INtending a few Observa­tions on the newly pub­l [...]d History of the Reign of King Charles, to make it thereby the more usefull to my selfe and others, I have thought it fit and ne­cessary to prepare my way, by offering some considerations at the Authors style, which by reason of many lofty, but [...] words, no English Reader can climb over. And the first word of this kinde which I take notice of in the Book it selfe, is,

Repandous] a new Latin, English word Fol. 1. of our Authors making; of which, and others of that stamp, extracted from the Greek, Latin, French and Spanish (but all [Page 2] disguised, like the Soldiers of the Duke of Britain, in an English habit) his book contained so vast a medly, as if it had been framed at Babell, before the scat­tered company were united into Tongues and Languages. The History of a King of England, intended for the use and b [...] ­nefit of the English Nation, ought to be given us in such words, as either are ori­ginally of an English stock, or by continu­all usage, and long tract of time, are be­come naturall and familiar to an English [...]are; and not in such new minted termes, and those too of a forreign, and outlan­dish Race, as are not to be understood without help of Dictionaries. It is true indeed, that when there is necessity of using either termes of Law, or Logicall notions, or any other words of Art whatsoever they be: an Author is to keep himselfe to such termes and words, as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their severall Faculties. But to affect new Notions, and indeed new Nothings, when there is no necessity to incite us to it, hath something in it, which deserveth [...] more strict enquirie. It is observed of th [...] Romanists, by Docter Fulke, and other [...] of our Divines, that when they could n [...] longer keep their followers from having [Page 3] the Scriptures laid before them in the En­glish tongue, they so indeavoured to dim the light thereof by a dark Translation, that seeing they might see, but not un­derstand; and to that end did thrust into it many obscure words, both Greek and Latin, which neither by long use were known, nor by continuall custome made familiar to an English Reader. Of which sort, you may take these few as a taste of th [...] rest. That is to say, Acquisi [...]ion, Ad­vent, Adulterate, Agnition, Archisynagogue, A [...]imos, Comm [...]ssations, Condign, Contri­state, Depositum, Didrachme, Dominicall day, Donaries Evacnated from Christ, Euro- Aquilo, Epinanited, Holocaust, Hosts, Neophite, Paraclete, Parasceve, Pasch, Praefinition, Presence, Prevaricator, Pro­position, Loaves, Repropitiate, Resuscitate, Sabbatis [...], Super-edified, Sancta-Sanctorū, Victims, words utterly unknown to any English Reader, unlesse well grounded, and instructed in the Learned Languages, and consequently their whole Translation uselesse to most sorts of men. I cannot say that the Author of the History which we have in hand, was under any such neces [...]ity of writing, as the R [...]mists were, or that it did affect obscurity on any such design, as the Rhemists did; but I [Page 4] may very warrantably and justly say, that in the Coining of new words, not to be understood by a common Reader, he hath not onely out-vied the Rhemists, but infi [...]tely exceeded all that have gone before him. A vein of writing, which two the great Masters of the Greek, and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of, who used such words in their addresses to the people, as were illius temporis auribus accommodata (as it is in Tacitus) accom­modate and fitted to the times they lived in, and easily intelligible unto all that heard them. Loquendum est cum vulgo, was the antient rule. And certainly to speak so as to be understood by the mean­est hearer, to write so, as to be compre­hended by the vulgar Reader, is such a principle of Prudence, as well becometh the practice of the greatest Clerks. But it is with this our Author, as with many others, who think they can never speak elegantly, nor write significantly, except they do [...] it in a language of their owne devising, as if they were ashamed o [...] their Mother-tongue, or thought it no [...] sufficiently curious, to expresse their fan­cies. By meanes whereof, more Frenc [...] and Latin words have gained ground up on us, since the middle of the Reign o [...] [Page 5] Queen Elizabeth, then were admitted by our Ancestors (whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon race) not onely since the Norman, but the Roman Conquest, a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram, where the spruce Gallant thus bespeakes his Page or La­quay:

I had not given my selfe the trouble of this Observation, but to meet the humour of some men, who if pretenders to French or Latin tongues, pretend to an authori­ty also of creating words, and giving us new formes of speaking, which neither King nor Keiser hath the power to doe. Moneyes and Coines are forthwith cur­rant, and universally admitted, as soon as they receive the stamp of Supream Au­thority. But it is not in the power of Kings or Parliaments to ordaine new [Page 6] words, without the liking and consent of the common people. Forrein Commo­dities, not Customed, are not safely sold; and Forreine words, till licensed, and ap­proved by custome, are not fitly used. And therefore it was well said by an able Grammarian, to a great Emperor of Rome, Homines donare civitate potes, verba item non potes; that is to say, that he might naturalize whole Nations, by gi­ving them the priviledges of a Roman Citizen, but that it was not in his power to doe so with words, and make them Free (as one might say) of the Latin tongue. In this case, Custome and Con­sent, and the generall usage, are the greatest Princes, and he that doth pro­ceed without their authority, hath no authority at all to proceed upon: It be­ing no othsrwise with new Words, then with new Fashions in Apparell, which are at first ridiculous, or at least unsightly, till by continuall wearing, they become more ordinary. And so it is resolved by Ho­race, in his Book, De Arte Poetica.

But lest our Author should affirm with Cremulius Cordus in the story, Adeo fa­ctorum innocens sum ut verba m [...]a argu­antur, that we are faine to cav [...]l with him for his words, for want of greater mat­ter to except against; I shall forbear the prosecution of this Argument, till the close of all, and passe to such materiall points as shall come before me.

To whom the Prince returned answer, Fol. [...]. that he would impower the Earl of Bristol, to give his Master all satisfaction in that particular,] that is to say (for so you must be understood in the words fore­going) [Page 8] that he would make a Pr [...]xie to the Earl of Bristol to celebrate (in his name) the Marriage with the Lady In­fanta▪ But there was no such Proxie made to the Earle of Bristol, that being a po­wer and trust thought worthy of the Ca­tholick King, and Don Charles his Bro­ther, as appeareth plainly by the publick Instrument made to that effect, bearing date August the 8 Anno 1623. which being sealed by the Prince in due forme of Law, it was indeed committed to the cu­stody of the Earle of Bristoll, by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine, and Don Charles his Brother, or to either of them, as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome, and this was all the Power which the E [...]rle of Bristol had, which yet he had no power to execute, as it after proved.

The Loyall hearted English could not di­stinguish [...]ol. 3. between the Spanish match, and Charles his ruine.] That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opini­on, I shall easily grant, but they had o­ther Opinions also, which did Bias with them; especially one opinion, that the near Allianc [...] with that Crown, would arme the King with power to suppresse that F [...]ction, which began then to be [Page 9] dreadfull to him, and have since been the ruine of Charles, and his whole Posterity. But other English hearts there are, of no lesse Loyalty, and of as great affecti­on to the Royal Family, and as great Zea­lots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established, who think otherwise of it, and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented. The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend, then the wavering French. What else there was (which might confirme them on the Post-fact) in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe. But you proceed and tell us, after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spa­niard a worse Friend, then an Enemy.] For this I thinke you have no reason, the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme, and most inv [...]olate for many Ages, and never broke (if not of late) but by the English, or on their occasions. First, by the Invasion of Spai [...]e by the [...]lack Prince, in the time of Don Pedro of Castile, and the War car­ried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster; n [...]xt, on the breach made with Charles the fift, by King Henry the Eighth, in pursuance of the injury don [...] unto him, in casting off Queen Katharine, [Page 10] that great Emperours Aunt; and finally by Queen Elizabeth, supporting the re­volting Netherlands against Philip the second, their naturall and most lawfull Prince. If on this last and greatest provo­cation the Spaniard took up armes against us, he had all the reason in the world for his justification.

Who per [...]iving upon the whole summe, [...]bid. that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate.] King James was not to be told that now (I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine) there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector, i [...] all the Articles of the Treaty, which wer [...] sworne between them. That was reserve [...] as an after-game, but yet intended to b [...] played by the Spanish Court, to the mos [...] honour and advantage of the Engli [...] Nation, thereby to gaine the better wel­come to the Royall Bride, when she cam [...] amongst us. For thus I finde it in a Let­ter from the Earle of Bristol, dated th [...] 28. of October, not long after the Prince' [...] coming home.

For the businesse of the Palatinate, as [...] will appears by the joynt disppatch which Si [...] Walter Aston, and my selfe wrote of th [...] [Page 11] 23. of November, that we were assured, not by the Conde of Olivares, onely in this Kings name, but severally, by all the Councel­lors, that a setled resolution was taken in Councill, on the 16. of November, that this King should procure his Majesties in­tire satisfaction, and hereof the Cardinall Ca [...]ala, and divers other Councellors that prof [...]ssed the [...]selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service, came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the P [...]rabein. The Conde of Olivares intrea­ted [...] both, in this Kings name, to assure his Majesty thereof, upon our honours, and up­on our lives if need were. And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in wri­ting, before we would have passed to the Disposories, as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch, of the 23. of November. Besides, the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne, and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother, & written unto the Conde of Oli­vares, and had set her heart upon the ma­king of her selfe gracefull, and welcom to the King and Kingdome, by overco [...]ing this businesse. These are the words of Bristol's Letter, and these give me no small assu­rance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine, as [...]o that parti­cular.

[Page 12] Which being met, and the businesse pro­pounded, Fol. 4. it was entertained with an una­nimous consent, and a motion made, that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty.] I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation, the Marriage of the Prince, containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative, as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament. For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long be­fore, that for the avoiding of some dan­gers, which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome, he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religi­on; he entertained the motion with no small disdaine, and checkt them in his an­swer, for intrenching on his just Preroga­tive. And though King Charles acquain­ted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Ma­ry, to the Heire of Orange, yet we must look upon him at that time, as encumbred with the greatest difficulties, that ever any Prince lay under; one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie, and therefore was to hold fair with th [...]m in the greatest matters. And yet he did not bend thus low, nor communicate the affaire unto them, till the Articles of the [Page 13] Marriage were in a manner concluded, as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords, Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty, not an Act of Grace, in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke, that none of his Children should be Married without their consent; though he was then in such a necessitous conditi­on, as few Princes ever were reduced to, yet would he by no meanes s [...]sfie their demands therein.

In the style of the Court he went for Great Ibid. Britains Solomon.] It cannot be denied, but that he was an Universall Scholar, as you tell us afterwards, the greatest Scho­lar (without doubt) for so great a King, that these last Ages of the world have presented to us; but that he was Great Britains Solomon, that is to say, either the wisest Man, or the wisest King of the British Nations, I am not Courtier enough to defend or say. It is true indeed, that he much pleased hims [...]lfe with boasting of his Kings craft, as he used to call it, but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say, that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay, which was so much talked of in the world; so I have heard many wise men say, that [Page 14] they could never finde what that King­craft was: It being no hard matter to prove, that in all publick Treaties and Negotiations, and many private Confe­rences and debates of Councell, he was out-witted, and made use of unto other mens ends, by almost all that undertook him. And on [...] might say, (I fear [...] too truly) that by putting off the Majesty belonging to a King of England, that so he might more liberally enjoy himselfe; neglecting the affaires of State, and cares of Government, to hunt after pleasures; deserting the imperiall City, to sport himselfe at Roiston, Newmarket, and such obscure places (which were to him as the Isle of Capre was to Tiberius Caesar) and finally by letting loose the Golden reines of Discipline, held by his Predecessors with so strict a hand; he opened the first gap unto those confusions, of which we have since found the miserable and wofull con­sequences. But I know not what temp­tation hath drawn this note from me, I goe on againe.

A stout adversary he was to the Armi­nians, Fol. 5. and Semi-Pelagians, whom he called, as Prosper before him did, the Enemies of Gods grace.] In this short sentence there are many things to be considered. 1. What [Page 15] these Arminians were, which our Author speakes of. 2. Whether they were the Enemies of Gods grace or not? and 3. what the reason was why King James shewed himselfe so great an adversary to them, as you say he did.

And first for the Arminians (as you call them) they were a branch of the Sect of Calvin, to whose Discipline in all particulars they conformed themselves, and to his Doctrines in the most, differing only in the matter of Predestination, & the points subordinate; but managing tho [...] differences with a better temper, then their Opposites did. Nor were these dif­ferences onely controverted in the School of Calvin, but had been many times di­sputed with great heat and passion, be­twixt the Franciscans and Dominicans in the Church of Rome. The rigid and moderate Lutherans in the Churches Protestant. The rigid Lutherans, who looke on Flacius Illyricus (a man of a turbulent and fiery nature) as their Head and Captaine, and with them the Domi­nieans (or black Friers) goe the same way as Calvin and his followers do [...]; and these proceed upon the authority of Saint Augustine, whose zeale against the P [...]lagian Heresies transported him into [Page 16] such inconvenient expressions, as the wis [...]st men may fall into on the like occasions. The moderate Lutherans, of which Me­lancthon, a sober and right learned man (and therefore not unfitly called the Phoe­nix of Germany) was the principal leader, and with them the Franciscan Friers (and of late the Jesuits) goe the same way which the Arminians since have followed; grounding themselves upon the constant current of the antient Fathers, who lived and flourished, ante mala certamina Pela­giana, before the authority of Saint Au­gustine, in canvassing and confuting the Pelagian Heresies, carried all before it. For Doctor James Hermin, the Univer­sity Reader, in the University of Leidon, preferring the Doctrine of Melancthon in these points, before that of Calvin, not onely maintained it in the Schooles, but preached it also in the P [...]lpit as occasion was; not that he was the first of the School of Calvin, that professed this way, but that he was of better parts, and of greater Learning, then any who before had undertook it. And being he was a man of such parts and Learning, and that his doctrine was conceived to be more Rationall in it selfe, farre more agreeable unto the Justice and Mercy of Almighty [Page 17] God, and more conducing unto Piety, then that of the Rigid Calvinist was e­steemed to be, it quickly found great multitudes of followers in the B [...]lgique Churches; and these, not onely of the Vu [...]gar, but the Learned sort, of which last ranke I may reckon E­piscopius, Corvinus, Bertius, Tilenus, John G [...]rard, Vossius, (for his abilities in Learning, made a Prebend of Canterbury) and that great magazine both of Divine and Humane literature, Hugo Grotius: These are the men who commonly are nick-named Arminians, and these the rigid Calvinists have indeavoured to op­pose, to the publick hatred, by fastning on them many horrid Blasphemies, and grosse absurdities, which cannot properly and of right be charged upon them. For in the continuation of the History of the Netherlands, writ by one [...]rosse (as I remember) a fellow of no Parts, or Judg­ment, and so more apt to be abused with a false report: It is affirmed that there was a Synod called at D [...]rt, to suppresse the Arminians, and that the said Armi­nians held amongst other Heresies; first, that God was the Author of Sinne, and secondly, that he Created the far great­est part of mankinde onely, of purpose [Page 18] for to damn them, with severall others of that kinde; which every man of Rea­ding knowes, not onely to be the Con­sequence and Results of Calvin's Do­ctrine, but to be positively mainteined and taught by some of his followers. By these, and such like sub [...]ill and malitious practises, they indeavoured to expose their adversaries to the publick hatred, and make them odious with the people; till at the last, those poore men might have said most justly, as once the Primi­tive Christians did, under the burden of the like Calumnies and Imputations, Con­demnati sumus quia nominamur, non quia convincimur, as Tertullian hath it; the name of an Arminian carried a Condem­nation in it selfe, without any conviction:

2. But if they were the Enemies of the Grace of God, and that King James so conceived of them, they did undoubtedly deserve all this and more; but certainly whatsoever King James might please to call them, I am sure he had little reason for it, those whom you call Arminians, speaking as Honourably and Religiously of the grace of God, as the most Ortho­dox writers in the Primitive times. It is true ind [...]d, that the Pelagians did ascribe so much to the powers of Nature, in [Page 19] the Conversion of a Sinner, and the whole worke of Regeneration, ut gratiam Dei necessariam non putarent, that they thought the Grace of God [...] be together unne­cessary (as Lyrinensis tells us of them.) If the Arminians (as you call them) were of this opinion, they were the Enemies of Gods Grace, there is no doubt of that. But looke into the five Articles which they exhibited in their Remonstrance to the States of Holland, and after to the Assem­bly at Dort, and you will finde the con­trary; it being there affirmed expresly in these following words, Gratiam Dei Sta­iuimus esse principium, progressum & com­plementum omnis boni; [...]deo ut ne ipse quidem regenitus abs (que) praecedente sive prae­veniente ista, excitante, prosequente, & co­operante gratiâ, bonum cogitare velle, aut peragere possit, u [...]isve ad malum tentatio­nibus resistere: It a ut bona opera actiones (que) quas quis cogitando potest adsequi gratiae Dei in Christo adscribenda sint. We teach say they, that the Grace of God is the beginning and promotion and accomplishment of every thing that is good in us; insomuch that the Regenerate man can neither thinke, will, nor doe any thing that is good without this grace preventing, Cooperating, and Assisting, and consequently that all good works which any [Page 20] man in his life can attaine unto, are to be attributed and Ascribed to the Grace of God. Call you those men the Enemies of Gods grace, as you seem to make them? I hope Saint Augustine was no enemy of the grace of God, in giving us this Golden sentence; since gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus, & subsequente ne frustra velimus, ad pietatis opera nil valemus; that is to say, Without the grace of God preven­ting, that we may will the things which are good, and following or assisting that we doe not will them to no purpose, we are not able to doe any thing in the works of piety. Say not these men the same as S. Austin doth? and saying the same, why are they called the Enemies of the Grace of God, whilst he is honoured with the title of the Champion and Defender of it? But some will say that they ascribe more unto the freedome of the will, then may stand with Grace, and consequently overthrow all the former building. If so, they are more cunning then I thought they were. But these plain dealing men doe assure me otherwise, for thus they say, (in the same Articles as before) Homo salvificam fidem non habet à se, neque ex liberi sui arbi­trii viribus, sed necesse est ut ab [...]o in Christo, per spiritum ipsius sanctum regeneretur at­ [...]ue [Page 21] renovetur intellectu, affectibus, volun­tate, omnibus (que) viribus, ut salutaria bona recte possit intelligere, meditari, velle, at (que) perficere; That is to say, A man hath not sa­ving Faith in, and of himselfe, nor by the strength of his owne Free will, but it is ne­cessary that he be regenerate, and renewed in Christ by the Holy Ghost, in his under­standing, affections, will, and all the other powers of Nature, that so he may both understand, meditate, will▪ and bring to passe the things which appertaine to his Salvation. I grant indeed, that they as­cribe somewhet more to the will of Man, then the rigid sort of Lutherans and Cal­vinians do [...], who will have a man drawn forcibly and Irresistably, with the cords of Grace, velut in animalon quiddam, like a senselesse stock, without contributing any thing to his owne eternity; but they ascribe no more unto it, then what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God, according to that Divine saying of Saint Augustine, viz. Si non est Gratia Dei quomodo salva [...] mundum? si non est liberum arbitrium, quomodo judi­cat mundum? were it not for the Grace of God, no man could be saved, and were there not a Freedome of Will in M [...]n, no man with justice could be damned. If they [Page 22] that speak so much of the Grace of God, and so little of the Will of Man in the workings of it, must notwithstanding be the Enemies of the Grace of God; I fear the Church of England will be found in a sorry case, whose Doctrine in these points is the very same, and thus delivered in the tenth Article of her Confession, viz. The condition of Man after the Fall of Adam, is such, that he cannot turne and prepare himselfe by his owne naturall strength, and good workes to Faith and calling upon God: wherefore we have no power to doe good workes pleasant and acceptable to God, with­out the Grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good Will, and working with us, when we have that good will. Saint Augustine, and the Church of England, and all Orthodox Christians are as much Enemies of Gods Grace (for ought I can see, as any of those poore despised ones, whom you call Armini­ans.

3. But then it may be justly asked, what moved King James to be so stout an stout of theirs, as you say he was? and for that the reasons may be many, for 1. he had his education in the Kirk of Scotland, where all the Hetrodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospell, and [Page 23] therefore could not sodainly cast off those opinions which he had sucked in as it were with his nurses milk. 2. He was much governed at that time by Doctor Mon­tague then B [...]shop of Winchester, and Dean of his Majesties Chappell Royall, who having been a great stickler in these Pre­destinarian Controversies, when he lived in Cambridge, thought himselfe bound to beat down all opponents by the Kings Authority, which he could not over­bear by the strength of Argument; and finding the Kings will inclineable to his owne perswasions in these points, put him upon many harsh, and severe expres­sions against these poor men, especially in his Declaration against Vorstius, where he strikes most at them. But thirdly, the greatest motive with K. James, was, Reason of State the Arminians (as you call them) being united into a party, under the coun­tenance & command of [...] Olden Barnevell and by him used to undermine the power of Mawrice, then Prince of Orange; who as he was a great Patron of the Rigid Cal­vinians, so was he to that King a most dear confederate. B [...]sides, the King con­sidered this division in the Belgick Pro­vinces, as a matter of most dangerous [...]ature, and utterly distructive of that [Page 24] peace, unity, and concord which was to be the greatest preservation of the States United: whom therefore he exhorteth in the same Declaration to take heed of such infected persons, their own Countrey­men being already divided into Factions upon this occasion, which was a matter (as he saith) so opposite to unity (which was in­deed the onely prop and safety of their State next under God) as of necessity it must by little and little bring them to utter ruine, if wisely & in time they did not provide against it, So that K. James consid [...]ring the present breach as tending to the utter ruine of those Estates, and more particularly of the Prince of Orange, his most dear Allie, he thought it no small piece of King-craft to contribute toward the suppres [...]ion of the weaker party; not onely by blasting them in the said Declaration with re­proachfull names, and sending such of his Divines to the Assembly at Dort, as he was sure wou'd be sufficiently active in their Condemnation; which being done, his own turn served therein to his full con­tentment, and Bishop Montague his great Directour in those businesses being also dead; he began to shew himselfe more favourable unto their opinions than be­fore he did: especially on the coming out [Page 25] of the Answer to the Romish Gaggar, com­posed by another Montague then Pr [...]bend of Windsor, and afterwards L. Bishop of Chichester, and at last of Norwich, (a man of lesse Courtship, but of farre more Learning than the other was) whos [...] judgment in those points he liked very well, as being more consonant to the Do­ctrine of the Church of England, and more agreeable to the Tenor of approved Antiquity. But I have stayed too long on this Observation. I must now go forwards.

The Kings Corps on the 4 ^th of May was Fol. 6. conveyed to Westminster, and there inhu­med, &c.] Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an esp [...]ciall care he hath of his Temporalities (as his owne word is) in assigning unto every action its own proper time, and yet he fails us here in the first beginning: For, neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4 ^th of May, nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8 ^th (as he after te [...]ls us) nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King, as is there declared: though possibly in the intention of King Charles (for the reasons there delivered) it had been so resolved on at the first de­signation of those Royall pomps: For, upon Sunday May the 1st, the Marriage [Page 26] was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris; on Tuesday May the 3 ^d, the news thereof came unto the Court, and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of Lon­don; on Saturday May the 7 ^th, was King James interred, and on Sunday morning May the 8 ^th, there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse (as I have heard him say more than once or twice) requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria, but by the name of Queen Mary ouely. And yet it is true too which he after tel­leth us, that is to say, That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11 ^th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11 ^th of May in the French Accompt, which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month; that being the 11 ^th day of the Moneth to them, in the new Style (or stylo novo, as they phrase it) which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England.

He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Ibid. Duke of Chevereux.] If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of [Page 27] Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine, and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine, should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux; it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise, from which his Ma­jesty was extracted: Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise, being Wife to James the fift of Scotland, Grandmother unto James the sixt, and consequently great Grand­mother to King Charles himself.

From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach Fol. 7. for Whitehall, where the third after his arrivall, &c.] If our Author meaneth by this, that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely, he should then have said so; but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall, he is very much out: their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend, and from thence in the [...]r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall, accom­panied or met by all the Barges, Boats, and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames; the Author of these Obser­vations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage.

For as man is without a female Consort, Fol. 9. [Page 28] so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing.] Our Author in these words, and the rest that follow, maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State, as if that Kings, or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance, and by their consent; which were it so, a Par­liament must be Co-ordinate to Kings (or such as have the power of Kings) not subordinate to them. Nor need the Mem­bers write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subj [...]cts, but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power: which doctrine, of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government, I leave Counsellors of State to consider of.

