CHAP. I. The Motives which engag'd the Authour of this Discovery to undertake the Voyage here related.

I Always found in my self a strong Inclina­tion to retire from the World, and regulate my Life according to the Rules of pure and severe Virtue: and in compliance with this Humour, I enter'd into the Franciscan Order, designing to confine my self to an austere Way of Living. I was over-joy'd then, when I read in History the Travels and Voy­ages of the Priests of my own Order, who indeed were the first that undertook Missions into any Place. And oft-times repre­sented to my self that there could be nothing more great or glorious than to instruct the Ignorant and Barbarous, and lead 'em to the Light of the Gospel; and having remark'd that the Franciscans had behav'd themselves in this Work with a great deal of Zeal and Success, I found this begat in my Mind a Desire of tracing their Footsteps, and dedicating my self after their Example, to the Glory of God and the Salvation of Souls.

In reading the History of our Order I observ'd that in a general Assembly held in the Year 1621, it was reckon'd, that since the first Passing of the Reverend Father Martin de Valence (one of our first Refor­mers) [Page 7] into America, there had been more than five hundred Convents of Recollects esta­blish'd in that New World, and distributed into Two and twenty Provinces. As I ad­vanc'd in Years, this Inclination to pass the Seas, fortify'd it self more in my Mind. It is true, one of my Sisters married at Ghent, whom I lov'd very tenderly, did dissuade me from my Design as much as she could, and never ceas'd to redouble her Sollicitati­ons to that purpose, while I had occasion to be with her in that great City, whither I had gone to learn the Dutch Language: But being sollicited on the other hand by many of my Friends at Amsterdam, to go to the East-Indies, my natural Inclination, join'd to the Influence of their Requests, did move me much, and had almost determin'd me to undertake a Sea-Voyage.

Being then that all the Remonstrances of my Sister could not dissuade me from tra­velling, I first commenc'd a Journey into Italy; and, in obedience to the Orders of my Superiour, visited all the great Churches and most considerable Convents of our Or­der, both in that Country, and in Germa­ny; which did in some measure gratifie my curious Temper. But having return'd to the Netherlands, the Reverend Father William Herinx, late Bishop of Ipres, did oppose him­self to the Resolution I had of continuing to travel, detaining me in the Convent of Halles in Hainault, where I was oblig'd to perform the Office of Preacher for a Year. After which, with the Consent of my Supe­riour, [Page 8] I came into the Country of Artoìs, from whence I was sent to Calais, to men­dicate there in time of Herring-salting.

Being there, I was passionately in love with hearing the Relations that Masters of Ships gave of their Voyages. Afterwards I return'd to our Convent at Biez, by the way of Dunkirk; where I us'd oft-times to sculk behind the Doors of Victualling-houses, while the Sea-men were giving Account of their Adventures. The Smoke of Tobacco was disagreeable to me, and created Pains in my Stomach, while I was thus intent up­on giving ear to their Relations: Yet never­theless I was very attentive to the Accounts they gave of their Encounters by Sea, the Perils they had gone through, and all the Accidents which befel them in their long Voyages. This Occupation was so agree­able and engaging, that I have spent whole Days and Nights in it without eating; for I always came to understand some new thing concerning the Customs and Ways of Living in remote Places; and concerning the Pleasantness, Fertility, and Riches of the Countries where these Men had been.

Thus I fortified my self more and more in my ancient Resolution; and that I might advance it yet further, I went Missionary into most part of the Towns of Holland; and stopp'd at length at Mastreicht, for eight Months together, administring the Sacra­ments to more than Three thousand wound­ed Men: In which Occupation I ventur'd many Dangers among the Sick People, being [Page 9] taken ill both of a Spotted Fever and a Dy­senterie, which brought me very low, and near unto Death: But God at length re­stor'd me to my former Health, by the Care and Succour of a very skilful Dutch Phy­sician.

The next Year, by a singular effect of my Zeal, I was engag'd in promoting the Salvation of Souls, happening then to be present at the bloody Battel of Seneffe, where I was busied in administring Comfort to the poor wounded Men: Till at length, after having endur'd all manner of Fatigue and Toil, and having run the risque of ex­treme Dangers at Sieges of Towns in the Trenches, and in Fields of Battel, (where I never ceas'd to expose my self for the good of Mens Souls) while these bloody Men were breathing nothing but Slaughter and Blood, I happily found my self in a condi­tion to satisfie my first Inclination: For I then receiv'd Orders of my Superiours to go for Rochel, in order to embark in quality of Missionary for Canada. Within two Leagues of that City I perform'd the Function of Curate near two Months; being invited so to do by the Pastor of the Place, who had occasion to be absent from his Charge. But afterwards I totally resign'd my self to the Providence of God, having commenc'd my Passage through a long Tract of Sea, the greatest, perhaps, and the longest of any that is in the Ocean.

I embark'd then in Company of Mr. Fran­cis de Laval, created then Bishop of Petrée in [Page 10] partibus Infidelium, and since Bishop of Quebec, the Capital City of Canada. Then my De­sign of Voyaging receiv'd fresh Augmentati­ons: Yet I staid in that Country Four Years, and was sent thence in Mission while the Abbot of Fenelon, present Archbishop of Cambray, resided there.

I shall not here recount the several Adven­tures of our Voyage, nor the Fights we were engag'd in with the Ships of Turkey, Tunis, and Algiers, who attempted several times to have taken us; but without success. Nor shall I stay to relate our approach to Cape Breton, where we beheld with incredible De­light the Battel ordinarily fought betwixt the Fishes call'd Espadons and the Whales, their mortal Enemies; neither am I to de­tain my Reader with an account of what vast Quantities of Fish we took at Forty Fa­thom Water, upon the Great Bank of New-found-Land; or what great Numbers of Ships we rencounter'd, that were bound thither from different Nations to Fish in these Places, which afford such infinite Numbers of all manner of Fishes. These diverting Sights were very agreeable to all our Crew, which was then about an Hundred Men strong, to three Fourths of whom I administred the Sacraments, they being Catholicks. I per­form'd likewise Divine Service every Day while the Weather was calm; and we sung the Itinerary of the Clergy, translated into French Verse, after the Evening Prayers.

Thus we sweetly pass'd our Time a-board, 'till at length we arriv'd at Quebec, the Capi­tal City of Canada.

CHAP. II. The Means by which the Author accustom'd him­self to endure the Travail and Fatigue of his laborious Mission.

MR. Francis de Laval, Bishop of Petrée, having taken possession of the Bishop­rick of Quebec, which was conferr'd upon him by Pope Clement X. and that contrary to the Sentiments of many Persons of Quality, who, by means of his Preferment, were frustrated of their own Pretensions: This Reverend Prelate (I say) having taken into considera­tion the Fervency of my Zeal in Preaching the Gospel in my Voyage, my assiduous Di­ligence in performing Divine Service, and the Care I had taken to hinder the Young Fellows of our Crew from keeping Loose Company with the Women and Maids that came along with us (for which I had oft-times been rewarded with Anger and Ha­tred;) these Reasons, and such-like, pro­cur'd me the Favour and Applause of this Illustrious Prelate, he obliging me to Preach in Advent and Lent to the Cloister of St. Au­gustin in the Hospital of Quebec.

But in the mean while, all this did not sa­tisfie my natural Inclination: I us'd oft-times to go some Twenty or Thirty Leagues off the Town to see the Country, wearing a little Hood, and making use of large Rac­kets, without which I had been in danger of [Page 12] falling headlong over fearful Precipices. Some­times to ease my self a little, I made a great Dog I had brought with me, drag my little Baggage along, that I might arrive the sooner at Trois Rivieres, St. Ann, and Cape Tour­mente, Bourgroyal, the Point de Levi, and at the Island of St. Laurence, whither I design'd. There I assembled together, in one of the largest Cottages of that Country, as many People as I could gather; after which, I ad­mitted them to Confession, and to the Holy Communion. In the Night-time I had no­thing to cover me but a Cloak; and some­times the Frost pierc'd to my very Bones, which oblig'd me to make a Fire five or six times in a Night, to prevent my freezing to death. My Commons also w [...]re very short, scarce more than to keep me from starving.

In the Summer-season I was oblig'd, in the continuance of my Mission, to travel by Canou's, that is, a sort of little Boats (which I shall describe hereafter) that they make use of in Lakes and Rivers: Which sort of Contrivance succeeded well enough where the Water was shallow, or about two or three Foot deep; But when we came to any deeper Place, then the Boat, which was round underneath, was in danger of over-turning, insomuch that I had certainly pe­rish'd in the Water, had not I taken a cir­cumspect Care of my self.

However, I found my self oblig'd to tra­vel after this manner, for there were no pas­sable Roads in this Country; it being impos­bleto travel over-land in these new Colonies, [Page 13] because of that infinite number of Trees and Woods that replenish them on all sides, which must needs be cut down or burn'd, before any practicable Way be made.

CHAP. III. A Description of those Canou's th [...]t they make use of in the Summer-time in America, to waft them along the Country.

THese Canou's are round underneath, as I said but now, and pointed at the two ends, not unlike the Venetian Gondals: with­out them it were impossible to travel in Ame­rica, for the Country is full of vast and wide-extended Forrests: Besides, the impetuous Winds sometimes pluck up the Trees by the Roots, and Time it self renverses great numbers of 'em, which tumbling down through Age, are hudled so one above ano­ther, that the Ways are totally embarass'd and render'd impracticable.

The Savage Natives are very ingenious in making these Canou's: They make them of the Rinds of Birch-Trees, which they pull very neatly off that sort of Trees, they being considerably bigger than those of Eu­rope. They betake themselves to this Work generally about the end of Winter, in the vast Forests that lie towards the Northern Parts of these Countries.

For supporting this Bark they line it with­in with Ribs or pieces of common Wood, or [Page 14] Cedar, about four Fingers broad; this they furbish up with small Poles made smooth that make the circumference of the Canou; then by other Poles going a-cross about an Inch, or an Inch and a half thick, which are very smoothly polish'd; these they join on both sides to the Bark by small Roots of Trees clo­ven in two, not much unlike the Willows that we make our Baskets of in Europe.

These Canou's have no Rudder as the big­ger Shallops have, for they conduct them meerly by the force of their Arms with some small Oars; and can turn them with an in­credible swiftness, and direct them whither they list. Those that are accustom'd to ma­nage them, can make 'em go at a wonder­ful rate, even in calm Weather; but when the Wind is favourable, they are expedite to a Miracle; for they then make use of little Sails made of the same Bark, but thinner than that of the Canou's. As for the Europeans, that by long usage come to be well vers'd in this sort of Tackling, th [...]y make use of about four Ells of Linnen-cloth, hoisted up on a little Mast, the foot of which is receiv'd by a Hole made in a square piece of light Wood, that is fastned betwixt the Ribs and the Bark of the Canou's towards the bottom.

Those that are well skill'd in managing these Canou's, may run Thirty, or Thirty five Leagues in a Day upon Rivers, and some­times more in Lakes, if the Wind be favou­rable: But some of 'em are much bigger than others. They carry generally about a Thou­sand pound weight, some Twelve hundred, [Page 15] and the biggest not more than Fifteen hun­dred pound. The least of 'em may carry Three or four hundred pound weight, toge­ther with two Men or Women to steer them along. But the Greater must have Three or Four Men to manage them, and sometimes, when Business requires expedition, Seven or Eight to quicken their pace.

CHAP. IV. Other Motives that induc'd the Author more for­cibly to undertake this Discovery.

I Was passionately zealous, in imitation of many Priests of my Order, for enlarging the Limits of Christianity, and converting the barbarous Americans to the Belief of the Gospel: and in pursuance of that Design, I look'd upon the Employment of a Missionary as a most Honourable Post for me; so that whenever I found the opportunity of a Mis­sion, I willingly embrac'd it; tho' it oblig'd me to travel more than Twelve hundred Leagues off Canada: Yet I perswaded several to accompany me in my Voyage; and neg­lected not any thing that might tend to the furtherance of my Design.

At first, for a Trial I was sent in Mission about a Hundred and twenty Leagues be­yond Quebec. I went up the River St. Lau­rence, and arriv'd at length at the brink of a Lake call'd by the Natives Ontario, which I shall describe afterwards. Being there, I [Page 16] perswaded several of the savage Barbarians to cultivate the Ground, and dress some Wood for building a Lodge to us. I caus'd 'em make a Cross of an extraordinary heighth and bigness; I caus'd 'em likewise build a Chapel near to the Lake, and establish'd my self there, with another of my own Order, by Name, Father Luke Buisset, whom I had in­duc'd to come along with me, and who dy'd since in our Franciscan Convent upon the Sambre: I shall have occasion afterwards to speak of him, for that we cohabited in Ca­nada for a long time, and were Fellow-La­bourers in our Establishment at Catarockouy; which was the Place where we oft-times con­certed the Measures of making this Disco­very I am about to relate. I there gave my self much to the reading of Voyages, and en­creas'd the Ambition I had to pursue my Design, from what Light the Savages im­parted to us in that matter: In fine, I plain­ly perceiv'd by what Relations I had of se­veral Particulars in different Nations, that it were not a matter of great difficulty to make considerable Establishments to the South-East of the great Lakes; and that by the conveni [...]ncy of a great River call'd Hoio, whch passes through the Country of the Iro­quois, a Passage might be made into the Sea at Cape Floride.

While I resided in that place, I made seve­ral little Tours, sometimes with the Inha­bitants of Canada, that we had brought along to settle at our Fort of Catarockouy; some­times in company of the Savages alone, with [Page 17] whom I convers'd frequently. And as I fore­saw that the Iroquois might become jealous and suspicious of our Discoveries, I resolv'd to make a Tour round their Five Cantons; and in pursuance of this Design, threw my self among 'em, being accompany'd only with a Soldier of our Fort, who travell'd with me Seventy Leagues, or near the Mat­ter, on this Occasion; we having our Feet arm'd with large Rackets, to prevent the In­jury of the Snow, which abounds in that C [...]untry in time of Winter.

I had already acquir'd some small Know­ledge of the Iroquois Language; and while I travell'd in this manner among them, they were surpriz'd to see me walk in midst of Snow, and lodge my self in the wild Forests that their Country is full of. We were [...]blig'd to dig Four foot deep into the Snow to make Fire at night, after having journey'd Ten or Twelve Leagues over-day. Our Shooes were made after the Fashion of those of the Natives, but were not able to keep out the Snow, which melted as soon as our Feet touch'd it, it having receiv'd heat from the motion of us walking along. We made use of the Barks of Trees to cover us when we went to sleep; and were carefully sollicitous to keep on great Fires to defend us from the nipping Colds. in this lonesome Condition spent we the Nights, wai [...]ing the welcom [...] return of the Sun, that we might go on in our Journey. As for Food, we had none, save the Indian Corn grinded small, which [Page 18] we diluted with Water to make it go down the better.

Thus we pass'd through the Countries of the Honnehiouts and Honnontages, who gave us a very kind reception, and are the most Warlike Peo­ple of all the Iroquois. When they saw us, they put their Fore-fingers on their Mouths, signifying the surprizal they were in at the troublesom and difficult Journey we had made in the middle of Winter. Then looking upon the mean and mortifying Habit of St. Francis, they cry'd aloud, Hetchitagon! that is, Bare­foot; and did with all manner of passion and astonishment pronounce the Word Gannoron: intimating, that it must needs have been a Business of great Importance that mov'd us to attempt such a difficult Journey at so un­seasonable a time.

These Savages regal'd us with Elk and Venison, dress'd after their own fashion, which we eat of, and afterwards took leave of 'em, going further on in our Journey. When we departed, we carry'd our Bed-cloaths on our Backs, and took with us a little Pot to boyl their Corn in. We pass'd through ways quite inundated, that would have been abso­lutely impracticable [...]o any European: For when we came at vast Marshes and over­flowing Brooks, we were oblig'd to climb along by the Trees. At length with much difficulty we arriv'd at Ganniekez, or Agniez, which is one of the Five Cantons of the Iro­quois, situated about a large Day's Journey from New-Holland, call'd at present New-York: Being there, we were forc'd to sea­son [Page 19] our Indian Corn (which we had us'd to bruize betwixt two Stones) with littl [...] Frogs that the Natives gather'd in the Meads to­wards Easter, when the Snow was all gone.

We stay'd some time in this Kingdom, lodging with a Iesuite that had been born at Lions, to transcribe an Iroquiese Dictionary. When the Weather began to be more favour­able, we chanc'd one day to meet with three Dutch-men on Horse-back, who had come thither to treat about the Beavers: They were sent and order [...]d thither by Major An­drews, the Man who subdu'd Boston and New-York to the King of England, and is at present Governour of Virginia.

These Gentlemen alighted from their Horses, that we might mount em, taking us along with them to New-Orange to be regal'd. So soon as they heard me speak Dutch, they testifi'd a great deal of Friendship to me, and told me they had read several Histories of the Discoveries made by those of our Franciscan Order in the Northern Parts of America, but had never before seen any wear the Habit in these Countries as we did. They likewise express'd great Gladness to see me abiding a­mong them, for the Spiritual Comfort and Ad­vantage of many Catholicks who had come from our Netherlands and setled there: And I should very willingly have yielded to their Intreaties in residing there, but that I was afraid of giving any umbrage to the [...]esuites, who had receiv'd me very kindly; and be­sides, was aware of offending the Colony of Canada, because of the Commerce they had [Page 20] with the Savages of my Acquaintance in Beavers and Skins. We therefore return'd all Thanks to the Gentlemen for their Kind­ness, and return'd again to Catarockouy with much less difficulty than we went. But all this had no other effect than to augment the Itching I had to discover remoter Countries.

CHAP. V. A Description of the Fort Catarockouy, call'd since Frontenac.

THis Fort is situated a Hundred Leagues from Quebec (the Capital City of Ca­nada) up the River St. Laurence Southwards. It is built near [...]o the Place where the Lake Ontario (which is as much as to say, the pretty Lake) discharges it self. It was surrounded with a Rampart, great Stakes and Palisado's, [...]nd four Bastions, by the Order of Count Frontenac, Governour-General of Canada. They found it necessary to build this Fort for a Bu [...]wark against the Excursions of the Ir [...]quois, and to interrupt the Trade of Skins that these Savages maintain with the Inhabi­tants of New-York, and the Hollanders, who have form'd a New Colony there; for they furnish the Savages with Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada.

The Iroquois are an insolent and barbarous Nation, that has shed the Blood of more than Two millions of Souls in that vast-extended Country. They never cease from disturbing [Page 21] the Repose of the Europeans, unless it be for fear of their Arms: For they entertain no Commerce with them, save in the Merchan­dise-Goods they stand in need of, and in Fire-Arms, which they buy on purpose to use against their Neighbours▪ and by the means of which, they have compass'd the Destruction of an infinite Number of People, extending their bloody Conquests above 5 or 600 Leagues beyond their own Precincts, and exterminating whatever Nations they hate.

This Fort, which at first was only sur­rounded with Stakes, Palisado's, and earthen Ramparts; has been enlarg'd since the com­mencement of my Mission into these Coun­tries, to the circumference of Three hundred and sixty Toises (each of these being six Foot in length) and is now adorn'd with Free-Stone, which they find naturally po­lish'd by the shock of the Water upon the brink of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. They wrought at this Fort with so much di [...]igence and expedition, that in two Years time it was advanc'd to this perfection, by the Care and Conduct of Sieur-Cavelier de la Salle, who was a No [...]man born; a Man of great Conduct and profound Policy. He oft-times preten­ded to me, that he was a Parisian by Birth, thinking thereby to engage the Father Luke Buisset before-mention'd, and me, to put more confidence in him: For he had easily remark'd from our ordinary Conversation, that the Flemish, and seve [...]al other Nations, are prone to be jealous of the Normans. I am sensible that there are Men of Honour [Page 22] and Probity in Normandy, as well as else­where; but nevertheless it is certain, that other Nations are generally more free, and less sly and intriguing, than the Inhabitants of that Province of France.

This Fort Frontenac lies to the North­ward of this Lake, near to its Mouth, where it exoners it self; and is situated in a Penin­sula, of which the Isthmus is digg'd into a Ditch. On the other side, it has partly the Brink of the Lake surrounding it, partly a pretty sort of a natural Mould, where all manner of Ships may ride safely.

The Situation of this Fort is so advanta­geous, that they can easily prevent the Sallies and Returns of the Iroquois; and in the space of Twenty four Hours, can wage War with them in the heart of their own Country. This is easily compass'd by the help of their Barques, of which I saw Three all deck'd and mounted, at my last departure thence. With th [...]se Barques in a very little time they can convey themselves to the South-side of the Lake, and pillage (if it be needful) the Coun­try of the Tsonnontouans, who are the most nume­rous of all the Provinces of the Iroquois. They manure a great deal of Ground for sowing their Indian Corn upon, of which they reap ordinari [...]y in one Harvest as much as serves 'em for two Years: Then they put it in­to Caves digg'd in the Earth, and cover'd after such a manner, that no Rain can come at them.

The Ground which lies along the Brink of this Lake is very fertile: In the space of two [Page 23] Years and a half that I resided there in Mis­sion, they cultivated more than a hundred Acres of it. Both the Indian and European Corns, Pulse, Pot-Herbs, Gourds, and Water-Melons, succeeded very well. It is true in­deed, that at first the Corns were much spoil'd by Grashoppers; but this is a thing that happens in all the Parts of Canada at the first Cultivating the Ground, by reason of the extream Humidity of all the Country. The first Planters we sent thither, br [...]d up Poul­try there, and transported with them Hor­ned Beasts, which multiply'd there very suc­cessfully. They have comely proper Trees, fit for building of Houses or Ships. Their Winter is by Three Months shorter than at Canada. In fine, we have all reason to hope, that e're long a considerable Colony shall be erected in that Place. When I undertook my great Voyage, I left there about Fifteen or Sixteen Families together, with Father Luke Buisset a Recollet, with whom I had us'd to administer the Sacraments in the Chapel of that Fort.

While the Brink of the Lake was frozen, I walk'd upon the Ice to an Iroq [...]ois Village, call'd Ganneouse near to Keutè, about nine Leagues off the Fort, in company of the Sieur de la Salle above-mention'd. These Savages presented us with the Flesh of Elks and Porcupines, which we fed upon. After having discours'd them some time, wè re­turn'd, bringing with us a considerable num­ber of the Natives, in order to make a little Village of about Forty Cottages to be inha­bited [Page 24] by them, lying betwixt the Fort and our House of Mission▪ These Barbarians turn'd up the Ground for sowing of Indian Corn and Pulse, of which we gave them some for their Gardens. We likewise taught them, contrary to their usual custom of eating, to feed upon Soupe, made with Pulse and Herbs, as we did.

Father Luke and I made one Remark up­on their Language, that they pronounc'd no Labial Letters, such as B, P, M, F. We had the Apostolick Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and our ordinary Litany, translated into the Iroquois Language, which we caus'd them to get by heart, and repeat to their Children; and forc'd their Children to pronounce as we did, by inculcating to them thé La­bial Letters, and obliging 'em to frequent converse with Children of the Europeans that inhabited the Fort; so that they mu­tually taught one another their Mother-Languages; which serv'd likewise to enter­tain a good Correspondence with the Iro­quois.

These Barbarians stay'd always with us, except when they went a Hunting; which was the thing that touch'd us most sensibly: for when they went for five or six Months ravaging through their vast huge Forests, and sometimes Two hundred Leagues from their ordinary abode, they took their whole Fa­mily along with them. And thus they liv'd together, feeding upon the Flesh of the wild [...]easts they kill'd with the Fire-Arms they us'd to receive of the Europeans, in exchange of [Page 25] their Skins: And it was impossible for any Missionary to follow them into these wild Desarts; so that their Children being ab­sent all the Season of Hunting, forgot wha [...] we had instill'd into them at Frontenac.

The Inhabitants of Canada towards Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and the Isle of Monreal, being sick of their long Winters; and seeing those of the Franciscan Order▪ settle themselves at Frontenac, where the Winter was three Months shorter, many of 'em resolv'd to transport their Families thither, and reside there. They represented to themselves the advantage should accrue to them, by having the Sacra­ments administred, and their Children edu­cated by us, and that for nothing; for we ordinarily took no Salary for the Instruction we gave.

There have always been some sort of Peo­ple who endeavour'd to render themselves Masters of Canada, and become Arbiters and Judges to all the Establishments there; for the compassing of which Design, they left no means untry'd. They attributed to them­selves the Glory of all the Good Success had hapned: They dispers'd their Missionaries over all the Country, and endeavour'd to obstruct all our Designs at Frontenac. In fine, they oblig'd our Recollets to remove thence by the help of the Marquiss de Benonville, the then Governour of Canada, whom they had wheedled into their Interests, and who had suffer'd himself to be impos'd upon by the Artifices of these Men.

[Page 26]I hope that some time or other God shall re-establish our poor Monks in that Place; for their Designs were always innocent and good; and they could never have been made to retire thence, without doing them Inju­stice. God leaves nothing unpunish'd: The Day shall come when he shall take Vengeance of those who did this Injury. I heard some time ago, that the Iroquois, who wage eter­nal War with the French of Canada, have seiz'd the Fort of Catarockouy; as also that the cruel Savages did smoak in their Pipes some of the Fingers of those who had pro­cur'd the departure of our poor Recollets from that Fort; and that the present Inhabitants of Canada charg'd them with being the Au­thors of great Injustice.

