page 190] no perswasion be prevailed with to do it, nor to ask any thing but three hours time to settle his Af­fairs; at the end of which he was strangled, devoutly invoking the Name of God as he was dying.

To this sad Catastrophe came Isuf Bassa, having lived thirty five years. He was a man of extraordinary great sence, vali­ant, courteous, discrcet, just, and adorn'd with such qualities as made him worthy of a happier end, and of a better Master. In a few years he was come to that greatness, that he commanded all the Ottoman Empire, and had been one of the greatest Subjects it ever had, if it had been his fortune to meet with a worthy Prince. As he was on a sudden [Page 191] exalted from nothing to the high­est honours, he was as sudden­ly deprest, and that with the compassion of all who knew him, even of him who comman­ded his death. For Ibrahim when his rage was over had a mind to see him, and made his Body be brought before him with the Bow-string about his neck. And when he found him warm, hoping he had been alive, he rub'd his feet and his hands, and commanded him to rise. But when he perceived for certain that he was dead, he fell into ridiculous lamentations, and throwing himself upon his Body, kiss'd him, and call'd him his Child, tormenting himself, and saying he was deprived of the [Page 192] onely person who was fit to go­vern his Empire.

But it was not long before vengeance fell upon Ibrahim, whose mind was so mutable and full of contradiction, that it was impossible to please him; rave­nously covetous, and senselesly prodigal; so that no Treasure could suffice his Expence, nor no Rapine his Avarice: so caprici­ously cruel, that he was equally terrible to those he lov'd and those he hated. Nor was he onely odious to the People and Souldiers, but even to his own Ministers and Servants. But that which most contributed to his ruine, was the discontent of the Janizaries, who mutining that they were not paid, exclaim­ed [Page 193] against the Emperor, impu­ting their sufferings to his folly in entring into an unjust War with the Venetians, in which they said he had not onely wa­sted the Treasure of the Empire, but the blood of his best Souldi­ers, who perished every day in the Ditches of Candia.

At this time the Janizaries were very numerous in Constan­tinople, there being no less than fifteen thousand of them there, which made them the more in­solent. And it hapned that the Spahyes were as discontented as they; so that they easily agreed to remove the cause of their grievance, and to depose Ibra­him. The first step they made to this, was to demand one of his [Page 194] Favourites; which with rage and menaces he refused to deli­ver them. But finding that would not do, he at last gave him up, who was instantly torn in pieces. But that was not a Sacrifice sufficient to appease their fury, which like an enra­ged Sea grew higher and higher; some reviling Ibrahim, others crying up Mahomet the now regnant Emperour of the Turks, who was then but six years old. The Child in that noise and con­fusion was so affrighted, that he fell a crying, and ran towards a­nother room, and Ibrahim after him, with an intention to kill him, that the Janizaries might not set him up. But he was pre­vented by the women, who con­veyed [Page 195] the little Prince from his fury, and put him into the hands of the Janizaries, who immedi­ately placed him upon the Throne; and girding a Sable to his side, the chief Ensigne of Majesty in that Government, proclaimed him Emperour.

Ibrahim being thus dethroned, the Authors of it could not at first agree what to do with his Person. Some, out of reve­rence to the Ottoman blood, would not lay hands upon him, but rather have him end his days in prison. But others, who thought they could not be safe till he was dead, not knowing what revolutions might happen, let loose some of the Souldiers upon him, who first pull'd him [Page 196] down upon the ground, and then strangled him. To this disa­strous end came Sultan Ibrahim, not having so much as the com­fort of being pityed, but dy­ing abhorr'd of all men, as an abortive of Nature, and the re­proach of Fortune.