His speech being ended, the King vailed Fol. 11. his Crown, a thing rare in any of his Pre­decessou [...]s.] Our Chroniclers tell us of King James, that at his first coming to the Crown of England, he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon (the reputed King of Beasts) baited sometimes by Dogs, and sometimes by Horses; which I could never reade without some r [...] ­gret, the baiting of the King of Beasts [Page 29] seeming to me an ill presage of those ma­ny baitings which he (a King of Men) sound afterwards at the ha [...]s of his Sub­jects. And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles, that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white, contrary to the custome of his Predecessours, who were on that day clad in purple. White is we know the colour of the saints, who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Re­velation: And Purple is we know the Im­periall and Regall colour, so proper here­to sore unto Kings and Emperours, that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti, because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple. And this I look upon as an ill presage, that the King laying aside his Purple, the Robe of Majesty, should cloathe himselfe in White, the Robe of Innocence; as if thereby it were fore­signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn, to relie wholly on the inno­cence of a vertuous life, which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine. But as all ill presages, none like that which our Au­thour speaks of, I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament; which I [Page 30] consider of the Introduction to those ma­ny veilings of the Crown in all the Parlia­ments that followed: For, first he vailed his Crown to this, in leaving Mountague in their hands, and his Bond uncancelled, (as you tell us after Fol. 12.) notwith­standing that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant, and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Par­liaments used not to take cognizince of; he vailed his Crown unto the next, when he permitted them (as you tell us, Fol. 25.) to search his Signet Office, and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State, lea­ving him nothing free from their discovery; a thing not formerly practised: he vailed his Crown unto the third, first in the way of preparation to it, releasing all the Gentle­men whom he had imprisoned, for their refusall of the Loane, many of which be­ing elected Members of the following Parliament, brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds; next in the prosecu­tion of it, when hearing that the Parlia­ment had granted him some Subsidies, not a man dissenting, he could not restraine himselfe from weeping, (which tender­nesse of his was made good use of to his [Page 31] no small dammage) adding withall, and bidding his Secretarie tell them (as our Authour tells us, Fol. 77.) he would deny them nothing of their Liberties which any of his Predecessours had granted to them; and finally in the close thereof when He ena­cted the Petition of Right, and made it passe into a Law, of which our Authour tells us, Fol. 87. That never Arbitrary power since Monarchy first founded did so submitters fasces, so vaile its Scepter; never did the prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure, as by that Concession. He vailed his Crowne unto all three, by suffering the House of Commons to set up a Committe for Religion, to question Manwaring, Sibthorp, and divers others for Doctrinall matters, which if erroneous were more proper to be censured in the High Commission or the Convocation, to which the cognizance of such Causes doth of right b [...]long; and not unto a Consi­story of Lay. Elders, which though it might consist of the wisest men, yet were they for the most part none of the greatest Clerks. He vailed his Crown also unto the Scots, when having power to bring them under his command, he yeilded to the Pa­cification at Barwicke, not more unto his own dishonour than to their advantage; [Page 32] which drew him on first to abolish the Episcopal Government (the greatest prop of hi [...] Estate) in the Church of Scotland, and after at their instance to call a Par­liament in England, and by the terrou [...] of their Armes first to give way that the Lords of the Privie Councel (in referenc [...] to the Tryall of the [...] of Strafford) should be examined upon oath, in points debated and resolved on at the Councill Table; that being done, to yeild to a Triennial Parliament, to be called (upon his default) by Sheriffs and Constables, and finally to perpetuate that Parliament to his owne destruction. What other vail­ings of the Crown followed upon this, we shall hereafter see upon another occasion.

In this Session of Parliament was Mr. Ibid. Mountague questioned for publishing cer­tain Bookes prejudiciall to the Protestant cause, &c.] Somewhat of Mr. Mountague we have seen before, and shall now adde, that his Books contained nothing preju­diciall to the Protestant Cause, or to the established Doctrine of the Church of England, but onely to the Calvinisticall Sect who had imposed their Heterodoxies upon credulous men for the received Do­ctrines of the Church. This Mr. Mount [...] disavowed in his Answer to the Ro­mish [Page 33] Gagg [...]r, and severing private mens Opinions from the Churches Doctrines to be defended by their own Patrons and abettors▪ which so offended that whole Party that an Information was intended and prepared against him, which being made knowne unto King James, he did not onely give him his discharge and quie­tus est, and grant him leave (in regard the Accusation was divulged, and the clamour violent) humbly to appeale from his Defa­mers unto His most sacred cognizance in publique, and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world, but also to give expresse order unto Doctor White then Deane of C [...]l sle (cried up, when L [...]cturer of St. Pauls, for the stoutest Champion of this Church a­gainst those of Rome) for the authorizing and publishing thereof, which was [...]one accordingly. So he in his Epistle Dedica­tory to the late King Charles. These are the Books, The Answer to the Romish Gagger: and, the Defence thereof, ca [...]led, Appello Caesarem: so prejudiciall (is you say) to the Protestant Cause, and there­fore fit to be in [...]ed on by the House of Parliament.

The cause of that restraint (v [...]z: the grant F [...]l. 12. of Tonage and Poundage for no more than [Page 34] one yeare) being a designe to reduce it to the rate setled in Qu [...]n Maryes daies.] And had they brought it unto that, their Grant would have been like the Apples of So­dome, goodly and beautifull to the eye, sed levi tactu pressa in vagum pulverem fatiscunt (saith the old Geographer) but never so gently handled fell to dust and ashes; a nut without a kernil, and a pain­ted nothing. And yet they might have made the King some faire amends, if they had brought the Subsidies to the same rate also, or to the rates they were at, in her Fathers daies, when as one single Sub­sidie of foure shillings in the pound was estimated to amount to eight hundred thousand pounds of good English money, which is as much as eight whole Subsidies did amount to when King Charles c [...]me unto the Crown.

The Divinity Schoole was appointed for Ibid. the House of Commons.] And qu [...]stionlesse this giving up of the Divinity School unto the use of the House of Commons, and placing the Speaker in or neer the Chair [...] in which the Kings Professour for Divini­ty did usually reade his Publick Lectures, and moderate in all Publick Disputations, first put them into a conceit that the de­termining in all points and Controversies [Page 35] in Divinity did belong to them: As Vi­bius Rufus in the story, having married Tully's Widow, and bought Caesars Chair, conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one, and the Power of the other: For, after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion, and no Committee for Re­ligion but what did think it self sufficient­ly instructed to manage the greatest Con­troversies of D [...]vinity which were brought before them: with what successe to the Religion here by Law established we now see too clearly.

Most of the Voters of this Remonstran [...] Fol. 15. flew high, and impetuously prest in upon the Duke.] And this makes good that saying of the wise Historian, Quam breves & infausti Romani populi amores, that the D [...]rlings and Affections of the Common People (take which sense you will) are of short continuance. It was not long since that this very man was cried up in Parlia­ment for the great ornament and honour of the English Nation, the chief preserver of this Kingdome from the Spanish pra­ctises, no attribute sufficient to set forth his praises, no honour large enough to re­quite his merits. Now on the sodain he is become the subject of a popular h [...]d, [Page 36] tossed from one Parliament to another like the Ball of Fortune, many times struck into the hazard, and at last quite tossed out of the Court, and-tumbled into his grave by a desperate Ruffion. But as I have been told by some intelligent man, this sodain alteration came another way, and not from any premeditated purpose in the Parliament men, who after voted this Remonstrance: For having an ill eye to the B [...]shop of Lincolne, and a designe to make h [...]m lighter by the Seal; the B [...]shop to prevent the danger, and divert the hu­mour, proposed the Duke of Buckingham unto some leading men amongst them as the fitter game, offering to furn [...]sh them with matter, and to m [...]ke good that mat­ter by sufficient evidence; which coming not long a [...]ter to the ears of the Duke, to whom he had done many ill▪ offices when he was in Spaine, he procured the Seale to be taken from him; of which more anon.

And who (i.e. Sir Robert Mansell) had Fol. 17. an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of this Enterprise upon the Dukes default.] I b [...]lieve not so. For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall, and had the subor­dinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Of­fice, [Page 37] yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto: the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occa­sionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office, but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King, which he may grant to any o­ther as He sees cause for it. A thing so obvious in the course of our English sto­ries, that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth.

And the first thing resolved upon was. Fol. 20. His solemne Initiation into Regality, and setting the Crown upon His head.] As so­l [...]mne as the King esteemed it, yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it: For, he not onely censureth it for a vanity, though a serious vanity, but thinks that K [...]ngs are idle in it, though idle to some better purpose than in [...] and Dances. Are not all Christian K [...]ngs wi [...]h whom the Rites of Coronation are ac­counted sacred, much concerned in this, and the Scriptures more? are not the Ce­remonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiqu [...]ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God? exem­pl fi [...]d in Saul, David, Solomon, but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash, [Page 38] the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him, and gave him the testimonies, and they made him King and anointed him, and clapt their hands, and said, GOD SAVE THE KING. Was this a Pageant think we of t [...]e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery, or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons, and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people? He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour, the placing of the Crown upon his head, and putting the Scepter into his hands, and bowing of the knee before him, with this acclamation, Haile King of the Jewes, will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christi­an King: In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity, (as our Authour calls it) but a grave, pious, and religious con­formity to the Investiture and Coronati­on of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subj [...]ct, but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Histo­rians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham, of whom it is observed that at the Coro­nation of King Richard the third, he cast [Page 39] many a squint eye upon the Crown, as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head. But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament. In order whereunto, he tell [...] us that

The Lord Keeper Williams was displa­ced Ibid. and his place was disposed of to Sir Tho­mas Coventrie.] Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities, the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced be­twixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before: For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation; Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in [...] as Lord Keeper, both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading, and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster. The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching B [...]shop Land, whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells, at the time of his affl [...]cting in the Coronation; whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely, and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following. And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time (though there be many more of this na­ture to be troubled with) I shall crave [Page 40] leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said, That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James, as he first sent them fi [...]st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church, where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines; and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asser­ted amongst the Articles of Religion esta­blished Anno 1615. and accordingly they were] This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron, setting the cart before the horse, as we use to say. For, certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Con­fession of the Church of Ireland, Anno 1615. as indeed they were, could not be­fore that time be sent to the Assembly, or Synod at Dort, which was not held till three years after, Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a super­annuating as to call it in his Temporali­ties, though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from sub­stantiall falshoods, but even from circum­stantiall also, in assigning all both things and actions their proper times. How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part, and shall see more hereof hereafter, as occasion serveth.

[Page 41] Who loved the Bishop (if Fame belies her Fol. 21. not) better than was fit.] I think our Au­thour with more prudence might have spared this Note, especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof, which is so infamous [...]n Historian (as a learned Gen­tleman hath well noted) that no wise man would build on the credit of it. If Fames and Libels should once passe for H [...]stori­call truths, few Kings, or Favorites, or Ministers of great affairs (or indeed who else) would goe with honour to their graves, or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities. Wilson, a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke, whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex, leaves the like stain upon his Lady; but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the B [...]shop from the guilt thereof, by saying, that he was Eunuchus ab utero, an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe, which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at. And what had he for his authority but Fam [...] and Libels, purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family, by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine. The honour of Ladies in the gene­rall is a tender point, not easily repaired [Page 42] if wronged, and therefore to be left un­touched, or most gently handled. For which cause possibly S. [...] adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell, and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling, are either utterly broken: or not easily mended. And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame, I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour, and one that ne­ver did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen. So that we may affirme of her, as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife, Po­tentiam ejus nemo sensit, nisi aut levatione periculi, aut accessione dignitatis, that no body ever found her power, but either in lessening his deserved punishments, or adding some respects to him for his well­deservings.

Nor seemed the question in the sense of Fol. 29. many, which was the Traytour, but which was the most.] That is to say, whether the Duke of Buckingham, or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour, though it appeareth not (for any thing which our Authour tells us) that any treason was proved against either of them: For [Page 43] had the Duke proved his Charge of Trea­son against the Earle, he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine; or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke, the Com­mons needed not have troubled them­selves with a new Impeachment, contain­ing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour, and some miscarriages which at another time, and in another man would have been connived at. Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke; but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle (whe­ther out of Partiality or want of Infor­mation) he affords us nothing. I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement, as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him, leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers, without any further prosecution than the Narra­tive onely. It was then charged upon the Earle,

• 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forward­nesse, the Prince at his arrivall there, found it nothing so, there being little done in rela­tion to it.
• [Page 44]2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise, he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion, and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same, a free toleration, and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them:
• 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain, the said Earle of Bristol cunningly, falsly, and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince (being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion) to change his Religion, and used many dangerous and sub­tile insinuations to that effect.
• 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe, he used these words unto the Prince, That the State of England did never any great thing, but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome, and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise.
• 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate, which was, That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter, but must be bred up in the Em­perours Court: the said Earle delivered his opinion, That he thought it unreasonable. [Page 45] And when the danger was presented, in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion, which must needs follow thereupon, the said Earle answered, That without some great action the peace of Chri­stendome would never be had.

Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke, it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe, which was to [...]ender each o [...]her suspected in matter of Loyalty & Religion, though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot; Many good men (as our Authour calls them) being passing jocund at the contest.

But it was resolved by the Judges, that by Fol. 45. their Restraint (i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir John Eliot) no rea­son being given to the House for it, the whole House was Arrested.] The Judges were wise men, and would not strive against the stream (as the saying is) for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute pre­cedents to the contrary, there are many in the times foregoing, of which I shall instance in two onely, and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Eliza­beth. The first is this, Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Peti­tion [Page 46] to the Lord Keeper, desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Sup­pliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the suc­cession of the Crown, whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them. Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command, and charged the Councell to call the parties before them. Sir Thomas Henage (being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell) sent for them, and after speech with them, commanded them to fo [...]ar the Parliament, and not to go out of their severall lodgings: After they were called before the Lord Trea­surer, the Lord Buckhurst, and Sir Thomas Henage; Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower, Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens, to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the mat­ter, were sent to the Fleet, as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcester­shire. In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lan­caster (who is to be my second instance) moved against the hard courses of the B [...]shops, Ordinaries, and other Ecclesi [...] ­sticall Judges in their Courts, used to­wards sundry learned and godly Ministers [Page 47] and Preachers, and spake against subseri­ption, and oathes; and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes: which comming to the Queens knowledge, and Mr. Coke (after­wards Sir Edward Coke) then Speaker of the House of Commons, being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered, the said Mr. Morrice (as I have been cre­dibly informed) was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes, but howsoever, sure I am, that he was com­mitted unto Prison for the said Attempt. And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth, that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty, that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained. To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsel­lours which were then Members of the House, that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe, and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought: That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what sh [...] doth of her Royall Authority, That the causes for which they were restrained, may be high and dangerous, That Her Majesty [Page 48] l [...]h no such questions, neither doth it become the House to search into such matt [...]rs. Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their be­ha [...]f. And thus we see that no fewer than five Members (that is to say, Wentworth, Welch, Bromely, Stevens, and M [...]rrice) [...]ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy, or any Decl [...]ration of the Judges, that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment. So re­solut [...] was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative; though King Charles yei [...]ded to the times and released His Pri­soners upon this Declaration of the Jud­ges, and a Remonstrance of the Com­mons in pursuance of it; which was an­other vailing of his Crowne, before no [...] mentioned, because reserved u [...]to this place.

For the Lords feared an antient Order▪ Ibid. that no Lords created sedent [...] Parliamento, should have voice during that Session, &c. Upon which, their suffrage was excluded.] The Lords had been to blame indeed, if when the Judges had declared for Law in [...] of the House of Commons, they could not make an Order to serve them­ [...] both antient alike▪ and of like Au­thority, [Page 49] because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments. But whereas our Authour▪ writes, that u [...]on the finding out of this Order, the suffrage of the new Lords (that is to say, Kimbolton, Imbercourt, and Tre­gote) was excluded for this Session: I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular, and that I doe for these two Reasons, First, because in the long Parlia­ment which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Hou­ses were better backed than they were at this present; the Lord [...] Seymour, Little­ton, and Capell, created sedente Parlia­mento, and the Lords Digby, Rich, and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all ad­mitted to their Votes in that S [...]ssion of Parliament without any dispute. And secondly, whereas it was offered to the King (being then in a farre lower condi­tion than He was at th [...]s present) in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke, That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for r [...]straining Peers made hereafter, from sitting or voting in P [...]liament, un­lesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parlia­ment; [Page 50] the King did absolutely refuse to assen [...] unto it; as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands.

The affection of the Peers so elevated Ibid. him, that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit, and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it.] In all this there was no­thing strange, that either the Earle of Bri­stol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage (as you say he did) being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers, as you say he was; or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer, to whom they had before shewed so great affections. It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them; as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham, the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake, of whom you tell us in this place, That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him, did as much de­presse him, as it did elevate the other. For though the Duke his Answer to his Im­peachment so contrived and inlaid with mo­d [...]sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many, (as our Authour tells us, Fol. 53.) yet was it so farre from giving any (and [Page 51] much lesse ample) satisfaction, as Bristols did, that it b [...]came a new grievance to his Adversaries, who thereupon resolved on the prosecution, for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted, if the poor Gentleman should have m [...]de but a saving game of it. So true is th [...]t of Velleius Paterculus, saying, Familiare est hominibus, invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque diriger [...], that is to s [...]y, that it is usuall with most men to go­vern themselves in m [...]tters of this invi­duous nature, not by the merits of the cause, but by the intercesse of their own passions, and the [...]espect or disrespect which they bear the persons▪

But all would not smooth the asp [...]rity of Fol. 64. this illegall Tax, &c.] The money which was then required of the Subj [...]ct, was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax▪ (if I remember it aright) but required of them as a Loan [...], and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyal [...]y in it: For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies, and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act; His Majesty was ad­vised that He had good grounds to re­quire those Subsidies of the Subject, which the House of Commons in their names [Page 52] had assented to; and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies, but onely in the way of Loane, till the next Parlia­ment should enable Him to make pay­ment of it, or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise, though it brought in good sums of mony for the present, yet by the Articles of some men, who were resolved, That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament; it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of. So miserable was the Kings condition at this time, that having for­merly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine, and declare a Warre against that King, at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons, He was so wilfully deserted (I dare not say betrayed) by those that engaged Him in it.

Where for three daies all was so calme on Fol. 69. both sides as if they had sworn a Truce, &c.] This was the first great errour in the En­terprise of the Isle of Rhe: And the second was as bad as this, viz: their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree: For, had the Duke marched directly on, he had [Page 53] in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin, the Fortifica­tions being then unfinish'd, and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces; whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impreg­nable by our ablest Souldiers. Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it, he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town, but might have used the same to make good his Retreat, when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it. Both which miscar­riages I have heard a Person of great Ho­nour well skilled in the Art M [...]litary, and no professed friend unto the Duke, not to impute so much to the Duke himself, who was raw, ignorant, and unexperienced in the Warres; as to Sir William Courtn [...]y, and Sir John Borrowes, two great Soul­diers, who had the Conduct of his Coun­sels, the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone, than the other was for his couragious holding out in de­fence of Frankendale. And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the [Page 54] losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages, viz: the negligence or long stay of the Earle of Holland, who being sent out with a new Fleet for carrying Ammunition, Armes, and Victuals to­wards the continuance of the Siege, and guarding the passages into the Island, trifled out so much time at Court, and made so many Halts betwixt that and Plymouth, that he had not found his way out of that Haven when the Duke came back. Its true, the issue of this Action was not answerable to the Expectation, and yet I cannot be of our Authours minde, (who telleth us, Fol: 71.) That the Isle of Rhe was so inconsiderable, as had we lost there neither blood nor honour, and gained it into the bargain, it would have ill rewarded our preparation and charge of the Expedi­tion.] For, had the English gained the Island, they had not onely preserved the Town of Rochel, but by the advantage of that Town, and the Isle together, might easily have taken in the Isle of Oleran, and made themselves Masters of the greatest part of the losse of Aquitaine, if the am­bition of the King had carried Him unto F [...]rraign Conquests.

And a Commission granted by the King Fol. 71. to five Bishops, Bishop Laud being of the [Page 55] Quorum to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province. The cause impulsive to it was a supposed irregularity, &c.] In this and the rest which follows, and touching the sequestration of the Archbishop of Canterbury, our Authour runs himself into many errours. For, first Bishop Laud was not of the Quorum, no more than any of the other, the Commission being granted to the Bishops of London, Durham, Ro­chester, Oxford, and Bathe and Wells, or to any four, three, or two of them, and no more than so. Secondly, the irregula­rity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop was not touched upon in this Commission, as the impulsive cause unto it, the Commission saying onely in the Generall, That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services, which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction, and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed, &c. Thirdly, this supposed irregularity was not incurred upon the casuall killing of the Keeper of his (the Archbishops) game, as our Authour telleth us, but for the casuall killing of the Lord Zouches Keeper in Bramhill Parke, where the Archbishop had no game, nor [Page 56] no Keeper neither. Fourthly, it was con­ceived by many pious and Learned men, that there was something more incurred by that misadventnre than a supposed irre­gularity onely; insomuch that neither Dr. Williams Elect Bishop of Lincolne, nor Dr. Carew Elect Bishop of Exeter, nor Dr. Laud Elect Bishop of St. Davids, (besides some others) would receive Con­s [...]cration from him, though it be true that the Learned Bishop Andrews (as our Au­thour tells us) did doe the Archbishop very great service in this businesse, yet was it not so much for his own sake, or an opinion which he had, that no irregularity was incurred by that misadventure; but to prevent a greater mischief: For, well he saw that if the Archbishop at that time had been made Irregular, Dr. Williams then B [...]shop of Lincolne, and Lord Keeper of the Great Seale (a man in great favour with King James, but in more with the Duke) would presently have stept into that See; and he knew too much of the man to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his car [...] and government, the dangerous conse­querces whereof he was able to foretell without the spirit of prophesie.

[Page 57] The King of Denmarke being reduced Fol. 73. almost to a despondence and quitting of his Kingdome.] Which as it was an occasion of great grief unto his Confederates, so [...]o the Emperour himself it grew no mat­ [...]er of rejoycing. For, I have heard from [...] person of great Nobility, that when the [...]ewes came first unto him, he was so farre from shewing any signes of joy, that he rather seemed much troubled at it; of which being asked the reason by some of the principall men about him, He re­turned this Answer, As long (said he) as this Drowzy Dane was in the Head of the Protestants Army, we sh [...]uld have wor­med them out of their Estates one after another; but he being made unusefull to them, by this defeat, we shall have them bring the Swedes upon us; and there (said he) is a gallant young Fellow who will put us to the last card we have to play. And so it proved in the event, for th [...] next year the King of Great Britain and his Brother of France negotiated with Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden (then being in warre against the Pole) to carry his Army into Germany, which was done accordingly: what his successes were our Authour telleth us hereafter in the course of this story.

[Page 58] They who lately were confined as Priso­ners, Fol. 75. are now not onely free, but petty Lords and Masters, yea and petty Kings.] I can­not chuse but marvell what induced our Authour unto this Expression of making the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons not only petty Lords, but even petty Kings. I have heard that K. James once said in a time of Parliament (but whether in the way of jeare, or otherwise, I am not able to say) That there were now five hundred Kings besides himselfe. And I know well what great advantage hath been made of those words of His; whereof to any man that rightly under­stands the Constitution of an English Par­liament, the Commons are so farre from being either Lords or Kings, that they are not so much as a part of the Supreme Councell; it being easie to be evidenced out of the Writ which commands their attendance that they are called onely to consent and submit to such resolutions and conclusions ( ad faciendum & consen­tiendum his quae tum ibidem de communi Consilio dicti regni nostri (faciente Deo) contigerit ordinari, So the Writs instruct us) as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councell, or the great Councell of the Kingdome. Think [Page 59] you that men no otherwise impowred than so, could take upon them in them­selves, or be reputed by our Authour, as Lords and Kings? And yet it may be I may wrong them, for our Authour telleth us that

Their Estates modestly estimated were Ibid. able to buy the House of Peers (the King excepted) though an hundred and eighteen. thrice over.] In this there is one thing that I doubt, and two things which I shall take leave to consider of. The thing I doubt of is that the Estates of the Gentle­men assembled in the House of Commons howsoever estimated, should be able to buy the House of Peers, though it had con­tained thrice as many as it did, that is to say, three hundred fifty four of the Lay­Nobility. Assuredly the B [...]ronage of Eng­land must needs be brought exceeding low, when the Gentlemen by chance as­sembled in the Lower House (and not cal­led out of purpose for such an experi­ment) could buy the House of Peers thrice ov [...]r; there being not above five hundred of the one, and thrice one hundred and eighteen, that is to say, above three hun­dred and fifty of the other ranke: by which accompt every Gentleman must be able to buy his two Lords and a half one [Page 60] with another, the which I think no wise man can imagine. The first thing I consider of is, why our Author should leave out the Bishops for Spirituall Lords in this va. luation, as if they were no Members of the House of Peers: for that he doth not reckon them into the bargain is evident enough by the calculation, there being at that time an hundr [...]d and eighteen Tem­porall Lords in the Upper House. Assu­redly the B shops had sate there longer in their Predecessors than any of the Lay­Nobility in their noblest Ancestors; and had as good right of sitting and of voting there, as either the Prerogative Royall, o [...] the Laws could give them. And it was ill done of our Authour to exclude them now, and not well done (by him that should have kept them in) to exclude them afterwards. The Rights and Privi­ledges of holy Church, confirmed in the first Article of the Magna Charta, and sworn to by all Kings succeeding, were never so infringed as by that exclusion. But the King soon found the sad effect; and consequents of those [...]vil Counsellors by which He was perswaded to it; the next thing which was done in Parliament being the taking away or abrogating of His own Negative Voice, and passing all [Page 61] subsequent Laws and Ordinances without His consent. And by this meanes, they brought to passe another point, which, as it seems, was aimed at from the begin­ning of that Parliament; it being told Sir Edward Dering (as he himself informs us in the Collection of his Speeches) That if they could bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons, and the King to be but as one of the Lords, then their worke was done. This brings me to the second thing which I am to consider of, and that is why our Authour should make the King to be no other than a Member of the House of Peers; for when he tells us that the Gentlemen in the House of Com­mons were able to buy all the House of Peers, except the King, it must needs fol­low that the King must be accounted of as one of that House, the said exception notwithstanding. So that by turning the B shops out of the House, and bringing the King into their place, he hath quite altered the right constitution and form of Parliaments; which antiently consi­ [...]ed of the Lords Spirituall, the Lords Temporall, and the Commons, as the three Estates, over all which the King presided as the Supreme Head. Its tru [...] indeed that the King having passed away [Page 62] the B shops Votes did after by a strang [...] improvidence in a Message or Declara­tion sent from Yorke on the 17 ^th of June, reckon Himselfe as one of the three E­states, which being once slipt from His pen, and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of Parliament, it never was let fall again in the whole agitation of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them. Nor did many of the Kings owne party see the danger of it, who taking it for granted that the King was onely one of the three Estates (a Member of the House of Peers, as our Authour makes Him) were forced to grant in pursuance of the said disputes, that the two Houses of Parliament were co-ordinate with the King, not subordinate to Him: and what could follow there­upon, but that they might proceed (as they did) without Him, that of co-ordi­nat a se invicem supplent, being a most un­doubted Maxime in the Schools of Lo­gick.