CHAP. VI. A Description of some Fresh-water Lakes, the greatest and the pleasantest in the Universe.

I Here commence the Description of the most remarkable Things in this great Discovery, that the Reader may more easily attain to a full Knowledge of our Voyage, by following the Map we have provided for that purpose.

The Lake Ontario receiv'd the Name of the Lake Front [...]nac from the Illustrious Count [...]rontenac, Governour-general of Canada. All the World is acquainted with the Merit and Vertue of that Noble Person: It is likewise [Page 27] well known, how ancient that Family is from which he is descended, and what a glorious Train of Illustrious Ancestors went before him, who were always thought wor­thy of the most weighty Employments both Civil and Military! His Family was always inviolably attach'd to the Interests of their Sovereign, even in the most perplex'd Times: Nay, I may say upon this occasion, without giving Offence to the other Governours of Canada, that have either preceded, or are to succeed him, That this Country was never Govern'd with so much Wisdom, Modera­tion, and Equity, as by the Count de Fron­tenac.

I know very well, that those Men who aspire to be Masters over all, have endea­vour'd to blacken his Reputation, to eclipse his Glory, and render him suspected. But I am bound to say, to the Praise of that Illu­strious Nobleman, That for all the Ten Years he liv'd in that Country, he was a Fa­ther to the Poor; a Protector to those that were in danger of being oppress'd; nay, in fine, his Conversation was a perfect Model of Vertue and Piety. Those of his Country­men who were stirr'd up against him, by an effect of their natural Levity and Fickleness, were so confronted as to see him re-establish'd in that same very Government, of which their Calumnies and malignant Intrigues had en­deavour'd to dispossess him. They had en­gag'd the Intendant of Chesneau in the same Combination, having over-reach'd him by their cunning Artifices. Yet notwithstand­ing [Page 28] all these unjust Censures, I came to un­ [...]rstand of late, that they regret much the want of that Illustrious Count.

Thus it was for the Honour of this wor­thy Count, that they gave to the Lake the Name of Frontenac, in order to perpetuate his Memory in that Country. This Lake is Eighty Leagues long, and Twenty five Leagues broad: It abounds with Fishes, is deep, and navigable all over. The Five Cantons, or Districts, of the Iroquois, do in­habit for the most part the South-side of this Lake, viz. the Ganniegez, or Agniez (the nighest Neighbours to New-Holland, or New-York) the Onnontagues, or those who live in the Mountains, who are the most Warlike People of all that Nation; the Onneiouts and Tsonnontouans the most populous of them all. There are likewise, on the South-side of the Lake, these Iroquois Villages, viz. Tejajagon, Keutè, and Ganneousse, which is not distant from Frontenac above Nine Leagues.

The great River of St. Laurence derives its Source from the Lake Ontario, which is like­wise call'd in the Iroquois Language, Skana­ [...]ario; that is to say, a very pretty Lake. It springs likewise partly from the Superiour Lakes, as we shall have occasion to observe afterwards.

This Lake Ontario is of an oval Figure, and extends it self from East to West. Its Water is fresh and sweet, and very agreeable to be drunk, the Lands which border upon it being likewi [...]e very [...]rtile. It is easily na­vigable, and that with great Vessels: Only [Page] [Page]

[Page] [...] [Page] [Page 29] in Winter it is more difficult, because of the outrageous Winds which abound there. From this Lake one may go by Barks, or by greater Vessels to the foot of a great Rock that is about two Leagues off the Fall of the River Niagara, which I am now to describe.

CHAP. VII. A Description of the Fall of the River Niagara, which is to be seen betwixt the Lake Ontario and that of Eri [...].

BEtwixt the Lake Ontario and Eriè, there is a vast and prodigious Cadence of Wa­ter which falls down after a surprizing and astonishing manner, insomuch that the Uni­verse does not afford its Parallel. 'Tis true, Italy and Suedeland boast of some such Things; but we may well say they are but sorry Pat­terns, when compar'd to this of which we now speak. At the foot of this horrible Pre­cipice, we meet with the River Niagara, which is not above a quarter of a League broad, but is wonderfully deep in some places. It is so rapid above this Descent, that it vio­lently hurries down the wild Beasts while [...]ndeavouring to pass it to feed on the other side, they not being able to withstand the force of its Current, which inevitably casts them headlong above Six hundred foot high

This wonderful Downfal, is compounded of two great Cross-streams of Water, and [Page 30] two Falls, with an Isle sloping along the mid­dle of it. The Waters which fall from this horrible Precipice, do foam and boyl af­ter the most hideous manner imaginable, making an outrageous Noise, more ter­rible than that of Thunder; for when the Wind blows out of the South, their dis­mal roaring may be heard more than Fifteen Leagues off.

The River Niagara having thrown it self down this incredible Precepice, continues its impetuous course for two Leagues toge­ther, to the great Rock above-mention'd, with an inexpressible rapidity: But having past that, its impetuosity relents, gliding a­long more gently for other two Leagues, till it arrive at the Lake Ontario or Frontenac.

Any Bark or greater Vessel may pass from the Fort to the foot of this huge Rock above­mention'd. This Rock likes to the Westward, and is cut off from the Land by the River Niagara, about two Leagues farther down than the great Fall; for which two Leagues the People are oblig'd to transport their Goods over-land; but the way is very good; and the Trees are but few, chiefly Firrs and Oaks.

From the great Fall unto this Rock which is to the West of the River, the two Brinks of it are so prodigious high, that it would make one tremble to look steadily upon the Water, rolling along with a rapidity not to be imagin'd. Were it not for this vast Ca­taract, which interrupts Navigation, they might sail with Barks or greater Vessels, [Page 31] more than Four hundred and fifty Leagues, crossing the Lake of Hurons, and reaching even to the farther end of the Lake Illinois; which two Lakes we may easily say are little Seas of fresh Water.

Sieur de la Salle had a design to have built a Fort at the mouth of the River Niagara; and might easily have compass'd it, had he known how to keep himself within bounds, and to have confin'd himself there for one Year. His design was to curb and keep under the Iroquois, and especially the Tsonnontouans, who are the most numerous People, and the most given to War of all that Nation. In fine, such a Fort as this might easily have inter­rupted the Commerce betwixt these People and the English and Dutch in New-York. Their custom is to carry to NewYork the Skins of Elks, Beavers, and several sorts of Beasts, which they hunt and seek after some 2 or 300 Leagues from their own home. Now they being ob­lig'd to pass and repass near to this mouth of the River Niagara, we might easily stop them by fair means in time of Peace, or by open force in time of War; and thus ob­lige them to turn their Commerce upon Ca­nada.

But having remark'd that the Iroquois were push'd on to stop the execution of this Design, not so much by the English and Dutch, as by the Inhabitants of Canada, who for a great part endeavour'd by all means to traverse this our Discovery; they contented themselves to build a House at the mouth of the River to the Eastward, where the Place was natu­rally [Page 32] fortifi'd. To one side of this House there is a very good Haven, where Ships may safely ride; nay, by help of a Cap­stane, they may easily be hall'd upon Land. Besides, at this Place they take an infinite quantity of white Fish, Sturgeons, and all other sorts of Fishes, which are incomparably good and sweet; insomuch that in the pro­per Season of Fishing, they might furnish the greatest City in Europe with plenty of Fish.

CHAP. VIII. A Description of the Lake Eri [...].

THe Iroquois give to this Lake the Name of Erie Tejocharontiong, which extends it self from East to West perhaps a hundred and forty Leagues in length. But no Eu­ropean has ever been over it all; only I and those who accompany'd me in this Disco­very, have view'd the greater part of it, with a Vessel of Sixty Tun burden, which we caus'd to be made on purpose, about two Leagues above the fore-mention'd Fall of Niagara, as I shall have occasion to observe more largely hereafter.

This Lake Erie, or Tejocharontiong, encloses on its Southern Bank a Tract of Land as large as the Kingdom of France. It divides it self at a certain place into two Channels, because of a great Island enclos'd betwixt them: Thus continuing its course for four­teen [Page 33] Leagues, it falls into the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, acquiring the name of the River Niagara.

Betwixt the Lake Erie and Huron, there is almost such another Streight thirty Leagues long, which is of an equal breadth almost all over, except in the middle, that it enlarges it self by help of another Lake far less than any of the rest, which is a of a circular Figure about six Leagues diameter, according to the Observation of our Pilot. We gave it the Name of Lake St. Claire, tho' the Iroquois, who pass over it frequently when they are upon Warlike Designs, call it Otsi Keta. The Country which borders upon this most a­greeable and charming Streight, is a pleasant Champain Country, as I shall relate after­wards. All these different Rivers, which are cloath'd with so many different Denomi­nations, are nothing else but the continuation of the great River St. Laurence; and this Lake St. Claire is form'd by the same.

CHAP. IX. A Description of the Lake Huron.

THe Lake Huron was so call'd by the Peo­ple of Canada, because the Savage Hu­rons, who inhabited the adjacent Country, us'd to have their Hair so burn'd, that their Head resembled the Head of a Wild Boar. The Savages themselves call'd it the Lake Karegnondy. Heretofore the Hurons liv'd near [Page 34] this Lake, but they have been in a great mea­sure destroy'd by the Iroquois.

The circumference of this Lake may be reckon'd to be about seven hundred Leagues, and its length two hundred; but the breadth is very unequal. To the West of it near its mouth it surrounds several great Islands, and is na­vigable all over▪ Betwixt this Lake and that of the Illinois, we meet with another Streight which discharges it self into this Lake, being about Three Leagues long, and one broad, its course running West-North-West.

There is yet another Streight or narrow Canal towards the upper Lake (that runs in­to this of Huron) about Five Leagues broad, and Fifteen Leagues long, which is interrupted by several Islands, and becomes narrower by degrees, 'till it comes at the Fall of St. Mary. This Fall is a Precipice full of Rocks, over which the Water of the upper Lake, which flows thither in great abundance, casts it self with a most violent impetuosity: Notwith­standing which, a Canow may go up it on one side, provided the People in it row strongly. But the safer way is to carry the Canow over-land for so little space, [...]ogether with the Commodities that those of Canada carry thither to exchange with the Savages that live to the Northward of the upper Lake. This Fall is call'd the Fall of St. Marry Missilimakinak. It lies by the mouth of the upper Lake, and discharges it self partly into the mouth of the Lake Il­linois towards the great Bay of Puants; all [Page 35] which shall afterwaads be more fully dis­cours'd, when I come to relate our return from Issati.

CHAP. X. A Description of the Lake call'd [...]y the Savages Illinouack, and by the French Illinois.

THe Lake Illinois, in the Natives Lan­guage, signifies the Lake of Men; for the word Illinois signifies a Man of full Age in the vigour of his Strength. It lies to the West of the Lake Huron toward the North, and is about a Hundred and twenty, or a hundred and thirty Leagues in length, and Forty in breadth, being in circuit about Four hundred Leagues. It is call'd by the Miamis, Mischigonong, that is, The Great Lake. It extends it self from North to South, and falls into the Southern-side of the Lake Huron; and is distant from the upper Lake about Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues, its Source lies near a River which the Iroquois call Hohio, where the River Miamis discharges it self into the same Lake.

It is navigable all over, and has-to the Westward a great Bay call'd the Bay of Puans, by reason that the Savages who now inhabit the Land surrounding this Bay, had dese [...]ted their former Habitation, because of some stinking (in French Puans) Waters to­wards the Sea that annoy'd them.

CHAP XI. A short Description of the Upper Lake.

THis Superiour Lake runs from East to West, and may have more than a Hun­dred and fifty Leagues in length, Sixty in breadth, and Five hundred in circuit. We ne­ver went quite over it, as we did over all the others I've hitherto mention'd; but we soun­ded some of its greatest Depths, and it resem­bles the Ocean, having neither Bottom nor Banks.

I shall not here stay to mention the infinite numbers of Rivers that discharge themselves into this prodigious Lake, which together with that of Illinois, and the Rivers that are swallow'd in them, make up the source of that great River St. Laurence, which runs in­to the Ocean at the Island of Assumption to­wards New-found-land. We travell'd upon this River about Six hundred Leagues from its mouth to its Source.

I've already observ'd, That all these Lakes may well be call'd Fresh-water Seas. They abound extreamly in White Fish greater than Carps, which are extraordinary good; nay, at Twenty or Thirty Fathom Water, there are Salmon-Trouts taken of Fifty or Sixty pound weight. It were easie to build on the sides of these great Lakes, an infinite number of considerable Towns, which might have Communication one with another by Navi­gation [Page 37] for Five hundred Leagues together, and by an inconceivable Commerce which would establish it self among 'em. And to be sure the Soil, if cultivated by Europeans, would prove very fertile. Those that can conceive the Largeness and Beauty of these Lakes, may easily understand, by the help of our Map, what course we steer'd in making he great Discovery hereafter mention'd.

CHAP. XII. What, is the Predominant Genius of the Inhabi­tants of Canada.

THe Spaniards were the first who discover'd Canada; but at their first arrival, having found nothing considerable in it, they aban­don'd the Country, and call'd it Il Capo di Nada; that is, A Cape of Nothing; hence by corruption sprung the Word Canada, which we use in all our Maps.

Since I left that Country, I understand that all things continue very near as they were whilst I resided there. Those who have the Government of Canada committed to their Care, are mov'd with such a ma­lignant Spirit, as obliges all who do not ap­prove their Design, to moan secretly before God. Men of Probity that are zealous for Re­ligion, find nothing there of what they expe­cted; but, on the contrary, such Repulses and and ill Usage, that no body could have foreseen. Several resort thither, with a de­sign [Page 38] to Sacrifice their Repose and Life, to the Temporal and Spiritual Succour of an Infant-Church; but the loss of Reputation and Honour, are the Sacrifices they're ob­lig'd to make. Others go thither in the hopes of spending their Lives in Peace and perfect Concord; whereas they meet with nothing but Jarrs, Divisions, and a Sea of Troubles. In lieu of their fair Hopes, they reap nothing but Crosses and Persecu­tion; and all for not pleasing the Humours of Two or Three Men, who are the over­ruling Wits of that Country. What an im­mense distance there is betwixt the Hu­mour of these Men, and our Flemish Since­rity! I mean that Candour and Evenness of Mind which make up the true Character of a Christian, and is observ'd every where else.

But without entring farther into any Par­ticulars, I leave the Judgment of all unto God; and shall only say, that we who are Flemings by Birth, went to Canada without any other private Design, having renounc'd our Native Country meerly for the Service of our Religion, after having quitted all other Enjoyments for embracing a Religious Pro­fession. And therefore it was not a small Surprize to us, upon our arrival in that Country, to see our Sincerity and Upright­ness of Heart so sorrily entertain'd. There is a certain sort of People, to whom eve­ry thing is suspicious, and whom it is im­possible to retrieve from under the first Im­pressions they've receiv'd. Though a Man [Page 39] were never so complaisant, yet if he be not altogether of their Stamp, or if he en­deavours to represent Things fairly and ra­tionally unto them, tho' with wise and soft Remonstrances, yet shall he pass among 'em for a Fellow of a turbulent Spirit. Such Conduct as this, does not savour of Christia­nity, nor bespeaks any other Prospect than that of temporal Interest. This Considera­tion mov'd me oft-times to say to the Three Flemish Monks I had brought to Canada with me, That it had been much better for us who had quitted all our Enjoyments, and ex­chang'd them for the Poverty of a Mona­stick Life, to have gone in Mission among Strangers, to preach Repentance to Infidels, and propagate the Kingdom of our Saviour among the barbarous Nations.

And indeed kind Providence seconded my Good Intentions; for the Reverend Father Germain Allart Recollect, late Bishop of Vence in Provence, sent me Orders to undertake the Discovery which I am about to relate.

CHAP. XIII. A Description of my first Imbarkment in a Canow at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada, be­ing bound for the South-West of New-France, or Canada.

I Remain'd Two Years and a half at Fort Frontenac, till I saw perfected the House of Mission that Father Luke Buisset and I had caus'd to be built there. This engag'd us in Travels, which inseparably attend New Esta­blishments. Accordingly we went in a Ca­now down the River St. Laurence; and after a Hundred and twenty Leagues sailing, ar­riv'd at Quebec, where I retir [...]d into the Re­collects Convent of St. Mary, in order to pre­pare and sanctifie my self for commencing this Discovery.

And indeed I must frankly own, that when at the foot of the Cross I pensively con­sider'd this important Mission, weighing it in the Scales of Huma [...] Reason, and measu­ring the weight of its Difficulties by Human Force, it seem'd a [...]together terrible rash and inconsiderable: But when I look'd up to GOD, and view'd it as an effect of his Goodness, in chusing me for so great a Work, and as his Commandment directed to me by the mouth of my Superiours, who are the Instruments and Interpreters of his Wi [...]l unto me: These Thoughts, I say, pre­sently inspir'd me with Courage and Reso­lution [Page 41] to undertake this Discovery, with all the Fidelity and Constancy imaginable.

I perswaded my self, that since it was the peculiar Work of God, to open the hard Hearts of that barbarous People, to whom I was sent to publish the Glad Tidings of his Gospel, it were as easie for Him to com­pass it by a feeble, Instrument, such as I was, as by the most worthy Person in the World.

Having thus prepar'd my self for the Voy­age of my Mission, and seeing that those who were expected from Europe to bear part in this Discovery were now arriv'd; that the Pilot, Seamen, and Ship-Carpenters were in readi­ness, and that the Arms, Goods, and Rigging for the Ships were all at hand; I took with me from our Convent a portable Chapel all compleat for my self, and afterwards went and receiv'd the Benediction of the Bishop of Quebec, together with his Approbation in Writing; which I likewise receiv'd of Count Frontenac, who was a Man that te­stify'd a great deal of Affection for our F [...]e­mish Recollects, because of our Candour and Inge [...]uity; and who was pleas'd to give pub­lick Testimony to the Generosity of my Un­dertaking, while we were set at Table.

In fine, I embark'd in a little Canow made of the Barks of Birch-Trees, carrying no­thing along with me save my portable Cha­pel, one Covering, and a Matt of Rushes, which was to serve me for Bed and Quilt; and this was the whole of my Equipage. It was concerted so, that I should go off first, [Page 42] that my Departure might oblige the rest to expedite their Affairs with speed. The Inha­bitants of Canada, upon both sides the River of St. Laurence, betwixt Quebec and Monreal, entreated me to officiate among them, and administer the Sacraments: For they could not assist at Divine Service oftner than five or six times a Year, because there were only Four Missionaries for the extent of Fifty Leagues.

I Baptiz'd a Child at a certain Place call'd St. Hour, and acquainted the absent Missio­nary of the Place with the same; which done, I continu'd my Voyage; and as I pass'd by Harpentinie, the Lord of the Place, of one of the ancientest Families in Canada, would have sent one of his Sons to voyage along with me; but the Canow was too nar­row for Four Persons. At length I arriv'd at Trois Rivieres, which is a Town only sur­rounded with Palisado's, lying about Thirty Leagues higher than Quebec. Not meeting there Father Sixte a Recollet-Missionary, who was gone from thence in Mission, the Inhabitants beseech'd me to preach and perform Divine Service on the First of October. The next day, the Sieur Bonivet, Lieutenant-Gene­ral Justiciary of that Place, convey'd me a League up the River St. Laurence.

The most laudable Enterprizes are oft-times retarded by surprizing and unexpected Ob­stacles; for when I arriv'd at Monreal, they debauch'd and entic'd away my Two Boat­men; so that I was forc'd to take advan­tage of an offer which Two other Men [Page 43] made to conduct me along in their little shat­ter'd Boat. Thus was it that those who en­vy'd the success of my Undertaking, began to oppose themselves to it, and endeavour'd to hinder the most considerable and famous Discovery that has been made in that New World in this Age.

In going up the River, as I pass'd the Lake of St. Louis, a little above the Isle of Monreal, which is about Twenty five Leagues round, I observ'd that this River St. Laurence [...]ivides it self into Two Branches; of which one leads to the ancient Country of the Hurons, the Outaouacts, and several other Nations si­tuate to the Northward; and the other to the Country of the Iroquois. We went up this last for about Sixty Leagues, in most ra­pid and horrible Currents, full of great Rocks, where the noise of the Water roars night and day like Thunder; for Three or Four Leagues together. All which does not hinder the Boatmen and their Canow's to run down among these huge Rocks with a swif­ness so great, that those who are in the Ca­now are quite blinded. They generally car­ry Elks-Claws and Skins which they ex­change for other Goods, with the Savages of that Country.

I shall not offer to give any circumstantial account of the Accidents that befel me, which are inseparable Companions of all great Voyages: What is needful to be said is, That I arriv'd at Fort Catarockouy, or Fronte­nac, about Eleven a Clock at Night, the next Day after All-Saints; where our Re­collet-Fathers, [Page 44] Gabriel de la Ribourde, and Luke Buisset, Missionaries, receiv'd me with all Expressions of Joy into our House of Missi­on, which we had caus'd to be built the Year before, upon the brink of the Lake On­tario, near to Fort Frontenac. This Fort lies about Forty four Degrees and some Minutes of Northern Latitude.

I had forgot to acquaint you, that this Lake Ontario is form'd by the River St. Lau­rence, and tha [...] it is deep enough for big Ves­sels; for at Seventy Fathom we cou'd dis­cern no Ground. The Waves there are toss'd by mighty Winds which are very frequent; and their Surges are full as high as those of the Sea, but much more dangerous; for they are shorter and steeper; so that a Vessel ri­ding along cannot yield and keep touch with 'em. There are likewise some very plain appearances of a Flux and Reflux; for they observe the Water to flow and ebb by little Tides, and that it flows oft-times against the Wind when very high.

The Fishing of this Lake, as of all the other Lakes before-mention'd, is very con­siderable for all manner of excellent Fishes, especially for Salmon-Trouts, which are there much bigger than our biggest Salmons. The adjacent Country is very fertile, as is con­firm'd by the Experience of those who culti­vated it in several places. The Game of that Country is well serv'd for all sorts of Wild Beasts and Fowls: Their Forests are replenish'd with the prettiest Trees in the World, Pines, Cedars, and Epinetes, (a sort [Page 45] of Firr-tree very common in that Country.) They have likewise very good Iron-Mines; and no doubt but other Metals might be found, it sought after.

While I abode at Catarockouy, waiting the coming up of the rest of our Company, I had time to conferr with the Reverend Fathers of our Order, concerning what Measures we were to take for converting unto Christ Jesus, such a numerous Train of Nations that had never heard of the Gospel; for it is certain, that such poor helpless Priests as we of the Franciscan Order, destitute of all temporal Enjoyments, and cut off from all human Means and Assistance, cannot be too cautious in managing the Concerns of so im­portant a Mission, because of the infinite varie­ty of the Tempers of those that were to accom­pany us in this Voyage; for we had in com­pany some Flemish, some Italians, and some Nor­mans, who were all of different Interests; and it was a very difficult Task for us to com­ply with, and please so many different Hu­mours; especially when engage'd in such a Voyage as this, in which Laws could not be observ'd with the same Exactness, or retain the same Rigour as in Europe, where Men may be entic'd to Good, and scar'd from Evil, by the love of Rewards or fear of Punishment. But I resign'd my self wholly to the Exercise of my Duty, leaving the Conduct of all unto God's Providence, and being ready to encounter whatever Accidents might fall in my way.

[Page 46]The Iroquois whom we had brought to settle near this Fort (as was above related) came oft-times to visit us, and made us Pre­sents of the Flesh of Elks, and Roe-bucks; in lieu of which we gave 'em little Knives and some Tobacco, which we had for that-purpose. These Savages, when they re­flected upon our designed Voyage, us'd to clap their Four fingers on their Mouths (as they generally do when touch'd with the Admiration of any thing they cannot com­prehend) cry'd aloud, Otchitagon, Gannoron! that is, Bare-Feet, what ye are about to under­take, is of great Importance. They added, That their most valiant Adventures had much ado to extricate themselves out of the hands of those barbarous Nations we were going to visit. It is certain, that the Iro­quois had a most tender Respect for the Franciscan Monks, having observ'd them to live all in common, with out reserving any particular Possessions.

The Food of the Iroquois is in common a­mong 'em. The ancientest Women in the House distributes about to the other Persons in the Family according to their Age. When they sit at their Meals, they give freely to eat unto all that come into their Houses; for they would rather chuse to fast for a whole Day, than suffer any one to go from their Houses, without offering them a share of all they had.

The Sieur de la Salle arriv'd at the Fort some time after me: God preserv'd him (as he did me) from the infinite Dangers he was ex­pos'd [Page 47] to in this great Voyage betwixt Quebec and the Fort, having pass'd the long Precipice mention'd last, and several other most rapid Currents in his way thither. The same Year he sent off Fifteen of our Boat-men, who were to go before us. They made as if they had been going in their Canow towards the Illinois, and the other Neighbouring Nations that border upon the River call'd by the Illi­nois, Meschasipi; that is, a great River; which Name it has in the Map. All this was only to secure to us a good Correspondence with the Savages, and to prepare for us in that Country some Provisions, and other Neces­saries, for going about this Discovery. But there being among them some villainous Fellows, they stopp'd in the upper Lake at Missilimakinak, and diverted themselves with the Savages that live to the Northward of that Lake, lavishing and squandering away the best of the Commodities they had taken with 'em, instead of providing such Things as were needful for building a Ship, which we necessarily wanted for passing from Lake to Lake to the River Meschasipi.