The Attorney pleading eagerly though Fol. 78. impertinently for the King.] How eagerly the Attorney pleaded for the King, I am not able to say, but it appeareth even by our Authour himself, that his Plea was pertinent enough, and drew so many of [Page 63] [...]he Lords into his opinion, that the Po­ular party, or Lower-House-Lords (as [...]ome call them) in the House of Peers [...]urst not adventure it to vote till the Lord Say (by drawing that House into a Committee) made this Proposition, That the Lords who were against the Liberties of the Subject should with subscription of their Names enter their Reasons to remain upon Record, that Posterity might not be to seek (for so it followeth in our Authour) who they were who so ignobly betrayed the Free­dome of their Nation: and that this done and not before they should go to voting. Upon which terrible Proposition the Lords shrunk aside, as afterwards they did in the late long Parliament, Anno 1641. (when frighted by the menaces of Dr. Burgesses Myrmidons) in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford; and in the yeare 1642. on the like threatning motion made by Mr. Hollis, for passing the great Bill of the Militia.

Some say that when the multitude were Fol. 88. be labouring him with stones and cudgels, they said that were his Master the Duke there, they would give him as much.] And questionlesse they meant as much as they said, the Duke being made so odious by the continuall prosecution of his Adver­saries [Page 64] in both Houses of Parliament, and the Remonstrance made against him by the House of Commons at the end of the last Session; that it was thought by most men that the Dukes life and the Publiqne safety could not stand together. On which inducements that fatall blow was struck by Felton as it after followeth, fol. 90, & 94. But whereas our Authour tells us, fol. 90. that he declared as much in certain pa­pers which were sticked to the lineings of his hat. I thinke he is something out in that, there being nothing found in his hat, or elsewhere about him, but a few loose papers, such as might well become those m [...]n who make God the Authour of their sinnes. His first ascribing of the fact to the late Remonstrance was made to one Dr. Hutchenson (Chaplaine in Ordinary [...]o the King, and then in the course of his attendance) sent by the King of purpose assoon as the sad news was brought unto H [...]m, to trie if he could learn out of him upon what motives he committed that most horrible murder; and afterwards again and again, both at the time of his examination before the Lords of the Councell, and finally at the very instant of h [...]s execution. But to return again to the threatning words used by the people in [Page 65] the murder of Doctor Lamb, I well re­member, that this bald Rhime was spread about not long after in pursuance of them, viz:

And I remember also that about the same time there came out a Chronogram▪ in which the Numerall letters of Georgius Dux Buckinghamiae. viz: ‘M. D. C. X. V. V. V. I. I. I.’ made up the yeare 1628. to which thes [...] Verses were subj [...]yned, and being made by chance must needs be thought a strange Prognostication of that which followed, viz:

And in the upshot were fined (as was re­ported) Fol. 89▪ six thousand pounds.] And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death, not that they payed six thousand pounds, or [...]t any such Fine was imposed upon them, but that they were abused with this [Page 66] false Report. But to say truth (I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it) a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot, and so vi [...]e mu [...]r, in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt: Fi [...]t, in not taking care to sup­presse the R [...]ot, which in a discontented and u [...]quiet City might have gathered strength, and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time. And [...]econdly, in not taking order to prevent the murder, or bring the Malefactors to the B [...]rre of Justice. The pun [...]shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy migh [...] possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham; and had the City smarted for not doing their duty, it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh, Non ibi consistunt ex­empla ubi coeperunt, saith the Court-Histo­rian, Examples seldome [...]nd where they take beginning, but ei [...]her first or last will finde many followers. And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment, than the fury of an ungov [...]rned Multitude could [...] upon him; yet suffering without Form of Law, it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly, and that it was no small peece of injustice that [Page 67] there was no more justice done in rev [...]nge thereof. Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them, and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love. For howsoever ma [...]ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular per­sons, yet it is justice (impartiall and equall justice) that gives satisfaction unto all, and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne. God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain, or use it only for a shew or a signe of sover [...]ignty; for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn.

In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess Fol. 91. the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyn­t [...].] And that was no gr [...]t Joynture for so great a Lady. I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died d [...]d of (of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes) came to Foure thousand pounds per annum, which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous, or did abuse his Ma­sters favours to his own enriching. And though hee had Three hundred thou­sand pounds in Jewels (as our Authour tells us) yet taking back the sixty thou­sand pounds which he owed at his death, [Page 68] two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder; a pretty Ald [...]ans Estate, and but hardly that. Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ric [...] (the favou­rite and great Minister of the late French King) and it will seem no greater than the Widows mit [...] in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Pha [...]: The Cardinals Estate being va­lued at the time of his death at sixty mil­lions of Franks in rents and monies, which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate, whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely. Such was the end of this great Duke, not known to me either in his F [...]owns or his Favours ( nec beneficio nec injuria notus, in the words of Tacitus) and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed (as I hope) to my love to truth, not my affecti­ons to his person.

His body was from thence conveyed to Fol. 94. Portsmouth and there hung in chains, but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all.] Our Authour is deceived in this, for I both saw the whole Gibbet stand­ing, and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after; the people [Page 69] being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke, that though they liked the mur­der, they had no such care of the Wretch that did it. That which might possibly [...] him was, the l [...]ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down (by stealth) the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sa­crament of the Lords Supper, and for those [...] fact [...] was hang [...]d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury. The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly, and to him I ref [...] the Rea­der, if he desire any farther satisfaction in it.

After this Mr. Montague' s Booke called Ibid. Appello Caesarem was called in by Procla­mation.] This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January: In which it was to be observed that the Book is not char­ged with any false Doctrine, but for be­ing the first cause of those disputes and dif­ferences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church. His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away, m [...] would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations. Whether His Hi [...] did well in doing no more, if the [Page 70] Book contained any false Doct [...] in it; or in doing so much, if it were done only to please the Parliament (as our Authour tel [...] us) I take not upon me to determine. Bu [...] certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes, when they make Religion bend to Policy, and so it hapned to this King, the calling in of Montague's Book, and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter (a thorow-paced Calvinian) unto the [...] of Carl [...]sle at the same time also, could not get him any love in the hearts of His people, who looked up­on those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft. So true is that of the wise Historian (whom I named last) inviso s [...] ­mel Principe, [...] bene facta▪ ceu male facta premunt, that is to say, when P [...]inces once are in discredit with their Subjects, as well their good actions as their bad, are all counted grievances.

For [...] informations were Fol. 96. very pregnant, that notwithstanding the Re­solution of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at [...], Anno 1595. &c.] Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme, and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England. First, [Page 71] for Arminianisme, hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant. How so? Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth, had not of late been so much set by, as he and the Committee for Reli­gion did desire they should. Why m [...]n? The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England, nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them, though our Authour please to tell us in following words, That they were made of purpose by the said Archbishop and Divines to deliver and declare their opinions concerning the sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars. For though those Articles might and did deliver their opinions in the points disputed, yet were they but opinions still, and the opinions of private and parti­cular men are no publick Doctrines. There­fore to set this matter right, I will first lay down the true occasion of the making of these Articles. Secondly, of what au­thority they were when made and agreed upon. And thirdly, what might move King James to recommend them first to the Church of Ireland, and after to the Assembly at Dort, and not (as our Au­thour tells us) by a strain Hysteron Prote­ron to the Assembly at Dort first, and to Ireland afterwards.

[Page 72]And fi [...]st for the occasion of these Ar­ticl [...]s we may please to know, that the first Reformers of this Church look nei­ther on the Lutheran or Calvinian Do­ctrines as their Rule and Guide, but held themselves unto the constant current of approved antiquity: To which the Me­lancthonian way b [...]ing thought most con­sonant, was followed not onely by Bishop Hooper in his Treatise on the Ten Com­mandements, and by Bishop Latimer in some pass ges of his Sermons; but also by the Compilers of the Book of Articles, and the Book of Homilies, the publick Monuments of this Church in points of Doctrine. But the Calvinian way having found some entrance, there arose a diffe­rence in the judgments of particular men touching these Debates; the matter being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in prison in Qu. Maryes dayes. After whose death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva, Basil, and such other places where Calvins Di­ctates were received as Celestiall Oracles, brought with him his Opinions in the points of Predestination, Grace and Per­ [...]everance; which they dispersed and scat­tered over all the Church; by whose au­thority, and the diligence of the Presby­terian [Page 73] party, (then busie in advancing their holy Discipline) it came to be uni­versally received for the onely true and Orthodox Doctrine, and was so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge. Insomuch that when Peter Baro a French­man, Professour for the Lady Magaret in that University, revived the Melanctho­nian way in his publick Lectures, and by his Arguments and great Learning had drawn many others to the same perswasions; complaint was made thereof by Dr. Whi­takers, Dr. Willet, Mr. Chatterton. Mr. Per­kins, and certain others to the Ld. Arch­bishop of Canterbury (Dr. Whitgift) de­siring his assistance to suppresse that F [...] ­ction, which was like to grow by this means in that University. On which com­plaint the said Archbishop calling to him to Lambeth Doctor Richard Flecher then Bishop of London and Doctor Richard Vaughan then Elect of Bangor, did then and there with the advice o [...] ▪ Dr. Whita­kers, Dr. Tindall, and some other Divines (most of them Parties to the suit) agree on these nine Articles (which our Author peaks of) to be sent to Cambridge for the [...]termining and comp [...]g of the pre­sent Controversies. And this was done [...]pon the 26th of November, Anno 1595. [Page 74] and being so done and sent accordingly to Cambridge, Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged and discountenanced, that at the end of his first three years he relin­quished his Professourship, and retired not long after into France; leaving the University in no small disorder for want of such an able Instructor to resort unto. We are to know also, that amongst others of Baro his followers, there was one Mr. ster Barret, who in a Sermon preached in St. Maryes Church, not onely defended Baro his Doctrine, but used some offen­sive words against Calvin, Beza, and some others of the Reformators, for which he was convented before the Heads of the University (amongst which Doctor James Montague then Master of Sydney Coll. and a great stickler in this quarrell, was of great authority) and by them May the 5th next following, was enjoynd to recant, and a set form of Recantation was prescribed unto him: which though he read publickly in the Church, yet the contentions and disputes grew greater and greater till the coming down of the nine Articles from Lambeth, hastened with greater earnest­nesse upon this occasion.

[Page 75]Secondly, these Articles being thus made and agreed upon, we are next to see of what authority they were in the Church of England, and how long they continued in authority in the Schools of Cambridge: concerning which we are to know, that the making of these Articles being made knowne to Queen ELIZABETH by William Lord Burly Lord Treasurer of England, and Chancellour of that Univer­sity (who neither liked the Tenets, nor the manner of proceeding in them) she was most passionately offended that any such innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church; and once resolved to have them all a [...]ted of a Praemunire. But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends, & the reve­rent esteem She had of that excellent Pre­late, the Lord Archbishop, (whom She used to call Her black Husband) She let fall Her anger; and having favourably admitted his excuse therein, She com­manded him speedily to recall and sup­presse those Articles: which was done with so much care and diligence, that for a while, a Copie of them was not to be found in all that University, though after­wards by little and little they peeped forth again. And having crept forth once [Page 76] again, it was moved by Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court, A [...]. 1603. That the nine Assortions Orthodoxall, as he termed them, conclu [...]ed upon at Lam­beth, might be inserted into the Booke of Articl [...]s (that is to say, of the Church of England.) The King was told (who never had heard before of those nine Assertions) that by reason of some Controversies, arising in Cambridge about certain points of Di­vinity, My Lords Grace assembl [...]d some Di [...]ines of especiall note to set down their opinions, which they drew into nine asserti­ons and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels: Which be­ing told His Majesty, answered, That when such Questions arise among Scholars, the quietest proceeding were to determine them in the University, and not to stuffe the Book with all conclusions Theologicall, Conf. p 24. 40. 41. So that these nine Assertions be­ing first pressed at Cambridge by the com­mand of Qu. Elizabeth, and afterwards esteemed unfitting to be inserted into the Book of Articles by the finall judgement of King James; there is no reason in the world, why any man should be traduced of Arminianisme, or looked on as an enemy of the true Religion here by Law established, for not conforming his opi­nions [Page 77] to their no-authority. It is not the meeting of a few B [...]shops and Divines in the Hall at Lambeth, but the body of the whole Clergy lawfully assembled in Con­vocation, wh [...]ch hath authority in deter­mining Controversies in Faith, and to re­quire conformity to such determinations and conc [...]usions as are there agreed on: When the nine Articles of Lambeth shall be so confirmed, our Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England, and traduce all men for Armi­nians which subscribe not to them.

Thirdly, in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland, and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort. And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague, at that Kings first en­trance on this Crown, was made Dean of the Chappell, (which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells, but of Winchester also) who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge, and a great master in the art of Insinuation, had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions, to which the Kings educa­tion in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him. So that it was no very hard matter for him (having an Archbishop [Page 78] also of his own perswasions) to make use of the Kings authority, for recommend­ing those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland, which he found would not be ad­mitted in the Church of England. Besides, the Irish Nation at that time were most ten [...]ciously addicted to the E [...]rours and cor [...]uptions of the Church of Rome, and therefore must be bended to the other extreme, before they could be strait and Ortho [...]ox in these points of Doctrine, which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King, who used in all his Government (as a piece of King-craf [...]) to ballance one extreme by the other, coun­tenancing the Papist against the Puritan [...], and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist, that betwixt both the true Reli­gion and the Professours of it might be k [...]pt in sa [...]ety. On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before, and upon what accompt they were abo­lished in the Church of Ireland, we shal [...] see hereafter. In the mean time our Author telleth us that

By the prevalency of the Bishops of Lon­don Ibid. and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed, & the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity.] A [Page 79] man would think our Author were Chair ­man at the least in a Committee for Re­ligion; for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith, and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie, but censureth two great Bishops (both of them Counsellors of State) for depressing both. This savou­reth more of the party than of the Histo­rian, whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature, those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other, and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth, or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity.] A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it. For I am very confi­dent that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment, in relation only to their Te­nets in the present Controversies, if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studious­ly affected to the Gospel of Peace; or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church, or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth. On [Page 80] which occasions if they came within the danger of [...] censures, or fell into the power of the High Commission; it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points (were they as true as truth it selfe) should give them any impunity, or free them from the punishment which they had deserved. But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies, not to ascrib [...] the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause, but to their orthodoxie in Religion, and zeal against Popish superstitions, that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs. But Arminianisme being as some say, but a bridge to Popery, we will p [...]sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome; and that he telleth us came two waies: First,

By the uncontrouled preaching of seve­rall Ibid. points tending and warping that way by Montague, Goodman, Cozens, and o­thers.] And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken: For neither Mon­tague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery, but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem, the [Page 81] other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer: in nei­ther of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery, unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of, whereof more anon: And as for Goodman (our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman, though now he be but Goodman Bishop, as he calls himselfe) though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery, yet he did not preach it uncontrouled, be­ing not onely questioned for it, but sen­tenced to a Recantation before the King. He telleth us of some others, but he names them not, and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer. So that the first fear which flowed from Rome, being ebbed again, we next proceed unto the second; which came, saith he, from

The audacious obtruding of divers super­stitious Ibid. ceremonies by the Prelates, as erect­ing of fixed Altars, the dapping and cringing towards them, and the standing up at Glo­ria Patri.] Our Authour is more out in this than in that before, for I am confi­dent that no Bishop in the times he speaks of, did either command the erecting of fixed Altars, or the bowing or cringing towards them; nor have I heard by any [Page 82] credible report, that any such fixed Altars were erected, as he chargeth on them. So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble. But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar­wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome, and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time; I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done, and how farre they that did it might be justified in it. The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land, the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it, scribling and casting hats upon it in Ser­mon-time; at other times by passing the Parish accompts, and disputing businesses of like nature, to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion. For remedy and redresse whereof, it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries, out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour, and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament, to g [...]ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood, and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall, in the same [Page 83] place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times: For which permission I doubt not but the Bishops and other Ordinaries had sufficient ground both from law and practise. And first for Law, there passed an Act (and it was the first Act of Queen Elizabeths Reig [...]) for restoring to the Crown the antient jurisdi­ction and rights thereof: by virtue of which Act, and the Authority which natu [...]ally was inherent in Her Royall person, she pub [...]ished certain Injunctions, Anno 1559. in one of wh [...]ch it was thus ordered and enjoyned, that is to say, That the holy Table in every Church be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood, and there commonly covered as thereto be­longeth, and as shall be appointed by our Vi­sitors. In the same Parliament there pas­sed also another Statute for confirmation of the Book of Common Prayer, wherein it was enacted, That if it shall happen that any contempt or irreverence be used in the Ceremonies or rites of the Church by the misusing of the Orders appointed in this Book, the Queens Majesty may by the like advice of the said Commissioners or Metro­politan, or dain and publish such further Ce­remonies or Rites as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory, the edifying of [Page 84] his Church, and the due [...] of Christs mysteries and Sacraments. And in pursu­ance of this Act there came out first a Book of Orders, Anno 1561. and after­wards a Booke of Advertisments, Anno 1565. so made and authorized as the Law required. In the first of which it was ap­pointed, That in such Churches where the steps were not taken down the Commu­nion Table should be placed on the steps where the Altar stood, and that there be fixed on the wall over the Communion boord the Tables of Gods precepts, imprinted [...]or the said purpose. And in the second it was ordered, That the Parish should provide a decent Table, standing on a frame for the Communion Table, which they shall decently cover, &c. and shall set the ten Commande­ments upon the East wall over the said Table. Lay these together, and the Pro­duct will be briefly this, that the Commu­nion Table was to stand where the Altar stood, above the steps, and under the Commandements, and therefore to bee placed Altar-wise all along the wall. And that this was the meaning of them ap­peareth by the constant practise of the Royall Chappels, many Cathedrals of this Land, the Chappels of great men, and some Parochial Churches also, in which [Page 85] the Communion Table never stood other­wise than in the posture of an Altar since the Reformation, without the least suspi­tion of Popery, or any inclinations to it: But of this more hereafter in another place.

Secondly, the next thing here objected is bowing or cr [...]ging (as my Author calls it) toward the said Table so transposed and placed Altar-wise, which many of the Bishops used, but none of them ever did obtrude upon any other, who in this point were left unto the liberty of their owne discretion. That adoration towards the Altar, or Eastern part of the Church (be it which it will) was generally used by the best and most religious Christians in the Primitive times, our Authour (if he be the man he is said to be) being well versed in the Monuments and Writings of most pure Antiquity, cannot chuse but know; and therefore must needs grant also that it is not Popery, or any way inclining to it: or if it be, we shall entitle Popery unto such Antiquity, as no learned Pro­testant can grant it. Tis true indeed, that this bowing toward the East, or Altar, had been long discontinued in the Church of England. And I have been informed by persons of great worth and honour, [Page 86] that it was first revived again by Bishop Andrews; of whom our Author telleth us, Fol. 64 that he was studiously devoted to the Doctrine of the Antient Fathers, and Pri­mitive, not onely in his aspect and gesture, but in all his actions. This in a man so Pri­mitive in all respects, so studious of An­tiquity, as our Authour mak [...]s him; so great an enemy to the Errours and Cor­ruptions of Rome as his Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine, his Answer to Car­dinal Peron, and his Tortura Torti, have declared him to be, would blast his Fame by the reviving of a Popish ceremony: and if it were no reproach nor dishonour to him to be the first that did revive it, I see no reason why it should be counted an audaciousnesse in the rest of the Prelates to follow the Primitive and uncorrupt usage of the Church, countenanced by the Example of so rare a man: though I con­fesse audaciousnesse had been a term too modest, had they obtruded it on the Clergie by their sole authority, as is char­ged upon them in this place.

Thirdly, the next audaciousnesse here spoke of, is the obtruding of another Ce­remony on the Church of England, that is to say, the standing up at Gloria Patri. Never obtruded I am sure, nor scarce so [Page 87] much as recommended, there was no cause for it; the people in so many pl [...] ­ces of this Realm being accustomed there­unto as well as unto standing up at the Creed and Gospels, without any interrupti­on or discontinuance▪ I grant [...]deed that the Rub [...]cke of the Common-Prayer­Booke neither requireth standing at the Gospels, or the Gloria Patri, and yet was standing at the Gospels of such Generall usage in all the parts of this Land, that he that should have used any other gesture, would have been made a laughing-stock, a contempt, and scorn to all the residue of the Parish. B [...]sides the Rubrick of the Church requiring us to stand up at the Creed, obligeth us by the same reason to stand up at the Gospels and the Gloria Pa­tri; the Gospels being the foundation of the Creed, as the Gloria Patri is the ab­stract and Epitomie of it, or were it other­wise, and that the Rubrick which requireth us to stand at the Creed gave no authority to the like posture of the body in the Gloria Patri, yet many things may be re­tained in a Reformed Church without spe­ciall Rubricks to direct them, ex vi Ca­tholicae consu [...]tudinis, by vertue of the ge­nerall and constant usage of the Church of Christ, especially where there is no [Page 88] Law unto the contrary, nor any offence committed against Faith and Piety. If it be asked why standing at the Gloria Patri should be discontinued in some places when standing at the Gospels was retained in all, there being no more authority for the one than the other; I will give the Reader one Answer, and my Authour shall help him to another. The answer which I shall give is this, that though the Rubricks did require, that the Gloria Patri should be said at the end of every Psalme, throughout the yeare, and at the end of Benedictus, the Magnificat, and the Nunc dimittis, yet was this order so neglected in most parts of the Realm, as Puritanism and Innovation did gain ground upon it that it was very seldome used. And when the Form it self of giving glory to God was once layd aside, no marvel if the gesture which attended it was at last forgotten. If this suffice not, I sh [...]ll borrow our Au­thors help for a further answer, who tel­leth us of Archbishop Abbot, fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Core­mony, seemed to resolve those legall deter­minations to their first Principle of Indiffe­rency, and led in such an habit of Inconfor­mity, [Page 89] as the future reduction of those tender­conscienced men to long discontinued obedi­ence was interpreted an Innovation: then which nothing in the world could be said more truly. I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those se­verall Ceremonies, because the Question is not now of the Antient usage, but whe­ther and how farre they were to be used, or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks, Lawes, and Ganons which remain in force. Nor shall I adde more at the present, than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us, the placing of the Communion Table A [...]tar­wise, bowing or cringing toward it; and standing at the Gloria Patri, not being so generally in use at the time of this Par­liament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots: or if they were, they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud, as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his go­vernment, of which more hereafter: our Authour now draws toward an end, and telleth u [...] finally,

But th [...]se were but part-boyled Popery, Ibid. or Popery obliqu [...].] So then the Ceremo­nies above-mentioned how Primitive so­ever [Page 90] they were must be damned for Po­pery, though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery, as our Authour calls it; and with that brand, or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies (as the Scotish Presbyterians term them) the rest as well as these may be also blemished: but let them call them what they will, we see now by a most wofull and lamentable ex­perience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies, these English Popish Ceremonies, or whatsoever e [...]se the ma­lignity of any men shall please to call them, the substance of Religion hath been much impaired; and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard, not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters, but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root. I have no more to add [...] now, but a witty and smart Epigram made on this, or the like occasion, and is this that followeth.

The greatest danger was from Popery di­rect. Ibid. And from this the danger appeared very great, &c.] And here I thought I should have heard, that some points of direct and down right Popery had been ob­truded by the B [...]shop, and Prelaticall Clergy; but on the contrary, I finde all silent in that case, and good reason for it. Whence then appeared so great a danger? not from the introducing of Popish Do­ctrin [...]s, but increase of Papists, and that not onely in some Counties of England, but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also: with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle, though the Committee for Religion having an Aposto­lical care of all the Churches, did take them also into their consideration; mar­vailing onely by the way, how our Bre­thren of the Kirke, (who stood so high up­on the termes of their Independencie) could brook, that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament. But where our Author tel­leth us, that in some Counties of England, [Page 92] the Papists were multiplied to some thou­sands of Families, more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time, there may be very good reason given for that: for since the death of Qu [...]en Elizabeth, the Holy­dayes had been made dayes of common labour, and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also: the Common-prayer­Book either quite neglected, or so slub­bered over, that there was no face of Re­gular Devotion to be found amongst us; the Churches in most places kept so slo­venly, and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them, that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse, should be induced to joyn [...] themselves to such societies of men, as seemed to have more in them of a Chri­stian Church.

The King having thus dissolved the Par­liament, Fol. 101. &c.] That is to say, after so ma­ny indignities, and provocations, as were given unto him by the disorder & tumul­tuous carriage of some of the Members, which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large; it was the opinion of most men, as our Au­thor telleth us, Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Par [...]lament was the end of all: And certainly there was very good reason why [Page 93] it might be thought so, the King never having good successe in any of his Parlia­ments, since his first coming to the Crown; and withall, having an exampl [...] before his eyes, of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France, by the King then Reigning, and that upon farre lesse pro­vocations then were given King Charles. For whereas in an Assembly of three E­states, Anno 1614. the third Estate, which represents our House of Commons, en­trenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy, and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility en­joyed by the favour of some former Kings; it gave the King so great offence, that he resolved first to dissolve them, and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies. Nor was there since that time, any such Assembly, nor like to be hereafter, in the times ensuing, those Kings growing weary of that yoake, which that great Representation did indeavour to im­pose upon them. But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people, he ordained ano­ther kind of meeting in the place thereof, which he called La Assembli des natables, that is to say, the Assembly of some prin­cipall [Page 94] persons; composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate (of his own nomination) whereunto should be ad­ded some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament (of which there are eight in all in France) throughout that Kingdome; which being fewer in number, would not breed such a confusion, as the generall Assembly of the States had done before, and be withall more pliant and confor­mable to the Kings desires; and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people, then the others were. Such an Assembly as this, (but that the Clergy had no vote in it) was that which was called here by my Lord Protector, imme­diately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament, who possibly had his hint from this Institution. And this may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding, to be more carefull in their Councils, and use more moderation in pursuance of them, especially when they meet with an armed power, for fear they should not onely interrupt, but cut off that spring, from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse, have formerly been de­r [...]ved on this Church and State. No man can love his F [...]tters though they be of Gold. If therefore Parliaments should [Page 95] finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peopl [...], but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them, if from being Counsellors, at the best they shall prove Controulers, they must blame no body but themselves. In the meane time that say­ing of Paterculus may be worth their no­ting, Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vin­cere esset nefas; it i [...] no shame (saith he) to submit to those, whom it were sinne to overcome.

To which he answered, that he ever was, Fol. 102. and wo [...]ld be ready to give an account of his sayings, and doings in that place, whensoever he should be called unto it by that House, where (as he taketh it) he was onely to be questioned.] This is the first seed of that Doct [...]ine, which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament, viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Pa [...]liament, but by the order of the House, of which he was a Member. And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance, who having before declared, in favour of the House of Com­mons, that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot, the whole House was under an Ar­rest, did now declare that the Star. Cham­ber (in which Court the King intended to [Page 96] proceed against them) had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament. But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way, being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich, as our Author [...]elleth us, Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature, where [...]hey were to act upon their Oathes, could finde both Law and Reason too, to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Ju­stice. And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them, most of which were paid, and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments. If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them, they were men ei­ther of decayed, or of small estates, and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed.

Surpassing exultation there was thereat, & Fol. 108. all the Court kept Jubile, &c.] And there was very good reason for it, not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince, but that surpassing ex­ultation should be thereat in all honest hearts. But I can tell you it was other­wise with too many of the Puritane party, who had layed their line another way, and desired not that the King should have any Children; insomuch that at a great [Page 97] Feast in Friday street, when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fi [...]st being with Childe, a lead­ing man of that Faction (whom I could name were it worth the while) did not stick to say. That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe; but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved, in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohe­mia, brought up in the Reformed Religi­on; whereas it was uncertain what Reli­gion the Kings Children would follow, being brought up under a Mother so de­voted to the Church of Rome. And I re­member very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London, when the newes came of the Princes birth, there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish, in causing Bonefires to be made, and the Bells to be rung, and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort, who were most busily imployed in that publick joy; But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie, there came neither man nor childe, nor wood nor victuals, their doors being shut close all that Evening, as in a time of generall mourning and dis­consolation.

[Page 98] Where was an old skulking Statute long Fol. 110. since out of use though not out of force, &c.] The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the se­cond, and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject, than for the advantage of the King; This Statute requiring non [...] to take the Order of Knighthood, but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent, whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it. This proves it to be very old, but why my Au­thor should call it a skulking Statute, I can see no reason, considering that it lay not hidden under the rubb [...]sh of Anti­quity, but was an open printed Statute, not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large, but in the Abridgements of the same: and be­ing a Statute still in force (as our Author [...]elleth us) might lawfully be put in pra­ctise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it. But whereas our Author telleth us, that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not re­quired to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed, but onely ad arma gerenda, to bear Armes, and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto [Page 99] them, I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute, than his interpre [...]a­tion of it. The Title of it is in Latine Sta­tutum de Militibus, or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it; the words as followeth, viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights, and be not, and have been di­strained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Na­tivity of our Lord, shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knight­hood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie, &c. where certainly to be made Knights, to take upon them the Order of Knighthood, and the Armes of Knighthood, are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes, as he faine would have it: were it no other­wise than so, there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum, which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were; and fitter it had been to have cal­led such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation. Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of ex­cuse for their false translations, if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda (for [Page 100] so I think the Latine hath it, though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author) by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood, if there were no­thing more intended than the bearing of Armes; by meanes whereof the subject of the following Ages might be very much burdened, and the Noble Order of Knighthood no lesse dishonoured with­out any remedy. And besides this, in case the letter of the Statute in French or La­tine had been onely to bear Armes, not to take the order of Knighthood; the late long Parliament would rather have questioned the Kings Ministers for their acting by it, then troubled themselves with Repealing it, as they after did. For such was the misery of this King, that all the advantages he had to help himselfe, must be condemned, as done against the old Lawes of the Land, or else some new Law shall be made to deprive him of them, that wanting all other meanes to support himselfe, he might be forced to live on the Almes of his Parliament.

This Winter the Marquesse of Hamilton Fol. 112. was very active in mustering up his forces for the King of Swedens assistance, &c.] That so it was in the Kings intention, I shall easily grant, but that the Marquesse [Page 101] had no other end in it than the King of Swedens assistance, hath been very much doubted, the rather in regard that he rai­sed all or the greatest part of his Forces out of Scotland, where he was grown very popular and of high esteem: For, being gotten into the head of an Army of his own Nation, he had so courted the com­mon Souldiers, and obliged most of the Commanders, that a health was openly be­gan by DavidRamsey (a boisterous Ruffian of the Court) to King James the seventh, and so much of the designe discovered by him unto Donald Mackay Baron of Re [...] then being in the Marquesses Camp, that the Loyall Gentleman thought himselfe bound in duty to make it known unto the King. Ramsey denying the whole matter, and the Lord having no proof thereof (as in such secret practises it could hardly be) more than a confident asseveration, and the engagement of his honour; the King thought good to referre the Controversie to the Earle of Lindsey, whom he made Lord high Constable to that end and pur­pose: many daies were spent accordingly in pursuance of it. But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by battell, as had been accustomed in such cases, the businesse was hushed up at [Page 102] Court, the Lord Ree dismissed to his em­ployments in the warres; and to the minds of all good men the Marquesse did not onely continue in the Kings great favour, but Ramsey was permitted to hold the place of a Gentleman of the Privy Cham­ber, which had been formerly procured for him. As for the Army of Scots which the Marquesse had carried into Germany, they mouldred away by little and little, without doing any thing, which put the Marquess on new Councils of getting that by practise when it was lesse thought of, which he could not get by force of Armes as the case then stood.

Tilly conducted a numerous Army for the Ibid. relief of Rostock, then besieged by the King of Sweden; the King alarmed at his coming, drew out of his Trenches, &c.] In this re­lation of the great [...]out which the King of Sweden gave to Tilly, there are many mistakes. For neither was that great Bat­tail sought neer Rostock a Hanse town in the Dukedome of Mecklenbourg, but neer Lipsian a chief Town in the Province of Misnia, some hundreds of miles higher into the Countrey; nor did the King of Sweden after this great Victory returne back with his Army towards Rostock, but in pursuance of his blow marched for­ward, [Page 103] and made himself master of all those parts of the Country into which he came; nor was this Battail fought in the yeare 1630, where our Authour placeth it, (so much doth he mistake himselfe both in place and time) but in the year next fol­lowing.

For many had no fancy to the work, meer­ly Fol. 124. because he was the promoter of it.] Our Author speakes here of the repairing of Saint Pauls, and telleth us that it suffe­red great diminution for the Bishop of London's sake, who was the chief promo­ter of it, in which he is very much mista­ken. The worke had been twice or thrice before attempted without any effect, but by his diligence and power w [...]s brought in shore time to so great forwardnesse, that had not his impeachment by the House of Commons, in the late long Par­liament, put a period unto his indeavours, it had been within a very few yeares, the most goodly pile of building in the Christi­an world. And whereas our Author tells us, that many had no fancy to the worke, be­cause he promoted it, it was plainly contra­ry, his care in the promoting it, being one great reason why so many had a fancie to it, most of the Clergy contributing very largely unto it, partly in reference to the [Page 104] merit of the worke it selfe, and partly in regard of those preferments, which they either had received, or expected from him. The like did most of the Nobility and Gentry in most p [...]rts of the Land, knowing the great power and favour which he had wi [...]h the King, and the ma­ny good offices he might doe them, as oc­casion served. If any had no fancy to it, as indeed some had not, it was rather in reference to the worke it s [...]lfe, then in re­lation to the man; it being more in their desires that all the Cathedrals should be ruined, then that any one should be repai­red witnesse that base and irr [...]rent ex­pression of that known Schismatick, Doctor Bastwick, in the second part of his Letany, where grudging at the great summ [...]s of money, which had been gathe­red for the repairing of this Church, al' [...] ­ding to the name of Cathedrall, he con­cludes [...]t last (pardon me Reader for defi [...]g my pen, with such immodesties) that all the mighty masse of money, must be spent in making a seat for a Priests arse to sit in. And doubt we not, but many more of that Faction were of his opinion, though they had not so much violence, and so little wit, as to make Declaration of i [...].

[Page 105] But should he long deferre that duty, they Fol. 125. [...]ight perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King.] I do not think that any of the Scots ever told him so, whatsoever they though [...]; or if they did, the King might very well have seen▪ that there was more truth in the Lord of Roes information, then he was willing to believe, and might accordingly have taken course to prevent the practice. But who can save him, who neglects the meanes of his preservation? So true is that of the Historian, Profecto in eluctabilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mentare constituit, ejus corrumpit consilia; Assuredly ( [...]th he) when the unresistable powers of F [...]te determine on a mans de­struction, they either overthrow or cor­rupt those Councels, by which he might otherwise avoide it. A max [...]me verified in the whole course and carriage of this Kings affaires, neglecting wilfully (to keep up the credit of an old principle which he had embraced) all such advertisements as tended to his preservation. It was a saying of King James, that suspition was the sicknesse and disease of a Tyrant, which laid him open to all the subtill practises of malitious cunning; and it was a max­ime of King Charles, that it was better to be deceived, then to distrust, which proved [Page 106] a plaine and [...] way unto those calami­ties, which afterwards were brought up­on him, as may be plainly seen by the course of this History.

But the entertainment most of all august Fol. 126. and Royal was that of the Earl of Newcastle, at Welb [...]ck, which was estimated to stand the Earl in at least six thousand pounds.] I have shewed our Author some mistakes already in his Temporalities (as he calls them) and now I shall shew him one or two, besides his misplacing of the battaile of Tisfique spoken of before▪ in his Loca­lities also (to give him a fine word of his owne complection.) That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at Wel­b [...]k in his passage towards Scotland, is a truth unquestioned. But the magnificent entertainment so much talked of, which cost the Earl the summe of six thousand pounds, as our Author telleth us, was nei­ther made in the time or place which are herein mentioned; that in the time of the Kings going toward Scotland, or returning thence, Anno 1633, but on the last of Ju­ly, in the yeare next following; nor was it made at Welbeck, but at Boalsover Ca­stle in Derby shire, about five miles thence; nor for the entertainment of the King onely, but of the King and Queen, and [Page 107] their severall Courts. The like mistake in matter of Locality (that I may not trou­ble my selfe with it at another time) oc­curreth, Fol. 129. where he telleth us, th [...] both their Majesties, with their train of Court Gran [...]s, and Gentlemen Revellers, were solemnly invited to a most sumptuous banquet at Guildhall, where that [...]len­dent shew was iterated and re-exhibited; whereas indeed the entertainment which the City gave (at that time) to the King, was at the house of Alderman Freeman, then Lord Major, scitu [...]e in Cornhill n [...] the Royall Exchange, and the entertain­ment which the King gave unto the City, by shewing them that glorious Maske, was at the Merchant Taylers Hall in Thred­needle-street, on the backside of the Lord Majors House, an open passage being made from the one to the other, which, as it was the first Act of Popularity, which the King did in all his R [...]ign, so it beg [...] a high degree of affection towards him, in the hearts of the Citizens, though it pro­ved only like a Widows joy, (as the saying is) as soon lost as foun [...].

Soon after the Coronation followed an Fol. 126▪ Assembly of Parliament, &c.] In this Parl­many Acts were passed, one for s [...]ling a c [...]rtain maintenance on the Scotish Clergy, [Page 108] who being robbed of their Tithes by the Lords and Gentry in the beginning of the Reformation, were kept to arbitrary Sti­pends, which rendred them obnoxious to the power of the great ones, on whose bounty they depended; to remedy this, K. James endevour'd a se [...]led maint [...]nance on them, after He came to the English Crown, but eff [...]cted by the great care and industry of K. Charles, and confirmed this Parliament. How these ungratefull men did requite Him afterwards, our Author will inform us in the course of his History.

This done, he hastened home, that is, unto Fol. 127. the Embraces of his deare consort, where he ended his progresse July the 20.] The Queen was then at Greenwich, when the King came to her, and to which place he came both suddenly and privately by Post-hor­ses, crossing the water at Black Wall, without making his entrance into London, or his passage by it. Whereas Queen Eli­zabeth did very seldome end any of her Summer progresses, but she would wheele about to some end of London, and make her passage to White-Hall, through some part of the City; not onely requiring the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet robes, and Chaines of Gold, to come forth to meet her, but the severall Com­panies [Page 109] of the City to attend sole [...]nly in [...]hcir Formalities as she passed along. By [...]anes whereof, she did not onely pre­ [...]erve the Majestie which did of right be­ [...]ong to a Queen of England, but kept the Citizens (and consequently all the Sub­jects) in a reverent estimation and opinion of her. She used the like Arts also in keep­ing up the Majesty of the Crown, and ser­vice of the City, in the reception and bringing in of Forreign Embassadors: who if they came to London by Water, were met at Gravesend by the Lord Major, the Aldermen, and Companies in their severall Barges, and in that solemn sort conducted unto White Hall staires, but if they were to [...]ome by Land, they were met in the like sort at Shooters Hill, by th [...] Major & Aldermen, and thence conducted to their lodgings, the Companies waiting in the streets in their severall habits. The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Chri­stian Kings, whether Popish or Protestant, with whom she was in correspondence; performed in such a solemn and magnifi­cent manner that it preserved Her in the estimation of all forreign Princes, though differing in Religion from Her, besides the great contentm [...]nt which the people took in those Royal actions. Some other [Page 110] Arts she had of preserving Majestie, and keeping distance with Her people; yet was so popular withall when she saw Her time, that never Majestie and Popularity were so matched tog [...]ther. But these be­ing layed aside by K. James who brooked neither of them, and not resumed by King Charles, who had in this point too much of the Father in him; there followed first a neglect of their Persons, which Majesty would have made more sacred; and af­terward a mislike of their Government, which a little Popularity would have made more gratefull.

A very learned man he was, his erudition Ibid. all of the old stamp, sti [...]y principled in the Doctrine of S. Augustine, which they who understand it not call Calvianisme.] Of the L [...]arning of Archbishop Abbot, and how farre it was of the old stamp, I shall say nothing at the present; But whereas our Authour makes Calvianisme and the Do­ctrine of S. Augustine to be one and the same, I think he is very much out in that [...] there being some things maintained by S. Augustine, not allowed by Calvin, and many things maintained by Calvin, which were never taught him in S. Augustine. S. Augustine was a great maintainer of E­piscopacy, which the Calvinians have eject­e [...] [Page 111] out of all their Churches; and was so strict in defence of the necessity of Ba­ptisme, that he doomed all Infants dying without it to the Pains of Hell, and there­by got the name of Infant damastiques; whereas many of the Calvinists make Baptisme a thing so indifferent ( si habea [...] recte, si careas nihil damni, as one telleth us of them) that it is no great matter whether it be used or not. And on the other side the Calvinists maintain a Parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ, con­ditional obedience to the Civil Magistrate, the suffering of the Pains of Hell in our Saviours soule, and putting no other sense than that horrid blasphemy on the Article of his Descent, the ineffectuality of the blessed Sacraments (as to the power and vertue which the Antients did ascribe un­to them) and many others of that nature, which are not to be found in all S. Augu­stines Works. Therefore the Doctrine of S. Augustine cannot be called by the name of Calvianisme.

In the year 1618, King James published Fol. 128. a Command or Declaration tolerating sports on the Lords day, called Sunday.] Our Au­thor is now come to His Majesti [...]s Decla­ration about lawfull sports, being a reviver onely of a former Declaration published [Page 112] by King James, bearing date at Greenwich, May the 24 ^th, in the sixteenth year of that Kings reigne; in his discourse whereof there are many things to be considered: For first, he telleth us, that many impetuous clamours were raised against it, but he con­ceals the motives to it, and restrictions of it. And secondly, he telleth us that to satisfie and still those [...]lamours, the Book was soon after called in, in which I am sure our Author is extremely out: that Book being never called in, though the execution of it (by the [...] of that Kings Government) was soon disconti­nued. Now for the motives which indu­ced that King to this Declaration, they were chiefly four: 1. The generall com­plaints of all sorts of people as he pas [...]ed through Lancashire, of the restraint of those innocent and lawfull Pastimes on that day, which by the rigour of some Preachers and Ministers of publick justice had been layd upon them. 2. The hin­derance of the conversion of many Papists, who by this means were made to think that the Protestant Religion was inconsi­stent with all harmlesse and modest re­creations. 3. That by [...] men from all manly Exercises on those dayes on which onely they were freed from their [Page 113] dayly labours, they were made unactiv [...], and unable, and unfit for warres, if either Himself or any of His Successours should have such occasion to employ them. And 4▪ That men being hindred from these open Pastimes, betook themselves to Tip­ling Houses, and there abused themselves with Drunkennesse, and censured in their cups His Majesties proceedings both in Church and State. Next the Restrictions were as many: First, that these Pastimes should be no impediment or let to the publick Duties of the Day. Secondly, that no Recusants should be capable of the be­nefit of them. No [...] thirdly, such as were not diligently present at all D [...]vine offices which the day required. And fourthly, that the benefit thereof should redound to none but such as kept themselves in their own Parishes. Now to the Motives which induced King James to this Decla­ration, our Author adds two others which might move King Charles to the reviving of the same; That is to say, 1. The neg­lect of the Dedication Feasts of Churches in most places upon that occasion. And secondly, an inclination in many unto Judaisme, occasioned by a Book written by one Brabourne, maintaining the indi­spensible morality of the 4 ^th Commande­ment, [Page 114] and consequently the necessary ob­servation of the Jewish Sabbath. Though our Author tells us that this Royall Edict was resented with no small regret, yet I conceive the Subjects had great cause to thank Him for his Princely care, in study­ing thus to free their consciences from those servile yokes (greater than which were never layd upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharis [...]es) which by the prea­ching of some Zealots had been layd upon them. But our Author is not of my mind, for he telleth us afterwards, that

The Divinity of the Lords day was new Fol. 129. Divinity at Court] And so it was by his leave in the Countrey too, not known in England till the year 1595, when Doctor Bound first published it in his Book of Sabbath Doctrines; nor in Ireland till just twenty years after, when it was thrust in­to the Articles of Religion then and there established; nor in Scotland till above twenty years after that, when the Pres­byterians of both Nations layd their heads together for the subversion of this Church. So new it is, that as yet it can­not plead a prescription of threescore years, much lesse pretend to the beginning of our Reformation: for, if it could, we should have found some mention of it in [Page 115] our Articles, or our Book of Homilies, or in the Book of Common Prayer, or in the Statute 5 & 6 Edward VI. about keeping Holy dayes, in the two first of which, we finde nothing at all touching the keeping of this day; and in the two last, no more care taken for the Sundayes than the other Festivals. But our Author still goeth on, and saith,

Which seemed the greater Prodigie that Ibid. men who so eagerly cryed up their own Or­der and Revenues for Divine, should so much [...] the Lords day from being such, when they had no other existence than in re­lation to this.] Here is a Prodigie indeed, and a Paradox too, that neither the Order not Revenues of the Evangelical Priest­hood have any existence, but in Relation to the D [...]vinity of the Lords day. If our Author be not out in this, I am much mistaken. S. Paul hath told us of himself, that he was an Apostle not of men, neither by men, but by [...] Christ and God the Fa­ther: And what he telleth us of himself, may be said also of the twelve Apostles, and the seventy Disciples, ordained by Christ to preach the Gospel, and to commit the like power to others from one gene­ration to another till the end of all things. S. Paul pleads also very strongly for the [Page 116] Divine right of Evangelicall maintenance to them that laboured in the publick Mini­sterie of the Church, concluding from that saying in the Law of Moses, viz: Thou shalt not muzzle the Oxe which treads out the corn, and from the maintenance of the Priest which served at the Altar, that such as preached the Gospel should live by the Gospel. And he pleads no lesse [...]outly for the right of Tithes, where he proves our Saviour Christ to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck, from Melchisedecks receiving Tithes of Abraham, or rather from this Tithing of Abraham, as the Greek importeth. And yet I trow the Lords day Sabbath had no such existence, and much lesse such Divinity of existence, as our Author speaks of, when both the Order and Revenue of the sacred Ministery had a sure establishment, as much Divine right as our Saviour and the holy Apostles could confer upon them. Our Author now draws towards an end, & for our further satisfaction referreth us to somthing elsc, and that something to be found elswhere, concluding thus,

But of this elsewhere.] And indeed of Ibid. this there hath enough been said else­where to satisfie all learned and ingenious men, both in the meaning of the Law, and [Page 117] in point of practise, so that to speak more of it in this place and time, were but to light a Candle before the Sun. All I shall further adde is this, that if the Rules and Principles of the Sabbatarians m [...]st needs pa [...]se for currant, I cannot see by the best light of my poor understanding, but that Brabournes Book may be embraced with our best affections; and that obscure and ignorant School-Master (as our Author calls him) must be cryed up for the most Orthodox Divine which this Age hath bred.

And was after styled Duke of Yorke.] Ibid. Our Author here accommodates his style to the present times, when the Weekly Pamphlets give that Prince no other Title than the Titulary Duke of Yorke, the pre­tended Duke of Yorke, the Duke of Yorke so styled, as our Author here. It is true in­deed the second Son of England is not born to the Dukedome of York [...], as the first is unto the Titles and Revenues of the Dukedome of Cornewall, but receives that Title by Creation: and though the King did cause this second Son to be sty­led onely Duke of Yorke when he was in his cradle, yet afterwards He created and made him such by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of L [...]

[Page 118] The four Innes of Court presenting both Ibid. their Majesties at Whitehall with a gallant Masque, as a symbole of their joynt affecti­ons.] The Innes of Court used formerly to divide themselves in the like solemni­ties, Lincolns Inne joyning with one of the Temples, and Graies Inne with the other, b [...]t now they all united upon this occasi­on. One William Prynne an Utter Barre­ster of Lincolns Inne had writ a Book (somewhat above a year before) called Histrio Mastix, intended purposely a­gainst Stage Playes, but intermixed with many b [...]tter and sharp Invectives against the solemn Musick used in the Cathedrals and Royal Chappels, against the magnifi­cence of the Court in Masques and Dan­cings, against the Hospitality of the En­glish G [...]ntry in the Weeks of Christmas, and indeed what not? In which were also many passages scandalous and dishonour­able to the King and Queen, and such as seemed dangerous also to their sacred Persons: For which, an Information be­ing brought against him in the Starre­Chamber by Master Noye then Atturney­Generall, and the Cause ready to be sen­tenced, it seemed good unto the Gentle­men of the four Innes of Court to present their Majesties with a Masque, thereby to [Page 119] let their [...] and the People see how little Prynne his infection had took hold upon them. A pompous and ma­gnificent shew it seemed, as it passed the Streets, but made more glorious by a long traine of Christian Captives, who having been many yeares insl [...]ved in the chains of bondage, were sent for a pre­sent to the King▪ by the H [...]riffe or Empe­rour of Morocko, in testimony of the assi­stance received from him, in the taking of Salla, and destroying that known nest of Pyrates, effected specially by the benefit and advantage of his Majesties Ships. An action of so great honour to the English Nation, of such security to trade, and of such consequence for setl [...]ng of a free commerce in those parts of Christendom, that I wonder why our Author takes no notice of it.

The Kings Dominion in the Narrow Fol. 130. Seas was actually usurped by the Holland Fishers, and the right it selfe in good earnest disputed by a late tract of Learned Grotius called Mare Liberum.] Our Author might have added here that this discourse of Grotius was encountred not long after by a learned Tract of Mr. Seldens, which h [...] entituled Mare Clausum. In which he did not onely assert the Soveraignty or Do­minion [Page 120] of the British Seas to the Crown of England, but cleerly proved by constant and continuall practise, that the Kings of England used to levie money from the Subjects (without help of Parliament) for the providing of ships and other necessa­ries to maintain that Soveraignty, which did of right belong unto them. This he brings down unto the time of K. Hen. 2d, and might have brought it neerer to his own times, had he been so pleased, and thereby paved a plain way to the pay­ment of Ship-money, but then he must have thwarted the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament, (wherein he was so great a stickler) vo­ting down under a kinde of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the subject, either in Tonage or Poun­dage, or any other wayes whatsoever, the Parliament not co-operating and contri­buting toward it. For that he might have done thus we shall easily see by that which followeth in our Author, viz.