CHAP. XIV. A Description of my second Imbarkment at Fort Frontenac, in a Brigantine upon the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac.

THat same very Year, on the Eighteenth of November, I took leave of our Monks at Fort Frontenac, and after our mutual Embraces and Expressions of Brotherly and Christian Charity, I embark'd in a Brigan­tine of about Ten Tuns. The Winds and the Cold of the Autumn were then very vio­lent, insomuch that our Crew was afraid to go into so little a Vessel. This oblig'd us and the Sieur de la Motte our Commander, to di­rect our course Northwards, to shelter our selves under the Coast, against the North­West Wind, which otherwise would have forc'd us upon the Southern Coast of [...]he Lake. This Voyage prov'd very difficult and dangerous, because of the unseasonable time the Winter being near at hand.

On the 26th, we were in great danger about Two large Leagues off the Land, where we were oblig'd to lie at an Anchor all that Night at Sixty Fathom Water and above; but at length the Wind turning North-East, we set out, and arriv'd safely at the further end of the Lake Ontario, call'd by the Iroquois Skanna­dario. We came pretty near to one of their Villages call'd Taiaiagon, lying about Seventy [Page 49] Leagues from Fort Frontenac, or Kataroc­kouy.

We barter'd some Indian Corn with the Iroquois, who could not admire us enough, and came frequently to see us on board our Brigantine, which for our greater security, we had brought to an Anchor into a River, tho' before we could get in, we run a­ground three times, which oblig'd us to put Fourteen Men into Canows, and cast the Ba­last of our Ship over-board to get her off a­gain. That River falls into the Lake; but for fear of being frozen up therein, we were forc'd to cut the Ice with Axes and other Instruments.

The Wind turning then contrary, we were oblig'd to tarry there till the 15th of December, 1678. that we sail'd from the Northern Coast to the Southern, where the River Niagara runs into the Lake; but could not reach it that Day, tho' it is but Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues distant, and therefore cast Anchor within Five Leagues of the Shore, where we had very bad Weather all the Night long.

On the 6th, being St. Nicholas's Day, we got into the fine River Niagara, into which never any such Ship as ours enter'd before. We sung there Te Deun [...], and other Prayers, to return our Thanks to God Almighty for our prosperous Voyage. The Iroquois Tson­nontouans inhabiting the little Village, situated at the mouth of the River, took above Three hundred White Fishes bigger than Carps, which are the best relishing as well as the wholesomest Fish in the World. They pre­sented [Page 50] us with all those Fishes, imputing their Good Luck to our Arrival. They were much surpriz'd at our Ship, which they call'd the great wooden Canow.

On the 7th, we went in a Canow two Leagues up the River, to look for a conve­nient Place for Building; but not being able to get the Canow farther up, because the Current was too rapid for us to master, we went over-land about three Leagues higher, tho' we found no Land fit for culture. We lay that Night near a River, which comes from the Westward, within a League above the great Fall of Niagara, which, as we have already said, is the greatest in the World. The Snow was then a Foot deep, and we were oblig'd to dig it up to make room for our Fire.

The next Day we return'd the same way we came, and saw great Numbers of Wild-Goats, and Wild Turkey-Cocks, and on the 11th, we said the first Mass that ever was said in that Country. The Carpenters and the rest of the Crew were set to work; but Monsieur de la Motte, who had the Direction of them, being not able to endure the F [...] ­tigues of so laborious a Life, gave over his Design, and return'd to Canada, having about two hundred Leagues to travel.

The 12th, 13th, and 14th, the Wind was not favourable enough to sail up the River as far at the rapid Current above menti­on'd, where we had resolv'd to build some Houses.

Whosoever considers our Map, will easily [Page 51] see, that this New Enterprize of buil­ding a Fort and some Houses on the River Niagara, besides the Fort of Frontenac, was like to give Jealousie to the Iroquois, and even to the English, who live in this Neighbour­hood, and have a great Commerce with them. Therefore to prevent the ill Conse­quences of it, it was thought fit to send an Embassie to the Iroquois, as it will be men­tion'd in the next Chapter.

The 15th I was desir'd to sit at the Helm of our Brigantine, while three of our Men hall'd the same from the Shore with a Rope; and at last we brought her up, and moor'd her to the Shore with a Halser, near a Rock of a prodigi­ous heighth, lying by the rapid Currents we have already mention'd. The 17th, 18th, and 19th, we were busie in making a Cabin with Palisado's, to serve for a Magazine; but the Ground was so frozen, that we were forc'd to throw several times boiling Water over it to drive in and beat deep the Stakes. The 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d, our Ship was in great danger to be dash'd in pieces, by the vast Pieces of Ice that were hurl'd down the River; to prevent which, our Carpenters made a Capstance to hall her-a-shore; but our great Cable broke in three pieces; whereupon one of our Carpenters surrounded the Ves­sel with a Cable, and ty'd thereunto several Ropes, whereby we got her a-shore, tho' with much difficulty, and sav'd her from the Danger of being broke to pieces, or carry'd away by the Ice, which came down with an extream violence from the great Fall of Nia­gara.

CHAP. XV. An Account of the Embassie to the Iroquis Tson­nontouans.

THese Savages being the most nume­rous Nation of that Country, it was requisite to avoid giving them any man­ner of suspicion; and in order thereto, we thought fit to prepossess those of the little Village of Niagara with a favourable Opinion of our Design: We told them, that we did not intend to build a Fort on the Bank of their River Niagara, but only a great Hanger, or Store-house, to keep the Commodities we had brought to supply their Occasions. We accompany'd our Discourse with some small Presents, and told them that we should re­main with them, whilst Six or Seven of us would go to the great Village of the Tsonnon­touans, to treat with their Chief Captains. And truly it was absolutely necessary to go thither, to remove the Suspicion the Enemies of our Discovery had suggested to that Peo­ple concerning our Designs.

As I was building a little Cabin of Bark, to perform Divine Service therein, M. de la Motte, who was still with us, desir'd me to accompany him in his Embassie, which I was very unwilling to comply with; and there­fore intreated him to suffer me to stay there with the greater number of our Men. But notwithstanding the Arguments I us'd, he [Page 53] told me that he was resolv'd to take along with him 7 Men out of 16 that we were in all; that I understood in a manner the Lan­guage of their Nation, having been often in conference with them at the Fort of Frontenac; that the Glory of God was concern'd in this Undertaking; that he would not trust those that were to accompany him; and in short, that if our Enterprize should miscarry upon that account, the blame would lie at my door. These, with some other secret Rea­sons, oblig'd me to comply with his Desire, and to follow him.

We travell'd with Shooes made after the Indian way, of a single Skin, but without Soles, because the Earth was still cover'd with Snow, and past through Forests for thirty two Leagues together, carrying upon our Backs our Coverings and other Baggage, ly­ing often in open Field, and having with us no other Food but some roasted Indian Corn: 'Tis true, we met upon our Road some Iro­quois a Hunting, who gave us some Wild-Goats, and fifteen or sixteen Black Squirrels, which are excellent Meat. However, after five Days march, we came to Tegarondies, a great Village of the Iroquois Tsonnontouans, and were immediately carry'd to the Cabin of their Principal Chief [...], where Women and Children flock'd [...] to see us, our Men being very well dress'd and arm'd. An old Man having according to custom made publick Cries, to give notice of our arrival to their Village, the younger Savages wash'd our Feet, which afterwards they rubb'd, over [Page 54] with the Grease of Deers, Wild-Goats, and other Beasts, and the Oil of Bears.

The next Day, which was the First of the Year 1679. after the ordinary Service, I preach'd in a little Chapel made of Barks of Trees, in presence of Two Jesuites, viz. Fa­ther Garnier and Rafeix; and afterwards we had a Conference with 42 Old Men, who make up their Council. These Savages are for the most part tall, and very well shap'd, cover'd with a sort of Robe made of Bea­vers and Wolves-Skins, or of Black Squir­rels, holding a Pipe or Calumet in their Hands. The Senators of Venice do not ap­pear with a graver Countenance, and per­haps don't speak with more Majesty and So­lidity, than those ancient Iroquois.

This Nation is the most cruel and barba­rous of all America, especially to their Slaves, whom they take above two or three hundred Leagues from their Country, as I shall show in my Second Volume; however, I must do them the Justice to observe, that they have many good Qualities; and that they love the Europeans, to whom they sell their Com­modities at very reasonable Rates. They have a mortal Hatred for those, who being too self-interested and covetous, are al­ways endeavouring to inrich themselves to the Prejudice of others. Their chief Com­modities are Beavers Skins, which they bring from above a hundred and fifty Leagues off their Habitations, to exchange them with the English and Dutch, whom they affectionate more than the Inhabitants of Canada, be­cause [Page 55] they are more affable, and sell them their Commodities cheaper.

One of our own Men, nam'd Anthony Brossard, who understood very well the Lan­guage of the Iroquois, and therefore was In­terpreter to M. de la Motte, told their As­sembly,

First, That we were come to pay them a Visit, and smoak with them in their Pipes, a Ceremony which I shall describe anon: And then we deliver'd our Presents, con­sisting of Axes, Knives, a great Collar of White and Blue Porcelain, with some Cloaks. We made Presents upon every Point we propos'd to them, of the same nature as the former.

Secondly, We desir'd them, in the next place, to give notice to the Five Can­tons of their Nation, that we were about to build a Ship, or great woodden Canow, a­bove the great Fall of the River Niagara, to go and fetch European Commodities by a more convenient way than the ordinary, by the River St. Laurence, whose rapid Cur­rents make it dangerous and long; and that by these means we should afford them our Commodities cheaper than the English and Dutch of Baston and New-York. This Pre­tence was specious enough, and very well contriv'd to engage that barbarous Nation to extirpate the English and Dutch out of America: For they suffer the Europeans a­among them only for the Fear they have of them, or else for the Profit they make in Bartering their Commodities with them.

[Page 56] Thirdly, We told them farther, that we should provide them at the River Niagara with a Blacksmith and a Gunsmith to mend their Guns, Axes, &c. having no body a­mong them that understood that Trade, and that for the conveniency of their whole Na­tion, we would settle those Workmen on the Lake of Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara. We threw again amongst them seven or eight Cloaks, and some Pieces of fine Cloth, which they cover themselves with from the Waste to the Knees. This was in order to engage them on our side, and prevent their giving ear to any who might suggest ill things of us, entreating them first to acquaint us with the Reports that should be made unto [...]hem to our Preju­dice, before they yielded t [...]eir Belief to the same.

We added many other Reasons which we thought proper to perswade them to favour our Design. The Presents we made unto them, either in Cloth or Iron, were worth above 400 Livres, besides some other Euro­pean Commodities very scarce in that Coun­try: For the best Reasons in the World are not listned to amongst them, unless they are enforc'd with Presents.

I forgot to observe, that before our Inter­preter began to talk of these matters with the Council, M. de la Motte order'd him to tell the Iroquois, That he would enter into no Particulars in presence of Father Garnìer a Jesuite, whom he much suspected: Where­upon the Old Senators order'd the said Fa­ther [Page 57] to withdraw. As I had a great Respect for him, I went out likewise to bear part of the Affront put upon him, and to let M. la Motte see that he had no reason to desire me to go to the Council with him, since he had resolv'd to affront in my presence a Jesuite-Missionary, who was amongst that barba­rous Nation, without any other Design but to instruct them in the Truth of the Gospel. This was the reason why I was not present in the Council the first Day that we acquain­ted the Iroquois with the subject of our Em­bassie. I easily observ'd that M. la Motte had been bred up amongst People profess'd Ene­mies of all Monks and Priests; from whence I concluded, that he would lay upon me all the Oversights he might commit in his Ne­gotiation: But I thought it was better he should be deceiv'd by those he employ'd, than to be so my self; and therefore would never meddle with any Temporal Concerns, tho' earnestly desir'd by him and others. The Iroquois, and other wild Nations, had a great Love for me upon that account: They have supply'd me with Food for my subsistance, and reliev'd me upon other occasions, only because they observ'd I was not guided by a private self-Interest; and truly whenever they made me any Presents in return of those I had made unto them, I immediately gave them to their Children.

The next Day the Iroquois answer'd our Discourse and Presents Article by Article, having laid upon the Ground several little pieces of Wood, to put them in mind of [Page 58] what had been said the Day before in the Council; their Speaker, or President, held in his Hand one of these Pieces of Wood, and when he had answer'd one Article of our Proposal, he laid it down, with some Presents of Black and White Porcelain, which they use to string upon the smallest Sinews of Beasts; and then took up a [...]other Piece of Wood; and so of all the rest, 'till he had fully answer'd our Speech, of which those Pieces of Wood, and our Presents, put them in mind. When his Discourse was ended, the oldest Man of their Assembly cry'd aloud for three times, Niaoua; that it is to say, It is well; I thank thee; which was repeated with a full Voice, and a kind of a Tune by all the other Senators.

'Tis to be observ'd here, that the Savages, tho' some are more cunning than others, are generally all addicted to their own Interests; and therefore tho' the Iroquois seem'd to be pleas'd with our Proposals, they were not really so; for the English and Dutch affording them the European Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada, they had a greater Inclination for them than for us. That People, so barbarous and rude in their Manners, have however a piece of Civility peculiar to themselves; for a Man would be accounted very impertinent, if he contra­dicted any thing that is said in their Council, and if he does not approve even the greatest Absurdities therein propos'd; and therefore they always answer, Niaoua; that is to say, Thou art in the right, Brother; that is well.

[Page 59]Notwithstanding that seeming Approba­tion, they believe what they please and no more; and therefore 'tis impossible to know when they are really perswaded of those things you have mention'd unto them, which I take to be one of the greatest Obstructions to their Conversion: For their Civility hindring them from making any Objection, or contradicting what is said unto them, they seem to approve of it, tho' perhaps they laugh at it in private, or else never be­stow a moment to reflect upon it, such be­ing their Indifference for a future Life. From these Observations, I conclude that the Con­version of that People is to be despair'd of, 'till they are subdu'd by the Europeans, and that their Children have another sort of Edu­cation, unless God be pleas'd to work a Mi­racle in their Favour.

While we were still with the Iroquois, their Parties made an Excursion toward Vir­ginia, and brought two Prisoners with them, one whereof was Houtouagaha, which in the Language of the Iroquois, signifies a talkative or babling Fellow, and the other of the Nation of Ganniessinga, where some English Franciscans were sent Missionaries. The Iro­quois spar'd the Life of this last, but put to death the former, with such exquisite Tor­ments, the that Nero's, Domitian's, and Maxi­min's, never invented the like to exercise the Patience of the Martyrs of the Primitive Church.

They use commonly that Inhumanity towards all the Prisoners they take in their [Page 60] Warlike Expeditions; but the worst of it is, that their Torments last sometimes a Month. When they have brought them into their Canton, they lay'them upon some pieces of Wood, made like a St. Andrew's Cross, to which they tie the Legs and Arms of those miserable Wretches, and expose them to Gnats and other Flies, who sting them to death. The Children of those barbarous Parents use to eat a piece of their Flesh, and having broil'd the same, force those unfortu­nate Creatures to cut part of their own Body. The Iroquois eat some pieces of it themselves, as well as their Children; and the better to inspire those little Canni­bals with Hatred for their Enemies, and the desire to extirpate them, they give them their Blood to drink in some little Por­ringers made of Barks of Trees. Thus do these poor Creatures end their Life, after a long and unspeakable Torment.

That horrid Cruelty oblig'd us to leave the Cabin, or Cottage, of the Chief Captain of that barbarous People, to shew them the H [...]rrour we had of their Inhumanity, and never eat with them since, but return'd the same way we went through the Woods to the River Niagara. And this was all the success of our Ambassie.

CHAP. XVI. A Description of a Ship of Sixty Tuns, which we built near the Streights of the Lake Erie, during the Winter and Spring of the Year 1679.

ON the 14th of Ianuary we arriv'd at our Habitation of Niagara, very weary of the Fatigues of our Voyage. We had no other Food but Indian Corn; but by good luck for us, the Fishery of the White Fish, I have already spoken of, was then in season, and made our Indian Corn more relishing. We made use of the Water in which the Fish was boyled instead of Broth of Meat; for when it g [...]ows cold in the Pot, it con­geals it self like some Broth of V [...]al.

On the 20th, arriv'd M. de la Salle from Fort Frontenac, from whence he was sent with a great Bark to supply us with Provi­sions, Rigging, and Tackling for the Ship we design'd to build at the Mouth of the Lake Erie; but that Bark was unfortunately cast away on the Southern Coast of the Lake On­tario, by the fault of two Pilots, who could not agree about the Course they were to steer, tho' they were then only within two Leagues of Niagara. The S [...]a-man have call'd this Place the Mad-Cape. The Anchors and Cables were sav'd, but several Canows of Barks of Trees with Goods and Commodi­ties were lost. These Disappointments were such as would have disswaded from any far­ther [Page 62] Enterprize all other Persons but such who had form'd the generous Design of ma­king a New Discovery in the Country.

M. de la Salle told us, That before he lost his Bark, he had been with the Iroquois Tson­nontouans, and had so dexterously gain'd their Affection, that they had talk'd to him of our Embassie with Applause, and had given him their Consent for the execution of our Un­dertaking. This good Intelligence lasted but a little while; for certain Persons, who made it their Business to cross our Design, inspir'd the Iroquois with many Suspicions about the Fort we were building at Niagara, which was in a great forwardness; and their Suspi­cions grew so high, that we were oblig'd to give over our Building for some time, con­tenting our selves with an Habitation encom­pass'd with Palisado's.

On the 22d of the said Month, we went two Leagues above the great Fall of Niagara, where we made a Dock for building the Ship we wanted for our Voyage. This was the most convenient place we could pitch upon, being upon a River which falls into the Streight between the Lake Erie and the great Fall of Niagara. The 26th, the Keel of the Ship and some other Pieces being ready, Mr. la Salle sent the Master-Carpenter to de­sire me to drive in the first Pin; but my Pro­fession obliging me to decline that Honour, he did it himself, and promis'd Ten Louis d'Or, to encourage the Carpenter and further the Work. The Winter being not half so hard in that Country as in Canada, we em­ploy'd [Page 63] one of the two Savages of the Na­tion call'd the Wolf, whom we kept for Hun­ting, in building some Cabins made of Rinds of Trees; and I had one made on purpose to perform Divine Service therein on Sun­days and other occasions.

M. la Salle having some urgent Business of his own, return'd to Fort Frontenac, leaving for our Commander one Tonti, an Italian by Birth, who had been forc'd to retire into France after the Revolution of Naples, in which his Father was concern'd. I condu­cted M. la Salle as far as the Lake Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara, where he order'd a House to be built for the Smith we had promis'd to the Iroquois; but this was on­ly to amuse them, and therefore I cannot but own that the Savages are not to be blam'd for having not believ'd every thing they were told by M. l [...] Motte in his Embassie already related.

He undertook his Journey a foot over the Snow, having no other Provisions but a little Sack of Indian Corn roasted, which fail'd him two Days before he came to the Fort, which is above fourscore Leagues distant from the Place where he left us. However, he got home safely▪ with two Men, and a Dog, who dragg'd his Baggage over the Ice or frozen Snow.

When I return'd to our Dock, I under­stood that most of the Iroquois were gone to wage War with a Nation on the other side of the Lake Eri [...]. In the mean time, our Men continu'd with great application to [Page 64] build our Ship; for the Iroquois who were left behind, being but a small number, were not so insolent as before, tho' they came now and then to our Dock, and express'd some Discontent at what we were doing. One of them in particular, feigning himself drunk, attempted to kill our Smith, but was vigorously repuls'd by him with a red-hot Iron-barr, which, together with the Repri­mand he receiv'd from me, oblig'd him to be gone. Some few Days after, a Savage Wo­man gave us notice that the Tsonnontouans had resolv'd to burn our Ship in the Dock, and had certainly done it, had we not been al­ways upon our guard.

These frequent Alarms from the Natives, together with the Fears we were in of wan­ting Provisions, having lost the great Bark from Fort Frontenac, which should hav [...] reliev'd us, and the Tsonnontouans at the same time refu­sing to [...]ive us of their Corn for Money, were a great Discouragement to our Carpenters, whom, on the other hand, a Villain amongst us endeavour'd to seduce: That pitiful Fel­low had several times attempted to run away from us into New-York, and would have likely perverted our Carpenters, had I not confirm'd them in their Good Resolution, by the Exhortations I us'd to make every Holy­day after Divine Service; in which I repre­sented to them, that the Glory of God was concern'd in our Undertaking, besides the Good and Advantage of our Christian Co­lonies; and therefore exhorted them to re­double their Diligence, in order to free our [Page 65] selves from all those Inconveniences and Ap­prehensions we then lay under.

The two Savages we had taken into our Service, went all this while a Hunting, and supply'd us with Wild-Goats and other Beasts for our subsistence; which encourag'd our Workmen to go on with their Work more briskly than before, insomuch that in a short time our Ship was in a readiness to be launch'd; which we did, after having Bless'd the same according to the use of the Romish Church. We made all the haste we could to get it a-float, tho' not altogether finish'd, to prevent the Designs of the Na­tives, who had resolv'd to burn it.

The Ship was call'd the Griffin, alluding to the Arms of Count Frontenac, which have two Griffins for Supporters; and besides, M. la Salle us'd to say of this Ship, while yet up­on the Stocks, That he would make the Griffin fly above the Ravens. We fir'd three Guns, and sung Te Deum, which was atten­ded with loud Acclamations of Joy; of which those of the Iroquois who were acci­dently present at this Ceremony, were also Partakers; for we gave them some Brandy to drink, as well as to our Men, who imme­diately quitted their Cabins of Rinds of Trees, and hang'd their Hammocks under the Deck of the Ship, there to lie with more security than a-shoar. We did the like, inso­much that the very same Day we were all on board, and thereby out of the reach of the Insults of the Savages.

[Page 66]The Iroquois being return'd from Hunting Beavers, were mightily surpriz'd to see our Ship a-float, and call'd us Otkon, that is in their Language, Most pen [...]trating Wits: For they could not apprehend how in so short a time we had been able to build so great a Ship, tho' it was but 60 Tuns. It might have been indeed call'd a moving Fortress; for all the Savages inhabiting the Banks of those Lakes and Rivers I have mention'd, for five hundred Leagues together, were fill'd with Fear as well as Admiration when they saw it.

The best Designs are often cross'd by some unexpected Accidents, which God permits to happen to try Men's Constancy, as I ex­perienc'd at that time. One of our Crew gave me notice, that the Sieur de Tonti our Commander entertain'd some Jealousie of me, because I kept a Journal of all the con­siderable Things that were transacted; and that he design'd to take the same from me. This Advice oblig'd me to stand upon my guard, and take all other Precautions to se­cure my Observations, and remove the Jea­lousie that Gentleman had of me: For I had no other Design but to keep our Men to their Duty, and to Exercises of Piety and Devotion, for preventing Disorders, and for the furtherance of our Common Under­taking.

In the mean time, our Enemies spread very disadvantageous Reports of us in Canada, where we were represented as rash and incon­siderate for venturing upon a dangerous Voy­age, [Page 67] age, from which, in their Opinion, none of us would ever return. This, together with the Difficulties we labour'd under for transpor­ting the Rigging of our Ship, and the other Inconveniencies necessarily attending a Voy­age through an unknown Country, Lakes, and Rivers, where no European had travell'd before, and the Oppositions from the Iroquois, caus'd me an unparallel'd Vexation. But these Reports were still more prejudicial to M. la Salle, whose Creditors, without enqui­ring into the Truth of the matter, or expect­ing his Return from Fort Frontenac, seiz'd all his Effects in Canada; tho' that very Fort alone, the Property whereof belong'd to him, was worth twice more than all the Debts he ow'd. However, it being impossible to stop the Mouth of our Enemies, who had no other Design but to oblige us to give over our Enterprize, notwithstanding the Trouble and great Charge we had been at for our Preparations, we resolv'd to wait with pa­tience the Opportunities Divine Providence would present us with, and to pursue with Vigour and Constancy our Design.

Being thus prepar'd against all Discourage­ments, I went up in a Canow with one of our Savages to the Mouth of the Lake Erie, notwithstanding the strong Current, which I master'd with great difficulty. I sounded the Mouth of the Lake, and found, contra­ry to the Relations that had been made un­to me, that a Ship with a brisk Gale might sail up to the Lake, and [...]urmount the Rapi­dity of the Current; and that therefore with [Page 68] a strong North, or North-East Wind, we might bring our Ship into the Lake Erie. I took also a view of the Banks of the Streight, and found that in case of need we might put some of our Men a-shoar to hall the Ship, if the Wind was not strong enough.

CHAP. XVII. The Author's Return to Fort Frontenac.

BEfore we could go on with our intended Discovery, I was oblig'd to return to Fort Frontenac, to bring along with me two Monks of my own Order, to help me in the Functions of my Ministry. I left our Ship riding upon two Anchors, within a League and a half of the Lake Erie, in the Streight, between the said Lake and the great Fall Niagara. Mr. Charon, an Inhabitant of Canada, desir'd to return with me, to avoid the ill Usage he receiv'd from M. Tonti, who was an irreconcileable Enemy of all the Sub­jects of the King of Spain, having been, as he thought, hardly us'd by the Spaniards in the Revolution of Naples, in which he was concern'd as well as his Father.