Away goes the subtile Engineer, and at Fol. 131. length frem old Records progs and bolts out an antient Precedent of raising a Tax upon the whole Kingdom for setting forth a Navy in case of danger.] Our Author speaks this of Mr. Noye the Atturney Generall, whom [Page 121] he calls aft [...]rwards a most indefatigable Plodder and Searcher of old Records, and therefore was not now to be put to prog­ging, (a very poor expression for so brave a man) to finde out any thing which m [...]ght serve to advance this businesse. For the truth is, that a year or more before the coming out of the Writs for ship-money, he shewed the Author of these Observa­tions (at his house neer Brentford) a great wooden Box, wherein were nothing else but Pr [...]ts out of all Records, for levy­ing a Navall aide upon the Subjects by the sole authority of the Ki [...]g, whenso­ever the preservation and safety of the Kingdome did require it of them: And I remember well that he shewed me in ma­ny of those Papers, that in the same years in which the Kings had received subsidies in the way of Parliament, they levyed this Naval aide by their own sole power; and he gave me this Reason for them both: For (saith he) when the King wan­ted any money either to support his own expences, or for the enlarging of his Do­minions in Forreign Conquests, or other­wise to advance his honour in the eye of the world; good reason he should be be­holding for it to the love of his people; but when the Kingdome was in danger, [Page 122] and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the businesse, he might, and then did raise such summes of Money as he thought expedient, for the preventing of the danger, and providing for the pub­lick safety of himselfe and his. And I re­member too, that [...]se Precedents were written in little bits [...]nd shreads of paper, few of them bigger then ones hand, ma­ny not so big; which when he had tran­scribed in the course of his studies, he put into the coffin of a Pye (as he pleased to tell me) which had been sent him from his Mother, and kept them there untill the mouldinesse and corruptiblenesse of that wheaten Coffer had perished many of his papers. No need of progging or bolting to a man so furnished. But more of this Attorney we shall heare anon. In the meane time our Author telleth us, that

The King presently issued out Writs to all Ibid. the Counties within the Realm &c. enjoyning every County for defence of the Kingdome, to provide Ships of so many Tunne, &c.] Our Author is deceived in this, as in ma­ny things else. For in the first yeare of the payment of Ship-money, the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England, as our Author telleth us, but [Page 123] onely to the Maritime Counties, which lying all along the shore, were most ex­posed unto the danger of a forraign Ene­my. But proof being had, that the pre­parations of that yeare were not great enough, for the ends intended in the next yeare, and not before; the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England (that is to say, Anno 1636.) the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion, amounting to 2360001. or there abouts, which being in lieu of all pay­ments, came but to twenty thousand pounds a month, and not fully that. Ne­verthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty, granted them exemption.] I ne­ver heard that any such exemption was de­sired by the Clergy, but sure I am, that no such exemption was ever granted, it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it, as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service, if they had obtai­ned it. The favour which the Arch-Bi­shop procured for them, was no more then this, that on complaint made by some of the Clergy, how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours, some of them at a sixt, some at a fourth part of the Taxe, which had been layed upon the Parish; he obtained Letters from the [Page 124] King, to all the Sheriffes of Engl [...]nd, re­quiring that the Clergy possessed of Parso­nages, should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land▪rate of their severall Pa­rishes; and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly. Which though it were a great and a royall favour (such as became a nursing Father of the Church) yet w [...]s it no exemption, as our Author calls it, unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the A [...]bitrary power of cove [...]ous and malitious neighbours, as in­deed it was. But our Author goes back to the Attorney, of whom he telleth us, that

He became a [...] [...]inent instrument both of Ibid. good and ill (and of which most, is a great question) to the Kings Prer [...]gative.] I thinke no question need be made in this particular. The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges. And as for other projects, and Court suites, he used first to consult the Law, the Kings Honour, and the publick good, before he would passe any of them; insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers (I speake this on my certaine knowledge) for dashing some of their designes, and putting many difficulties upon others of [Page 125] them, then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister. And whereas our Author telleth us in that which follow­eth, that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement, I am confident on the other side, that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King, then any thought of ad­vancement by it, which drew him to ac­cept that office, so much sought by others: in managing whereof, he declined so much private business to attend the King, and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour, that I may very safely say, he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service, as his Predecessors, or Successors did after, in any one yeare of their imployment.

But in regard [...] came without Creden­tiall Fol. 132. Letters from the Queen of Sweden, he denied him audience, whereupon he re­turned in some disgust.] In this short pas­sage there are more mistakes then lines. For first, it is not likely that young Ox­enst [...] (whom he speakes of) came without Credentiall Letters, being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador, which without such Letters had not been. Secondly, I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience, my curiosity car­rying [Page 126] me to the Court that day, not so much to see the Formalities of such Re­ceptions (to w [...]ch I could not be a [...]n­ger) as to behold the Son o [...] so wise a Father, who had so long, with so much p [...]udence and successe conducted the af­fa [...]s of the Crown of Sweden. Thirdly, If he departed in some disgust, (as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Le­wis of France, and refusing [...] present of better value, [...]offered by King Charles, it was thought he did) it was not because he was denied a publick audience, but be­cause he had proposed some things to the King, for carrying on the war in Germany, in behalfe of the Swedes, which the King thought not fit to consent unto, being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate.

At the same time there was also a Synod Ibid. assembled, wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church, Anno 1615. were repealed, and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England, intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches.] And certainly the designe was pious, and the reasons prevalent; first in relation to the Papists, who made great aime at it, that in the [Page 127] Churches of three Kingdomes, united all under one chiefe Governour, there should be three severall and distinct (and in some points contrary) Confessions, yet all pre­tending unto one and the same Religion; next in relation to the Puritanes, who in the controverted points about Predesti­nation, and the Lords▪day-Sabbath, when they had nothing else to say, did use to fly for▪refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland, where the Predestinarian Do­ctrines, and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment; aud thes [...], and none but thes [...] found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration. Nor was this alteration made by the hand of po­wer, but the power of reason. The mat­ter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there, before it was put unto the vote; and being put unto the vote (notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh) was carried by the farre greater part of voy­ces for the Church of England.

But all the service they did this Summer Fol. 136. was inconsiderable, in regard they ne­ver came to engagement; onely their formi­dable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies where­with they were formerly so molested.] Had [Page 128] this been all, their service had been very considerable; the clearing the Sea of Py­rates being of so great benefit and conse­quence to the trade, and flourishing of this Kingdome. For by this meanes, and the well-setled peace which we had at home, the greatest part of the wealth, in these parts of Christendome, was carryed up the Thames, and managed in the City of London. But this was not all. The King by this Formidable appearanc [...] (as our Author calls it) regained the Dominion of the Sea, which had been lately hazar­ded, if not wholly lost: insomuch as the K [...]ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest w [...]y, to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flan­ders, in the Ships of English Merchants onely. By meanes whereof, there was brought yearly into England, between 2 & 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion, which being minted in the Tower, was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it, and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally, in re­gard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures, and native commodities of this Land, as were returned into Flanders, for the use of that Army. And yet this was not all [Page 129] the service which they did this Summer: The French and Hollanders had [...]tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands, in which it was agreed amongst other things. that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders, with their Forces by Land, whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea, that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up, they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts. And in all probability the designe had took eff [...]ct in this very year, the King of Spaine no [...] be­ing able to bring 8000 men into the field, and leave his Garrisons provided; the people of the other side being so practis [...]d on by the Holland Faction, that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies. But first the formidable appea­rance of the English Fleet, which [...] the Hollanders before Dunkirk▪ and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont, did so incourage and i [...]flame the hearts of the people, that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders, returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey. And was not this (think we) a considerable piece of service also? Lastly, I am to tell [Page 130] our Author, that it was not the Earle of Northumberland, (as he tells us some lines before) but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer, Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following, when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge.

So as the Kings discretion was called in Fol. 137. to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London, March the 6th, who though he was none of the grea­test scholars, yet was withall none of the worst Bishops.] Our Author still fails in his intelligence, both of men and matter. For, first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of Lon­don, was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington, who never came to such immoderate heats, as our Author speaks of; but upon very good considerations and reasons of State: [...]or, whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it, and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles, but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and [Page 131] wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be; it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Offic [...] into the hands of a Church-man, who having no Family to raise, no Wife and Chil [...]ren to provide for, might better manag [...] the In­comes of the Treasury to the Kings advan­tage than they had been formerly: and who more fit for that employment (a­mong all the Clergie) than the B [...]shop of London, a man of so well▪tempered a di­sposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people; and being a dear friend of the Archbishops, who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust, was sure to be in­structed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof. But whereas our Author tells us of him, that he was none of the greatest scholars, I would faine learn in what particular parts, ei­ther of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective; or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office, as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery. I know the man, and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences, to be as farre above the censure of our Aristar­chus as he conceives himself to be above [Page 132] such an ignorant and obscure School-Ma­ster as Theophilus Brabaurne. It is true, he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit, and so doth the Lord Faulkland too, in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops, Anno 1641, where he saith of him, That in an unex­pected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility, being neither am­bitious before, nor proud after, either of the Crozier or white Staffe. But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum ini­micorum genus, the worst kinde of Ene­mies, who under colour of commending, expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger.

The Communion Table which formerly Ibid. stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel, he enjoyned to be placed at the East end, upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted, and a wooden traverse of [...]ailes be­fore it.] Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted, we are told before Anno 1628, and if it were then introdu­ced, and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion, no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his. But granting it to be his Act (not to repeat any thing of that which was said [Page 133] before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like) we doubt not but he had sufficient autho­rity for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall. The King by the advice of his Metropolitan, hath a power by the Statute, 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church, by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book, (namely, the Book of Common Prayers) to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies, as may be most for the advance­ment of Gods glory, the edifying of his Church, and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments. And cer­tainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell, not onely by scribling and sitting on it, as before was noted; but also by Dogs pissing against it (as of common course) and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament; that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent, and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like pro­phanation for the time to come. Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun autho­rity, [Page 134] the King having given authority and [...] to it a year before the Me­tropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of. The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls (as being Ordinaries of the place) had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel, and caused it to be placed Altar­wise; which being disliked by some few ordinary Parishioners, and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches, the Cause was brought before the King, then sitting in his Privie Coun­cil, Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties, and the Reasons alledged on both sides, having first testified His dislike of all Innovations; He concludes at last, That h [...] did well approve, and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary, and also gave commande­m [...]nt that if those few Parishioners before [...] did proceed in their said Appeal, then the D [...]an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter. Here was authority enough, as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation, as the Pre­vogative Royall, the new Statute of the Queen, and the old Lawes of the Land could give him. This then was no Ano­malous Innovation (as our Author calls [Page 135] it.) The King (it seems) thought other­wise of it, and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church, and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused, not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before▪ But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him, what he said before, of the Remisse Government of Archbi­shop Abbot, the titular Archbishop, as he calls him there (but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Of­fice) of whom h [...] tells us, Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed. Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie, he led in such an habit of Inconformity, as the fu­ture reduction of▪ those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was in­terpreted an Innovation. But the Contro­versie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself, but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops, for as he saith,

The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract Ibid. under a concealed name, positively asserting therein, that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times, and ought so in ours ac­cording to the Dictates of our Church, stand in [Page 136] Gremio and Nave of the Quire.] The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table, name, and thing: in which the Bi­shop hath said much, but asserted little: Affirmations are no Proofs in Law, and multitudes of allegations falsified in them­selves, and wrested to a contrary se [...]ce, make not one good Evidence; yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book: It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface, that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than im­pudence, ignorance, and falshoods. And to say truth, it can be no otherwise, when a man writes both against his science and his conscience, as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did. Look on him in the point of practise, and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar­wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop, and in the Colle­giate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean▪ and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon, in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise, but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils (one of his own words) in more than ordinary manner. Look on him in his letter to the Vi­car of Grantham, and he tells him thus; that your Communion Table is to stand Altar­wise, [Page 137] if you meane in that place of the Chan­cell, where the Altar stood, I thinke some­what may be said for that, because the injun­ctions, 1559. di [...] so place it; and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation, when it is not used, and for use too, where the quire is mounted up by steps, and open, so that he that officiates, may be seene and heard of all the Congregation. Nor writes he thus onely to that V [...]ar, but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of, both in Cathedrall Churches, and in the Kings Chappels, and in the Chappels of great men, which certainly have no more Law for it, then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches, which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar, are to be presidented, by the formes in his Majesties Chappels, and in the Quires of their Cathe­dralls. If it be asked what moved the Bi­shop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse, it may be answered, that he loved to fi [...]sh in a troubled water, that being a man which considered only his own ends, he went such wayes as most conduced to the [...]ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at. Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction, because he thought the match with Spaine, which was then in [Page 138] treaty, would bring not only a connivance to that Religion, but also a Toleration of it: And who more like to be in favour if that match went on, then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause. But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale, and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster, he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party, opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State (and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table) to make himselfe gracious with that Sect, who by their shy practises and insinuations, and by the Remisse Government, and con­nivance of Archbishop A [...]ot, had gained much ground upon the people. If it be asked what authority I have for this, I answer, that I have as good as can be wished for, even our Author himselfe, who telleth us of this Bishop, Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined (by the Kings disfavours) he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better, then to en­deavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne. To which end, finding him declining in the affections of his people, he made his Apostra­phe, and applications to them, fomenting po­pular discourses tending to the Kings disho­nour, [Page 139] &c. And being set upon this pinne, no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odi­ou [...], and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects. But of this Bishop, we may perhaps have some oc­casion to speak more hereafter. In the meane time we must follow our Author, who having done with the Archbishop, goes on to his Instruments (for so he calls them) in which he saith, he was most unhappy. Why so? because saith he,

They were not blamelesse in their lives, Fol. 138. some being vitious even to scandall.] Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention, that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy▪ we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters▪ as any man that runs might read them. Vitious even to scan­dall? that goes high indeed, and it had well become our Author to have named the men, that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that [...]oule reproach. For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate Ministers of the Archbi­shop, used in the time of his government, most of them men of great abilities in [Page 140] learning, and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives (as who can be that carrieth mortality about him) yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him, much less [...] so scandalously vitious, as our Author makes them. Or were there such, it had been fitter for our Author (who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church) to have played the part of Sem and Japhet, in finding the nakednesse of their spiritu­all Fathers; then to act the part of Cham and Canaan, in making Proclamation of it unto all the world. It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine (reported by Theodoret, lib. I. cap. II.) that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and con­cealed from the common people, Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores, lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty. As for himselfe, so ten­der was he of the credit of his Clergy, that he used oftentimes to say, that found he any of them (which yet God prohibit) in the embraces of a Strumpet, obtectu­rum se paludamento sceleratum facinus, that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes, both the offence, and the offendor. A noble piety, the pi­ety of Sem and Japhet in the former [Page 141] passage, and the Lord blessed him for it, and enlarged the Tents of his habitation, and Canaan, even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants. From ge­neralls our Author passeth on unto one particular, of whom he telleth us that

He was bold to say he hoped to live to see Ibid. the day when a Minister should be as good a man, as any Jack Gentleman in England.] This is a heavy charge indeed, the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man (if such men there were) must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy, thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred. And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was, yet telling us that he was a high Flyer, and that this high Flyer was deplumed, he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at, a man (I must con­fesse) of an undaunted spirit, and strong resolutions, but neither so intemperate in his words, or unwise in his actions, as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry. For first, we are not sure that such words were spoken, our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word, or some vulgar heare say; too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon. But secondly, admitting that [Page 142] such words were spoken, I hope our Au­thor hath heard long since of an antient by word, that every Jack would be a Gentleman; and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference be­tween a Gentleman of Armes and Blood, a true English Gentleman and such Jack­Gentl [...]men, as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours, take to themselves the name of Gentlemen, but are none indeed. And such Jack-Gentlemen as these, as they are commonly most like (either for want of wit, or of manners, or of both together) to vilifie their Minister, and despise the Clergie; so if the poor party said what­soever he was, that he hoped to live to see the time, when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all, I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it. Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie, that is to say, Arch­bishops, Bishops, and those of the inferiour Orders, is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse; and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Ar­guments about the Ship-money, he carri­eth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland, occasioned, as he telleth us, by [Page 143] sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church.

Very little differing, as the King was un­happily Fol. 147. perswaded by them from the En­glish.] The King needed no perswasion in this point, the difference between the two Liturgies (whether great or little) being known unto him, before He caused this to be published. Tis true, his first de­sire was, that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alte­ration, and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that King­dome, about the middle of October, Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy­rood House; that there should be Com­munions administred according to the form thereof, once in every Moneth, the Communicants receiving it upon their knees; that the Lords of the Privie Coun­cell, the Officers of Justice and other per­sons of Publick trust about the Court, should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes, and that he who officiated on those dayes, if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet, but if an ordinary Mi­nister onely he should weare the Surplice, and thus he did unto this end, that the people being made acquainted by little [Page 144] and little with the English Liturgie, might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them. But the Sco­tish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England, and finding that the Psalmes, the Epistles and Gospels, and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke, being of a different Transl [...]tion, from that which King James had autho­riz [...]d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes. had given offence unto that people, desired a Liturgie of their own: and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book, as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland: which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King, he appro­ved well of them; in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper, (and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms) it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church, who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie.

July 23. being Sunday, the Deane of E­dinborough Ibid. began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church, the chief of that City, &c.] [Page 145] Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul [...]s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book, but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel, in the con­duct and carriage of the businesse. For had the Book been read in all the Chur­ches of Scotland upon Easter day, as w [...]s first intended, it had in probability pre­vented these tumultuous Riots, which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition, both time enough to advise, and opportunity enough to effect at last: or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tu­mult to be put to death, according to the Lawes of that Kingdome, assoon as justice could have layed hold on them, He had undoubtedly prevented all further dan­gers: The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of M [...] ­lefactors, being like letting blood in the Body-naturall, which in some strong di­stempers doth preserve the whole. O [...] finally, if the Tumult had been grown so high, and so strongly backed, that justice could not safely be done upon them, had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy, which He had at Sea, to block up their Haven, He had soon [Page 146] brought the Edinbourghers unto His De­votion, and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience. But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with, what friends they had about the King, and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that King­dome; and they knew very well (none better) by the unpunishing of the Londo­ners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb, that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities, than resolution to revenge them: So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of, Cum vel excidenda sit natura, vel minuenda dignitas: That he must either outgoe His nature, or forgoe His authority.

The King nothing pleased with these af­fronts, Fol. 150. yet studious to compose these surges of discontent, sent the Marquesse of Hamil­ton down in the quality of an high Com­missioner, &c.] We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse, whereof the first was, that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first ap­pearance of it, & to strangle that monster in the cradle, he had let a whole year pass [...] [Page 147] without doing any thing, but sending one Proclamation after another, which being publickly encountred with contrary Prote­stations, did but increase their insolencies & his own disgraces; the party in the mean time being so well formed, that Po [...]-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them. The second was, that when it had been fitter for the preserva­tion of his authority to send a Lord Ge­nerall in the head of an Army, for the re­ducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes, He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them, to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences; which could not be, but by yeilding more on his side, then he was like (by any faire imparlance) to obtain from that. Thirdly, that when he was reso [...]ved on an high Comm [...]ssioner, he must pitch on Hamilton for the man, whom he had such reason to distrust, as before was hinted; but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family, (of being deceived rather than distrustfull) was so prevalent with him. And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome, that is to say, the Earle of Sterling prin­cipall Secretary of State, the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both, [Page 148] Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice, and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register (or Master of the Rolls as we call him here.) These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment, came in Post to London, indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose, and com­mending Huntley for that service, who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland, and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction, was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking. But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction, would not hearken to it, and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance, who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction, chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire, than that a Countrey Lord (as the Courtiers of that Nation called him) should carry the honour from them both.

June the six [...], his Commission was read Ibid. and accepted him.] And well it might, it was the fish for which he had so long been angling: For, having lost the Scotish Army, raised for the aide of the King of [Page 149] Sweden without doing any thing, and no occasion being offered to advance ano­ther, he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends: First, drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants, and rest at his devotion wholly: and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome, whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King, and then to binde them to himself, insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations, that the first Tu­mult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments, and that the Combusti­ons which ensued, were secretly fomented by them also. And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner, thus procured for him; drawing the King from one condescention to another in be­half of the Covenanters, till he had little more to give but the Crown it self: For fi [...]st he drew him to suspend, and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers, and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church; next the five Articles of Perth. procured with so much difficulty by King James, and confirmed in Parliament, must be also [Page 150] abrogated; and then the Covenant it self (with some little alterations in it) must be authorized, and generally imposed up­on all that Kingdome: And finally, the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to, in which he was right well assured, that none but Covenanters should have voices, that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated, but the Episcopacie it self abolished, and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine. By all which Acts (I cannot say of grace, but) of condescension, the Marquesse got as much in grosse, as His Majesty lost in the retaile, making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome, that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation. All being done from that time forwards (especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over) as Hamil­ton either did contrive or direct the bu­sinesse: For the Covenanters having got all this, thought not this enough, unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases; and having there­in got the first start of the King, the King could doe no lesse than provide for him­self, and to Arm Accordingly. In order whereunto our Author telleth us that

[Page 151] Because it was the Bishops warre, he Fol. 158. thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy.] I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne, whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England, were it not for this, & some other passages of this nature, which savour more of the Covenanter, then the English Protestant. It is true, the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre, and gave it out, that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy, but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while, for the truth is, that though Li­turgy and Episcopacy were made the oc­casions, yet they were no [...] the causes of this Warre; Religion being but the vi­zard to disguise that businesse, which Co­vetousnesse, Sacriledge, and Rapine had the greatest hand in. The Reader there­fore is to know, that the King, being en­gaged in a Warre with Spaine, and yet deserted by those men, who engaged him in it, was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were off [...] to him: And amongst others, he was minded of a purpose which his Father had, of revoking all such grants of Abbey­Lands, the Lands of B [...]shopricks and [Page 152] Chapters, and other Religious Corpora­tions; which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors, in the time of his minority, conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side, or else by a strong hand of power [...]xtor­ted from him. Being resolved upon this course, he intends a Parliament in that Ki [...]gdome, appoints the E [...]rl of Niddis­d [...]ale to preside therein, and arms h [...]m with Instructions for [...] of an Act of Re­vocation accord [...]gly, who b [...]ing on h [...]s way as farre as Barwick, was there infor­med that all was in a Tumult at Edenbo­brough, that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces, the poor Horses killed, the people seem­ing onely sorry that they could not do [...] the like to the Earle himselfe. Things being brought unto this stand, and the Par­l [...]ament put off with a sine die, the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels; amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him, as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procu [...]ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome, who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question, had served themselves so well by the bare na­ming [Page 153] of an Act of Revocation, as to pos­sesse the people (whom they found apt to be infl [...]med on such suggestions) that the true intendment of that Act, was to re­voke all former Acts for suppressing of Pop [...]ry, and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland; and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Maje­sty to proceed that way. Next he advised, that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported, he should implead them one by one, beginning first with those, whom he thought least able to stand out▪ or else most willing to conform to his M [...]jesties pleasure; assuring him▪ that having the Lawes upon his side, the Courts of Justice must, and would pas [...]e judgement for him. The King resolved upon this course, sends home the Gen­tleman, not onely with th [...]nkes and Knighthood (which he had most wor­thily deserved) but with instructions and power to proceed therein: and he pro­ceeded in it so effectually to the Kings ad­vantage, that some of the impleaded par­ties being lost in the suite, and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King, they could not [...]aise them against the Lawes, it was thought the best and safest way to com­pound [Page 154] the businesse. Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England, and amongst others, the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston (from whose mouth I had this whole relation) who after a long treaty with the King, did agree at last, that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes, or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction, should quit those royalties to the King; that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands, some permanent Estates, either for three lives, or one and twenty yeares, or som [...] such like Terme, that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant, and improve the Pa­trimony of that Kingdome; that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants, and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts, the King should settle their Estates by Act of Par­liament. Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe, expect­ing to be entertained with Bells and Bone­fires, but they found the contrary; the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard, than quit that power and Tyranny, which they had over their poor [Page 155] vassalls, by which name (after the man­ner of the French) they called their Te­nants. And hereunto they were encou­ [...]aged under-hand, by a party in England, who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Nor­thern Regions, that no aide could be ho­ped from thence, when the necessity of their designes might most require it: Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall, by King Philip the second, because thereby they had no place left to retire unto, when either the Kings displeasure, or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them. From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found a­mongst them, when he went for that un­lucky Crowne; from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballme­rino, which our Author speakes of, the greatest part of whose Estate was in Abby-Lands; From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that bu­sie Faction, principled onely for the [...]uine and destruction of Monarchies; and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditio [...]s spirits (under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book, to embroyle that [Page 156] Kingdome, that so they might both keep their Lands, and not lose their Power; the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on, or acting onely by such influ­ences as they had from Hamilton, without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes, which afterwards ensu­ed upon it. But from the Ground, pro­ceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended, concerning which, our Author telleth us that

The King had amast together, conside­derable Fol. 159. power, whereof the Earle of Arun­del had the chi [...]fe conduct.] And so he had, as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land, the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot, & the E. of Holland of the Horse. But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy, with plenty of Coine and Ammunition, which were put under the command of Hamilton (the King still going on in his fatall over▪ sights) who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough, and la [...]ding some of his spent men, in a little Ifland, to give them breath and some refreshments, received a visit from his Mother, a most rigid Covenanter. The Scots upon the shore saying with no small [Page 157] laughter, that they knew the Son of so good a Mother, could not doe them hurt. And so it proved, for having loytered there­abouts to no purpose, till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun neer Barwick, he left those shores, and came in great Post-haste, as it was pre­tended, to disturb that businesse, which was to be concluded before he came thi­ther. But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick, I returne to Land, where I finde that

All the preparation both of one side, and Ibid. the other, proved onely an interview of two Armies, nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement.] That so it was, is a truth undoubted, but how it came to passe that it should be so, would be worth a knowing. For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England, in an expedition against that people, nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities, and indignation, then they did at this present. But first, I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King, that he never did intend to fight (as they afterwards found) but onely by the ter­rour of so great on Army, to draw the Scots to doe him reason: And this the [Page 158] Covenanters knew as well as he, there being nothing which he said, did, or thought (so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures) but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him. And this I am the more apt to credit, because when a no­table and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Bar­wick, that with two thousand Horse (which the King migh [...] very well have spared) he would so waste and destroy the Countrey, that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy: He would by no meanes hearken to the P [...]oposition. Nor were the Lords and p [...]rsons of most note about him, more for­ward at the last then he. For having given way that the E [...]rles of Roxborough and Traquair, and other Nob [...]e m [...]n of that Nation might repair to Yorke, for medi­ating some atonement between the King and his people, they plyed their busine [...]s so well, that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation, the dangers they would bring themselves into, if the Scots were totally subdued; they miti­gated the displeasures of some, and so took off the edge of others, that they did not go from Yorke, the same men they [Page 159] came thither, on the discovery of which practice, and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters, the Earls of Tra­quair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers (the first at Yorke, and the second at New. Castle) but presently dis­missed againe, and sent back to Scotland. But they had first done the worke they came for, for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England, never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and [...]: in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to ad­vance, and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them, he presently sent word unto the King, in what danger he was, and how he stood in feare of being under­ridden (as I take it) by the Galloway Naggs, and thereupon received order to retire Again [...]. No marvell if things standing in this condition, the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification; or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it, who were more like to take such termes as they could get, then to fight it out. Amongst which termes, that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissi­oners, because it was most to their [Page 160] advantage, and the Kings disabling, was

That he recall all his Forces by Land or Ibid. Sea.] Which he did accordingly, and thereby lost all those notable advant [...]ges, which the gallantry of his Army, the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land, and the weaknesse of an incon­siderable Enemy, might assure him of. But he had done thus once before, that is to say, at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel, Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects, and in worse with His Neigh­bours, having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas, and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe, which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army (and His authority withall) and when an Army once is up▪ it will keep it self; necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace, to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times. But His errour at this time was worse than that, the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high, that the oyle of Graces rather ten­ded to increase, than to quench their fl [...]me. Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome (which is the most that He was bound to [Page 161] by the Pacification) till He had seen the Scots disbanded, their Officers cashiered▪ (their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers, and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough, He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes, and crushed those practices at home, which afterwards undermined His peace, and de­stroyed His glories. But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for, He animated the Scots to commit new inso­lencies, the Dutch to affront Him on Hi [...] own shoares, and (which was worst of all) gave no small discontentment to th [...] English Gentry, who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expe­dition o [...] of hope of getting Honour to the King, their Countrey, and themselves by their faithfull service, were suddenly dismissed, not onely without that honour which they aimed at, but without any ac­knowledgment of their love and loyalty. A matter so unpleasing to them, that few of them appeared in the next years Army, many of them turned against Him in the following troubles, the greatest part look­ing on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good [Page 162] or evil. But from miscarriages in this Warre, I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments, of which he telleth us, that

The King first named eight Bishops, then Fol. 161. those Bishops chose eight Noble men, those Noble men chose so many Barons, and those the like number of Burgesses▪ &c.] Not al­together so as our Author hath it; for the King having first named 8. Bishops, and the Bishops named 8. Noble men, the Bi­shops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes, and as many for the Boroughs or Corporati­ons; which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles, and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament be­fore they were put to the Vote.

And perswaded His Majesty that the Fol. 163. Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew, &c.] That the French Ambassadour did indea­vour to perswade the King to that belief, I shall easily grant, but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it; it being the opinion of most knowing men, that this Cardinal had a very great hand in animating the [Page 163] Scots to such a height of disobedience, as we finde them in. And this may evidently appeare, first by a passage in our Author, Fol. 176. in which we finde from the in­telligence of Andreas ab Habernefield, that the Cardinall sent his Chaplaine and Al­moner, M [...]. Thomas Chamberlain, a Scot by Nation, to assist the confederates in ad­vancing the businesse, and to attempt all waies for exasperating the first heat, with order, not to depart from them, till (things succeeding as he wished) he might returne with good newes. Secondly, from the Letter, writ by the Lord Loudon, and the rest of the [...]ovenanters to the French King, first published in his Majesties les­ser Declaration against the Scots, and since exemplified in our Author, Fol. 168. of which Letter they could hope for no good effect, but as the Cardinall should make way and provide meanes for it. Thirdly, by the report of a Gentleman (from whose mouth I have it) who being took Prisoner, and brought unto the Scotish Camp, immediatly after the fight neer Nuborne, found there the Cardinalls S [...] ­cretary in close consultation with the heads of the Covenanters; which af­ter his restoring to liberty by the Trea­ty at Rippon, he declared to the King, [Page 164] and offered to make it good upon his Oath. Fourthly, by the impossibility which the Cardinall found in his designes, of driving the Spaniard out of Flanders, and the rest of the Netherlands, unlesse the King was so disturbed and embroyled at home, that he could not help them: it being heretofore the great master-piece of the Kings of England, to keep the Scale even between France and Spaine, that neither of them being too strong for the other, the affaires of Christendome might be poized in the evener bal­lance. Fiftly, by the free accesse, and secret conferences, which Hamiltons Chaplain had with Con, the Popes agent here, during such time as Chamberlain the Cardinalls Chaplain laboured to promote the business [...]. Sixthly, Adde hereunto the great displeasure which the Cardinall had conceived against the King, for invading the Isle of Rhe, and attempting the relief of Rochell; and we shall finde what little reason the King had to be perswaded to any beliefe in Cardinall Richelieu, though the Embassador might use all his eloquence to perswade him to it.

And had this presumptuous attempt of the Fol. 165 Hollanders met with a King, or in times of another temper, it would not, it's like, [Page 165] have been so silently connived at.] Most truly spoken, this action of the Hollanders being one of the greatest, and unsuffera­blest affronts, which ever was pu [...] by any Nation on a King of England. I have been told, that complaint being made of King James, of the barbarous Butchery at Amboyna, he fell into a terrible rage, throwing his Hat into the fire, and then stamping on it, and using all the signes of outragious Passion; but when Time & Sleep had taken off the edge of his Fury, he told the Merchants who attended his answer, That it was then no time to quarrell with the Hollanders, of whom he hoped to make some use for restoring the Palsgrave to his lawfull Patrimony. King Charles might make the same answer on this new occasion, he had his head and his hands too, so full of the Scots, that he had no time to quarrell with the Hollanders, though certainly, if he had then present­ly turned his Fleet upon the Hollanders, (wherein, no question but the Spaniard would have sided with him) he had not onely rectified his honour, in the eye of the world, but might thereby have taught the Scots a better lessen of Obe­dience, then he had brought them to, by the great preparations which he made [Page 166] against them. But this I look on in the Hollanders, as one of the Consequents or eff [...]cts of the Scottish darings, for if the Scots who were his Subjects, durst be so bold as to baffle with him, why might not they presume a little on his patience, who were his confederates and Allies, in husbanding an advantage of so great a concernment; and having vailed his Crown to the Scots and English, why might he not vaile it to them his good friends and neighbours?

At this close and secret Councell, Decem­ber Fol. 167. 5. it was agreed that his Majesty should call a Parliament to assemble, April the 13th.] This secret Councell did consist of no more then three, that is, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and (who must needs be at the end of every businesse) the Marquesse of Hamilton. By these it was a­greed, that the King should be moved to call a Parliament, the intimation of it to be presently made; but the Parliament it selfe not to be assembled till the middle of April. In giving which long intervall, it was chiefly aimed at, that by the repu­tation of a Parliament so neer approach­ing, the King might be in credit to take up Money, wherewith to put himselfe into [Page 167] a posture of Warre, in case the Parliament should faile him; but then the inconve­nience was as great on the other side, that intervall of four Moneths time, giving the discontented party opportunity to unite themselves, to practice on the Shires and Burroughs, to elect such members, as they should recommend unto them, and fi­nally, not onely to consult, but to con­clude on such particulars, which they in­tended to insist on when they were assem­bled. And though it be extreame ridicu­lous for me to shoot my Fooles-bable in so great a businesse, in which such wise men did concurre; yet give me leave to speak those thoughts which I had of that advice from the first beginning, reckoning it alwaies both unsafe and unseasonable, as the times then were. I looked upon it as unsafe, in regard that the last Parliament being dissolved in so strange a rupture, the Closets of some Members searched, many of them Imprisoned, and some F [...]ned, it was not to be hoped but that they would come thither with revengefull thoughts: and should a breach happen between them and the King, and the Parliament be dissolved upon it▪ as it after was, the breach would be irreparable, as indeed it proved. I looked upon it as un­seasonable [Page 168] also, in regard that Parliaments had been so long discontinued, and the people lived so happily without them, that very few took thought who should see the next; and [...] that, the neigh­bouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater veneration then they had done [...]ormerly, as one that could stand on his own leggs, and had scrued up him­selfe to so great power, both by Sea and Land, without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him. But whatsoever it was in it selfe, either safe or seasonable, I am sure it proved neither to the men who adv [...]sed the calling of it, un­lesse it were to Hamilton onely, of which more hereafter.

Yet the King was willing to allow them Fol. 168. all the faire dealing he in honour could, ho­ping to gaine upon them by the sweetnesse of his carriage, but all would not doe.] And it is marvell he should hope it, there are some men of so untractable nature, ut eorum superbiam frustra per modestiam & obsequium effugeris, that neither modesty nor obsequiousnesse can get ground upon them. A Presbyterian and a Scot, are not won by favours, and he that doth endea­vour [...]t, doth but lose his labour. Nor could the King be ignorant, of the hard temper [Page 169] of the men whom he had in hammering. I have been told that when the Archbi­shop of Saint Andrews came to take his leave of him, then setting forwards to­ward Scotland, he told him plainly, that by the long experience which he had of that Nation, for the space of sixty years and upwards, he knew them to be a peo­ple of so crosse a graine, that they were lost by favours, and gained by punish­ments; and therefore that he m [...] not hope to win upon them by faire dealing, or by the sweetnesse of his disposition, as my Author termes it, but must resolve to re­duce them to their duty, by such wayes of power, as God had then put into hi [...] hands. Which counsell, if the King had followed, when he was in the head of that gallant Army, the Scots being then so in­considerable and so ill appointed, that they had not three thousand Musquets in all their Army (as I have been in [...]ormed by persons of great worth and quality) he had then put an end both to their In­solencies, and his own great Troubles. And hereunto accordeth one of our mo­dern wits in these following Verses.

They invited and procured to their service Ibid. many Commanders from Holland, who still kept their places there, though such Officers as betook themselves to the Kings Employment, were instantly cashiered.] [...]his was poor pay for so great a courtesie as the King had done them, by suffering them to beat the Spaniards on his owne coasts, under his protection, and being within the compasse of the Kings Cham­bers, as the Sea-men phrase it, but natu­vale est odesse quem laeseris: It is a natu­rall thing (saith Tacitus) to hate the man whom we once have wronged. Nor doe men thinke themselves safe for an injury done, but by disobliging the wronged party, from taking revenge, by heaping more injuries upon him. Nor was this all the injury which the Hollanders offered to the King in the course of this businesse. [Page 171] They furnished the Scots with Armes and Ammunition to maintaine their Warre, and that too for the most part, (contrary to their wonted customes) without ready money. But the truth is, they had some reason to deal [...] thus courteously with the Scots. It had been once their owne case, and so let them goe.

To which I answer, true it is, he had too Fol. 182. much, and too long favoured the Romish Faction, but as upon what accompt it was he favoured them, is uncertaine.] Our Author here acquits the Archbishop from the Popish Faith, but leaves him under a su­spition of favouring the Popish Faction; which in a man who cannot tell on what accompt he favours it, may be thought uncharitable. But both King James and King Charles in severall Declarations, and in their severall Answers to Parliament Petitions give this reason for it; that is to say, that by shewing som [...] favours to the Papists here, they might obtaine the like favours for such Protestants as lived in the Dominions of Popish Princes. And unto this, which was indeed the greatest motive unto those indulgencies, which had been granted to the Papists by those two King [...]: another might be added in justi­fica [...]ion of the Archbishop, if he shewed [Page 172] any such favours to the Popish Faction, as he stands here charged with: which is, that seeing the Puritanes grown so strong, even to the endangering of our Peace, both in Church and State, by the negli­gence and remisnesse of the former Go­vernment, he thought it necessary to shew some countenance to the Papists, that the ballance being kept even between the par­ties; the Church and State might be pre­served (as indeed they were) in the grea­ter safety. And this appeareth to be his chiefe inducement to it, in regard that when the Protestant p [...]rty was grown strong enough, to stand and goe without such Crutches, he then declared himselfe openly against that Faction, as our Author ingenuously informeth us, in that which followeth.

He tampered indeed to introduce some Ibid. Ceremonies bordering upon superstition, dis­used by us, and abused by them; from whence the Romanist [...] collected such a disposition in him to their Tenets, as they began to cry him up for their Proselite. In this passage there are many things to be considered, first that the Ceremonies which the Arch­bishop tampered to introduce, are not here said to be superstitious, but onely to border upon superstition. Secondly, that [Page 173] those Ceremonies are said to be disused, which shewes that they were still in force, though not still in use, as our Author tel­leth us of the Statute concerning Knight­hood. Thirdly, that these Ceremonies [...]d been abused by them of the Church of Rome, and therefore being but abused, might lawfully be restored to the Primi­tive use, for Abusus non tollit usum, as the old rule is. Fourthly, that if the Roma­nists upon these presumptions cry him up for theirs, it was most ignorantly done, there being nothing which more tended to their destruction, then the introducing of some Ceremonies, which by late negli­gence were disused. And this was the o­pinion of the most understanding men amongst them. For I have heard from a person of known Nobility, that at his be­ing at Rome, with a Father of the English College, one of the Novices came in, and told him with a great deale of joy, that the English were upon returning to the Church of Rome, that began to set up Altars, and to officiate in their Copes, to adorne their Churches, and paint the pi­cture of the Saints in their Chancell win­dowes. To which the old Father made reply with some indignation, that he talked like an ignorant Novice, that these pro­ceedings [Page 174] rather tended unto the ruin, then advancement of the Catholick Cause; that by this meanes the Church of England coming nearer to the antient usages, the Catholicks there would sooner be drawn off to them, then any more of that Na­tion would fall off to Rome.

Whereof (that is to say, the Dissolution Fol. 184. of the Parliament) many laid the blame upon the Bishop of Canterbury.] Though many laid the blame on him, yet all the blame was not laid on him, some part thereof being laid upon the Earl of Strafford, but on neither rightly: both of them avowing in their Answers to that part of their Charge in the following Parliament, that it was done by the ge­nerall vote of the Privie Councell, not a man dissenting. Certaine I am, that the Archbishop was so farre from having any such thoughts, on Munday morning, May 4. being the day before that unhap­py accident, that he was taking care to provide some materialls in a businesse which concerned the Church, of which he was resolved to speake in the House of Peers, on the Wednesday following. Some say that this Dissolution was precipitated upon some intelligence, that the House of Commons meant that day to vote a­gainst [Page 175] the Warre with Scotland, then which there could be nothing more de­structive to the Kings affaires. And it was probable enough that it was so meant. For first, the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome, doth declare no lesse, where it is said, that the People were like to close with the King, in satisfying his desire of Money, but that withall they were like to blast their malicious designe against Scotland, they being very much indisposed to give any countenance to that Warre: And Secondly, we finde that House to be highly magnified [...]in a Scotish Pam­phlet, called the Intentions of the Army, for their pious zeale in crossing the inten­ded Warre, and denying any countenance and assistance towards it. But whatsoe­ver the truth is, most sure I am, that it was secretly muttered about the Court the night before, that Hamilton had prevailed with the King to dissolve the Parliament; who playing (as he used to do) with both hands at once, did with the one, pull back the Commons by his party there, from all compli [...]nce with the King, and with the other thrust the King forwards to dis­solve that meeting: that by this meanes the Kings affaires being more embroyled then they were before, he might confirme [Page 176] the Scots, and confound the English, and thereby raise himselfe to the point he aim­ed at. A sad and unfortunate day it was, and the newes so unpleasing unto the Author of these papers whosoever he be, that being brought him by a friend, whilst he was writing some dispatches, it so a­stonished him (though he had heard some inkling of it the night before) that so­dainly the pen fell out of his hand, and long it was, before he could recollect his spirits to returne an answer: Having thus said, I should proceed from the dissolving of the Parliament, to the continuing of the Convocation; but I must first remove a block which lieth in my way: our Au­thor telleth us that

This Archbishops Predecessour Penulti­me, Ibid. was Dr. Whitgift.] Whereas indeed it was not Dr. Whitgift, but Dr. Bancroft, who was the penultimate and last Prede­cessour saving one unto the Archbishop; Dr. Bancroft coming in between Whit. gift and Abbot, as any who have looked into these affairs cannot choose but know:

This Convention was not more unhappily Ibid. dissolved than another was continued. That is, as a witty Gcntleman said well, a new Synod made of an old Convocation.] The witty Gentleman here meant was Sir Ed­ward [Page 177] Deering, who pleased himself ex­ceedingly in one of his witty Speeches (but made withall good sport to most know­ing men) in descantin [...] on a Synod and a Convocation; the one being a Greek word, the other originally Latine, but both of the same sense and signification: A Pro­vinciall Synod, being no other then a Con­vocation of the Clergy of the Provinces of York [...], or Canterbury; and the Convoca­tion of the Clergy of both Provinces to­gether, being nothing else but a National Synod. So that it was the same Synod, and the same Convocation (call it which you will) as before it was, and not a new Synod, made of an old Convocation, as the witty Gentleman would have it. A Gen­tleman he was, more witty then wise, but more proud then either; one of sufficient Learning to adorne a Gentleman, but ve­ry ill imployed in disgracing the Clergy, considering that the most worthy of his Ancestors was of that Profession, and himselfe allyed unto it by some mixt re­lations. But see how ill this Gentleman sped with his too much wit, being the first that threw Dirt into the Face of the Archbishop, and preferred the first Infor­mation which was brought against him; he after flew so high in his commendati­ons [Page 178] (in the Preface to his Book of Spee­ches) that neither Heylyn whom the Scotish Pamphleters (in their Laudencium Autocatachrisis) call his Grac [...]s Herald, nor Pocklington, nor Dowe, nor any of his own Chaplains, in any of their Speeches of him, or addresses to him, ever went so farr [...]. Having propounded to the House in that witty Speech which he made against the Canons and Convocation, that every one that had a hand in making those Ca­nons should come unto the Barre of the House of Commons with a Candle in one hand, and a Book in the other, and there give fire to his own Canons, he was so far from seeing it done, that on the contrary, he saw (within a little more then a twelve month after) the Collection of his witty Speeches condemned by that House unto the fire, and burnt in severall places by the Publick Hang-man. And finally, having in another of his witty Speeches defamed the Cathedralls of this Kingdome, and that too with so foule a mouth, as if he had licked up all the filth of foregoing Libels, to vomit it at once upon them, he made it his earnest suit not long after to be Dean of Canterbury: which being de­nied him by the King, in a great discontent he returned to the Parliament, though he [Page 179] hought good to put some other glosse upon it in his Declaration. But of this witty Gentleman we said enough. Pro­ceed we now unto our Author, who tel­leth us of this new-made Synod, that

By a new Commission from the King, Ibid. it was impowered to sit still.] No such mat­ter verily, the new Commission which he speaks of gave them no such power. The Writ by which they [...] first called, and made to be a Convocation, gave them po­wer to si [...]; and by that Writ they were to sit as a Convocation, till by another Writ proceeding from the like Authority th [...]y were dissolved and licensed to returne to their severall homes. The Commission, subsequent to that, gave them power to Act, to Propose, Deliberate and conclude upon such Canons and Constitutions, as they conceived conducible to the Peace of the Church. And such a Commission they had granted at their first assembling. But being there was a clause in that Com­mission, that it should last no longer, then during the Session of that Parlia­ment; and that the King thought good to continue the Convocation, till they had finished all those matters which they had in treaty: his Majesty gave order for a new Commission to be issued out of the [Page 180] same tenour with the former, but to ex­pire upon the signification of his Maje­sties pleasure. I have been told that it was some time, before some of the Members of the lower House of Convocation, could be satisfied in the difference between the Writ, & the Commisston, though one of the company had fully opened and explained the same unto them: which being made known to the Archbishop, and by him to the King, it was proposed to the Lord Finch, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale, the Earle of Manchester, Lord Privie Seal, Sir Edward Littleton, chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir John Bankes Attorney Generall, Sir Robert Heath, and Sir Ralph Whitfield the Kings Serjeants at Law; who on the 10. of May, subscribed a pa­per with their hands, to this effect, That the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ, was to continue till it were dissolved by the Kings Writ, notwithstanding the dis­solution of the Parliament. Upon the rea­di [...]g of this paper, in the lower House of Convocation, and the satisfaction there by given to all contrary scruples, they went on to their businesse, not as a new Synod made of an old Convocation, (quoth the wit [...]y Gentleman) but as an old Synod armed with a new Commission. What they [Page 181] did there we shall see anon, but with what danger they sate there, I shall tell you now: The dissolving of the Parlia­ment having bred such discontentments, some papers posted up by Lilborne, so in­flamed the Apprentices, and the Riot upon Lambeth House, created such a terrour in the Members of the Convocation, that the King was faine to set a guard about Westminster Abbey, for the whole time of their sitting. Poor men, to what a di­stresse were they brought? in danger of the Kings displeasure if they ros [...], of the Peoples fury if they sate; in danger of being beaten up by Tumults while they were at the worke, of being beaten down by the following Parliament, when th [...] worke was done, and after all, obnoxi­ous to the lash of censorious tongues for their good intendments. For notwith­standing their great care, that all things might be done with decency, and to edifica­tion, every one, even our Author himself, must have his blow at them. And first, he strikes at the O [...]th enjoyned in the sixt Canon, for pre [...]ervation of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church here by L [...]w established. But to make sure worke of it, that the blow may come home indeed, he prepares his way with a discourse a­gainst [Page 182] Episcopacy it selfe, for maintenance whereof (amongst other things) that Oath was framed, telling us positively, that

Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture Ibid. phrase are of eq [...]ivalent import, and denote the selfesame persons without the least distin­ction. They whom Holy Text calls Bishops, having an Identity, a s [...]enesse of Name, of Ordination, of Office, of all qualifications ne­cessary to that Office, with Presbyters.] I have heard that when Cornelius Burges, was to goe out Doctor, he would needs take upon him to answer the Divinity Act; but did it so unluckily, and with such a plentifull want of understanding in the tearmes of Logick, that Doctor Pri­deaux said openly to him, Tu possis bene pradicare, sed non potes bene disputare, that he might possibly be a good Preacher, though he were but a very sorry Dispu­tant. The like may be said of our Author [...] so, when he plai [...] the Historian, in re­lating of such things, as are buil [...] upon good intelligence, he doth it very well, few better; but when he comes to shew his opinion, in a matter controverted, and to give his reasons for the same, he doth it very ill, none worse. For first, I doe not believe that our Author can easily prove Presbyters and Bishops to be of [Page 183] equivalent import, or comprehended un­der the same name in the Holy Scripture. But secondly, granting that they be, who that pretends to Logick, can dispute so lamely, as from a Community of names, to inferre an Identity or samen [...]sse in the thing so named, which is the ground our Author builds on. Kings are called Gods in holy Scripture, I have said ye are Gods, Psal. 82. 6. and God doth fr [...]quent­ly call himselfe by the name of King: yet if a man should thence inferre, that from this Community of names, there a [...]iseth an Identity or samenesse between God and the King, he might be worthily condemned for so great a Blasphemer. S. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop▪ and himselfe a Presbyter or Priest (an Elder, as most unhandsomly our English reads it) the Bishop of your Soule [...], 1 Pet. 2. 25. I who am also an Elder, 1 Pet. ver. 1. y [...]t were it a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence, that there is no di­stinction between an Apostle, and an Elder, the Prince of the Apostles, and a Simple Presbyter, or between Christ the supream Pastor of his Church, and every ordinary B shop; And thirdly, taking i [...] for granted that Bishops have an Identity or samenesse in Name, Office, Ordination, [Page 184] and Qualification, with Presbyters, as our Author telleth us they have, it will not follow convertibly that Presbyters have the like Identity, or samenesse of Quali­fication, Ordination▪ Name and Office, which the Bishop hath. My reason is, because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest, before he take the order and degree of a Bish [...]p, hath in him all the Qualifications, the Or­dination, Name and Office which a Pres­byter hath; and something farther super­added, as well in point of Order as of Ju­visdiction, which every Presbyter hath not, so that though every Bishop be a P [...]iest or Presbyter, yet every Presbyter not a Bi­shop. To make this clear by an examp [...]e in the Civill Government, when Sir Robert C [...]cill Knight, and principall Secre­tary of State, was made first Earl of Salis­bury, and then Lord Treasurer, continuing Knight and Secretary as he was before: it might be said, that he had an Identity or samenesse in Name, Office, Order and Qualification, with Sir John Herbert the other Secretary; yet could this be said reciprocally of Sir John Herbert, because there was something super▪ added to Sir Robert Cecill, namely the dignity of an Earle, and the Office of Lord Treasurer, [Page 185] which the other had not. So true is that of Lactantius an old Christian writer, Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent excitus; So ordinary a thing it is for Arguments built upon weak grounds, to have worse conclusions. Episcopacy being thus knocked down with a painted club, our Author goes on to tell us what great, but unprofitable paines were taken in defence thereof, telling us, that though the Presse swarmed with Books, setting forth the right upon which it was founded, yet all advantaged them little. How so? be­cause, saith he,