We embark'd in a Canow with one of our Savages, and fell down the Streight till we came to the great Fall, where we went a­shoar, and carry'd our Canow over-land to the Foot of the great Rock already mention'd, and from thence we continu'd our Course to the Mouth of the Lake Ontario, where we [Page 69] found the Bark or Brigantine we have spoken of, which the Sieur la Forest had brought from Fort Frontenac. M. la Forest having spent some Days in that place for Bartering his Commodities with the Natives, we em­bark'd on board his Brigantine, together with fifteen or sixteen Savage Women, who took that opportunity to make forty Leagues by Water, which otherwise they had been ob­lig'd to travel a-foot over-land through the Woods; but they not being us'd to this way of Travelling, fell so sick, that their Vomi­ting created an insufferable Stink in our Ship. Being arriv'd into the River of Aoueguen, M. la Forest exchang'd some Brandy for Bea­vers-Skins; but I must confess this Commerce of Strong-Waters was never accepable to me; for if the Savages drink but a little too much of that Liquor, they are worse and more dangerous than mad Men. Having done our Business in that Place, we sail'd from the Southern to the Northern Coast of the Lake; and the Wind being favourable, we quickly pass'd by the Village which lies on the other side of Keute and Ganeousse, but were becalm'd not far from Fort Frontenac, which oblig'd me to get into a Canow with two Savages to manage it. We landed in the Island of Goilans, so nam'd from Sea-Fowls of that Name, who abound in that Place, and lay their Eggs upon the Sand, where they are hatch'd by the Heat of the Sun. I carry'd away along with us four Baskets full of them, which we found very relishing in Omelets and Pancakes.

[Page 70]I was kindly receiv'd by Four Missiona­ries of my own Order that I found there, viz. Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, Luke Buisset, Zenobe Mambre, and Milithon Watteau, all Natives of the Spanish Netherlands. They told me that they knew how much I had suffer'd in my Mission during the Winter, and chiefly from that Italian who deserted the Service of his Natural Prince, that is Tonti I have already spoken of. I conceal'd part of the Discouragements I had met with, be­cause I design'd to engage Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe in our Voyage, and also because I knew that M. de la Salle, whose Temper I was acquainted with by my own Experience, made a constant use of this famous Maxim, Divide & impera, to dispose with a greater facility of the Men under him to compass his own Designs: And having as great a Passi­on as he to discover some New Countries, I thought it best to make no Complaints, which he took very kindly, and receiv'd me in a very obliging manner.

That Gentleman was Judicious, and of extraordinary Parts, and very desirous to make himself famous by some New Disco­veries, about which we had frequent Confe­rences. He told me several times, That he knew no Religious Order so fit as ours for improving New Colonies; and he was a very good Judge in those Matters, having spent nine or ten Years in another Order, of which he had disingag'd himself by Consent of the General, who in the Act of his Dis­mission under his own Hand, gives this [Page 71] Noble Character of him, That he had liv'd amongst the Monks of his Order, without giving the least suspicion of Venial Sin. These are the very Words of the Act, having per­us'd it my self. He likewise told me, That being perswaded that we might be very use­ful to him in his Designs, he was resolv'd to do something in favour of our Order; and having call'd us together on the 27th of May, 1679. he acquainted us, That being Proprietary and Governour of Fort Frontenac, he would order in his Will, That no other Religious Order but ours, should he suffer'd to settle themselves near the Fort; he after­wards mark'd out a Church-yard; and ha­ving created a Publick Notary, he order'd him to draw up an Instrument, whereby the said M. la Salle gave to our Order the Pro­perty of Eighteen Acres of Ground along the side of the Lake Ontario near the Fort, and above a Hundred Acres more in the next Forest to be clear'd and grubb'd up. We ac­cepted this Gift in the Name of our Order, and sign'd the Deed, which was the first that ever was transacted in that Country. The Notary's Name was la Meterie.

This being done, he desir'd those Francis­cans that were to come with me, to prepare themselves for their Voyage; but the Wind being against us, we had a sufficient time for it, and to take our Measures concerning our dangerous Mission. We made frequent Visits to the Savages, whom we had perswa­ded to settle themselves near the Fort, who, together with their Children, whom we had [Page 72] taught to Read and Write, lamented much our Departure; and assur'd us, That if we did return in a short time, they would per­swade the rest of the Inhabitants of the Vil­lage of Ganeousse, to come and settle themselves in the Neighbourhood of the Fort.

CHAP. XVIII. An Account of our Second Embarkment from Fort Frontenac.

AFter some few Days, the Wind presen­ting fair, Fathers Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, went on board the Brigantine, and in a short time arriv'd in the River of the Tson­nontouans, which runs into the Lake Ontario, where we continu'd several Days, our Men being very busie in bartering their Commo­dities with the Natives, who flock'd in great numbers about us to see o [...]r Brigantine, which they admir'd, and to exchange their Skins for Knives, Guns, Powder and Shot, but especially for Brandy, which they love above all things. In the mean time, we had built a small Cabin of Barks of Trees about half a League in the Woods, to per­form Divine Service without interruption; and waited till all our Men had done their Business. M. la Salle arriv'd in a Canow a­bout eight Days after; he had taken his course by the Southern Coast of the Lake, to go to the Village of the Tsonnontouans, to whom he made several Presents, to engage [Page 73] them in our Interest, and remove the Jea­lousie they had conceiv'd of our Unterta­king, through the Suggestions of our Ene­mies. All these Impediments retarded us so long, that we could not reach the River Nia­gara before the 30th of Iuly.

On the 4th of the said Month, I went over-land to the Fall of Niagara, with a Ser­jeant call'd la Fleur, and thence to our Dock within six Leagues of the Lake Ontario; but we did not find there the Ship we had built: And met with a new Misfortune; for two young Savages robb'd us of the Bisket we had for our subsistence, which reduc'd us to a great Extremity. We found at last a half­rotten Canow without Oars, which we men­ded as well as we could; and having made an Oar, we ventur'd our selves in that weak and shatter'd Canow, and went up the Streight to look for our Ship, which we found riding within a League of the plea­sant Lake Erie. We were very kindly re­ceiv'd, and likewise very glad to find our Ship well Rigg'd, and ready fitted out with all the Necessaries for Sailing. She carry'd Five small Guns, two whereof were Brass, and three Harquebuze a-crock. The Beak-head was adorn'd with a Flying Griffin, and an Eagle above it; and the rest of the Ship had the same Ornaments as Men of War use to have.

The Iroquois were then returning from a Warlike Expedition with several Slaves, and were much surpriz'd to see so big a Ship, which they compar'd to a Fortt, beyond [Page 74] their limits. Several came on board, and seem'd to admire above all things the bigness of our Anchors; for they could not appre­hend how we had been able to bring them through the rapid Currents of the River St. Laurence. This oblig'd them to use often the Word Gannorom, which in their Lan­guage signifies, That is wonderful. They wonder'd also to find there a Ship, having seen none when they went; and did not know from whence it came, it being about 250 Leagues from Canada.

Having forbid the Pilot to attempt to fail up the Currents of the Streight till farther order, we return'd the 16th and 17th to the Lake Ontario, and brought up our Bark to the great Rock of Niagara, and anchor'd at the foot of the Three Mountains, where we were oblig'd to make our Portage; that is, to carry over-land our Canow's and Provisions, and o­ther Things, above the great Fall of the River, which interrupts the Navigation: And be­cause most of the Rivers of that Country are interrupted with great Rocks, and that there­fore those who sail upon the same, are ob­lig'd to go over-land above those Falls, and carry upon their Backs their Canow's and other Things, they express it with this Word, To make o [...] Portage; of which the Reader is desir'd to take notice, for otherwise the following Account, as well as the Map, would be unintelligible to many.

Father Gabriel, tho' of Sixty five Years of Age, bore with great Vigour the Fatigue of that Voyage, and went thrice up and down [Page 75] those three Mountains, which are pretty high and steep. Our Men had a great deal of trouble; for they were oblig'd to make se­veral Turnings to carry the Provisions and Ammunition, and the Portage was two Leagues long. Our Anchors were so big, that four Men had much ado to carry one; but the Brandy we gave them was such an Encouragement, that they surmounted cheer­fully all the Difficulties of that Journey; and so we got on board our Ship all our Provi­sions, Ammunition, and Commodities.

While we continu'd there, M. la Salle told me, That he understood by some of our Men, that I very much blam'd the Intrigues of some Monks of Canada with the Iroquois and their Neighbours of New-York and New-Orange; which oblig'd me to tell in his pre­sence my Brethren the Franciscans, That I perceiv'd that M. la Salle would surprize me, and oblige me to revile some Persons, whom he represented as Traders and Merchants; and then abating somewhat of my Tone, I concluded, That notwithstanding the false Reports that had been made to him, I would entertain a good Opinion of those very Per­sons whom he design'd to make my Enemies; and that I would rather give over our Enter­prize than be impos'd upon at that rate. This vigorous Answer su [...]priz'd M. la Salle, who told me, That he was perswaded that those who had made him those Reports, were not honest Men; and that therefore he would take all imaginable care of my Person during the Voyage, and espouse my Interests on all [Page 76] occasions. He was indeed afraid that I should leave him▪ which had been a great disap­pointment to his Affairs; for Father Gabriel would have left him also. That Good Man was come with us without any leave of his Superiour, only upon a Letter from the Provincial Commissioner of Canada, whose Name was Valentin le Roux, wherein he told M. la Salle, that the said Father Gabriel might go along with him. However, he did not believe that he would do so without an Or­der in Writing; and for that reason came, some Days after our departure, to Fort Fron­tenac, where M. la Salle obtain'd that Order from him, for fear of being accus'd to have expos'd a Man of that Age to so dangerous a a Voyage, in which he was like to pe­rish, as really he did, as we shall see by and by.

M. la Salle understanding that I and the said Father Gabriel were gone to view the great Fall of Niagara, he came to us with some Refreshments to reconcile himself with me, and prevent my return to Canada. He met with no great difficulty; for the great desire I had to discover a New Country, made me very easie; so that we return'd on board our Ship in the beginning of August, 1679.

CHAP. XIX. An Account of our Third Embarkment from the Mouth of the Lake Erie.

WE have already observ'd, that the Spa­niards were the first Discoverers of Canada, and that the Recollects are the first Religious Order who attended the French Co­lonies in that Country. Those Good Men liv'd in great Friendship with the Savages call'd Hurons, by whom they understood that the Iroquois made frequent Excursions beyond Virginia and New-Sweden, near a great Lake, from whence they brought a great many Slaves; which gave occasion to the Hurons to call that Lake Erige, or Erike; that is to say, the Lake of the Cat. The Inhabitants of Canada have softned that Word, and call it Erie, as we have already observ'd.

We endeavour'd several times to sail up that Lake; but the Wind being not strong enough, we were forc'd to wait for it. In the mean time, M. la Salle caus'd our Men to grub up some Land, and sow several sorts of Pot-Herbs and Pulse, for the conveniency of those who should selttle themselves there, to maintain our Correspondence with Fort Frontenac. we found there a great quantity of Wild Cherries and Rocambol, a sort of Garlick, which grow naturally in t [...]at Ground. We left Father Melithon, with some Work­men, at our Habitation above the Fall of [Page 78] Niagara; and most of our Men went a­shoar to lighten our Ships, the better to sail up the Lake.

The Wind veering to the North- East, and the ship being well provided, we made all the sail we could, and with the help of twelve Men who hall'd from the shoar, over­came the Rapidity of the Current, and got up into the Lake. The Stream is so violent, that our Pilot himself despair'd of success. We sung Te Deum, and discharg'd our Cannon and other Fire-Arms, in presence of a great ma­ny Iroquois, who came from a Warlike Expe­dition against the Savages of Tintonha; that is to say, the Nation of the Meadows, who live above four hundred Leagues from that Place. The Iroquois and their Prisoners were much surpriz'd to see us in the Lake, and did not think before that we should be able to overcome the Rapidity of the Current: They cry'd several times Gannorom, to shew their Admiration. Some of the Iroquois had taken the measure of our Ship, and imme­diately went for New-York, to give notice to the English and Dutch of our sailing into the Lake: For those Nations affording their Commodities cheaper than the French, are also more belov'd by the Natives.

On the 7th of August, 1679. we went on board, being in all four and thirty Men, in­cluding two Recollects who came to us, and sail'd from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, steer­ing our Cou [...]se West-South-West, with a fa­vourable Wind; and tho' the Enemies of our Discovery had given out, on purpose to [Page 79] deter us from our Enterprize, That the Lake Erie was full of Rocks and Sands, which rendred the Navigation impracticable, we run above twenty Leagues during the Night, tho' we sounded all that while. The next Day the Wind being more favourable, we made above five and forty Leagues, keeping at an equal distance from the Banks of the Lake, and double a Cape to the West­ward, which we call'd the Cape of St. Francis. The next Day we doubled two other Capes, and met with no manner of Rocks or Sands. We discover'd a pretty large Island towards the South-West, about seven or eight Leagues from the Northern Coast; that Island fa­ces the Streight that comes from the Lake Huron.

The 10th, very early in the Morning, we pass'd between that Island and 7 or 8 lesser ones; and having sail'd near another, which is nothing but Sand, to the West of the Lake, we came to an Anchor at the Mouth of the Streight, which runs from the Lake Huron into that of Erie. The 11th, we went far­ther into the Streight, and pass'd between two small Islands, which make one of the finest Prospects in the-World. This Streight is finer than that of Niagara, being thirty Leagues long, and every-where one League broad, except in the middle that it stretches it self, forming the Lake we have call'd St. Claire. The Navigation is easie on both sides, the Coast being low and even. It runs directly from North to South.

[Page 80]The Country between those two Lakes is very well situated, and the Soil very fertile. The Banks of the Streight are vast Meadows, and the Prospect is terminated with some Hills covered with Vineyards, Trees bear­ing good Fruit, Groves, and Forests, so well dispos'd, that one would think Nature alone could not have made, without the Help of Art, so charming a Prospect. That Country is stock'd with Stags, Wild-Goats, and Bears, who are good for Food, and not fierce as in other Countries; some think they are better than our Pork. The Turkey-Cocks and Swans are there also very common; and our Men brought several other Beasts and Birds, whose Names are unknown to us, but they are extraordinary relishing.

The Forests are chiefly made up of Wal­nut-trees, Chesnut-trees, Plum-trees, and Pear-trees, loaded with their own Fruit and Vines. There is also abundance of Timber fit for Building, so that those who shall be so happy as to inhabit that Noble Country, cannot but remember with Gratitude those who have discover'd the way, by venturing to sail upon an unknown Lake for above one hundred Leagues. That charming Streight lies between the 40 and 41 Degrees of Northern Latitude.

CHAP. XX. An Account of what hapned in our Passage from the Lake Erie, unto the Lake Huron.

I Had often advis'd M. la Salle to make a Settlement upon the Streight, between the Lake Erie and Ontario, where the Fishe­ry is more plentiful; for that Settlement would have been very advantageous to us to maintain our Communication with Fort Frontenac. I told him also, that it were fit to leave in that Settlement the Smith he and M. la Motte had promis'd to the Iroquois; and that it would be a means to engage that wild Nation into our Inteeest, and to trade only with us, whereby he would grow rich in a little time: But M. la Salle, and the Ad­venturers who were with him, would not hearken to my Advice; and told me, that they would make no Settlement within 100 Leagues of their Fort, lest other Europeans should get before them into the Country they were going to discover. This was their Pre­tence; but I soon observ'd that their Inten­tion was to buy all the Furrs and Skins of the remotest Savages, who, as they thought, did not know their Value; and so inrich themselves in one single Voyage.

I endeavour'd also to perswade him to make a settlement upon this charming Streight; for being in the midst of so many Nations of Savages, we could not but have [Page 82] a good Trade amongst them. This was the Argument I made use of; but the main Rea­son, which I kept to my self, was to have an Opportunity to preach the Gospel to those ignorant Nations. M. la Salle would by no means hearken to my Advice, and told me he wonder'd at my Proposal, considering the great Passion I had a few Months before for the Discovery of a New Country.

The Current of that Streight is very vio­lent, but not half so much as that of Nia­gara; and therefore we sail'd up with a brisk Gale, and got into the Streight between the Lake Huron, and the Lake St. Claire; this last is very shallow, especially at its Mouth. The Lake Huron falls into this of St. Claire by several Canals, which are commonly in­terrupted by Sands and Rocks. We soun­ded all of them, and found one at last about one League broad without any Sands, its depth being every where from three to eight Fathoms Water. We sail'd up that Canal, but were forced to drop our Anchors near the Mouth of the Lake; for the extraordi­nary quantity of Waters which came down from the Superiour Lake and that of Illio­nois, because of a strong North-West Wind, had so much augmented the Rapidity of the Current of this Streight, that it was as vio­lent as that of Niagara.

The Wind turning Southerly, we sail'd again; and with the help of twelve Men, who hall'd our Ship from the Shoar, got safely the 23d of August into the Lake Hu­ron. We sung Te Deum a second time, to [Page 83] return our Thanks to the Almighty for our happy Navigation. We found in that Lake a large Bay, the Banks of which the ancient Hurons inhabited. They were converted to the Christian Religion by the first Franciscans that came into Canada; but the Iroquois have in a great measure destroy'd that Nation.

CHAP. XXI. An Account of our Navigation on the Lake Hu­ron to Missilimakinak.

HAving thus travell'd above 300 Leagues from Quebec to the Lake Huron, not­withstanding the rapid Currents and Lakes we went through, we continu [...]d our Voyage from the Mouth of this Lake, steering our Course North-North-East; but the next Day finding our selves near the Land, we steer'd North-North-West, and cross'd a Bay call'd Sakinam, which may be thirty Leagues broad. The 24th we run the same Course, but were becalm'd between some Islands, where we found but two Fathoms Water, which oblig'd us to make an easie sail part of the Night, to look for a good Anchorage, but in vain; and the Wind turning then Westerly, we bore to the North to avoid the Coast till the Day appear'd. We sounded all the Night long, because our Pi­lot, though a very Understanding Man, was somewhat negligent. The 25th we lay becalm'd till Noon, but then run North-West [Page 84] with a brisk Southerly Gale. The Wind turning South West, we bore to the North to double a Cape; but then the Wind grew so violent, that we were forc'd to lie by all the Night. The 26th the Storm continuing, we brought down our Main Yards and Top-Mast, and let the Ship drive to the Mercy of the Wind, knowing no place to run into to shelter our selves. M. la Salle, notwithstanding he was a Courageous Man, began to fear, and told us we were undone; and therefore every body fell up­on his Knees to say his Prayers, and prepare himself for Death, except our Pilot, whom we could never oblige to Pray; and he did nothing all that while but Curse and Swea [...] against M. la Salle, who, as he said, had brought him thither to make him perish in a nasty Lake, and lose the Glory he had ac­quir'd by his long and happy Navigations on the Ocean. However, the Wind being some­what abated, we hoisted up our Sail, and so we drove not above two Leagues. The 27th in the Morning we continu'd our Course North-West with a South-East Wind, which carry'd us the same Day to Missilimakinak, where we anchor'd in a Bay at six Fathoms Water, upon a slimy white Bottom. That Bay is shelter'd by the Coast, and a Bank from the South-West to the North; but it lies expos'd to the South, which is very vio­lent in that Country.

Missilimakinak is a Neck of Land to the North of the Mouth of the Streight, through which the Lake of the Illinois discharges it [Page 85] self into the Lake Huron. That Canal is about three Leagues long, and one broad. About fifteen Leagues to the Eastward of Missilimakinak, there is another Point at the Mouth of the Streight, whereby the Supe­riour Lake runs into that of Huron; which Streight is about five Leagues broad at its Mouth, and about fifteen Leagues long; but it grows narrow towards the Fall of St. Mary, which is a rapid Stream interrupted by seve­ral Rocks. However, a Canow may go up by one side; but it requires a great Fatigue; and therefore the safest and easiest way is to make a Portage above the Fall, to go and Trade with the Savages inhabiting the Banks of the Superiour Lake.

We lay between two different Nations of Savages; those who inhabit the Point of Missilimakinak are call'd Hurons, and the others, who are about three or four Leagues more Northward, are Outtaouatz. Those Savages were equally surpriz'd to see a Ship in their Country; and the Noise of our Cannon, of which we made a general Discharge, fill'd them with a great Apprehension. We went to see the Outtaouatz, and celebrated the Mass in their Habitation. M. la Salle was finely dress'd, having a Scarlet Cloak with a broad Gold Lace, and most of his Men with their Arms attended him. The Chief Captains of that People receiv'd us with great Civili­ties after their own way, and some of them came on board with us to see our Ship, which rode all that while in the Bay or Creek I have spoken of. It was a diverting Prospect [Page 86] to see every Day above sixscore Canow's a­bout it, and the Savages staring and admi­ring that fine Wooden Canow, as they call'd it. They brought us abundance of White Fishes, and some Trouts of 50 and 60 pound Weight.

We went the next Day to pay a Visit to the Hurons, who inhabit a rising Ground on a Neck of Land over-against Missilimakinak. Their Vil­lages are fortify'd with Palisado's of 25 foot high, and always situated upon Eminences or Hills. They receiv'd us with more Re­sp [...]ct than the Outtaouatz, for they made a triple Discharge of all the small Guns they had, having learn'd from some Europeans, that it is the greatest Civility amongst us. How­ever, they took such a Jealousie of our Ship, that, as we understood since, they endea­vour'd to make our Expedition odious to all the Nations about them.

The Hurons and Outtaouatz are in Confede­racy together against the Iroquois their Com­mon Enemy. They sow Indian Corn, which is their ordinary Food; for they have no­thing else to live upon, except some Fish they take in the Lakes. They boil it with their Sagamittee, which is a kind of Broth made with Water and the Flour of the Corn, which they beat in a Mortar made of the Trunk of a Tree which they make hol­low with Fire.

There is another Habitation of Savages near the Fall of St. Mary. The French ca [...] them Leapers, because they live near that great Fall, which they call a Leap. These [Page 87] subsist together by Hunting Staggs, Elks, Beavers, and other Beasts, as also upon the White Fishes we have spoken of; whose Fishery is so difficult in this Place, that none but themselves are able to [...]atch any. They sow no Indian Corn, because of the thick Fogs that are commonly on the Banks of the Superiour Lake, which stifle Corn be­fore it grows.

Missilimakinak and the Fall of St. Mary, are the two most considerable Passages of all the Savages of the West and North; for there are above two hundred Canow's that come through these Passes every Year, to carry their Commodities to the French at Montreal below Fort Frontenac.

Our Enterprize had been very successful hitherto; and we had reason to expect, that every body would have contributed to carry on vigorously our great Design to promote the Glory of God as well as the Good of our Colonies: However, some of our own Men oppos'd it as much as they could; they re­presented us to the Outtouatz and their Neigh­bours as dangerous and ambitious Adventu­rers, who design'd to engross all the Trade of Furrs and Skins, and invade their Liber­ty, the only thing which is dear to that People. The fifteen Men that M. la Salle had sent before him, had been seduced and almost drawn from his Service. The Goods which he had given them to exchange with the Natives, were dissipated and wasted; and instead of advancing as far as the Illi­nois, as they were order'd, they remain'd [Page 88] amongst the Hurons, notwithstanding the Exhortations and the Prayers of M. Tonti who Commanded them.

Our Men went into the Country to Trade with the Natives, and engag'd themselves too far; so that they did not return to Mis­silimakinak till November: M. la Salle being told that the Winds made the Navigation of the Lake very dangerous in the beginning of the Winter, resolv'd to continue his Voy­age without tarrying any longer for the re­turn of his Men.

CHAP. XXII. An Account of our Sailling from Missilimaki­nak, into the Lake of the Illinois.

ON the 2d of September we weigh'd An­chor, and sail'd into the Lake of the Illinois; and came to an Island just at the Mouth of the Bay of the Puans, lying about forty Leagues from Missilimakinak: It is in­habited by some Savages of the Nation call'd Poutouatamis, with whom some of the Men M. la Salle had sent the Year before, had barter'd a great quantity of Furrs and Skins. We found our Men in the Island, who be­gan to be very impatient, having so long waited our arrival.

The Chief of that Nation had been for­merly in Canada, and had an extraordinary Respect for Count Frontenac, who was Go­vernour thereof; and upon that account [Page 89] received us with all the Civ [...]lity imaginable, and caus'd his Men to dance the Calumet, or Pipe, before us. This is a piece of Civility we shall describe anon. Our Ship was ri­ding in the Bay, about thirty Paces from the furthermost Point of the Land, upon a pretty good Anchorage, where we rode safely, notwithstanding a violent Storm which lasted four Days. And upon this oc­casion, I cannot omit, without Injustice, the Generosity of that Brave Captain, who seeing our Ship toss'd up by the Waves, and not knowing it was able to resist, ventur'd himself in his little Canow, and came to our assistance. He had the good Luck to get safe on board, and told us he would at all times venture his Life, for saving the Children of Onnontio, Governour of Canada, who was his particular Friend. It must be observ'd, that that Governour is call'd On­nontio by all the Savages.

M. la Salle, without asking any body's Ad­vice, resolv'd to send back his Ship to Nia­gara, laden with Furrs and Skins to discharge his Debts; our Pilot and five Men with him were therefore sent back, and order'd to re­turn with all imaginable speed, to join us toward the Sourthern Parts of the Lake, where we should stay for them among the Illinois. They sailed the 18th of September with a Westerly Wind, and fir'd a Gun to take their leave. Tho' the Wind was favou­rable, it was never known what Course they steer'd, nor how they perish'd; for af­ter all the Enquiries we have been able to [Page 90] make, we could never learn any thing else but the following Particulars.

The Ship came to an Anchor to the North of the Lake of the Illinois, where he was seen by some Savages, who told us that they ad­vised our Men to sail along the Coast, and not towards the middle of the Lake, because of the Sands that make the Navigation dan­gerous when there is any high Wind. Our Pilot, as I said before, was dissatisfy'd, and would steer as he pleas'd, without hearkning to the Advice of the Savages, who, generally speaking, have more Sense than the Europeans think at first; but the Ship was hardly a League from the Coast, when it was toss'd up by a violent Storm in such a manner, that our Men were never heard of since; and it is suppos'd that the Ship struck upon a Sand, and was there bury'd. This was a great loss for M. la Salle and other Adventures; for that Ship, with its Cargo, cost about sixty thousand Livres. This will seem incredible to many, but not to those who will consider that the Rigging, Anchors, and Goods were brought by Canow's from Quebec to Fort Fron­tenac; which is such a vast Charge, that the Carriage of every hundred Weight, either of Anchors, Cables, and the like, cost eleven Livres.

CHAP. XXIII. An Account of our Embarkment in Canow's to continue our Discovery, from the Bay of Puans, to the Miamis on the Lake of the Illinois.

WE left the Poutouatamis on the 19th of September to continue our Voyage, be­ing Fourteen Men in all, in four Canow's. I had the Conduct of the smallest, tho' it carry'd 500 Weight and two Men; but my Fellow being newly come from Europe, and consequently unskill'd to manage these sort of Boats, I had the whole Trouble upon me in any stormy Weather. The other four Canow's were laden with a Smith's Forge, and Instruments and Tools for Carpenters, Joyners, and Sawers, besides our Goods and Arms.

We steer'd to the South toward the Con­tinent, from which the Island of the Poutou­atamis is near forty Leagues distant; but a­bout the middle of the way, in the Night­time, we were surpriz'd with a sudden Storm, whereby we were in great danger. The Waves came into our Canow's; and the Night was so dark, that we had much ado to keep Company together: However, we got a-shoar the next Day, where we conti­nu'd till the Lake grew calm again, which was four Days after. In the mean time our Savage went a Hunting, but could kill no­thing [Page 92] but a Porcupine, which made our Cit­truls and Indian Corn more relishing.

The Weather being fair, we continu'd our Voyage the 25th, and row'd all the Day, and best part of the Night, all along the We­stern Coast of the Lake of the Illinois; but the Wind growing too high for us, we thought fit to land upon a Rock, where we had nothing to shelter our selves against the Snow and the Rain but our Coverings. We continu'd there two Days, having made a little Fire with the Wood the Waves did supply us with. The 28th we proceeded on our Voyage; but the Wind forc'd us towards Night on a Rock cover'd with thick Bushes, where we remain [...]d three Days, and there made an end of all our Provisions, which consisted in Cittruls and Indian Corn we had bought from the Poutouatamis. Our Canows were so loaded, that we could not provide our selves for a longer time, and we expect­ed to find Provisions enough in our way.

We left that dismal Place the 1st of October, and after twelve Leagues rowing, tho fast­ing, came to another Village of the Poutou­atamis, who came upon the Shoar to receive us: But M. la Salle would not suffer any one to land, lest his Men should run away; and notwithstanding the bad Weather, we follow'd him three Leagues farther. We were in so great danger, that he flung him­self into the Water with his three Men, and carry'd a-shoar their Canow upon their Shoulders, for else it had been broken to pieces. We were all oblig'd to do the same; [Page 93] and by these means sav'd our Canow's and Goods. I carry'd upon my Back that good Man Father Gabriel, whose great Age did not permit him to venture himself into the Water.

As we had no manner of Acquaintance with the Savages of the Village near which we landed, our Men prepar'd themselves to make a vigorous Defence in case they were attack'd; and in order to it, possessed our selves of a rising Ground, where we could not be surpriz'd, and where we might make head against a great number of Savages. We sent afterwards three Men to buy Provisions in the Village with the Calumet or Pipe of Peace, which the Poutouatamis of the Island stad given us. I had forgot to mention, that when they made us that Present, they ob­serv'd a great many Ceremonies; and be­cause that Calumet of Peace is the most sacred Thing amongst the Savages, I think fit to describe the same in the next Chapter.

CHAP. XXIV. A Description of the Calumet, or Great Pipe.

THis Calumet is the most mysterious Thing in the World among the Savages of the Continent of the Northern America; for it is us'd in all their important Transactions: However, it is nothing else but a large To­bacco-Pipe made of Red, Black, or White Marble: The Head is finely polish'd, and [Page 95] the Quill, which is commonly two foot and a half long; is made of a pretty strong Reed, or Cane, adorn'd with Feathers of all Co­lours, interlac'd with Locks of Women's Hair. They tie to it two Wings of the most curious Birds they find, which makes their Ca­lumet not much unlike Mercury's Wand, or that Staff Ambassadors did formerly carry when they went to treat of Peace. They sheath that Reed into the neck of Birds they call Huars, which are as big as our Geese, and spotted with Black and White; or else of a fort of Ducks who make their Nests upon Trees, tho' Water be their ordinary Element, and whose Feathers are of many different Colours. However, every Nation adorns the Calumet as they think according to their own Genius and the Birds they have in their Country.

A Pipe, such as I have describ'd it, is a Pass and safe Conduct amongst all the Allies of the Nation who has given it; and in all Embassies, the Ambassadors carry that Ca­lumet as the Symbol of Peace, which is al­ways respected; for the Savages are gene­rally perswaded, that a great Misfortune would befal 'em, if they violated the Pub­lick Faith of the Calumet. All their Enter­prizes, Declarations of War, or Conclusion of Peace, as well as all the rest of their Ce­remonies, are Sealed, if I may be permitted to say so, with this Calumet. They fill that Pipe with the best Tobacco they have, and then present it to those with whom they have concluded any great Affair, and smoak [Page 94] out of the same after them. I had certainly perish'd in my Voyage, had it not been for this Calumet or Pipe, as the Reader will ob­serve in perusing the following Account.

Our three Men, provided with this Pipe as a Pass, and very well Arm'd, went to the little Village of the Savages, which was about three Leagues from the place where we lan­ded; but they found no body therein; for the Savages having heard that we had refus'd to land at the other Village, thought we were Enemies, and therefore had left their Habi­tation. Our Men finding no body in their Cabins, took some Indian Corn, and left in­stead of it some Goods, to let them see that we were no Robbers, nor their Enemies. However, the Savages, to the number of twenty Men, arm'd with Axes, small Guns, Bows, and a sort of Club, which in their Language they call Break-heads, advanc'd near the Place where we stood; whereupon M. la Salle, with four Men very well Arm'd, went toward them to speak with them, and desir'd them to come near us, for fear, as he said, a Party of our Men, who were gone a Hunting, should meet with them and kill them. They were perswaded to sit down at the foot of the Eminence where we were posted, and M. la Salle spoke to them all the while of the subject matter of his Voyage which he had undertaken for their Good and Advantage, as he told them. This was only to amuse them till our there Men re­turn'd; who appearing with the Calumet of Peace, the Savages made a great Shout, and [Page 96] rose, and began to dance. We made them some Excuse because of our Men having taken some of their Corn, and told them they had left the true Value of it in Goods; which they took so well, that they sentim­mediately for more, and gave us the next Day as much as we could conveniently car­ry in our Canow's. They retir'd towards the Evening; and M. la Salle order'd some Trees to be cut down, and laid cross the way, to prevent any Surprize from the Sa­vages.

The next Morning about ten a Clock, the Oldest of them came to us with their Ca­lumet of Peace, and entertain'd us with some Wild-Goats they had taken. We return'd them our Thanks, and presented them with some Axes, Knives, and several little Toys for their Wives, with which they were very much pleas'd.

CHAP. XXV. A Continuation of our Discovery, with an Account of our Navigation to the farther End of the Lake of the Illinois in our Canow's.

WE left that Place the 2d of October, and continu'd our Voyage all along the Coast of the Lake, which is so steep that we could hardly find any Place to land; and the Violence of the Wind oblig'd us to carry our Canow's sometimes on the top of the Rocks, to prevent their being dash'd in pieces [Page 97] by the Waves. The stormy Weather lasted four Days, during which we suffer'd very much; for every time we went a-shoar, we were forc'd to step into the Water, and carry our Canow's upon our Shoulders, and to do the like when we embark'd again. The Water being very cold, most of us were sick, and our Provisions fail'd us again; which, together with the Fa­tigues of Rowing, caus'd old Father Gabriel to faint away in such a manner, that I verily thought he could not live; however, I brought him again to his Senses by means of some Con­fection of Hyacinth, which I found very useful in our Voyage. We had no other Subsistence but a handful of Indian Corn once every four and twenty Hours, which we roasted, or else boyled in Water; and yet we rowed almost every Day from the Morning till Night. Our Men found some Hawthorn-Berries and other wild Fruit, which they ate so greedily, that most of them fell sick, and were thought to be poison'd; yet the more we suffer [...]d, the more by the Grace of God I was strong and vigorous; so that I could out-row all our other Canow's.

Being in that distress▪ He that takes care of the meanest Creatures, afforded us an unexpect­ed Relief▪ We saw upon the Coast a great ma­ny Ravens and Eagles; from whence we con­jectur'd that there was a Prey; and having lan­ded on that Place, we found above the half of a fat Wild-Goat, which the Wolves had strang­led. This Provision was very acceptable to us, and the rudest of our Men could not but praise the Divine P [...]ovidence, who took so par­ticular a care of us.

[Page 98]Having thus refresh'd our selves, we conti­nu'd our Voyage directly to the Southern Parts of the Lake, finding every day the Country finer, and the Weather more temperate. On the 16th of October, we met with abundance of Game: Our Savage kill'd several Staggs and Wild-Goats, and our Men a gr [...]at many Tur­key-Cocks very fat and big, wherewith we pro­vided our selves for several Days, and so em­bark'd again. On the 18th we came to the farther end of the Lake, where we landed: Our Men were immediately sent to view the Country round about that Place, and found a great quantity of ripe Grapes, the Corns where­of were as big as Damask-Plums: We fell'd several Trees to gather them, and made pretty good Wine, which we kept in Gourds, and bu­ry'd in Sand to prevent its growing sour. All the Trees in that Country are loaded with Vines, which, if cultivated, would make as good Wine as any in Europe. That Fruit was more relishing to us than Flesh, because we wanted Bread.

Our Men discover'd some fresh Prints of Men's Feet, which oblig'd us to stand upon our Guard, without making any noise till we had rested some time. That Order was not long observ'd; for one of our Men having espy'd a Bear upon a Tree, shot him down dead, and dragg'd him to our Cabins. M. la Salle was very angry with him; and to avoid any Surprize, put a Sentinel near our Canow's, under which we had put our Goods to shelter 'em from the Rain.

There were sixscore Savages of the Nation of the Outtouagamis inhabiting the Bay of Puans, encamp'd not far from us; who having heard [Page 99] the Noise our Man had made, took the Alarm, and sent some of our Men to discover who we were. These creeping upon their Bellies, and observing a great Silence, came in the Night to our Canow's, and stole away the Coat of M. la Salle's Footman, and part of the Goods that were under it: But the Sentinel having heard some noise, call'd us, and every body run to his Arms. The Savages being disco­ver'd, and thinking we were more numerous, cry'd, That they were Friends; but we an­swer'd them, That Friends did not come in so unseasonable Hours; and that they look'd ra­ther like Robbers, who design'd to murther us. Their Captain reply'd, That having heard the noise of a Gun, and knowing that none of their Neighbours use Fire-Arms, they thought we were a Party of Iroquois, and were come with a Design to murther them; but th [...]t understan­ding we were some Europeans of Canada, whom they lov'd as their Brethren, they could hardly wait till Day to visit us, and smoak in our Calumet, or large Pipe. This is the usual Compli­ment of the Savages, and the greatest Mark they can give of their Affection.

We seem'd to be satisfy'd with their Reasons, and gave leave to four of them only to come to us, telling them that we would not suffer a greater number, because their Youth was ad­dicted to Steal, and that our Men could not suffer it. Four Old Men came to us, whom we entertain'd till Day, and then they retir'd. After they were gone, we found we had been robb'd; and knowing the Genius of the Savages, and that if we did suffer this Affront, we [Page 100] should be expos'd every Night to their Insults; it was resolv'd to exact Satisfaction from them: Accordingly M. la Salle went abroad with some of our Men, to endeavour to make some Pri­soners; and having discover'd one of their Hun­ters, he seiz'd him, and examin'd him concer­ning the Robbery they had committed: He confess'd the Fact, with all the Circumstances; whereupon he left him to the custody of two Men; and advancing farther into the Country, took another, whom he brought along with him, and having shew'd him his Companion, sent him back to tell their Captain, That he would kill him, unless they return'd what they had robb'd.

CHAP. XXVI. An Account of [...]he Peace made between us and the Outtouagamis.

THe Savages were mightily puzzl'd at the Message sent by M. la Salle; for having cut in pieces the Coat, and other Goods they had stoll'n, and divided the Buttons, they could not make a full Restitution; and therefore they resolv'd to deliver their Man by force; and accordingly the next Morning, October 30. they advanc'd to attack us. The Peninsula where we were encamp'd, was separated from the Forest, where the Savages lay, by a little sandy Plain; and there being near the Wood two or three Eminences, M. la Salle resolv'd to possess him­self of the higher, and detach'd five Men for [Page 101] that Service, following himself at a little di­stance with the rest, every one having roll'd his Covering about the left Arm, to defend themselves against the Arrows of the Savages; for there was not above eight of them who had Fire-Arms.

The Savages seeing our Men advancing up to them, were frighted; and the Youngest retir'd behind a great Tree, but their Captains stood their Ground, while we possess'd our selves of the Eminence I have already menti­on'd. I left the two Franciscans reading the usual Prayers, and went with our Men to exhort them to their Duty; for having seen some Battels and Sieges in Europe, I was very little afraid of the Savages. I saw two of our Men turning pale; but when I had spoken to them, they seem'd hearty enough; and M. la Salle was mightily pleas'd with my Exhortations. However, I consider'd the Consequence this Quarrel might have, and how advantageous and Christian-like it would be to prevent the ef­fusion of Blood, and end it in a friendly man­ner; therefore I advanc'd towards the oldest Savages, who seeing me without any Arms, thought I came with a Design to be Mediator, and receiv'd me with Civility; but in the mean time one of our Men having observ'd, that one of the Savages had a piece of the Cloth they had stoll'n about his Head, came up to him, and snatch'd it away. That vigorous Action so much terrify'd the Savages, that though they were near sixscore Men against eleven, they presented me the Pipe or Calumet of Pe [...]ce, which I receiv'd. M. la Salle having pass'd his [Page 102] Word that they might come safe to him, two old Men told him in a Speech, That they did not approve what their young Men had done: That they would have restor'd the Goods taken, if it had been possible; but that having been cut in pieces, they could do no more but offer to restore what was not spoil'd, and pay for the rest. They presented us at the same time some Gowns of Beavers-Skins to appease M. la Salle, who having frown'd a little, told them, That as he design'd to wrong or affront no body, he would neither suffer any Wrong or Affront put upon him; but that seeing they did not approve what their Youth had done, and were willing to make Satisfaction for the same, he accepted their Offers, and would be their Friend. The Conditions were fully perform'd, and the Peace happily concluded without far­ther Hostility.

The next Day was spent in Dancing, Feast­ing, and Speeches; and the Chief Captain ha­ving taken a particular notice of the Behaviour of the Franciscans, said, These Grey Coats we va­lue very much; they go bare-foot as well as we: They scorn our Beaver-Gowns, and refuse all other Presents: They carry no Arms to kill us: They [...]lat­ter and make much of our Children, and give them Knives and other Toys, without expecting any Re­ward. Those amongst us who have been in Canda, tell us, That Onnontio (so they call the Gover­nour) loves them very much; and that they have quitted all to come to see us. Therefore be pleas'd, Thou who art Captain of these Men, to leave a­mongst us one of [...]hese Grey Coats, whom we shall bring to our Village, when we have kill'd Wild Bulls. [Page 103] Thou art likewise Master of these Warriours, and therefore remain amongst us, instead of going among the Illinois, who have resolv'd to murther thee and all thy Souldiers: And how canst thou resist so Great a Nation?

The Captain of the Savages told us, that the Illinois had burnt alive an Iroquois, who confess'd that the War the Iroquois made against them, had been fomented by the Inhabitants of Canada, who hated them. He told us also many other things, which frighted our Men, and made M. la Salle very melancholly; for all the Savages we had already met, had told us almost the same things. However, knowing how great was the Malice of our Enemies, and therefore suspecting that these things might have been suggested to the Savages, in order to oblige us to give over our Enterprize; or else that it was a Contri­vance of the Neighbours of the Illinois, who were afraid that they should grow too powerful, if we taught them the use of Fire-Arms, we re­solv'd to go on with our Voyage, taking in the mean time all necessary Precautions for our security. We told the Outtouagamis, That we were much oblig'd to them for their kind Of­fers and Advice; but that we were not afraid of the Illinois; for the Spirits know how to gain the Friendship of any Nation, by Reason or by Force. 'Tis to be observ'd, that the Savages be­ing not able to conceive how the Europeans can have more Wit than they, and admiring some Toys and other Things we bring from Europe, own that they are but Men, but that we are Spirits, and therefore call us so.

[Page 104]The next Day, November 1. we embark'd on the Lake of the Illinois, and came to the Mouth of the River of the Miamis, which comes from the South, and falls into the Lake. We had appointed that Place for our Rendezvous, and expected to meet there the twenty Men we had left at Mis­silimakinak; who being order'd to come a­long the other Coast of the Lake, had a much shorter cut than we, and besides their Canow's were not so much loaded as ours. However, we found no body there, nor any Mark whereby it could appear that they had been in that Place. We resolv'd to tell M. la Salle, that it was not fit to tarry any longer for them, nor expose our selves to the Hardship of the Winter; and that it would be then very difficult to meet with the Il­linois, because they divide themselves into Tribes, or Families, to subsist more conve­niently; that if we were forc'd to remain there during the Winter, and that the Game should come to fail us, all his Men would cer­tainly perish with Hunger; whereas we might expect to find some Indian Corn amongst the Illinois, who would rather supply with Provi­sions fourteen Men than two and thirty. We told him likewise, that it would be in a manner impossible to continue our Voyage till the Win­ter was over, if he tarry'd any longer, because the Rivers would be frozen all over, and there­fore we could not make use of our Canows. Notwithstanding these Reasons, M. la Salle told us, that it was necessary to expect the rest of [Page 105] his Men, because we should be then in a Con­dition to discover our selves to the Illinois, and make an Alliance with them; whereas we should be expos'd to their Mercy and Scorn, if we offer'd to enter their Country with so few Men; but that in the mean time he would endeavour to meet with some of that Nation, and gain them by Presents to learn their Language; concluding, That altho' all his Men should run away, he would remain alone with our Savage, and find means to maintain the Three Missionaries, meaning I and my Two Brethren.

Having therefore call'd his Men together, he told them, That he was resolv'd to ex­pect the rest of their Companions; and pro­pos'd to build a Fort in that Place for secu­ring our Ship; for we did not know then that it had perish'd; as also to secure our Goods and our selves too, in case of any Disgrace. Our Men seem'd very much dissatisfy'd; but he us'd so many Reasons, that they told him at last, They would entirely follow his Di­rection.

CHAP. XXVII. An Account of the Building of a Fort and a House near the River of Miamis.

JUst at the Mouth of the River, there was an Eminence, with a kind of a Platform naturally fortify'd: It was pretty high and and steep, of a Triangular Figure, defended on two sides by the River, and on the other by a deep Ditch, which the Fall of Waters had made. We fell'd the Trees that were on the top of that Hill, and having clear'd the same from Bushes for about two Musket-shot, we began to build a Redoubt of forty Foot long, and eighty broad, with great square pie­ces of Timber laid one upon the other; and prepar'd a great Number of Stakes of about twenty five Foot long, to drive into the Ground, to make our Fort the more unaccessible on the River side. We imploy'd the whole Month of November about that Work, which was very hard, tho' we had no other Food but the Bears our Savage kill'd. Those Beasts are very common in that place, because of the great quantity of Grapes they find there; but their Flesh being too fat and lushious, our Men began to be weary of it, and desir'd leave to go a hunting, to kill some wild Goats. M. la Salle deny'd them that Liberty, which caus'd som [...] Murmurs amongst them; and it was but unwillingly that they conti­nu'd their Work. This, together with the [Page 107] approach of the Winter, and the apprehension M. la Salle had that his Ship was lost, made him very melancholy, tho' he conceal'd it as much as he cou'd. We had made a Cabin, wherein we perform'd Divine Service every Sunday, and Father Gabriel and I, who preach'd alternatively, took care to take such Texts as were suitable to our present Circumstances, and fit to inspire us with Courage, Concord, and brotherly Love. Our Exhortations pro­duc'd a very good Effect, and hindred our Men from deserting, as they design'd.

We sounded, in the mean time, the Mouth of the River, and having found a Sand on which our Ship might strike, we planted se­veral great Poles with Buoys, to mark the Ca­nal thro' which they were to come; and for a greater Precaution, two Men were sent back to Missilimakinak, to wait there till the return of our Ship, and serve as Pilots.

The 20th of November M. Tonti arriv'd with two Canow's laden with Stags and Deers, which was a welcom Refreshment to our Men, but he did not bring above the half of our Men with him, the rest being left on the other side of the Lake, within three Days Journey from our Fort. M. la Salle was very angry with him upon that Account, being afraid that they would run away.

They told us that our Ship had not put into the Bay of Missilimakinak, as they were order'd, and that they had heard nothing of her since we sail'd, notwithstanding they had en­quir'd as much as they could, from the Sava­ges inhabiting the Coast of the Lake. This [Page 108] confirm'd the Suspicion, or rather the Belief we had that she was cast away: However, M. la Salle continu'd the Building of his Fort, which was at last perfected, and call'd Fort Miamis.

The Winter drawing so nigh, and M. la Salle being afraid that the Ice would stop his Voyage, sent back M. Tonti to fetch the Men he had left, and command them to come to him immediately; but meeting with a violent Storm, their Canow was driven against the Coast, and broke in pieces, whereby they lost their Guns and Equipage, and were oblig'd to return over-land. Few Days after, all our Men arriv'd except two, who deserted; so that we prepar'd our selves to continue our Voy­age, the Rains that fell about that time ha­ving melted the Ice, and made the Rivers navigable.

CHAP. XXVIII. Continuation of our Voyage from Fort Miamis to the River of the Illinois.

WE embark'd on the Third of December, being Three and thirty Men in Eight Canow's, and having left the Lake of the Illi­nois, went up the River Miamis, which we had sounded before. We made about Five and twenty Leagues to the South West, but cou'd not discover the place where we were to land, and carry our Canow's and Equipage into the River of the Illinois, which falls into that of [Page 109] Meschasipi; that is, in the Language of the Illinois, the Great River. We had already pas­sed the place of the Portage, but not knowing whereabouts we were, we thought fit to stay there, to expect M. la Salle, who was landed to view the Country: We staid a great while, and seeing he did not come, I went very far into the Woods with two of our Men, who fir'd their Guns, to give him notice of the place where we were; and in the mean time two others went up the River in their Canow, in order to find him out; but all our Endea­vours were in vain, so that we return'd to­wards Evening.

The next Day I went up the River my self, but hearing nothing of him, I came back, and found our Men very much perplex [...]d, fearing he was lost; but about Four a-clock in the Afternoon he return'd to us, having his Face and Hands as black as Pitch. He brought along with him two Beasts as big as Musk'd Rats, whose Skin was very fine, and like Er­mins. He had kill'd them with a Stick, as they hung by their Tails to the Boughs of Trees.

He told us, that the Marshes he had met in his way, had oblig'd him to fetch a great Compass; and that being much annoy'd by the Snow which fell very thick, it was past Midnight before he could arrive upon the Banks of the River; where he fir'd his Gun twice, and that hearing no answer, he con­cluded we were gone up higher, and had therefore march'd that way. He added, that after three Hours March, he saw a Fire upon [Page 110] a little Hill, whither he went directly, and hail'd us several Times, but hearing no Answer, he approach'd, and found no Body near the Fire, but only some dry Herbs, upon which a Man was a little while afore laid, which he conjectur'd, because they were still warm. He suppos'd that it was a Savage, who lay thereabouts in an Ambuscade, and therefore call'd to him in two or three Languages; but no Body answering, he cry'd as loud as he could, that to shew he was not afraid of him, he was going to lie in his Room. However, for fear of any Surprize, he cut several Boughs and Bushes, to embarass the way, and sat down by the Fire, which had made his Hands and Face black, as I have observ'd. Having thus warm'd and rest himself, he lay down upon the dry Herbs the Savage had gather'd, under a Tree, and slept very we [...]l, notwithstanding the Frost and Snow. Father Gabriel and I desir'd him to remain with his Men, and not expose himself for the future, because the Success of our Enterprize depended only upon him; and he promised us to follow our Advice.