Such a prejudice there was against them, Ibid. and the truth contended for lay then so deep, as few had perspicuity enough to [...] it.] That the Presse swarmed with Books▪ pur­posely writ about this time, in defence of the D [...]vine Right of Episcopacy, I remem­ber not; but sure I am, it swarmed with many pestilent and seditious Libels, in which the B shops were defamed, and the calli [...]g questioned: In answer whereunto (if any of them were thought worthy to receive an answer) it is possible that some [...] what may be said upon the by, for Decla­ration of that Divine Right on which it was founded. Nor was this any new claime never made before, but frequently [Page 186] insisted on by the Bishop, and those that writ in defence of Bishops, in Queen Eli­zabeths time; by Doctor Bancroft (then Bishop of London) in the Conference at Hampton Court, and that too, in the pre­sence of Doctor Reinolds (incomparably the most Learned man of the opposite party) who never contradicted him for it, nor confuted him in it; and finally by Bi­shop Laud in the High Commission, which gave occasion of matter to some publick Li­bellors, but never any serious and solid de­bate till after the making of these Canons: but be the title never so good, the assert­ing of it never so frequent, the Books by which it was maintained never so learned, and the reasons in those Books never so convincing; yet if once prejudice come in to perswade the contrary, it is no mar­vell if all men had not perspicacity enough to discern the truth. It is an old Maxime in Philosophy, that intus existens prohibet ali [...]num; never more truly verified, than when men come with prejudice and pre­possession to a point in Controversie. But howsoever, though some men blinde with prejudice had not the perspicacity of dis­cerning truth, yet some others had; un­lesse the argument be good, that because God layeth such a spirit of insalvation [Page 187] upon some men, that seeing they should see but should not perceive, therefore all other men must be like the Idols in the Psalmist which have eyes and see not. Yet for the opening of the eyes, as well of men willing to be informed as wilfully blinded, no [...] had the Smectymnians revived the Controversie, but presently the Divine Right of Episcopacy was main­tained and published by Dr. Hall then Bishop of Exeter in his Answer and Re­ply to their severall Tractates, by Church­man in the History of Episcopacy, by Dr. Taylor in a Book, intituled, Episcopacy by Divine Right, by severall Tracts of Dr. Hammond both in English and Latine. But lest these should be as much suspected of partiality, as others of prejudice, we shall finde the like declared in a Book writ purposely on that subject by Sir Thomas Aston Knight and Baronet, and in the Aerea Mastiques of John Theyre Gent. men no may interessed (but onely by their good affections) in the Churches quarrels. And some there are not altogether of so good affections, who have done the like. And first the Lincolne-shire Minister, so much cried up for writing against Altars, or rather against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise, doth affirme expresly, [Page 188] pag. 64. that the calling of Bishops is foun­ded upon Apostolicall, and (for all the essen­tiall parts thereof) on Divine Right. And secondly, the Lord Faulkland (no great friend to Bishops, as was shewed before) in a Tract of his against Mr. Henderson before he squinted toward the Court, doth affirm as positively, that there is more to be found for Bishops and Episco­pacy in the holy Scripture, than either for the Lords day, or for Infant-Baptism. And thirdly, we shall finde, the learned Mr. John Selden is not totally against us in this particular, as appeareth by his retortion of the Argument of Mr. Grimston in the House of Commons. Mr. Grimstons Argu­ment was this, 1. That Bishops are Jure Divino is of question. 2. That Archbishops are not Jure Divino is out of question: 3. That Ministers are Jure Divino, there is no question. Now if Bishops which are questioned, whether Jure Divino, and Archbishops which out of question are not Jure Divino, shall suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino, I leave it to you Mr. Speaker. Which Mr. S [...]lden (whether with greater wit or scorn it is hard to say) thus retorted on him, 1. That the Convocation is Jure Divino is a question. 2. That Parliaments are not Jure Divino [Page 189] is out of question. 3. That Religion is Ju­re Divino there is no question. Now Mr. Speaker that the Convocation, which is questioned, whether Jure Divino, and Par­liaments, which out of question are not Jure Divino, should meddle with Reli­gion which questionlesse is Jure Divino, I leave to you Mr. Speaker. And so much for that: our Author now draws towards the Oath, which (by reason of an &c. carelesly left in by him who transcribed it for the Presse) he falls on with as much severity, as our witty Gentleman did with scorns, saying of that &c. That,

It was of so mysterious import, a [...] the very Ibid. imposers, much lesse the Jurors were not able to decipher what it meant.] And of a my­sterious import i [...] had been indeed, if not restrained and limited by the following words. The whole clause in the Oath stands thus: Nor will I ever give my con­sent to alter the Government of this Church by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdea­cons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand. In the con­struction of which Text the &c. as it now stands is a meere impertinency; for being left in, it signifieth nothing, in regard of the restriction following; and being left out, the sense is currant and compleat [Page 190] without it. And this, our Author, and the witty Gentleman, and he that pulled down the Crosse in S. Pauls Church-yard, and others which writ against this Oath could not choose but see; but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them. But whereas our Author telleth us, that neither the im­posers nor the Jurors (that is to say, nei­ther the men that voted to the Oath, nor they that were required to take it) were able to decipher what it meant, I finde by that, that our Author hath talked with very few of that Convocation. The truth is, that in many Canons which were made before this (as all of them in a manner were) there was a particular enumeration of all persons vested with any Ecclesiasti­call Jurisdiction, that is to say, Archbi­shops, B [...]shops, Deans, Archdeacons, Deans and Chapters, and other persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction: which having been repeated distinctly and parti­cularly in such of the Canons as were first made, was in the first asserting of this Ca­non for avoiding of a tautologie so often iterated, cut off with this &c. with an in­tention neverthelesse to make the enume­ration perf [...]ct (and consequently to ex­punge this &c.) before it came to be in­grossed. [Page 191] But the King being weary of the charge and clamour, which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose Him to, did hasten them to a conclusion by so many Messages, brought by Sir Hen­Vane and others, that in that haste this un­lucky &c. was forgotten, and so commit­ted to the Presse accordingly. But this &c. is not all which our Author quarrels in the O [...]th, telling us next, That

To exact an Oath of dissent from Civill Ibid. Establishments in such things of indifferency, was an affront to the very fundamentalls of Government,] Our Author taking it for granted that the government of the Church by Bishops is a thing of indifferency (which is a clearer evidence of his own opinion in this point than we had before) is much aggrieved that the [...]lergie should binde themselves by Oath not to consent to any alteration of it; and this he calleth an affront to the Fundamentals of Government; but on what reason, as he doth not tell us, so for my part I am not able to conceive. It is indeed an affront to Government, no [...] to submit or yeild obedience unto civill Establishments, when made and legally established; but it is no affront not to give consent to any such establishments while they are in treaty: for then the liberty of [Page 192] assenting or▪ dissenting, of yea or nay would be taken away from every Mem­ber in the Houses of Parliament, and every man must give cons [...]nt to every Bill which is offered to him. Besides there were but few of the Convocation whose consent was likely to be asked, when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot, so that their dissenting or assenting was not much materiall, but as by their readinesse of consenting to such Innova­tions in the publicke Government, they might encourage others to proceed a­gainst it. Here then is no affront to Go­vernment, much lesse to the Fundamentals of it, the O [...]th not binding any man not to yeild obedience, but not to give consent to such alteration, no more than it is now at this present time, for many a well­minded man to live quietly and peaceably under the present Government of the Civil State, who never gave consent to the present change. But so (I trow) it was not in the solemn Covenant, in which it was not thought enough to binde men to submit to such alterations as were then contriving, but actually to indevour the [...]xtirpation of the whole Prelaci [...], that is to say, the Government of the Church by Archbishops, Bishops, D [...]ans, Deans and [Page 193] Chapters, Arc [...]deacons, and all other Officers which depend upon them. Nor was this [...] ­quired of the Clergi [...] onely which had before taken an Oath of Canonicall obe­dience to their severall and resp [...]ctive Bi­shops, but even of the Bishops, Deans, Archd [...]acons, and Members of Capitular bodies, who having took a former Oath for the preservation of the Lands and Pri­viledges of their severall Church [...], must by this Covenant be bound to indeavour their own extirpation, and the subversion of those Churches, and consequently every one of them must be a F [...]lo de se, as our Lawyers phrase it. Our Author hath not done with the Oath, for he findes fault n [...]xt.

That the Juror therein declares he swears Fol. 1 [...]. willingly, to which he was to be constrained under the highest penalties.] This is a grie­vous crime indeed, but such (if any crime it be) as the high Court of Parliament hath been guilty of, in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance, in the third yeare of King James: In which the party is to swe [...]re, that he [...]akes that recognition, not only heartily and truly, but also Willingly [...] and yet the [...]aking of that O [...]th is impo­sed on all the Subj [...]cts under severall Pe­nalties, if any of them should refuse it. A [Page 194] crime it is in both or neither▪ and there­fore our Author hath proceeded with great partiality, in faulting that as ill done in the Convocation which passed with so great judgment and authority in the Court of Parliamen [...]. Our Author having done with the Oath, goes back to the Ca­non about Socinianisme, which he excepts against, because

As the Scots condemned the Arminian Ibid. Tenets, without defining what those Tenets were, so did these the Socinians, not decla­ring wherein they were culpable.] I am loth to think our Author to be a Soci­nian, though his advocating for them in such manner may invite me to it; for otherwise the Case he putteth is extreme­ly different. The Arminian Tenets were but few, reduced to five, and not increa­sed in the long agitation of those weighty Controversies, and so might easily have been reckoned and defined when the Scots condemned them: But So [...]inianisme is a complication (as the Canon calls it) of so many Her [...]sies, that the bare specifica­tion and recitall of them (which must be made by searching into their Books and Papers) might have taken up the greatest part of the time which the Convocation had to spend in all other businesses. It [Page 195] was as much as they could doe to con­demne it under that generall Notion, to interdict the bringing in▪ printing, and studying such Books as contained those Heresies. And finally, to lay such a brand upon it, as men might know how much these Tenets were abhorred by the Church of England. And yet for all this great care they had little thanks, not onely ou [...] Author being displ [...]ased with their pro­ceedings, but the rise, growth, and danger of Socinianisme was not long after char­ged on the Archbishop and divers emi­nent Members of that Convocation, by one Mr. Cheynell, and that too in a printed Pamphlet written to that purpose, Anno 1643. So hard a thing it is to keep a good conscience, and to please all parties. From this our Author passeth to the Benevo­lence which the Clergie granted to the King in that Convoc [...]tion, being of Four shillings in the Pound to be payd yearly for six years next following.

Which was beheld (saith he) as an act of Ibid. very high presumption, and an usurpation upon the pr [...]minence of Parliament, no Con­vocation▪ having power to grant any Subsi­dies o [...] aid without confirmation from the Lay-Senate.] With ignorance enough in them that beheld it so▪ or looked upon it [Page 196] as an Act of very high presumption; The English Clergie being the greatest slaves which the Sunne ever shined on, if they could not give away their own without leave from others. But whereas our Au­thor puts it down for a Rule in Govern­ment, That no Convocation hath power to grant any Subsidies or aide without confir­mation from the Parliament; I must let him (and all that shall reade him) know, that never was any rule more false, nor more weakly grounded; The Clergie in Convocation having as much power to give away the money of the Clergy, by whom they are chose to that employ­ment; as the Commons in Parliament have to give the money of the Cities, Towns, and Counties, for which they serve. For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Convocation there is an Instru­ment drawn up and sealed by the Clergie, in which they binde themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their se­verall Diocesses, upon the pain of forfeit­ing all their lands and goods, se ratum, gratum & acceptum habere, quicquid dicti procuratores sui dixerint, fecerint, vel con­stituerint, that is to say, to allow, stand to, and perform whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say, do [...], or con­descend [Page 197] unto on their behalfe. Greater authority than this, as the Commons have not, so why the Clergie in the Convoca­tion should not make use of this autho­rity, as they see occasion, I can finde no reason. Nor is it a speculative authority onely, and not reducible unto practice and authority which was then in force, but not then in use, as our Author hath distin­guished in another place; but very safely praecedented in Qu [...]en Elizabeths tim [...]. For in the year 1585, (if I remember it right, as I think I doe) the Convocation having given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament, and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasi­ons, did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie, and to be le­vied by such Synodicall Acts and Consti­tutions as they digested for that purpose, without having any recourse to the Par­liament for it; which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word, not doubting but they had as good autho­rity to doe it now, as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time h [...]d to doe it then; and so undoubtedly they had, whatsoever either our Author here, or any other E­nemy [Page 198] of the Churches power can alledge against it. Our Author hath now done with the Convocation, and leads us on u [...]to the Warre levied by the Scots, who had no sooner made an entrance, but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England, bearing this in­scription,

To the Kings most excellent Majestie. The Fol. 189. humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects, whose names are under-written, in behalf of themselfs & divers others.] Concerning this we are to know, that a little before the Scots fell into Eng­land, they published a Pamphlet, called the Intentions of the Army; in which it was declared, That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon su­rer grounds, the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice, and that Justice to be done in Parliament: and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists, Prelates and their Adherents, but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lieu­tenant of Ireland. In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition, subscribed by six Earles, one Viscount, and four Ba­rons, [Page 199] being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation, a Descant only on that Plain Song. And presently on the back of that, another is posted to the same effect from the City of London: So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest, The Petition of the Londoners, (that we may see how well the businesse was con­trived) was this that followeth,

The like Petitions there came also from other parts, according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business; which makes it the lesse ma [...]vell that Pe­titions shou [...]d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome (as soon as the Parliament was begun) craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State, as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author.

And to deny the Sco [...]s any thing, conside­ring Fol. 194. their armed posture, was interprered the way to give them all.] In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned, the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money, and when that f [...]iled, they would give Bills of Debt for the p [...]yment of it. But finding such good correspondence, [Page 204] and such weak resistance after their en­ [...]ry into England, they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came, but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes, during the time of the Treaty then in agitation, unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English. And this was readily yeilded to, for fear (it seems) l [...]t by denying the Scots any thing, we should give them all. I know ind [...]ed, that it is neither safe nor prudent, to deny any reasonable request to an ar­med power, arma t [...]nti omnia dat qui justa negat, as the Poet hath it, and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly. But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force, tha [...] those which they cannot otherwise pro­cure by favour, which whether the Scots were Masters of, I do more th [...]n question. Exceedingly cryed up they were, both in Court and City, as men of most unmatcha­ble valour, and so undoubtedly they were, till they found resistance; their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wi [...] and courage, the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch, [...]he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them, which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford (then General of the English [Page 205] Army) would have given them battaile, if the King had been willing to engage; and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterb [...]y, that he durst undertake (upon the p [...]rill of his head) to send them back faster th [...]n they came, but that he did not hold it concellable, as the case then stood. It is an old saying, & a true, that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted; nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes, as they were reported. For when they met with any who knew how to [...] with them, they proved such Lyons as the Boy saw the Butcher carry by two and two together upon a Horse; repulsed with shame and ignominy from the walls of Hereford, driven out of the field with foul dishonour in the Fight on Marston-Moor, n [...]r York; totally routed by the gallantry and con­duct of one man in three severall battails, in Lancashire, at Dunbar, at Worcester, the command of their own Country taken from them, and themselves made [...] to a people, whom they most despised. But [...] they br [...]wed, so let them bake, for the thought is taken.

James E [...]rle of Montrosse having long Fol. 195 and faithfully adhered to the Covenanters, &c.] The reason of which adh [...]ring to them, as he afterwards averred unto the [Page 206] King was briefly this. At his returne from the Court of France, where he was Cap­taine (as I take it) of the Sootish guard, he had a minde to put himself into the Kings service, and was advised to make his way by the Marquesse of Hamilton; who know­ing the gallantry of the man, and fearing a competitor in his Majesties favour, cun­ningly told him, that he would doe him a [...]y service, but that the King was so wholly given up to the English, and so discountenanced and sleighted the Scotish Nation, that were it not for doing service for his Countrey (which the King intend­ed to reduce to the forme of a Province) he could not suffer the indignities which were put upon him. This done, he re­p [...]es unto the King, tells him of the Earls returne from France, and of his purpose to attend him at the time appoin­t [...]d; but that he was so powerfull, so po­pular, and of such esteem among the Scots, by reason of an old descent from the Royall Family, that if he were not nip­ped in the bud (as we use to say) he might end anger the Kings interesse and affaires, in Scotland. The E [...]rle being brought un­to the King, with very great demonstra­tions of affection, on the Marquesses part, the King without taking any great no­tice [Page 207] of him, gave him his hand to kisse, and so turned aside: which so confirmed in the truth of that false report, which Hamilton had delivered to him, that in great displeasure and disdaine, he makes for Scotland, where he found who knew how to worke on such humours, as he brought along with him, till by seconding the information which he had from Ha­milton, they had fashioned him wholly to their will. How he fell off againe, we are told by our Author.

Tuesday November the 3. being the day Fol. 196. prefixed, and the Parliament sate, &c.] Touching this day there was a Letter wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury, advertising that the Parliament of the twentieth yeare of Henry the Eighth, which began in the fall of Cardinall Wolsey, continued in the diminution of the power and priviledges of the Clergy, and ended in the dissolution of the Ab­bies, and Religious Houses, was begun on the third day of November; and there­fore that for good luck sake, he would move the King to respite the first sitting of it, for a day or two longer. But the Archbishop not he [...]ning to this adver­tisement, the Parliament had their first sitting on Tuesday the third day of Novem­ber, [Page 208] as our Author telleth us: which Par­liament as it begun in the fall and ruine of the Archbishop himself, and was con­tinued in the totall dissipation of the re­maining rites and priviledges of the En­glish Clergy; so did it not end till it had subverted the Episcopall Government, dissolved all Capitular bodies, and left the Cathedralls of this Land (not pre­sently ruined I confesse, but) without meanes to keep them up for the time to come. I am no superstitious observer of dayes and times, and yet am apt enough to thinke, that the beginning of an En­terprise in a lucky houre, may much con­duce to a fortunate and successefull end. Certaine I am, that Machiavel hath told us in the first book of his History of Flo­r [...]nce, that when Pope Martin the third had besieged Furly (a chief town of Ro­mondiola or Romagna) Guido Bonatus (a man renouned unto this day for judici­ous Astrology) perswaded the people of that City, that so soon as he gave them a token, & not before, they should presently assault their Enemies, which they did accordingly, and sped so well by the advice, that all their Enemies were slaine, and the siege removed. Our Author ha­ving thus named Tuesday for the day of [Page 209] the week, and the third day of November for the day of the month, on which the Parliament began, proceeds in telling us, that the day prefixed being come

The Parliament sate.] But where the Ibid. Parli [...]ment sate, he telleth us not, though there be all the reason in the world why he should have told it: for who could rationally suppose that a Parliament cal­led at such a time, and on such an occa­casion (that is to say, the over-running of the Northern parts of the Kingdome by a Scottish Army) should be held at West­minster; when Yorke (where the King was there in Person) lay nearer to the danger, and the scene of action, and to the place of treaty betwixt the Nations. These Reasons were sufficient to have moved the King to hold this Parliament at Yorke, and not at Westminster, had He known nothing of the disaffections and engagements of the neighbouring City, as He knew too much. And He had some good presidents too, which might have added no small weight to those weighty Reasons, for when King Edward the first was busie in the Conquest of Wales He called His Parliament to Acton-Burnell, being in the Marches of that Countrey; and when He turned His Forces to the [Page 210] Conquest of Scotland, He called His Par­liament to Carlisle, (if my memory faile me not) being on the Borders of that Kingdome. Had the King made choice of the like place for this present Parlia­ment (which he did afterwards indeavour to alter when it was too late) he had undoubtedly prevented all those inconve­niences (or rather mischiefes) which the Pride, Purse, Faction, and tumul [...]uousness of the Londoners did afterwards enforce upon him. And yet as if he had not er­red enough in calling his Parliament so neer London, the Commissioners for the Treaty must also be brought thither by especiall order, that they might have the greater opportunity to inflame that City, and make it capable of any impression, which those of the Scotish Nation, should thinke fit to imprint upon them. For ne­ver were men Idolized there, as the Scotch Commissioners, feasted, presented, com­plemented by all sorts of people; their lodgings more frequented at the publick times of Prayers, or Preachings, then ever were the Houses of the Embassadors of the Pop [...]sh Princes, by the opposite par­ty. What ensued hereupon, we shall finde in our Author, when he comes to tell us, what multitudes followed Al­derman [Page 211] Pennington, and how many thou­sand hands subscribed the Petition which the Alderman carryed, against the Go­vernment of B [...]shops then by Law esta­blished; what greater multitudes throng­ed down afterwards to the House of Parliament, to call upon the Peers for Justice on the Earl of Strafford. The two main points which the Scotish Covenanters aimed at, in bringing their Army into England. In order whereunto, the E [...]le of Strafford is impeached of high Treason now. And

Thereupon requested from the Parlia­ment Fol. 199. House, and committed to the usher of the black rod.] Which was the least that probably would be requ [...]sted upon such an Impeachment, and that being granted, a question was raised amongst knowing men, whether the Earl of Strafford took his accustomed wisdome and courage a­long with him, when he came to the Par­liament. Some thinke he failed in point of wisdome, in regard hee could not chuse but know, that the Scots and scoti­zing English, had most infallibly resolved upon his destruction; and that Innocency was no armour of proof against the fiery darts of malicious power; that seeing such a storm hang over his head, he rather [Page 212] should have kept himselfe in the English Army (being then under his command) which he had gained upon exceedingly by his noble carriage, or have passed over into Ireland, where the Army rested wholly at his Devotion; or have tran­sported himselfe to some forraine King­dome, till faire wether here (in reference to his owne safety, and the publick peace) might invite him home; that it was no betraying of his Innocency to decline a triall, where partiality held the Scales, and selfe-ends backed with power, and made blinde with Prejudice, were like to over­ballance Justice: that if sentence should be passed against him for default of ap­pearance (which was the worst that could befall him) yet had he still kept his head on his shoulders untill better times, and in the meane time might have done his Ma­ster as good service in the Courts of many forraigne Princes, as if he were siitting in White-Hall at the Councell table. On the other side it was alledged, that all these points had been considered of, before his leaving of the Army; that whilst he lay so neer the Scots in the head of this Army, he had gained (as he thought) certaine and assured evidence that the Scots Army came not in, but by imitation; that there was a [Page 213] confederacy made between the Heads of the Covenanters, and some of the lead­ing Members of both Houses, his most capitall enemies, to subvert the Govern­ment of the Church, and innovate in that of the Civill State; that he had digested his intelligence in those particulars into the form of an Impeachment, which he intended to have offered in the House of Peers, assoon as he had taken his place amongst them; that Mr. Pym, whom it concerned as much as any, fearing or knowing his intendments, followed him so close at the heels, and had his Impeach­ment so ready in his mouth, that he was ready to give, and did give the blow, be­fore the Earle of Strafford could have time and leisure to effect his purpose▪ This therefore being left undecided, it was said by others, that the Earle shewed not that praesentiam animi, that readiness of courage and resolution which former­ly had conducted him through so many difficulties, in giving over his designe; for though he lost the opportunity of striking the first blow, yet he had time enough to strike the second, which might have been a very great advantage to his preservation. For, had he offered his Impeachment, and prosecuted it in the [Page 214] same pace and method, as that was which was brought against him, it is pos­sible enough, that the businesse on both sides might have been hushed up without hurt to either. And for so doing he wan­ted not a fair example in the second Par­liament of this King, in which he served for the County of Yorke in the House of Commons, when the Earle of Bristol be­ing impeached of high Treason by the Kings Attorney, at the instance and pro­cu [...]ement of the Duke of Buckingham, retorted presently a Recrimination or Impeachment against the Duke, and by that meanes, tooke off the edge of that great adversary from proceeding further. This I remember to have been the sub­stance of some discourses which that time produced, how pertinent and well groun­ded, must be left to the Readers judg­ment. Certain I am, it was much wondred at by many, that a man of so great spirit and knowledge should yeild himself up so tamely, on a generall Accusation only, without any particular Act of Treason charged upon him, or any proof offered to make good that Charge, not only to the losse of his liberty as a private person, but to the forfeiture of his priviledge as a Member of Parliament; all which points [Page 215] were so much insisted not long after by Mr. Pym, and the rest of the Five Mem­bers when they were under the like im­peachment (though not so generall as this) on the Kings behalf. But being all these considerations were not thought of or passed over by him, and that the Commons sped so well in their first at­tempt, it was not wondred at, that they brought the Archbishop (within few weeks after) under the like generall Charge of Treason, or that he yie [...]ded without any opposition to the like com­mitment: of whom our Author telleth us, That a mixt accusation, halfe Scotch, halfe English, was preferred against him,

And on the 18 [...]e was voted guilty of Fol. 202. high Treason, and committed to the Usher of the Black Rod.] To give the true time­ing of this businesse (which our Author doth a little faile in, he may please to know, that on Wednesday the 16 of De­cemb. the Canons being voted down in the House of Commons (of which more hereafter) a Committee was appointed to draw up a Charge against him; and the same day (not on the 17, as our Au­thor) he was named an Incendiary by the Scotch Commissioners, who promised to bring in their Complaint against him on [Page 216] the morrow after, the Lord Paget being made the Instrument to serve them in it. No complaint coming from the Scots on Thursday, Mr. Hollis is sent up with the Impeachment on the Friday morning, and presently came in the Charge of the Scotch Commissioners; upon the reading whereof, he was committed to the custo­dy of James Maxwell, Usher of the black Rod, as our Author telleth us. There he continued full ten weeks before any par­ticular Charge was brought against him, during which time he had gained so much on the good opinion of Ginne Rider Mr. Maxwells Wife, that she was pleased to say amongst some of her Gossips, That certainly he was a very devout and religi­ou [...] man, but one of the simplest Fellows to talk with that ever she knew in all her life. On Friday Feb. 26. on the ten weeks end, the Charge before spoken of was brought up by Sir Henry Vane the younger from the House of Commons: And upon Mun­day March the first he was conveyed unto the Tower, continuing in the state of a Prisoner from the first to the last a­bove four years before he came unto his last and fatall Tryall. But it is time, that we goe back unto the place where we left our Author, and we shall finde there, that [Page 217] there was not greater care taken to com­mit this Bishop to the Tower, then to release another from it; of which he saith, that

Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Fol. 200. Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his im­prisonment in the Tower, upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie, and the next day, being a day of Humiliation, he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops, and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords.] So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour. Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Com­mons, his person looked upon as sacred, his words deemed as Oracles; and he continued in this height, till having ser­ved their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Earle of Strafford, he began sensibly to decline, and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hie­rarchie. But he was wise enough to fore­see the change, and prepare himself for it: For, I remember, that congratulating him for the high esteem, to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament; and representing to him the many oppor­tunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King, and good to the [Page 218] Church: He told me, that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren; that the difference between them stood onely thus, that some of them might be more hated than he, but that he was not more beloved than any of them; And finally, (such was the freedome he used with me) that all the courtes [...]e he expected from them, was that which Po­liphemus promised to Ulysses, that is to say, to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows. How truly this was said the event hath proved.