Our Savage, who remain'd behind for Hunting, finding none of us at the Place of the Portage, came up higher the River, and told us, we had mist it; therefore he was sent back with all our Canow's, exeept one which I kept; for M. la Salle was so weary, that he was oblig'd to lie there that Night. I made a little Cabin with Mats of Marish Rushes, wherein we lay together, but were in great danger of being burnt, for it▪ took Fire [Page 111] by an unhappy Accident, while we were fast asleep. The next Morning we joyn'd our Men at the place of Portage, where Father Ga­briel had made the Day before several Crosses upon the Trees, that we might not miss it another time. We found there a great quan­tity of Horns and Bones of wild Oxen, as al­so some Canows the Savages had made with the Skins of Beasts, to cross the River with their Provisions. This Portage lies at the far­ther End of a Champagne; and at the other End, to the West, lies a Village of the Sa­vages Miamis, Mascouteins, and Oiatinon, who live together. The River of the Illinois has its Source near that Village, and springs out of some Marshy Lands, that are so quaking, that one can scarcely walk over them. The Head of the River is only a League and a half from that of Miamis, and so our Portage was not long. We mark'd the way from Place to Place with some Trees, for the convenience of those we expected after us; and left at the Portage, as well as Fort Miamis, Letters hanging down from the Trees, containing M. la Salle's In­structions to our Pilot, and the other five and twenty Men, who were to come with him.

CHAP. XXIX. An Account of our Embarkment at the Head of the River of the Illinois.

THis River is navigable within a hundred Paces from its Source; I mean for Ca­now's of Bark of Trees, and not for others; but it increases so much a little way from thence, that it is as deep and broad as the Meuse and the Sambre joyn'd together. It runs through vast Marshes, and tho' it be rapid e­nough, it makes so many Turnings and Wind­ings, that after a whole Days Journey, we found we were hardly two Leagues from the Place we left in the Morning. That Coun­try is nothing but Marshes full of Alder-Trees and Rushes; and we could have hardly found for forty Leagues together, any Place to plant our Cabins, had it not been for the Frost, which made the Earth more firm and con­sistent.

Having past thro' great Marshes, we found a vast Plain, in which nothing grows but on­ly some Herbs, which were dry at that time, and burnt, because the Miamis set them on fire every Year, for hunting wild Oxen, as I shall mention anon. We found no manner of Game, which was a great Disappointment to us, our Provisions beginning to fail. Our Men travell'd about sixty Miles without killing any thing else but a lean Stag, a small Wild-Goat, some few Swans, and two Bustards, [Page 113] which was no sufficient Maintenance for two and thirty Men. Most of them were so wea­ry of this laborious Life, that they would have run away, if possible, and gone to the Savages, who were not very far from us, as we judg'd by the great Fires we saw in the Plain. There must be an innumerable quantity of wild Oxen in that Country, since the Earth is cover'd with their Horns. The Miamis hunt them to­wards the latter end of Autumn.

We continu'd our Course upon this River very near the whole Month of December; but toward the latter end of the said Month, 1679. we arriv'd at the Village of the Illinois, which lies near one hundred and thirty Leagues from Fort Miamis, on the Lake of the Illinois. We suf­fer'd very much in this Passage; for the Sava­ges having set the Herbs of the Plain on Fire, the wild Oxen were fled away, and so we cou'd kill but one, and some Turkey-Cocks. God's Providence supported us all the while; and when we thought that the Extremities we were reduc'd to, were past all hopes of Re­medy, we found a prodigious big wild Ox ly­ing fast in the Mud of the River. We kill'd him, and had much ado to get him out of the Mud. This was a great Refreshment to our Men, and reviv'd their Courage; for being so timely and unexpectedly reliev'd, they con­cluded that God approv'd our Design.

CHAP. XXX. A Description of the Hunting of the wild Bulls and Oxen, by the Savages; of the bigness of those Beasts; and of the Advantages and Improve­ments that may be made [...] of the Plain where they Pasture; and of the Woods thereabouts.

WHen the Savages discover a great Number of those Beasts together, they likewise assemble their whole Tribe to encompass the Oxen, and then set on Fire the dry Herbs a­bout them, except in some places, which they leave free; and therein lay themselves in Am­buscade. The Oxen seeing the Flame round about them, run away thro' those Passages where they see no Fire; and there fall into the Hands of the Savages, who by these means will kill sometimes above sixscore in a Day. they divide these Beasts according to the num­ber of each Family; and send their Wives to slay them, and bring the Flesh to their Ca­bins. These Women are so lusty and strong, that they carry on their Back two or three hun­dred weight, besides their Children: and not­withstanding that Burthen, they run as swiftly as any of our Soldiers with their Arms.

Those Oxen have fine Wool instead of Hair, and their Cows have it longer than the Males; their Horns are almost black, and much bigger, tho' somewhat shorter than those of Europe: Their Head is of a prodigious bigness, as well as their Neck, which is very short, but about [Page]

[Page] [Page 115] six Spans broad: They have a kind of a Bump between the two Shoulders: Their Legs are big and short, cover'd with long Wool; and they have between the two Horns an ugly Bush of Hair, which falls upon their Eyes, and makes them look horrid.

The Flesh of these Beasts is very relishing, and full of Juice, especially in Autumn; for having grazed all the Summer long in those vast Meadows, where the Herbs are as high as they, they are then very fat. There is also amongst them abundance of Stags, Dears, and wild Goats; and that nothing might be want­ing in that Country for the Convenience of those Creatures, there are Forests at certain distances, where they retire to ruminate and shelter themselves against the violence of the Sun.

They change their Country according to the Seasons of the Year; for upon the ap­proach of the Winter, they leave the North to go to the Southern Parts. They follow one another, so that you may see a Drove of them for above a League, and stop all at the same Place; and the Ground wher [...] they use to lie is cover'd with wild Purslain; which makes me believe that the Dung of Oxen is very fit to produce that Herb. Their Ways are as beaten as our great Roads, and no Herb grows therein. They swim over the Rivers they meet on their Way, to go and graze in other Meadows. But the Care of the Cows for their Young one's, cannot be too much admir'd; for there being in those Meadows a great quantity of Wolves, [Page 116] who might surprize them, they go to Calve in the Islands of the Rivers, from whence they don't stir till the young Calves are able to fol­low them; for then they may protect them a­gainst any Beast whatsoever.

These Oxen being very convenient for the Subsistence of the Savages, they take care not to scare them from their Country; and they pursue only those whom they have wounded with their Arrows: But these Creatures mul­tiply in such a manner, that notwithstanding the great Numbers they kill every Year, they are as numerous as ever.

The Women Spin the Wooll of those Oxen, and make Sacks thereof to carry the Flesh which they dry at the Sun, or broil upon Grid-irons. They have no Salt, and yet they pre­pare their Flesh so well, that it keeps above four Months without breeding any Corrupti­on; and it looks then so fresh, that one wou'd think it was newly kill'd. They commonly boil it, and drink the Broath of it instead of Wa­ter. This is the ordinary Drink of all the Sa­vages of America, who have no Commerce with the Europeans. We follow'd their Example in this particular; and it must be confess'd that that Broath is very wholsom.

The Skin of those Oxen weighs about six­score Pound; but the Savages make use only of the thinnest part, as that of the Belly, which they dress with the Brains of all sorts of Beasts, and thereby make it as soft as our Shamoi's Skins. They paint them with seve­ral Colours, and adorn with pieces of Por­cupine-Skins, red and white, the Gowns [Page 117] they make thereof, to appear in Feasts and o­ther solemn Occasions. They make other Gowns against Cold Weather, wherewith they cover themselves during the Winter; but these plain Gowns, cover'd with curl'd Wool, are in my Opinion the finest as well as the best.

When they kill any Cows, their young Calves follow them, and lick their Hands. They bring them to their Children, who eat them, after having plaid with them. They keep the Hoofs of those little Creatures, and when they are very dry, they tie them to some Wand, and move them according to the various Po­stures of those who Sing and Dance. This is the most ridiculous Musical Instrument that I ever met with.

These young Calves might be easily tam'd, and made use of to plough the Land, which would be very advantageous to the Savages. These Oxen find in all Seasons Forrage to subsist; for if they are surpriz'd in the Nor­thern Countries by the Snow, before they can reach the Southern Parts, they have the dex­terity to remove the Snow, and eat the Grass underit. They bellow like our European Oxen, but not so frequently.

Tho' these Oxen are taller and bigger than those of Europe, they are however so swift, that no Savage can overtake them: They are so timorous, that they run away from any Man, except when they are wounded; for then they are dangerous, and often kill the Savage who pursues them. 'Tis a diverting prospect to see near the Banks of the Rivers, [Page 118] several Droves of those Oxen, of about four or five hundred together, grazing in those green Meadows.

There are several other Beasts in that Coun­try, as I observ'd in my Account of Loui­siana, as Stags, wild Goats, Beavers, Otters, Bustards, which have an excellent Taste; Swans, Tortoises, Turkey-Cocks, Parrots, and Partridges. These are also an incredible quan­tity of Pelicans, whose Bills are of a prodigi­ous Size; and a great many other sorts of Birds, and other Beasts.

The Rivers are plentifully stock'd with Fish, and the Soil is very fertil. The Forests afford all manner of Timber fit for Building, and especially Oak; which is there much better than in Canada, and would be excellent for building Ships. That Timber might be squar'd, saw'd, and ready prepar'd upon the Spot, and brought over into Europe; which would be ve­ry convenient, and give time to the Trees of our Forests to grow, whereas they are in a manner exhausted.

There are in those Forests abundance of Trees beating good Fruit, and of wild Vines, which produce Grapes a Foot and a half long, which growing to a perfect maturity, may make very good Wine. One may see there also large Countries cover'd with good Hemp, growing naturally, six or seven Foot in height. In short, by the Experiments I made among the Islati, and the Illinois, I am persuaded that the Soil of that Country Would produce all man­ner of Corn, Fruits, &c. even more plentiful­ly [Page 119] than in any part of Europe, seeing there ar [...] two Crops every Year.

The Air is very temperate, clear, and o­pen, and the Country water'd with several Lakes, Brooks, and Rivers, which are for the most part navigable. The Gnats and other little Flies that are so troublesome in Canada, and some other dangerous Beasts, are unknown in this Country; which in two Years time, might supply its Inhabitants, if cultivated, with all things necessary for Life, without wanting any thing from Europe; and the Islands of America, with Wine, Bread, and Flesh. The Bucaneers might kill in that Country a greater number of Oxen than in all the Islands they resort to. There are Mines of Coal, Slate, and Iron; and s [...]eral pieces of fine red Copper, which I have found now and then upon the Surface of the Earth, makes me believe that there are Mines of it; and doubtless of other Metals and Minerals, which may be discover'd one time or another. They have already found Allum in the Country of the Iroquois.

CHAP. XXXI. An Account of our Arrival to the Illinois, one of the most Numerous Nations of the Savages of America.

THis Word Illinois comes, as it has been al­ready observ'd from Illini, which in the Language of that Nation signifies A perfect and accomplish'd Man. The Villages of the Illinoi [...] [Page 120] are situated in a Marshy Plain, about the fortieth Degree of Latitude, on the Right side of the River, which is as broad as the Meuse. Their greatest Village may have in it four or five hundred Cabins, every Cabin five or six Fires, and each Fire one or two Families, who live together in great Concord. Their Ca­bins are cover'd with Mats of flat Rushes so closely sew'd together, that no Wind, Rain, or Snow may go thro' it. The Union that reigns amongst that barbarous People, ought to cover with Shame the Christians; amongst whom we can see no trace of that brotherly Love, which united the Primitive Proffessors of Christianity.

When the Savages have gather'd in their In­dian Corn, they dig some Holes in the Ground, where they keep it for Summer-time, because Meat does not keep in hot Weather; where­as they have very little occasion for it in Win­ter; and 'tis then their Custom to leave their Villages, and with their whole Families, to go a hunting Oxen, Beavers, &c. carrying with them but a small quantity of their Corn, which however they value so much, that the most sensible Wrong one may do them in their Opinion, is to take some of their Corn in their absence. We found no Body in the Village, as we had foreseen; for the Illinois had divi­ded themselves according to their Custom, and were gone a hunting. Their Absence caus'd a great Perplexity amongst us; for we wanted Provisions, and yet durst not meddle with the Indian Corn the Savages had laid under Ground for their Subsistence, and to sow their Lands. [Page 121] However, our Necessity being very great, and it being impossible to continue our Voyage, without any Provisions, especially seeing the Oxen and other Beasts had been driven from the Banks of the River, by means of Fire, as I have related in my former Chapter, M. la Salle resolv'd to take about forty Bushels of Corn, in hopes to appease the Savages with some Presents.

We embark'd again with these fresh Provi­sions, and continu'd to fall down the River, which runs directly to the South. Four Days after, being the First of Ianuary, 1680. we said Mass; and having wish'd a happy New-Year to M. la Salle, and to all others, I thought fit to make a pathetical Exhortation to our Grumblers, to encourage them to go on cheerfully, and inspire them with Union and Concord. Father Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, embrac'd them afterwards; and they promis'd us to continue firm in their Duty. The same Day we went thro' a Lake form [...]d by the Ri­ver, about seven Leagues long, and one broad. The Savages call that Place Pimiteoui; that is, in their Tongue, A place where there is abundance of fat Beasts. When the River of the Illinois freezes, which is but seldom, it freezes only to this Lake, and never from thence to the Mes­chasipi, into which this River falls. M. la Salle observ'd here the Elevation of the Pole, and found that this Lake lies in the Latitude of thirty three Degrees, and forty five Mi­nutes.

[Page 122]We had been inform'd, that the Illinois were our Enemies; and therefore M. la Salle had re­solv'd to use all manner of Precaution when we should meet with them; but we found our selves on a sudden in [...]he middle of their Camp, which took up the two sides of the River. M. la Salle order'd immediately his Men to make their Arms ready, and brought his Canow's on a Line, placing himself to the Right, and M. Tonti to the Left; so that we took almost the whole breadth of the River. The Illinois, who had not yet discover'd our Fleet, were very much surpriz'd to see us coming so swif [...]ly up­on them; for the Stream was extraordinary rapid in that Place: Some run to their Arms, but most took the Flight, with horrid Cries and Howlings.

The Current brought us in the mean time to their Camp; and M. la Salle went the very first a-shoar, follow'd by his Men; which en­creas'd the Consternation of the Savages, whom we might have easily defeated; but as it was not our Design, we made a halt to give them time to recover themselves, and see that we were no Enemies. M. la Salle might have pre­vented their Confusion by shewing his Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, but he was afraid the Savages would impute it to our Weakness.

The Illinois being exceedingly terrify'd, tho' they were several thousand Men, tender'd us the Calumet of Peace; and then we offer'd them ours; which being accepted on both sides, an extraordinary Joy succeeded the ter­rible Fears they had been under upon our lan­ding. They sent immediately to fetch back [Page 123] those who fled away; and Father Zenobe and I went to their Cabins. We took their Chil­dren by the Hand, and express'd our Love for them with all the signs we could: We did the like to the Old Men, having compassion of those poor Creatures, who are so miserable a [...] to be ignorant of their Creator and Re­deemer.

Most of the Savages, who had run away up­on our landing, understanding that we were Friends, return'd; but some others had been so terrify'd, that they did not come back till three or four Days after, that they were told that we had smoak'd in their Calumet of Peace. In the mean time we had discours'd the Chief of the Illinois by our Interpreter; and told them, That we were Inhabitants of Canada, and their Friends; that we were come to teach them the Knowledge of the Captain of Hea­ven and Earth, and to use Fire-Arms, which were unknown to them; with several other things relating to their Advantage. We were forc'd to make use of these metaphorical Ex­pressions, to give them some Idea of the Su­preme DEITY. They heard our Discourses with great attention, and afterwards gave a great Shout for Joy, repeating these Words: Tepatoui-Nika; That is, We [...]l, my Brother, my Friend; thou hast done very well. These Savages have more Humanity than all the others of the Northern America; and understanding the sub­ject of our Errand, express'd a great Gratitude. They rubb'd our Legs and Feet, near the Fire, with Oil of Bears and Grease of Wild Oxen, which after much travel is an incomparable Re­freshment; [Page 124] and presented us some Flesh to eat, putting the three first Morsels into our Mouth with great Ceremonies. This is a great piece of Civility amongst them.

M. la Salle presented them with some To­bacco from Martinico, and some Axes; and told them, That he had desir'd them to meet to treat about some weighty matters; but that there was one in particular, which he would discourse them upon before any other. He ad­ded, that he knew how necessary their Corn was to them; but that being reduc'd to an un­speakable Necessity when he came to their Vil­lage, and seeing no probability to subsist, he had been forc'd to take some Corn from their Habitations without their leave: That he would give 'em Axes, and other things, in lieu of it, if they could spare it; that if they could not, they were free to take it again; concluding, That if they were no [...] able to supply us with Provisions, he design'd to continue his Voyage, and go to their Neighbours, who would hear­tily give him what was necessary for his subsi­stence; but however, to shew them his Kind­ness, he would leave a Smith among them, to mend their Axes and other Tools we should supply them with. The Savages having consi­der'd our Proposals, granted all our Demands, and made Alliance with us.

We were oblig'd to use many Precautions to make our Alliance lasting and solid, because our Enemies did their utmost to prevent it. The very same Day we came to the Camp of the Illinois, one of the Chief Captains of the Masc [...]utens, whose Name was Monso, arriv'd also [Page 125] with some Miamis, and other young Men, who brought with them some Axes, Knives, Kettles, and other Goods. Our Enemies had chosen him for that Embassie, knowing that the Illinois would rather believe him than the Miamis, because they had never been in War with the Mascoutens. This Savage arriv'd pretty late, and caball'd all the Night long against us: He told them, That M. la Salle was a great Friend of the Iroquois, who were to follow him speedily, with some of the Europeans from Canada, to in­vade them, and destroy their Nation; and that he was sent by some of the Europeans them­selves, who could not approve that Treachery of their Country-men, to give them notice thereof, that they might not be surpriz'd. He enforc'd his Arguments by presenting them with all the Goods he had brought along with him; and thinking he had gain'd his Point, went back the same Night, fearing, with much Reason, that M. la Salle would resent that Ma­ster-piece of Villany, and punish him for it. The Illinois were assembled in Council all the Night; for they never treat of any secret Af­fairs during the Day, and did not know what Measures to take; for tho' they did not believe all the Stories the Mascouten had made unto them, yet the next Day they appear'd much indifferent and mistrusting. As they seem'd to contrive something against us, we began to be uneasie; but M. la Salle, who suspected that their sudden Alteration towards us, was the ef­fect of a false Report, made such Presents to one of their Chiefs, that he told him all the Particulars of the Embassie and Negotiation of [Page 126] Monso; and thereby enabled him to remove the Jealousie of the Illinois, and confound the wic­ked Designs our Enemies.

He manag'd that Point with such Dexterity, that he did not only regain the Friendship of that Nation, but likewise undeceiv'd the Mas­couten and Miamis; and was Mediator between the latter and the Illinois, who by his means made an Alliance which lasted all the while we remain'd in those Countries.

CHAP. XXXII. An Account of what hapned to us while we remain'd among the Illinois, till the Building of a New Fort.

SOme Days after, Nikanape, Brother to Ches­sagouasse, the most considerable Chief of the Illinois, who was then absent, invited us to a great Feast; and before we sate down to eat, made a long Speech, very different from what the other Captains had told us upon our arrival. He said that he had invited us not so much to give us a Treat, as to endeavour to disswade us from the Resolution we had taken, to go down to the Sea by the great River Meschasipi. He added, That several had perish'd, having ventur'd upon the same Enterprize, the Banks of that River being inhabited by barbarous and bloody Na­tions, whom we should be unable to resist, not­withstanding our Valour and the Goodness of our Arms; that the River was full of dange­rous Monsters, as Crocodiles, Tritons, (mean­ing [Page 127] a Sea-Monster) and Serpents; that suppo­sing the Bark we design'd to build was big enough to protect us against the Dangers he had mention'd, yet it would avail us nothing against another which was inevitable; For, said he, the River Meschasipi is so full of Rocks and Falls towards its Mouth, that the Rapidity of the Current cannot be master'd, which will carry your Bark into a horrid Whirlpool, that swallows up eve­ry thing that comes near it; and even the River itself, which appears no more, losing it self in that hi­deous and bottomless Gulph.

He added so many other Circumstances, and appear'd so serious, and so much concern'd for us, that two of our Men, who understood their Language, but not their Politicks, were mo­ved at it, and their Fear appear'd in their Fa­ces. We observ'd it, but could not help it; for it would be an unpardonable Affr [...]nt to interrupt a Savage. And besides, we had per­haps encreas'd the Allarms of our Men. When Nikanape had made an end of his Discourse, we answer'd him in so calm a manner, that he cou'd not fancy we were surpriz'd at his Ob­jections against our Voyage.

Our Interpreter told him, by order of M. la Salle, that we were much oblig'd to him for the Advices he gave us; but that the Difficul­ties and Dangers he had mention'd, would make our Enterprize still more glorious; that we fear'd the Master of the Life of all Men, who rul'd the Sea, and all the World; and therefore would think it a happiness to lay down our Life to make his Name known to all his Creatures. We added, that we believ'd [Page 128] that most of the Dangers he had mention'd were not in being, but that the Friendship he had for us, had put him upon that Invention, to oblige us to remain with them. We thought fit however, to let him know, that we per­ceiv'd our Enemies had fomented some Jea­lousies in their Mind, and that they seem'd to mistrust our Designs; but as we were sin­cere in our Dealings, we desir'd them to let us know freely, and without any Disguise, the Grounds of their Suspicions, that we might satisfie them, and clear our selves; concluding, That seeing our Demand was so just and equi­table, we expected they would grant it, or else that we should have reason to think that the Joy they had express'd upon our Arrival, and the Friendship they had since show'd to us, was nothing but a Deceit and Dissimu­lation. Nikanape was not able to answer us, and therefore chang'd his Discourse, desiring us to eat.

The Dinner being over, our Interpreter re­assum'd his Discourse, and told the Company, That we were not surpriz'd at the Envy their Neighbours express'd about our Arrival into their Country, because they knew too well the Advantages of Commerce, and there­fore wou'd engross it to themselves, and ob­struct by all means our good Correspondence; but that we wonder'd that they wou'd give Ear to the Suggestions of our common Ene­mies, and conceal any thing from us, since we had so sincerely acquainted them with our Designs.

[Page 129] We did not sleep, Brother, said he, directing his Discourse to Nikanape, when Monso was caballing amongst you in the Night to our Prejudice, endeavour­ing to make you believe that we were Spies of the Iroquois. The Presents he made to perswade his Lyes, are still hidden in this Cabin: But why has he run away immediately after, instead of appearing publickly to justifie his Accusation? Thou art a Witness thy self, that upon our landing we might have kill'd all thy Nephews, and done what our Enemies tell you we design to do, after we have made Alliance with thee, and settled themselves amongst you. But if it were our Design, why should we defer to put it into execution? And who hinders our Warriours, who are here with me, to kill all of you, whilst your young Men are a Hunting? Thou hast been told, that our Valour is terrible to the Iroquois themselves; and therefore we need not their Assistance to wage War with thee, if it were our Design.

But to remove even the least Pretence of Suspicio [...] and Iealousie, send somebody to bring back that mali­cious Accuser, and we will stay here to confute him in thy Presence: For how can he know us, seeing he never saw us in his Life? And how can he be ac­quainted with the secret League we have made with the Iroquois, whom he knows only by Name? Con­sider our Equipage; we have nothing but Tools and Goods, which can never be made use of, but for the Good of thy Nation, and not for its Destruction, as our Enemies would make thee believe.

This Discourse mov'd them very much; and they sent after Monso to bring him back; but the Snow which fell that Night spoil'd the Track, and so he could not be over-taken. He had remain'd for some Days not far from us, to [Page 130] know what would be the success of his Em­bassie. However, some of our Men lay under such terrible Apprehensions, that we could ne­ver recover their Courage, nor remove their Fears; so that six of them who had the Guard that Night (amongst which were two Sawers, the most necessary of our Workmen for Building our Ship) run away, taking with them what they thought necessary; but considering the country thro' which they were to travel, and the Season of the Year, we may say, that for avoiding an uncertain Peril, they expos'd them­selves to a most certain Danger.

M. la Salle seeing that those six Men were gone, and fearing that this Disertion would make a disadvantageous Impression upon the Savages, he order'd his Men to tell the Illinois, That he had resolv'd to send after them to pu­nish them as they deserv'd; but that the Season being so hard, he was loth to expose his Men; and that those Deserters would be severely punish'd in Canada. In the mean time, we exhorted the rest to continue firm in their Duty, assuring them, That if any were afraid of venturing themselves upon the River Meschasipi, because of the Dangers Nikanape had mention'd, M. la Salle would give them leave to return next Spring to Canada, and allow them a Canow to to make their Voyage; whereas they could not venture to return home at this time of the Year, without exposing themselves to perish with Hun­ger, Cold, or the Hands of the Savages.