It was unanimously voted by the Com­mons, Fol. 205. That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships, and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose (commonly called Ship-money) are against the Laws of the Realme.] Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons, but afterwards in the House of Peers, and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table, the Star-Chamber, and the Courts of Justice declared null and void: yet for all this, the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many un­derstanding men, that it could not easily be removed: 1. In regard of the great [Page 219] learning and integrity of the man, by whom it was first set on foot. 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimous­ly to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger, of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge. 3. Because be­ing brought to a publick tryall, after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice, and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber, there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King. 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way, than was expected without being brought to a review, nei­ther the Kings Councell being heard, nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions. 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons, that the Ar­guments of Justice Crooke, and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print: those of the other eight Judges which were for the L [...]gallity of it, continuing suppressed; which gave oc­casion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Argu­ments than was thought fit to see the light. And last of all, because notwith­standing all this care to vote down this Assesment, they were faine to have re­course [Page 220] to the King, for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come. In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason, that having such a rod over them, they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law, but as they would have it. Not being satisfied in this Vote, I fear I shall finde lesse satis­faction in that that follows, that is to say, that

The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation Ibid. hath no power to make Canons, Constitu­tions, or Lawes, to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament.] This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before, the Convocation having no de­pendence upon the Parliament, either in the calling or dissolving of it, nor in the confirmation & authorizing of the Acts thereof, but only on the King himselfe; and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament, but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be. And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th, and the constant practise ever since. But whereas it was voted also, that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme, and against the Kings Prerogative, &c. [Page 221] I am to tell my Author, that before the Canons were subscribed, they were im­parted to the King, and by Him commu­nicated to the Lords of the Privy Coun­cell, the Judges, and the Kings Councell, learned in the Laws of this Realm, being then attending, in the hearing of all which they were read, and by all appro­ved: which had been strange, if any thing tending unto faction and sedition, or to the diminution of the Subjects pro­perty, and the Kings prerogative, or o­therwise against the known Laws of the Land, had been found in them. And final­ly, whereas our Author doth inform us, that this censure passed upon the Ca­nons, upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides, I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie. I have some reason to be­lieve that none of the Clergie of that Convocation, who best understood their own businesse, were called to the deba­ting of it, or that they did appear there, by their Councell learned, sufficiently au­thorized, and instructed to advocate for them; and therefore if any such deba­ting was, it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House, or by some London Ministers, purposely [Page 222] called out of the rest to betray the Cause; and be it which of these it will, it is not to be doubt [...]d, but their Arguments were either fi [...]ted to the sence of the House, or built on such weak promises, as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensu [...] upon them. Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons, unlesse the Canon­makers were kept under by the hand of terrour; And therefore, as before, they im­peached the Judges, so did they Frame a Bill, for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation, according to the place and station which they held therein: By this meanes keeping them in such awe, that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority, or in opposing those encroachments, and Innovations, which day by day were thrust upon them.

Toward which worke our Nation was so Fol. 210. auxiliary, so assistant, yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges.] There was no reason why they should, having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to. Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France, had taken on her (at that time) the stile and title of Queen of England; and the better to pursue that Title, had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenbo­rough, [Page 223] the town of Lieth, and other pla­ces of that Kingdome. The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk, looked on these French, as purpose­ly sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions, and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome; and thereupon made suit unto Queen Eli­zabeth, to supply them with Men, Money, and Ammunition, for driving the French ­men out of their Countrey. And hereun­to the Queen most readily assented, know­ing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person, and the preservation of her Title, Estate, that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Ca­stles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome. So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desi­red, she played her owne game as well as theirs. For by dislodging the French, and quitting the whole Countrey of them, she kept that back-door shut against all pre­tenders; and by feeding the most Po­pular of the Scotish Nobility, [...]ith gifts and pensions, she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome, that she became more absolute there, than ever any King of Scotland had been before her.

The Bishops were excluded by antient Fol. 219. [Page 224] Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo, to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death, as disagreeable to their Function.] That the Bishops were disabled by some anti [...]nt Canons, from sentencing any man to death, and (it may be) from being pre­sent when any such sentence was pro­nounced, I shall easily grant; but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases, from taking the Examinati­ons, or hearing the Depositions of wit­nesses, or giving councell in such m [...]ters as they saw occasion, I believe our Au­thor cannot prove [...] [...]ertaine I am, that it is. and hath been otherwise in point of practice. And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament, were ne­ver excluded before this time, from any such assistances, as by their Gravity and Learning, and other abilities, they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse (though of Blood and Death) which were brought before him. And I remember I saw about that time a little M [...]nuscript Tract entituled, De jure Paritatis Episcoporum, that is to say, of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops, in which their priviledges were asserted, [...]s to that particular: But they not willing to contend in a business which [Page 225] seemed so little to concerne them, or else not able to strive against the present stream▪ which seemed to carry all before it, suffered themselves to be excluded at that time, without protesting to the contrary, or interposing in defence of their antient rights. And this I look on as the first de­gree of their Humiliation. For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in P [...]rliament, without their councell and consent, it o­pened a wide gap unto their adversaries, first to deprive them of their Votes, and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe. But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at, they were resolved to have a close Committes, to take examinati­ons in the business of the Earl of Strafford, and were not willing that any B [...]shops should be of it, for feare le [...]t favouring the Earles Cause or Person, they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him, and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just de­fence, when the Cause should come unto a tryall. And now it is coming on apace, for our Author telleth us, that

Munday the 22. of March was the day Ibid. prefixed of the Earles compearing.] That is to [...]ay, of his appearing a [...] Westminster­Hall, [Page 226] where the Lords were to sit as Judges, and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely. If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was pre­fixed no sooner, considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November, which was above four months before? I answer, first, that the Exami­nation of so many Witnesses as were used against him, (many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant) took up no small time. I answer secondly, that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party, to mitigate the displeasures, and take off the edge of his greatest Adversa­ries; and it came so farre towards an a­greement, that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest, both Trust and Power, to be given amongst them: it being condescended too (if my intelli­gence or memory faile not) that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasu­rer, and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince, and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor, the Lord Say Master of the Wards, and Master Hollice princi­pall Secretary in the place of Windebanke, the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed▪ of [Page 227] also, and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie. And in relation to this purpose, the Bi­shop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe, the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince, and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards, there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him: but before all things were fully setled and agreed on, the Kings minde was altered, which so exasperated them who were concerned in this des [...]gnation, that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eager­nesse. And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August, in which he signified what overtures had been made by them, and with what importunity for Offices and pre­ferments, what great s [...]rvices should have been done for him, and what other under­takings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford. By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some princi­pall Members in the eyes of many of the people, so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others, by [Page 228] giving them to understand at how cheap a rate (a rate which would have cost him nothing) he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister.

Secretary Vane upon some occasion de­livered Fol 246. to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein, &c.] What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it, espe­cially if compared with those Animosi­ties and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl. Sir Hen­ry Vane had obtained of the King not long before, the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham, not without hope of being made Baron of that place by His Majesties favour. On the other side the Lord Lieutenant deriving his descent from the Nevils, Earles of Westmor land, whose Honorary Seate that was, procu­red himself to be created Baron of Rabie in those Letters Patents, by which he was invested with the Earldome of Strafford. This gave the beginning to that fire which consumed the Earle, but not till it had been much increased on another oc­casion. There was a thrifty designe in Court to save the King the charges of a publick table; and to that end it was advised that Sir Henry Vane then Trea­surer [Page 229] of the Houshold should be made one of the principall Secretaryes in the place of Sir John Cooke then weak with age, but so that he should still hold the Treasurership in the way of Commen­dam. Scarce was Vane warm in his new Office when the Earle of Strafford inter­posed, alleaging to the King, that he had no other Correspondent in the Court for the businesses of Ireland but Mr. Secre­tary Cooke, and that if he should be dis­placed, His Majesties affairs in that King­dome might extremely suffer. On this, a sudden stop was made, and Cooke resto­red, continuing in his former Office till the Queen openly appeared in behalf of Vane, who so prevailed that Vane was setled in the place, and Cooke dismissed into the Countrey, as no longer service­able; which fewell being added to the former fire, made it flame so high that nothing but death or blood could quench it. Insomuch as it was thought by many understanding men, that Sir Henry Vane did purposely misreport the Kings Mes­sage to the former Parliament for abro­gating the Ship-money in hatred to the Earle of Strafford, who had undertook to manage that Parliament to the Kings ad­vantage: and that seeing him to conti­nue [Page 230] still both in power and favour, he fell upon that speeding project which our Au­thor hath related in that which follow­eth in the story; that by such a cunning piece of malice, he might rather seem to offer him up as a sacrifice to the publick justice, than to his own particular hatred, Ah ult io magis publicè vindictae quam pri­vato odio dato videatur, as in the like case the Historian hath it.

For the C [...]ons were resalved that day Fol. 152. should set a totall period to the Earles de­fence, and next to speed their Bill [...] A [...] ­tainder.] The Commons had now spent a Moneth in prosecuting their Acousation against the Earle of Strafford, and seeing how little they had gained in order to the point they aimed at, resolved to steer their course by another winde. For find­ing that their proofs amounted not to a Legall evidence, and that nothing but le­gall evidence could prevail in a way of Judicature, they called the Legislative power to their assistance; according unto which, both Lords and Commons might proceed by the light of their own con­sciences, without any further proof or testimony. And so it is affirmed expresly by Mr. St. John then Sollicitor Generall in his Speech made at a Conference in a [Page 231] Committee of both Houses of Parlia­ment, April the 29. 1641. where it is said, That although single testimony might be sufficient to satisfie private consciences, yet how farre it would have been satisfa­ctory in a judiciall way where Forms of Law are more to be stood upon, was not so clear; whereas in this way of Bill, private satisfaction▪ to each mans conscience is suffi­cient, although no evidence had been given in at all. Thus they resolved it in this Case, but knowing of what dangerous consequence it might be hereafter, to the lives and fortunes of the Subjects, a Clause was added to the Bill that i [...] should not be drawn into example for the time to come: which because it may seem somewhat strange to them that know it not, I will here adde so much of the said Bill as concerns this point: In which said Bill the heads of the Accusa­tion being reckoned up, it followeth thus, viz: Be it therefore enacted▪ by the Kings most excellent Majestie, and by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the said Earle of Strafford for the heynous crimes and offences aforesaid, stand and be adjudged and attainted of high Treason, and shall suffer such pain of death, [Page 232] and incurre such forfeitures of his Goods and Chattells, Lands, Tenements, and Here­ditaments, of any Estate of Free-hold, or Inheritance in the said Kingdomes of Eng­land, and Ireland, which the said Earle or any other to his use, or in trust for him, have, or had the day of the first sitting of this pre­sent Parliament, or at any time since. Pro­vided that no Judge or Judges, Justice or Justices whatsoever, shall adjudge or inter­pret any act or thing to be Treason, nor hear or determine any Treason, nor in any other manner, then he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act, and as if this Act had never been made. Thus have we Treason and no Treason in the selfe-same action; that being judged Treason in this one man, which never was to be judged Treason in any other. But whatsoever it was, it was conceived that many of the Lords began to shew them­selves more forwards to comply with the Commons, then they had done for­merly.

Whereof the King having notice, he thought [...]ol. 253. it high time for him to interpose, &c. and calling both Houses together, May the first, said, &c.] This coming of his Majesty, and the Speech then made, as it relished so ill with the two Houses, that few of them [Page 233] attended on the solemnit [...]es of the next day, on which the Kings eldest Daughter was married to the Prince of Orange, so gave it no contentment to the E [...]rle himselfe, whose death it rather [...], and made sure worke of, then it could any wa [...]es conduce to his preservation. That passage in the Kings Speech, in which he signified, that the misdemeanours of the Earle were so great and many, that he was not fit to serve in the place of a Consta­ble, wrought more impression on the Spirits of that Noble Gentleman, then any kinde of death (whatsoever it were) which his Enemies could inflict upon him, though with great modesty he did no o­therwise expresse it, in a letter sent unto the King, then that he could have wished his Majesty had spared his Declaration on Saturday last. But the Earles friends were as much unsatisfied in the Kings coming at that time, as in that passage of his Speech, giving it out, that the King was put upon it by some of his bosome-Ene­mies, which were in neerest trust about him, on purpose to set him at greater odds with the House of Commons, and conse­quently with the people whom they re­presented, by drawing on himselfe the envy of that businesse, howsoever it hap­pened▪ [Page 234] That if the Earle should be at­tainted notwithstanding by the Votes of the Lords, it wo [...]ld be looked upon as a thing done against his will, and no thanks to him; but if he were acquitted by them, who but the King must beare the storme of all popular clamours: That it was possible enough that the curs could be so considerate of▪ their own condition, as not to make a rod for them [...]elves, under colour it was intended for another man, and so that Bill of Attainder might have rested there; but had it passed (which was the worst that could happen in it) the King had still the liberty of a Negative voice, or might have yeilded at the last, to the importunity of the Commons, with lesse dishonour, then after such a Decla­ration, and so publickly made: And fi­nally that by dissenting from the Bill when it came to his turn [...], it could have raised no greater tumults then it d [...]d, to compell him to it, and possibly had raised none at all, because he had done it in a Parliamen­tary and regular way; whereas his coming at that time, and in that manner to the House of Peers, was looked upon as a forestalling of their Judgements, and in­terruption of the Course of Justice by threats and menaces, from whence what [Page 235] fruits could be expected, but the ex­asperating of the Commons to such acts of violence, as should not onely make sure worke with the Earle of Strafford, but lay a ground of [...] troubles for himselfe and hi [...]. This was the summe of those discourses at that time, which whe­ [...]her they had▪more of truth, or of passion in them, it is ha [...]d to say. But who can goe again [...]t the workings of that heavenly Providence, [...]hose judgements are past finding out, and his wayes unsearchable. What [...] hereupon ensued, we shall finde in our [...], who [...]elleth us with­all, of [...] people thus drawn to­gether, th [...]t

They posted upon the gate of Westminster Fol. 256. a Catalogue of those whose [...] were for the Earles acquittall, under the Title of Straffordians.] This paper was not posted up on the Gate of Westminster, but on the corner of the wall of Sir William Brunkards house, in the old Paelace yard in Westminster, with this clause added to the end, This and more shall be done to the Enemies of Justice. The names of which [...], since our Author hath not pleased to give us, and that I thinke it neither dishonourable, nor un­safe to them (being elsewhere Printed) I [Page 236] shall here adde in the same order as they stood in the Paper, That is to say,

• 1. Lord Digbie.
• 2. Lord Compton.
• 3. Lord Buckhurst.
• 4. Sir Rob. Hatton.
• 5. Sir Thomas Fanshaw.
• 6. Sir Edward Alford.
• 7. Sir Nicho. Slanning.
• 8. Sir Thomas Danby.
• 9. Sir Geo. Wentworth.
• 10. Sir Peter Wentworth.
• 11. Sir Frederick Cornwallis:
• 12. Sir William Carnaby.
• 13. Sir Richard Winn.
• 14. Sir Gervase Clifton.
• 15. Sir William Withrington.
• 16. Sir William Pennyman.
• 17. Sir Patrick Curwent.
• 18. Sir Richard Lee.
• 19. Sir Henry Slingsby.
• 20. Sir William Portman.
• 21. Mr. Gervase Hallis.
• 22. Mr. Sydny Godolphin.
• 23. Mr. Cooke.
• 24. Mr. Coventry.
• 25. Mr. Ben. Weston.
• 26. Mr. Will. Weston.
• 27. Mr. Selden.
• 28. Mr. Alford.
• [Page 237]29. Mr. Floyd.
• 30. Mr. Herbert.
• 31. Captain Digby.
• 32. Sergeant Hide.
• 33. Mr. Taylor.
• 34. Mr. Griffith.
• 35. Mr. Scowen.
• 36. Mr. Bridgman.
• 37. Mr. Fettiplace.
• 38. Dr. Turner.
• 39. [...]pt. Charles Price.
• 40. Dr. Parry Civilian.
• 41. Mr. Arundell.
• 42. Mr. Newport.
• 43. Mr. Holborne.
• 44. Mr. Noell.
• 45. Mr. Kirton.
• 46. Mr. Pollard.
• 47. Mr. Price.
• 48. Mr. Travanmian.
• 49. Mr. Jane.
• 50. Mr. Edgecombe.
• 51. Mr. Chilchly.
• 52. Mr. Mallery.
• 53. Mr. Porter.
• 54. Mr. White Secret. E. D.
• 55. Mr. Warwick.

These were the men exposed unto the fury of ungo­verned people, so mad and violent, that some of them were heard to say, That if [Page 238] they could not have the Lieutenants life, they would have the Kings.

This Protestation being formed was the Ibid. next day read in the lower House, and gene­rally taken by all the Members.] Our Au­thor is here out as in that before, the Protestation not being taken the next day after it was framed, but on the very same day before the Memhers were commit­ted to go out of the Honse; and though it was taken generally by all the Members, yet it was not taken by them all, the Lord Digbie and an Unkle of his refusing it. But being taken by all the rest, it was not long after sent to the Lords, by whom (neither out of fear or favour) it was taken also; and afterwards imposed upon all the Subjects by an Or­der of the House of Commons, July the 30 ^th. 1641. under pain of being thought unfit to bear any Office either in the Church or Common-wealth; the Lords not onely not consenting to it, but dissenting from it. Which Protestation (being omitted by our Author, I shall here subjoyn, that we may see how punctually it hath been ob­served by them that took it, and is this that followeth:

‘ [Page 239] I A. B. doe in the presence of Al­mighty God, promise, vow, and protest to maintain and defend, as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, and estate, the true reformed Prote­stant Religion, expressed in the Do­ctrine of the Church of England, a­gainst all Popery and Popish Innova­tions within this Realme contrary to the same Doctrine, and according to the duty of my Allegiance to his Maje­sties Royall Person, Honour, and E­state; as also the Power and Privi­leges of Parliament, the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject, and every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same. And to my power and as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose, and by all good waies and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force, practice, plots, councels, and conspiracies, or otherwise doe any thing, to the contrary of any thing in [Page 240] this present Protestation contained. And further that I shall in all just and honourable waies, indeavour to pre­serve the union and peace between the three Kingdomes of England, Scot­land,and Ireland. And neither for hope, fear, nor other respect shall relin­quish this promise, vow, and Protesta­tion.’

In this perplexity of thoughts he consults Fol. 257. with four Bishops, &c.] Not sent for by himself, but sent to him by the Houses of Parliament to inform his conscience, and bring him to yeild unto the Bill; In the nomination of which Bishops they con­sulted rather their own ends than the Kings satisfaction. The persons sent on this employment were the Primate of Ar­magh, the Bishops of Lincoln, Durham, and Carlisle: of which, the two last be­ing men unskilled in Politick and Secular affairs, depended wholly on the judgment of the other two; and those (as the Hou­ses knew well enough) carried a sharp tooth towards the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges. The displeasure which the Primate had conceived against him, was for the abrogating of the Articles of [Page 241] Religion established in the Church of Ireland, and setling in their place the Ar­ticles of the Church of England, Anno 1633. And this he reckoned on his score, because Dr. Bramall (once Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant, and) then Bishop of Derrie, had appeared most in it. But he on whose dextetiry they did most depend for this businesse, was the Bishop of Lin­colne, of worse affections than the other, in regard that when the Bishop was un­der the Star-chamber suit, the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland, put off his going thither for a Term or two, of pur­pose (as it was conceived) to have a fling at him before he went. This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack, that he would not think [...]imself in safety, where the Earle had any thing to doe, and so was like to help him forwards to the o­ther world. Nor speak I this but on some good ground: For when the Bishop, be­ing then Prisoner in the Tower, had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty, offer­ing both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster, in confidence that the King would so provide for him, that he should not go much lesse than he was: the King upou the Queens desire sent, the Earle of [Page 242] Dors [...]t (from whose mouth I have it) to accept the B [...]shops offer on the one side, and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name, the next good Bishop­rick that should fall in Ireland: which Pro­position being made, the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it, telling the E. of Dorset, that he had made a shift, by the po­wer and mediation of his friends, to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together, but if they should send him into Ireland, he should there fall into the hands of a man, who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or o­ther to cut off his head. Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience, when men so interessed were designed unto the managing, and preparing of it? and so it proved in the event. For our Author telleth us, that on the morrow after being

Munday, May the 10th, in the morning Fol. 158. His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel, &c. for the passing of the two Bills; one for Continuation of the Par­liament during the pleasure of the two Hou­ses: the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford.] And these two Bills he signed (as I have been told) with one pen full of Inke, by one of which he wa [...] [Page 243] sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other. By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder, he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left, as was affi [...] ­med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain; but found such a remorse of conscience still attend­ing on him that it never left him till his death: A [...]d by consenting to the other, He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies, as was m [...]de use of afterwards not onely to His own de­struction, but to the disherison of His Children, and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him; who drew Him to the first, we are told by our Author; and who perswaded Him to the last, may be now enqu [...]red. Some charge it on the Queen, who being terrified with the Tu­mults, perswade the King to yield unto it, as the onely expedient for appeasing the people: some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards, and one of His Majesties privie Councell, who (as it is reported) when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn? made answer, That he ho­ped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths; and that if His Majestie passed the Bill, it should be so farre from [Page 244] making the Parliament perpetuall, that he was canfident they would desire to be dis­solved before three years end. Most lay the blame of it (as of all things else) on the Marquesse of Hamilton, who by cut­ting out so much work for the King in England, was sure to carry on his de­signes in Scotland without interruption: and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome, [...] frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English, and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done: so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that, which proved so prejudiciall to Him, that it made H [...]m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people; insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act, a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall, importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie, called, [ A King and no King.] But as for the publick out­ward motives, which were used to induce Him to, and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension, you may hear Himself thus speaking in His [Page 245] Declaration of the 12 ^th of August. Upon information (saith He) that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requi­fite for the relief of our Army, and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in, and for supply of Our present and urgent oc­casions, for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents, publick grievances be redres­sed, a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded, and be­fore provision should be made for the repay­ment of such moneys as should be so raised (though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so do­ing, and what might be the consequence of such a trust, if unfaithfully managed) We neglected all such suspitions, which all men now see deserved not to be slighted, and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament, be­ing resolved it should not be Our fault, if all those particulars were not speedily provided for, which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire.

May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Fol. 160. Letter, the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales.] In t [...] ­Letter (which our Author passeth [...]o [Page 246] sleightly over) there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men: 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Par­liament on the first of May, should put himselfe upon the hazard of another re­pulse. 2. That he should send this Letter (of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer) by the hands of the Prince, as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects. 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe, as to be a Sup­plicant to his People, and yet be in such a diffi [...]ence with them, as not to move his owne desires, but by the mediation of his Peers. 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble, as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sen­tence passed but the day before, which they had gained with so much danger, and so many artifices; or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes, for the condemned Gentleman, which was a power he had not parted with by the Act of Attainder. 5. That in the subscription of the Letter he should give himselfe the name of their Friend, as if by passing the Act for the [...]ntinuance of the Parliament, he had [...]de himselfe but as one of them, at the [Page 247] best their Equall; for Amicitia est inter Pares, true friendship is amongst Equalls onely, as the saying is. 6. That he should give himselfe the title of unalterable, con­sidering that he had publickly declared not long before, that neither feare nor fa­vour should make him doe a thing so much against his Conscience, as to act any thing in order to the Condemnation of the Earle of Strafford, with reference to the matters which were charged upon him, and yet should signe the Bill for his At­tainder within ten dayes after. And fi­nally (not to say any thing of the Militia) with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not his consent.

But that which gave matter of most amazement, was, that he should subscribe at all, it being a thing so contrary to his owne custome, and the custome of his Predecessors, who used to write their names on the heads of those Missives, which were directed to their Subjects: And then that when the Letter was brought back to him without any effect, he ordered that it should be registred in the House of Peers, on a wan hope that they would use to his honour. Assuredly this under-writing of his name in his Let­ter to this last Parliamement, was of as [Page 248] bad presage to him, as the vailing of his Crowne to the first; and his desire to have it put upon the register, did serve as a mo­mento to them, that they should keep him under, now they had him down. For having reduced him to this passe, how easily did they gaine from him severall Acts for suppressing the Authority of the Clerk of the Market, and the Court of Stannaries, for intrenching the pre­ambulation of the Forrests, and the Re­pealing the old Acts for Knighthood▪ with what a strong hand did they draw him to the abolishing of Ship-money, the Star-Chamber, the High Commission, the Courts of the Marquesse on the North, the Jurisdiction of all the Ecclesiasticall Courts, some priviledges formerly en­joyed by the Councell Table; besides the many Concessions at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, which either should have been soon granted, or not at all. All of them certaine Testimonies of his being brought under, and all of them incouraged by so strange a submission of himselfe to the Power and Courtesie of his People, as he caused to be registred in this Letter.

Thus died this unhappy Earle. And to Fol. 165. dye thus by the stroak of Justice, &c.] The highest Acts of Justice are seldome with­out [Page 249] some obliquity, or injustice in them. For summum jus est summa injuria, as the saying is. But whether it were so in this case or not, whether he were not sent out of the world, per viam expedientiae, rather then per viam justitiae, as most wise men thought; Posterity free from all en­gagements of Love or Hatred, will be best able to determine. And so I leave him to his rest in the bed of Peace, with this Epitaph of Clevelands making, to be fixt upon it, that is to say,