They promis [...]d Wonders; but M. la Salle knowing their Inconstancy, and dissembling the Vexation their want of Courage and Reso­lution [Page 131] caus'd him, resolv'd to prevent any far­ther Subornation, and to leave the Camp of the Illinois; but lest his Men should not consent to it, he call'd them together, and told them we were not safe among the Illinois, and that perhaps the Iroquois would come in a little time to attack them; and that these being not able to resist, they were like to run away, and be­take themselves to the Woods, and leave us expos'd to the Mercy of the Iroquois, whose Cruelty was sufficiently known to us; there­fore he knew no other Remedy but to fortifie a Post, where we might defend our selves both against the Illinois and Iroquois, as occasion should require. These Reasons, with some other Ar­guments which I added to the same purpose, pro­ved powerful enough to engage them to approve M. la Salle's Design; and so it was resolv'd to build a Fort in a very advantageous Place on the River, four Days Journey below the great Village of the Illinois.

CHAP. XXXIII. Reflections upon the Temper and Manners of the Il­linois, and the little Disposition they have to em­brace Christianity.

BEfore I speak in particular of the Illinois, I think fit to observe here, that there is a nation of the Miamis to the South-West of the Lake of the Illinois, who inhabit the Banks of a [...]ine-River, within fifteen Leagues from the Lake, in the Latitude of 41 Degrees. The [Page 132] Maskoutens and Outtouagamis live more North­ward on the River Melleoki, which runs into the Lake in the Latitude of 43 Degrees. To the West of it live the Kikapous and Ainoves. who have two Villages; and to the West of these there is the Village of the Illinois Cascaschia, situated towards the Source of the River Checa­goumenans. The Authoutantas and Maskoutens-Nadouessians live within one hundred and thir­ty Leagues of the Illinois, in three great Vil­lages, on the Banks of a fine River which dis­charges it self into the great River Meschasipi. We shall have occasion to talk of these and seve­ral other Nations.

Most of these Savages, and especially the Illinois, make their Cabins of flat Rushes, which they sew together, and line them with the same; so that no Rain can go through it. They are tall, strong, and manage their Bows and Ar­rows with great dexterity; for they did not know the use of Fire-Arms before we came in­to their Country. They are Lazy, Vagabonds, Timorous, Pettish, Thieves, and so fond of their Liberty, that they have no great Respect for their Chiefs.

Their Villages are open, and not enclos'd with Palisado's, as in some other Places, because they have not Courage enough to defend them, for they fly away as soon as they hear their Ene­mies approach. Besides the Arrows, they use two other Weapons, a kind of a Pike and a Club of Wood. Their Country is so fertile, that it supplies them with all the Necessaries for Life, and especially since we taught them the use of I [...]on Tools to cultivate it.

[Page 133]The Hermaphrodites are very common amongst them, which is so much the more surprizing, because I have not observ'd any such thing a­mongst the other Nations of the Northern A­merica. Poligamy is allow'd amongst them; and they generally marry several Sisters, think­ing they agree better than Strangers. They are exceedingly Jealous, and cut the Nose of their Wives upon the least suspicion. Notwith­standing they have several Wives, they are so lascivious as to be guilty of Sodomy, and keep Boys, whom they cloth with Women's Appa­rel, because they make of them that abomi­nable use. These Boys live in their Families amongst Women, without going either to their Wars or Hunting. As to their Religion, I observ'd that they are very superstitious; but I could never discover that they had any Wor­ship, nor any Reason for their Superstition. They are great Gamesters, as well as all the other Savages that I have known in Ame­rica.

As there are some stony Places in this Coun­try, where there is a great quantity of Serpents, very troublesome to the Illinois, they know se­veral Herbs which are a quicker and surer Re­medy against their Venom, than our Treacle and Orvietan. They rub themselves with these Herbs, after which they play with those dan­gerous Serpents, without receiving any hurt. They take the young ones and put them some­times into their Mouth. They go stark naked in Summer-time, wearing only a kind of Shoes made of the Skins of Oxen; but the Winter being pretty severe in their Country, tho' [Page 134] very short, they wear Gowns made of th [...] Skins of Wild Beasts, or of Oxen, which they dress and paint most curiously, as I have al­ready observ'd.

The Illinois, as most of the Savages of Ame­rica, being brutish, wild, and stupid, and their Manners being so opposite to the Morals of the Gospel, their Conversion is to be despair'd of, till Time and the Commerce with the Europeans has remov'd their natural Fierceness and Igno­rance, and thereby made 'em more apt to be sen­sible of the Charms of Christianity. I have met with some who were more teachable; and Fa­ther Zenobe told me, that he Baptiz'd two or three of them at the point of Death, because they desi [...]'d it; and shew'd some good Disposi­tion to induce him to grant that Demand. They will tamely suffer to Baptize their Chil­dren, and would not refuse it themselves; but they are incapable of any previous Instruction concerning the Truth of the Gospel, and th [...] Efficacy of the Sacraments. Would I follow the Example of some other Missionaries, I could have boasted of many Conversions; for I might have easily Baptiz'd all those Nations, and then say, as I am afraid they do without any ground, That I had converted them.

Father Zenobe had met with two Savages, who had promis'd to follow him every where, whom he instructed and Baptiz'd; but tho' they were more tractable than the rest, they would not leave their Country; and he understood afterwards, that one of them, whose Name was Chassagouache, was dead in the hands of the Iunglers, and consequently in the Super­stitions [Page 135] of his Country-men; so that his Bap­tism serv'd only to make him duplo Filius Ge­hennae.

CHAP. XXXIV. An Account of the Building of a New Fort on the River of the Illinois, nam'd by the Savages Che­cagou, and by us Fort Crevecoeur; as also a Bark to go down the River Meschasipi.

I Must observe here, that the hardest Winter lasts not above two Months in this charming Country; so that on the 15th of Ianuary there came a sudden Thaw, which made the Rivers navigable, and the Weather so mild as it is with us in the middle of the Spring. M. la Salle improving this fair Season, desir'd me to go down the River with him to chuse a Place fit to build our Fort. After having view'd the Country, we pitch'd upon an Eminence on the Bank of the River, defended on that side by the River, and on two others by two Ditches the Rains had made very deep by suc­cession of Time; so that it was accessible only by one way; therefore we cast a Line to join those two natural Ditches, and made the Emi­nence steep on every side, supporting the Earth with great pieces of Timber. We made a hasty Lodgment thereupon, to be ready to de­fend us in case the Savages would obstruct the Building of our Fort; but no body offering to disturbus, we went on diligently with our Work. Fathers Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, made in the [Page 136] mean time a Cabin of Planks, wherein our Workmen came to Prayers every Morning and Evening; but having no Wine, we could not say Mass. The Fort being half finish'd, M. la Salle lodg'd himself in the middle with M. Tonti; and every body took his Post. We plac'd our Forge along the Courtin on the side of the Wood, and laid in a great quantity of Coals for that use.

In the mean time our Thoughts were al­ways bent towards our Discovery, and M. la Salle and I had frequent Conferences about it: But our greatest Difficulty was to build a Bark; for our Sawers being gone, we did not know what to do. However, [...]s the Timber was cheap enough, we told our Men, that if any of them would undertake to saw Boards for Building the said Bark, we might surmount all other Difficulties. Two Men undertook it; and tho' they had never try'd it before, they succeeded very well; so that we began to build a Bark, the Keel whereof was forty two Foot long. Our Men went on so briskly with the Work, that on the 1st of March our Bark was half built, and all the Timber ready pre­par'd for the finishing of it. Our Fort was also very near finish'd, and we nam'd it the Fort of Crevecoeur, because the desertion of our Men, and the other Difficulties we labour'd under, had al­most broke our Hearts.

Tho' the Winter is not harder nor longer in the Country of the Illinois, than in [...]rovence, the Snow remain'd upon the Earth, in the Year 1680, for twenty Days together, which had [...]ot been seen in the Memory of Man. This [Page 137] caus'd a great Surprize to the Savages, and brought upon us a world of Inconveniencies, besides the many others we suffer'd. In the mean time we perfected our Fort; and our Bark was in such a forwardness, that we might have expected to be in a condition to sail in a very short time, had we been provided with all other Necessaries; but hearing nothing of our Ship, and therefore wanting the Rigging and other Tackle for our Bark, we found our selves in great perplexity, and did not know what to do in this sad Juncture, being above five hundred Leagues from Fort Frontenac, whither it was almost impossible to return at that time, because the Snow made the travel­ling very dangerous by Land, and the Ice made it impracticable to our Canow's.

M. la Salle did not doubt then but his Be­loved Griffin was lost; but neither this nor the other Difficulties dejected him; his great Cou­rage buoy'd him up, and he resolv'd to re­turn to Fort Frontenac by Land, notwithstand­ing the Snow, and the unspeakable Dangers attending so great a Voyage. We had a long Conference about it in private, wherein ha­ving examin'd all things, it was resolv'd that he should return to Fort Frontenac with three Men, to bring along with him the necessary things to proceed on our Discovery, while I with two Men should go in a Canow to the River Meschasipi, and endeavour to get the Friendship of those Nations inhabiting the Banks of that River. Our Resolution was certainly very great and bold; but there was this essen­tial difference, that the Inhabitants of the [Page 138] Countries thro' which M. la Salle was to travel, knew the Europeans; whereas those Savages whom I design'd to visit, had never heard of us in their Life; and had been represented by the Illinois, as the most barbarous Nations in the World. However, M. la Salle and I had Cou­rage enough to undertake our Difficult Task; but we had much ado to persuade five of our Men to follow us, or to engage to expect our Return at Fort Crevecoeur.

CHAP. XXXV. Containing an Account of what was transacted at Fort Crevecoeur before M. la Salle's return to Fort Frontenac; and the Instructions we re­ceiv'd from a Savage concerning the River Me­schasipi

BEfore M. la Salle and I parted, we found means to undeceive our Men, and re­move the groundless Fears they had conceiv'd from what the Illinois, thro' the Suggestions of Monso, had told us concerning the Dangers, or rather the Impossibility of Sailing upon the River Meschasipi. Some Savages inhabiting be­yond that River, came to the Camp of the Illinois, and gave us an Account of it, very different from what Nikanape had told us; some other Savages own'd that it was navigable, and not interrupted by Rocks and Falls, as the Illinois would make us believe; and one of the Illinois themselves, being gain'd by some small Presents, told us in great Secresie, that [Page 139] the Account their Chief had given us, was a downright Forgery, contriv'd on purpose to oblige us to give over our Enterprize. This revived somewhat our Men; but yet they were still wavering and irresolute; and there­fore M. la Salle said, that he would fully con­vince them, that the Illinois had resolv'd in their Council to forge that Account, in order to stop our Voyage; and few Days after we met with a favourable opportunity for it.

The Illinois had made an Excursion South­ward; as they were returning with some Pri­soners, one of their Warriors came before their Comrades, and visited us at our Fort; we entertain'd him as well as we could, and ask'd him several Questions touching the River Meschasipi, from whence he came, and where he had been oftentimes, giving him to under­stand that some other Savage had given us an account of it. He took a piece of Charcoal, and drew a Map of the Course of that River, which I found afterwards pretty exact; and told us that he had been in a Pyrogue; that is, a Canow made of the Trunk of a Tree, from the Mouth of this River, very near the Place where the Meschasipi falls into the great Lake; for so they call the Sea: That there was nei­ther Falls nor rapid Currents, as we had been told; that it was very broad towards the great Lake, and interrupted with Banks of Sand; but that there were large Canals betwixt them, deep enough for any Pyrogue. He told us also the Name of several Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi, and of several [...]ivers that fall into it. I set down in my Journal [Page 140] all that he told us, of which I shall perhaps give a larger Account in another place. We made him a small Present, to thank him for his Kindness in discovering a Truth, which the Chief of his Nation had so carefully conceal'd. He desir'd us to hold our Tongue, and never to mention him, which we promis'd; and gave him an Axe, wherewith we shut his Mouth, according to the Custom of the Savages, when they recommend a Secret.

The next Day, after Prayers, we went to the Village of the Illinois; whom we found in the Cabin of one of their Chiefs; who enter­tain'd them with a Bear, whose Flesh is much valu'd among them. They desir'd us to sit down upon a fine Mat of Rushes: And some time after our Interpreter told them, that we were come to acquaint them, that the Maker of all Things, and the Master of the Lives of Men, took a particular Care of us, and had been pleas'd to let us have a true account of the River Meschasipi; the Navigation whereof they had represented to us as impracticable. We added all the Particulars we had learn'd, but in such Terms that it was impossible they should suspect any of their Men.

The Savages were much surpriz'd, and did not doubt but we had that Account by som [...] extraordinary Way; therefore they shut their Mouth with their Hand; which is their usual Custom to express their Admiration. They told us frankly afterwards, that the great de­sire they had to stop amongst them our Cap­tain, and the Grey-Coats or Bare-foot, as they call the Franciscans, had oblig'd them to forge [Page 141] the Stories they had told us, and to conceal the Truth; but since we had come to the Know­ledge of it by another way, they would tell us all that they knew; and confirm'd every particular their Warrior had told us. This Confession remov'd the Fears of our Men, who were few Days after still more fully per­suaded that the Illinois design'd to frighten us from our Discovery: For several Savages of the Nations of Osages, Cikaga, and Akansa, came to see us, and brought fine Furs to barter for our Axes. They told us that the Mescha­sipi was navigable almost from its Source to the Sea; and gave us great incouragement to go on with our Design, assuring us, that all the Nations inhabiting along the River, from the Mouth of that of the Illinois, to the Sea, wou'd come to meet us, and dance the Calumet of Peace, as they express it, and make Alliance with us.

The Miamis arriv'd much about that time, and danc'd the Calumet with the Illinois, ma­king Alliance with them against the Iroquois, their implacable Enemies. We were Witnesses to their Treaty; and M. la Salle made them some Presents, the better to oblige both Par­ties to the Observation of their League.

We were three Missionaries for that Handful of Europeans at Fort Crevecoeur; and ther [...]fore we thought fit to divide our selves: Father Gabriel being very old, was to continu [...] with our Men; and Father Zenobe among the Illinois, having desir'd it himself, in hopes to convert that nu­merous Nation: And I, as I have already re­lated, was to go on with our Discovery. Fa­ther [Page 142] Zenobe liv'd already among the Illinois, but the rude Manners of that People made him soon weary of it. His Landlord, whose Name was Omahouha, that is to say Wolf, was the Head of a Tribe, and took a special Care of Father Zenobe, especially after M. la Salle had made him some Presents: He lov'd him as his Child; but however, I perceiv'd in the Visits he made us, (for he liv'd but within half a League of our Fort) that he was not satisfy [...]d to live amongst that brutish Nation, tho' he had already learn'd their Tongue. This oblig'd me to offer him to take his Place, provided he wou'd supply mine, and go on with our Discovery amongst several Nations, whose Language we did not understand, and who had never heard of us; but Father Ze­nobe foreseeing the Danger and Fatigue I was like to be expos'd to, chose to remain with the Illinois, whose Temper he knew, and with whom he was able to converse.

M. la Salle left M. Tonti to command in Fort Crevecoeur, and order'd our Carpenter to prepare some thick Planks of Oak, to Fence the Deck of our Bark in the nature of a Pa­rapet, to cover it against the Arrows of the Sa­vages, in case they design'd to shoot at us from the Shoar. Then calling his Men together, he desir'd them to obey M. Tonti's Orders in his Absence, to live in a Christian Union and Charity; to be courageous and firm in their Design; and above all, to give no credit to the false Reports that the Savages might make unto [...] them, either of him, or of their Com­rades that were going with me. He assur'd [Page 143] them that he would return with all the speed imaginable, and bring along with him a fresh Supply of Men, Ammunition, and Rigging for our Bark; and that in the mean time he left them Arms, and other things necessary for a vigorous Defence, in case their Enemies should attack them before his return.

He told me afterwards, that he expected I should depart without any farther Delay; but I told him that tho' I had promis'd him to do it, yet a Defluxion I had on my Gums a Year since, as he knew very well, oblig'd me to return to Canada, to be cur'd; and that I wou'd then come back with him. He was very much surpriz'd, and told me, he wou'd write to my Superiors, that I had obstructed the good Success of our Mission, and desir'd Fa­ther Gabriel to persuade me to the contrary. That good Man had been my Master during my Novitiate in our Convent of Bethune, in the Province of [...]rtois; and therefore I had so great a Respect [...]or him, that I yielded to his Advice; and consider'd that since a Man of his Age had ventur'd to come along wit [...] me in so dangerous a Mission, it would look as Pusilanimity in me to return and leave him. That Father had left a very good Estate, be­ing Heir of a Noble Family of the Province of Burgundy; and I must own that his Exam­ple reviv'd my Courage upon several Occa­sions.

M. la Salle was mightily pleas'd when I told him I was resolv'd to go, notwithstanding my Indisposition: He embrac'd me, and gave me a Calumet of Peace; and two Men to manage [Page 144] our Canow, whose Names were Anthony Au­guel, sirnam'd the Picard du Gay; and Mitchel Ako, of the Province of Poictou, to whom he gave some Commodities to the value of about 1000 Livres, to trade with the Savages, or make Presents. He gave to me in particular, and for my own use, ten Knives, twelve Shoe­maker's Auls or Bodkins, a small Roll of To­bacco from Martinico, about two Pounds of Rassade; that is to say, Little Pearls or Rings of colour'd Glass, wherewith the Savages make Bracelets, and other Works, and a small Par­cel of Needles to give to the Savages; telling me, that he would have given me a greater quantity, if it had been in his Power.

The Reader may judge by these Particulars of the rest of my Equipage for so great an Undertaking; however, relying my self on the Providence of God, I took my leave of M. la Salle, and imbrac'd all our Men, recei­ving the Blessing of Father Gabriel, who told me several Things, to inspire me with Cou­rage; concluding his Exhortation by these Words of the Scripture, Viriliter age [...], & confor­tetur Cor tuum.

M. la Salle set out few Days after for Canada, with three Men, without any Provisions, but what they killd in their Voyage; during which they suffer'd very much, by reason of the Snow, Hunger, and Cold Weather.

CHAP. XXXVI. The Author sets out from Fort Crevecoeur, to conti­nue his Voyage.

WHosoever will consider the Dangers to which I was going to expose my self, in an unknown Country, where no European had travell'd before, and amongst some Savages, whose Language I did not understand, will not blame the Reluctancy I expressed against that Voyage: I had such an Idea of it, that neither the fair Words, or Threats of M. la Salle, wou'd have been able to engage me to venture my Life so rashly, had I not felt with­in my self a secret but strong Assurance, if I may use that Word, that God would help and prosper my Undertaking.

We set out from Fort Crevecoeur on the 29th of February, 1680, and as we fell down the River, we met with several Companies of Sa­vages, who return'd to their Habitations, with their Pirogues or Wooden-Canow's, loaded with the Oxen they had kill'd: they wou'd fain per­suade us to return with them, and the two Men who were with me, were very willing to follow their Advice; telling me, That M. la Salle had as good to have murther'd us: But I oppos'd their Design, and told them that the rest of our Men wou'd stop them as they shou'd come by the Fort, if they offer'd to return, and so we continu'd our Voyage. They confess'd to me the next Day, that they had resolv'd to [Page 146] leave me with the Savages, and make their E­scape with the Canow and Commodities, thinking that there was no Sin in that, since M. la Salle was owing to them a great deal more than their value; and that I had been very safe. This was the first Discouragement I met with, and the Forerunner of a great many others.

The River of the Illinois is very near as deep and broad as the Meuse and Sambre before Na­mur; but we found some Places where 'tis a­bout a quarter of a League broad. The Banks of the River are not even, but interrupted with Hills, dispos'd almost at an equal distance, and cover'd with fine Trees. The Valley be­tween them is a Marshy Ground, which is overflow'd after great Rains, especially in the Autumn and the Spring. We had the Curio­sity to go up one of those Hills, from whence we discover'd vast Meadows, with Forests, just as we had seen before we arriv'd at the Village of the Illinois. The River flows so softly, that the Current is hardly perceptible, except when it swells▪ But it will carry at all times great Barks for above 100 Leagues; that is, from th [...] said Village to its Mouth. It runs directly to the South-West. On the 7th of March we met, within two Leagues from the River Me­schasipi, a Nation of the Savages call'd Tamaroa or Maroa, consisting of about 200 Families. They design'd to bring us along with them to their Village, which lies to the West of Me­schasipi, about seven Leagues from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; but my Men fol­low'd my Advice, and wou'd not stop, in hopes [Page 147] to exchange their Commodities with more Ad­vantage in a more remote place. Our Reso­lution was very good; for I don't question but they wou [...]d have robb'd us; for seeing we had some Arms, they thought we were going to carry them to their Enemies. They pur­su'd us in their Pyrogues or Wooden-Canow's; but ours being only of Bark of Birch-Trees, and consequently ten times lighter than theirs, and better fram'd, we laught at their Endea­vours, and got clear of them. They had sent a Party of their Warriors to lie in Ambuscade on a Neck of Land advancing into the River, where they thought we shou'd pass that Even­ing or the next Morning; but having disco­ver'd some Smoak on that Point, we spoil'd their Design, and therefore cross'd the River, and landed in a small Island near the other side, where we lay all the Night, leaving our Canow in the Water, under the Guard of a little Dog; who doubtless wou'd have awak'd us, if any body had offer'd to come near him; as we expected the Savages might attempt it, swimming over in the Night; but no body came to disturb us. Having thus avoided those Savages, we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, distant from their great Village about 100 Leagues, and 50 from Fort Crevecoeur. It falls into the Meschasipi between the 35th and 36th Degrees of Latitude, and within 120 or 130 Leagues from the Gulph of Mexico, ac­cording to our Conjecture, without including the Turnings and Windings of the Meschasipi, from thence to the Sea.

[Page 148]The Angle between the two Rivers on the South-side, is a steep Rock of forty Foot high, and flat on the Top, and consequently a fit Place tobuild a Fort; and on the other side of the River, the Ground appears blackish, from whence I judge that it would prove fer­til, and afford two Crops every Year, for the subsistence of a Colony. The Soil looks as if it had been already manur'd.

The Ice which came down from the Source of the Meschasipi, stopp'd us in that Place till the 12th of March; for we were afraid of our Canow: But when we saw the Danger over, we continu'd our Course, sounding the River, to know whether it was navigable. There are three small Islands over-against the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, which stop the Trees and Pieces of Timber that come down the River; which by Succession of time, has form'd some Banks: But the Canals are deep enough for the greatest Barks; and I judge that in the driest Summer, there is Water e­nough for flat-bottom-Boats.

The Meschasipi runs to the South-South-West, between two Rows of Mountains, which fol­low the great Windings of the River. They are near the Banks, at the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, and are not very high; but in other Places, they are some Leagues distant; and the Meadows between the River and the Foot of those Hills, are cover'd with an infi­nite number of wild Oxen. The Country be­yond those Hills is so fine and pleasant, that according to the Account I have had, one might justly call it the Delight of America.

[Page 149]The Meschasipi is in some places a League broad, and half a League where it is narrow­est. The Rapidity in its Current is somewhat abated, by a great number of Islands, cover'd with fine Trees interlac'd with Vines. It re­ceives but two Rivers from the West side, one whereof is call'd Otontenta; and the other dis­charges it self into it near the Fall of St. An­thony of Padoua, as we shall observe hereafter: But so many others run into the Meschasipi from the North, that it swells very much toward its Mouth.

I am resolv'd to give here an Account of the Course of that River; which I have hi­therto conceal'd, for the sake of M. la Salle, who wou'd ascribe to himself alone the Glo­ry, and the most secret Part of this Disco­very. He was so fond of it, that he has ex­pos'd to visible Danger several Persons, that they might not publish what they had seen, and thereby prejudice his secret Designs.

CHAP. XXXVII. The Course of the River Meschasipi from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, to the Sea; which the Author did not think fit to publish in his Louisiana; with an Account of the Reasons he had to undertake that Discovery.

THere is no Man but remembers with Plea­sure the great Dangers he has escap'd; and I must confess, that when I call to Mind the great Difficulties I was under at the Mouth [Page 150] of the River of the Illinois, and the Perils I was expos'd to in the Discovery of the Course of the Meschasipi, my Joy and Satisfaction can­not be express'd. I was as good as sure that M. la Salle wou'd slander me, and represent me to my Superiors as a wilful and obstinate Man, if I presum'd to go down the Meschasipi instead of going up to the North, as I was desir'd, and as we had concerted together; and therefore I was very lo [...]th to undertake it: But on the o­ther Hand, I was expos'd to starve, and threat­ned by my two Men, that if I oppos'd their Resolution of going down the River, they wou'd leave me a Shore during the Night, and carry away the Canow where-ever they plea­sed; so that I thought it was reasonable to prefer my own Preservation to the Ambi­tion of M. la Salle; and so I agreed to follow my Men; who seeing me in that good Dispo­sition, promis'd that they would be faithful to me.

We shook Hands, to seal these Promises; and after Prayers, imbark'd in our Canow the 8th of March, 1680. The Ice which came down from the North, gave us a great deal of trouble; but we were so careful, that our Ca­now receiv'd no hurt; and after six Hours rowing, we came to the River of a Nation call'd Osages, who live toward the Messorites. That River comes from the Westward, and seems as big as the Meschasipi; but the Water is so muddy, that 'tis almost impossible to d [...]ink of it.

The Issati, who inhabit toward the Source of the Meschasipi, come sometimes in their Excur­sions [Page 151] to the Place where I was then; and I un­derstood afterwards from them, having learn'd their Language, that this River of the Osages and Messorites is form'd from several other Ri­vers, which spring from a Mountain about twelves Day's Journey from its Mouth. They told me farther, that from that Mountain one might see the Sea, and now and then some great Ships; that the Banks of that River are inhabited by several Nations; and that they have abundance of wild Oxen and Beavers.

Tho' this River is very big, the Meschasipi does not visibly swell; but its Waters continue muddy to its Mouth, albeit seven other Rivers fall into it, which are near as big as the Meschasipi, and whose Waters are extraor­dinary clear.

We lay every Night in Islands, at least if it were possible, for our greater Secu­rity; and as soon as we had rosted or boyl'd our Indian Corn, we were very careful to put out our Fire; for in these Countries they smell Fire at two or three Leagues distance, according to the Wind. The Savages take a particular Notice of it, to discover where their Enemies are, and endeavour to sur [...]rize them.

The 9th we continu'd our Voyage, and six Leagues from the River of the Osages, discover'd on the South-side of the Meschasipi, a Village, which we thought to be inhabited by the Tamaroa, who had pursu'd us, as I have related. Seeing no body appear, we landed, and went into their Cabins, wherein we found Indian Corn, of which we took some Bushels, leaving in lieu of it six Knives, and a small [Page 152] quantity of little Glass-Beads. This was good luck for us; for we durst not leave the River, and go a hunting, for fear of falling into th [...] Hands of the Savages.

The next Day, being the 10th of March, we came to a River within 40 Leagues of Ta­maroa; near which, as the Illinois inform'd us, there is a Nation of Savages call'd Ouadebache. We remain'd there till the 14th, because one of our Men kill'd a wild Cow, as she was swim­ming over the River, whose Flesh we were ob­lig'd to besmoak, to preserve it. Being thus provided with Indian Corn and Flesh, we left that place the 14th, and saw nothing worth Observation. The Banks of the River are so muddy, and so full of Rushes and Reeds, that we had much ado to find a place to go a-shoar.

The 15th we discover'd three Savages, who came from Hunting, or from some Expediti­on. As we were able to make head against them, we landed, and march'd up to them; whereupon they run away; but after some Signs, one return'd, and presented us the Ca­lumet of Peace, which we receiv'd; and the others came back. We did not understand a Word of what they said; nor they, I suppose, what we told them: Tho' having nam'd them two or three different Nations, one answer'd three times Chikacha or Sikacha, which was likely the Name of his Nation. They gave us some Pelicans they had kill'd with their Ar­rows; and we presented them with part of our Meat. Our Canow being too little to take them in, they continu'd their way, ma­king [Page 153] several Signs with their Hand, to follow them along the Shore; but we quickly lost the Sight of them.

Two Days after, we saw a great Number of Savages near the River-side; and heard im­mediately after a certain Noise, as of a Drum; and as we came near the Shore, the Savages cry'd aloud Sasacouest; that is to say, Who goes there? as I have been inform'd. We we [...]e un­willing to Land; but they sent us a Pirogue or heavy Wooden-Canow, made of the Trunk of a Tree, which they make hollow with Fire, and we discover'd amongst them the three Sa­vages we had met two Days before. We pre­sented our Calumet of Peace, which they re­ceiv'd; but gave us to understand by Signs, that we must go to the Akansa; for they re­peated so often that Word, pointing at the Savages a-shore, that I believe this is the right Name of their Nation. We cou'd not avoid it; and as soon as we were landed, the three Chikacha took our Canow upon their Shoulders, and carry'd it to the Village. The Savages re­ceiv'd us very kindly, and gave us a Cabin for our selves alone; and presented us with Beans, Indian Corn, and Flesh to eat. We made them also some Presents of our European Commodi­ties, which they admir'd: They put their Fin­gers upon theirMouth, especially when they saw our Guns; and I think this way of expressing their Surprize, is common to all the Savages of the Northern America.

These Savages are very different from those of the North; who are commonly sad, pen­sive and severe; whereas these appear'd jovial, [Page 154] civil, and free. Their Youth is so modest, that they dare not speak before Old Men, unless they are ask'd any Question. I obser­ved they have tame Poultry, as Hens, Tur­key-Cocks, and Bustards, which are as tame as our Geese. Their Trees began to shew their Fruit, as Peaches, and the like; which must be a great deal bigger than ours. Our Men lik'd very well the Manner of these People; and if they had found any Furrs and Skins to barter for their Commodities, they wou'd have left me amongst them; but I told them that our Discovery was more important to them than their Trade; and advis'd them to hide their Commodities under-ground, which they might take again upon our return, and ex­change them with the Savages of the North. They approv'd my Advice, and were sensi­ble that they shou'd prevent many Dangers; for Men are covetous in all Countries.

The 18th we embark'd again, after having been entertain'd with Dancing and Feasting; the carry'd away our Commodities, tho' the Savages were very loath to part with them; but having accepted our Calumet of Peace, they did not presume to stop us by Force.

CHAP. XXXVIII. A Continuation of our Voyage on the River Mes­chasipi.

AS we fell down the River, we look'd for a fit Place to hide our Commodities, and at last pitch'd upon one between two Eminen­ces near a Wood. We took up the green Sodds, and laid it by, and digg'd a hole in the Earth where we put our Goods, and cover'd them with pieces of Timber and Earth, and then put on again the green Turf; so that 'twas im­possible to suspect that any Hole had been digg'd under it, for we flung the Earth into the River. We tore afterwards the Bark of three Oaks and of a large Cotton-Tree, and ingrav'd thereon four Crosses, that we might not miss the Place at our return. We embark'd again with all speed, and past by another Village of Savages about six Leagues from Akansa, and then landed at another two Leagues lower, where we were kindly entertain'd. Men, Women, and Children came to meet us; which makes me believe that the first Akansa had given notice of our arrival to all the Villages of their Nation. We made them some Presents of little value, which they thought very consi­derable. Presents are the Symbols of Peace in all those Countries.

The 21st those Savages carry'd us in a Pyrogue to see a Nation farther off into the Country, which they call Taensa; for they repeated often [Page 156] that Word, so that we could not but remember it. Those Savages inhabit the Banks of a Lake form'd by the Meschasipi; but I had not time enough to make any particular Observation concerning several of the Villages which I saw.

These Savages reciev'd us with much more Ceremonies than the Akansa; for their Chief came in great Solemnity to the Shoar to meet us. He had a kind of a white Gown, made of Cloth of Bark of Trees, which their Women spun; and two Men carry'd before him a thin Plate of Copper, as shining as Gold. We presented our Calumet of Peace, which he re­ceiv'd with Joy and much Gravity. The Men, Women, and Children, who attended him, ex­press'd a great Respect for me, and kiss'd the Sleeves of the Habit of St. Francis; which made me believe that they had seen some Spanish Franciscans from New Mexico, it being usual there to kiss the Habit of our Order: But this is a meer Conjecture; tho' I observ'd they did not pay that Respect to the two Men who were with me.

The Taensa conducted us into a fine Cabin of flat Rushes and shining Reeds, and entertain'd us as well as their Country could afford; and then Men and Women, who are half cover'd in that Country, danc'd together before us. Their way of Dancing is much more difficult than ours, but perhaps as pleasant, were it not for their Musick, which is very disagreeable. Women repeat every Word the Men have sung.

[Page 157]That Country is full of Palm-Trees, wild Laurels, Plum-Trees, Mulbery-Trees, Peach-Trees, Apple-Trees, and Walnut-Trees of five or six kinds, whose Nuts are a great deal bigger than ours. They have also several sorts of Fruit-Trees unknown in Europe, but I could not discern the Fruit, because of the Season of the Year.

The Manners and Temper of that Nation is very different from that of the Iroquois, Hurons, and Illinois. These are Civil, Easie, Tractable, and capable of Instructions; whereas the others are meer Brutes, as fierce and cruel as any wild Beasts. We lay that Night in their Village, and were entertain'd as civilly as we could have wish'd for; and we did likewise our utmost to oblige them: We shew'd them the Effect of our Fire-Arms, and a Pistol, which shot four Bul­lets one after another, without needing to be new charg'd. Our Men took their best Cloth, which pleas'd them very much; and they seem'd well satisfy'd with us, as they express'd by many Signs and Demonstrations. They sent over night to the Koroa, who are their Allies, to give [...]them notice of our ar [...]ival; and their Chief came next Morning in great Cere­mony to see us. They seem'd transported with Joy, and 'tis great pity we could not under­stand what they told us, to know what Opini­on they entertain'd of us, and from what part of the World they fansy'd we came. I order'd my Men to square a Tree, and having made a Cross, we planted it near the Cabin where we lay.

[Page 158]The 22d we left that obliging People, and the Chief of the Koroa attended us to his Vil­lage, which is situated about ten Leagues lower upon the River in a fertile Soil, which pro­duces abundance of Indian Corn, and other things necessary for Life. We presented them with three Axes, six Knives, seven Yards of good Tobacco, several Awls and Needles. They receiv'd our Presents with great Shouts, and their Chief presented us with a Calumet of Peace of red Marble, the Quill whereof was adorn'd with Feathers of five or six sorts of Birds.

They gave us also a Noble Treat according to their own way, which I lik'd very well; and after we had din'd, the Chief of that Na­tion understanding by our Signs which way we were bound, took a Stick, and made such Demonstrations, that we understood that we had not above seven Days journey to the Sea, which he represented as a great Lake with large wooden Canow's. The next Day we prepar'd to continue our Voyage, but they made such Signs to oblige us to stay a Day or two longer, that I was almost perswaded to do it; but see­ing the Weather so favourable for our Journey, we embark'd again. The Chief of that Nation seeing we were resolv'd to be gone, sent seve­ral Men in two Pyrogues, to attend us to the Mouth of the River with Provisions; but when I saw that the three Chikacha, of whom I have spoken, follow'd us every-where, I bid my Men to have care of them, and observe their Mo­tions upon our landing, for fear of any Sur­prize. It was then Easter-Day, which we kept with great Devotion, tho' we could not [Page 159] say Mass for want of Wine; but we spent all the Day in Prayers in sight of the Savages, who wonder'd much at it.

The Meschasipi divides it self six Leagues be­low the Villages of the Koroa, into two Bran­ches, forming an Island about sixty Leagues long, according to our best Observation. The Koroa oblig'd us to follow the Canal to the Westward, tho' the Chikacha, who were in their Pyrogues, endeavour'd to perswade me to take the other: But as we had some suspicion of them, we refus'd to follow their Advice; tho' I was afterwards convinc'd that they de­sign'd only to have the Honour to bring us to several Nations on the other Bank of the Ri­ver, whom we visited in our return.

We lost quickly the Company of our Sa­vages; for the Stream being very rapid in this Place, they could not follow us in their Py­rogues, which are very heavy. We made that Day near forty Leagues, and landed in the Evening upon the Island, where we pitch'd our Cabin.

The 24th we continu'd our Voyage; and a­bout five and thirty Leagues below the Place we had lain, we discover'd two Fishermen, who immediately ran away. We heard some time after a great Cry and the Noise of a Drum; but as we suspected the Chikacha, we kept in the middle of the River, rowing as fast as we could. This was the Nation of Quinipissa, as we understood since. We landed that Night in a Village belonging to the Nation of Tan­gibac, as we have been inform'd; but the In­habitants had been surpriz'd by their Enemies, [Page 160] for we found ten of them murther'd in their Cabins; which oblig'd us to embark again, and cross the River, where we landed; and having made a Fire, roasted our Indian Corn.

The 25th we left the Place early in the Morning; and after having row'd the best part of the Day, came to a point where the Mecha­sipi divides it self into three Canals: We took the middle one, which is very broad and deep. The Water began there to taste brackish, but four Leagues lower it was as salt as the Sea. We rowed about for Leagues farther, and dis­cover'd the Sea, which oblig'd us to go a-shoar to the Eastward of the River.

CHAP. XXXIX. Reasons which oblig'd us to return towards the Source of the River Meschasipi, without going any far­ther toward the Sea.

MY two Men were very much afraid of the Spaniards of New Mexico, who inhabit to the Westward of this River; and they were perpetually telling me, That if they were taken, the Spaniards would never spare their Lives, or at least give them the Liberty to return into Europe. I knew their Fears were not altogether unreasonable; and therefore I resolv'd to go no farther, tho' I had no reason to be afraid for my self, our Order being so numerous in New Mexico, that, on that contrary, I might expected to have had in that Country a peace­able and easie Life.

[Page 161]I don't pretend to be a Mathematician, but having learn'd to take the Elevation of the Pole, and make use of the Astrolabe, I might have made some exact Observations, had M. la Salle trusted me with that Instrument: How­ever, I observ'd that the Meschasipi falls into the Gulph of Mexico, between the 27th and 28th Degrees of Latitude, where, as I believe, our Maps mark a River call'd Rio Escondido, the Hidden River. The Magdalen River runs be­tween this River and the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico.

The Mouth of the Meschasipi may be about thirty Leagues from Rio Brav [...], sixty from Pal­mas, and eighty or a hundred from Rio Panuco, the nearest Habitation of the Spaniards; and according to these Observations, the Bay di Spirito Sancto lies to the North-East of the Mes­chasipi, which from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois to the Sea, runs directly to the South, or South-West, except in its windings and turn­ings, which are so great, that by our compu­tation there are about 340 Leagues from the River of the Illinois to the Sea, whereas there are not above 150 in a direct Line. The Mes­chasipi is very deep, without being interrupted by any Sands, so that the biggest Ships may come into it. Its Course from its Source to the Sea, may be 800 Leagues, including Wind­ings and Turnings, as I shall observe anon, having travell'd from its Mouth to its Head.

My Men were very glad of this Discovery, and to have escap'd so many Dangers▪ but, on the other hand, they express'd a great deal of Dissatisfaction to have been at such trouble, [Page 162] without making any Profit, having found no Furrs to exchange for their Commodities. They were so impatient to return, that they would never suffer me to build a Cabin upon the Shoar, and continue there for some Days, the better to obse [...]ve where we were. They squar'd a Tree of twelve foot high, and made a Cross thereof, which we erected in that Place, lea­ving there a Letter sign'd by me and my two Men, containing an account of our Voyage, of our Country, and Profession. We kneel'd then near the Cross, and having sung the Ve­xilla Regis, and some other Hymns, embark'd again on the 1st of April to return towards the Source of the River.

We saw no body while we continu'd there, and therefore cannot tell whether any Natives inhabit that Coast, We lay during the time we remain'd a-shoar under our Canow's, sup­ported with four Fo [...]ks, and the better to pro­tect us against the Rain, we had some Rolls of Birch-Bark, wherewith we made a kind of Courtains about our Canow, hanging from the top down to the ground. 'Tis observable, that during our Navigation, God protected us a­gainst the Crocodiles, which are very nume­rous in that River, and especially towards the Mouth: They look dreadful, and would have attack'd us, had we not been very careful to avoid them. We were very good Husbands of our Indian Corn; for the Banks of the River being full of Reeds, it was almost impossible to land to endeavour to kill some Beasts for our Subsistence.

[Page 163]Our Canow being loaded only with three Men and our Provisions, did not draw three Inches Water, and therefore we could row very near the shoar, and avoid the Current of the River; and besides, my Men had such a De­sire to return to the North, that that very Day we came to Tangibao; but because the Savages we had found murther'd in their Cabins, made us believe that that Place was not safe, we con­tinu'd our Voyage all the Night long, after ha­ving Supp'd, lighting a great Match to fright the Crocodiles away, for they fear nothing so much as Fire.

The next Day, April 2. we saw towards break of Day a great Smoak not far f [...]om us, and a little while after we discover'd four Sa­vage Women loaded with Wood, and march­ing as fast as they could to arrive at their Vil­lage before us, but we got soon before them. Some Bustards coming near us, one of my Men could not forbear to shoot at them; which so much frighted these Women, that they left their Load of Wood, and run away to their Village, where they arriv [...]d before us. The Sa­vages having heard the noise, were in as great fear as their Wives, and left the Village upon our approach; but I landed immediately, and advanc'd alone with the Calumet of Peace; whereupon they return'd, and receiv'd us with all the Respect and Civility imaginable. They brought us into a great Cabin, and gave us se­veral things to eat, sending not [...]ce in the mean time to their Allies that we were arriv'd there; so that a great number of People crowded a­about to see us. They admir'd our Guns, and [Page 164] lifting up their Hands to Heaven, made us con­ceive they compar'd them to Thunder and Lightning; but seeing us shoot Birds at a great distance, they were so amaz'd that they could not speak a word. Our Men were so kindly entertain'd, that had it not been for the Com­modities they had hid under-ground, they would have remain'd amongst that Nation; and truly it was chiefly to prevent any such thing that I order'd them to do it, judging from the Civility of those Savages, that they were like to be tempted to remain with them. This Nation call'd themselves Quinipissa.

We made them some small Presents, to shew our Gratitude for their kind Entertain­ment, and left that Place April 4. and row'd with such Diligence, that we arriv'd the same Day at Koroa. That Nation was not frighted as the first time, but receiv'd us with all ima­ginable Demonstrations of Joy, carrying our Canow upon their Shoulders in a triumphant manner, and twelve Men dancing before us with fine Fea [...]hers in their Hands. The Wo­men follow'd us with their Children, who held me by my Gown and Girdle, expressing much the same Kindness to my two Men. They conducted me in that manner to the Cabin they had prepar'd for us, made of fine Mats of painted Rushes, and adorn'd with white Cover­ings made of Bark of Trees, spun as finely as our Linen-Cloth; and after we had refresh'd our selves with the Victuals they had prepar'd for us, they left us alone, to give us time to rest our selves, which we did all the Night long. The next Morning I was surpriz'd to see their [Page 165] Indian Corn, which we left very green, grown already to maturity; but I have learn'd since, that that Corn is ripe sixty Days after it is sown. I observ'd there also another sort of Corn; but for want of understanding their Language, I was not able to know its Use and Name.

CHAP. XL. An Account of our Departure from Koroa to con­tinue our Voyage.

I Left Koroa, the next Day, April 5. with a design to visit several Nations inhabiting the Coast of the Meschasipi, but my Men would never consent thereunto, telling me that they had no Business there, and they were oblig'd to make all the haste they could towards the North, to exchange their Commodities for Furrs. I told them that Publick Good was to be preferr'd to Private Interest; but I could not perswade them to any such thing; and they told me that every one ought to be free; that they were resolv'd to go towards the Source of the River, but that I might remain amongst those Nations, if I thought fit. In short, I found my self oblig'd to submit to their Will, tho' they had receiv'd Orders to obey my Di­rection. We arriv'd the 7th in the Habitation of the Taensas, who had already been inform'd of our return from the Sea, and were prepar'd to receive us, having for that end sent for their Allies inhabiting the inland Country to the Westward of the River. They us'd all possible [Page 166] endeavour to oblige us to remain with them, and offer'd us a great many things; but our Men would not stay one single Day; tho' I confess the Civility of that People, and the good Disposition I observ'd in them, would have stopp'd me amongst them, had I been pro­vided with things necessary for the Function of my Ministry.

We parted the 8th, and the Taensas follow'd us several Leagues in their lightest Pyrogues, but were at last oblig'd to quit us, being not able to keep pace with our Canow. One of our Men shot three▪ Wild-Ducks at once, which they admir'd above all things, it being im­possible to do so with their Arrows. We gave them some Tobacco, and parted from them, our Men rowing with all their Strength, to let them see we had kept company with them out of meer Civility.

The 9th we came to the Place where our Men had hidden their Commodities; but when my Men saw that the Savages had burnt the Trees which we had mark'd, they were so a­fraid, that they were near sounding away, and [...]id not doubt but their Goods were lost. We went a-shoar; and while I was mending our Canow, they went to look for their Treasure, which they found in good condition. They were so transported with Joy, that Picard came immediately to tell me that all was well. In the mean time, the Akansas having receiv'd ad­vice of our return, came down in great num­bers along the River to meet us; and lest they should see our Men taking again their Goods from under the Ground, I advanc'd to meet [Page 167] them with the Calumet of Peace, and stopt them to smoak, it being a sacred Law amongst them to smoak in such a Juncture; and who­soever would refuse, should run a danger of be­ing murther'd by the Savages, who have an extraordinary Veneration for the Calumet.

Whilst I stopt them▪ my Men put their Com­modities into their Canow, and came to take me into it. The Savages saw nothing of it, of which I was very glad; for tho' they were our own, perhaps they might claim part of them upon some Pretence or other. I made several signs upon the Sand, to make them apprehend what I thought; but with what success I don't know, for I could not understand a word of what they said, their Language having no af­finity with those of their Neighbours I have conv [...]rs'd withal, both since and after my Voy­age to the Mouth of the Meschasipi.

I got into the Canow, and went by Water to the Village of the Akansas, while they went by Land; but our Men row'd so fast, that they could hardly keep pace with us. One of them, who was a good Runner, arriv'd at the Vil­lage before us, and came to the shoar with the Women and Children to receive us, which they did even with more Civility than they had ex­press'd the first time. Our Men suspected that this was only to get our Commodities, which they admir'd; but they are certainly a good People, and instead of deserving the Name of a Barbarous Nation, as the Europeans call all the Natives of America, I think they have more Humanity than many Natives of Europe, who pretend to be very civil and affable to Strangers.

[Page 168]It would be needless to give here an exact account of the Feast and Dances that were made for our Entertainment, nor of the Me­lancholy they express'd upon our departure. I must own, that I had much a-do to leave them, but my two Men would not give me leave to tarry a Day, seeing these Nations having had no Commerce with the Europeans, did not know the value of Beavers Skins or other Furrs, whereas they thought that the Savages inhabi­ting about the Source of the Meschasipi, might have been inform'd thereof by the Inhabitants of the Banks of the Superiour or Great Lake, which we found to be true, as we shall observe anon. We left the Akansas upon the 24th of April, having presented them with several little Toys, which they receiv'd with an extra­ordinary Joy; and during sixty Leagues, saw no Savage neither of the Nation of Chikacha, or Messorite, which made us believe that they were gone a Hunting with their Families, or else fled away for fear of the Savages of Tintonha, that is to say, inhabiting the Meadows, who are their irreconcileable Enemies.

This made our Voyage the more easie, for our Men landed several times to kill some Fowls and other Game, with which the Banks of the Meschasipi are plentifully stock'd; how­ever, before we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, we discover'd several Mes­sorites, who came down all along the River; but as they had no Pyrogues with them, we cross'd to the other side; and to avoid any sur­prize during the Night, we made no Fire; and [...]he reb [...]y theSavages could not discover where­about [Page 169] we were; for doubtless they would have murther'd us, thinking we were their Ene­mies.

I had quite forgot to relate, that the Illinois had told us, that towards the Cape, which I have call'd in my Map St. Anthony, near the Na­tion of the Messorites, there were some Tritons, and other Sea-Monsters painted, which the boldest Men durst not look upon, there being some Inchantment in their face. I thought this was a Story; but when we came near the Place they had mention'd, we saw instead of these Monsters, a Horse and some other Beasts painted upon the Rock with red Colours by the Savages. The Illinois had told us likewise, that the Rock on which these dreadful Monsters stood was so steep that no Man could climb up to it; but had we not been afraid of the Sa­vages more than of the Monsters, we had cer­tainly got up to them. There is a common Tradition amongst that People, That a great number of Miamis were drown'd in that Place, being pursu'd by the Savages of Ma [...]sigamea; and since that time, the Savages going by the Rock, use to smoak and offer Tobacco to those Beasts, to appease, as they say, the Manitou, that is, in the Language of the Algonquins and Accadians, an Evil Spirit, which the Iroquois call Otkon; but the Name is the only thing they know of him.

While I was at Quebec, I understood that M. Iolliet had been upon the Meschasipi, and oblig'd to return without going down that River, because of the Monsters I have spoken [Page 170] of, who had frighted him, as also because he was afraid to be taken by the Spaniards; and having an Opportunity to know the Truth of that Story from M. Iolliet, him­self, with whom I had often travell'd up­on the River St. Laurence, I ask'd him whe­ther he had been as far as the Akansas? That Gentleman answer'd me, That the Outtaouats had often spoke to him of those Monsters; but that he had never gone far­ther than the Hurons and Outtaouats, with whom he had remain'd to exchange our Eu­ropean Commodities with their Furrs. He added, That the Savages had told him, that it was not safe to go down the River, be­cause of the Spaniards. But notwithstanding this Report, I have found no-where upon that River any Mark, as Crosses, and the like, that could persuade me that the Spaniards had been there; and the Savages inhabiting the Meschasipi would not have express'd such Admiration as they did when they saw us, if they had seen any Europeans before. I'll ex­amine this Question more at large in my Second Volume.

CHAP. XLI. A particular Account of the River Meschasipi; Of the Country thro' which it flows; and of the Mines of Copper, Lead, and Coals we discover'd in our [...]oyage.

FRom thirty Leagues below Maroa, down to the Sea, the Banks of the Meschasipi are full of Reeds or Canes; but we observ'd about forty places, where one may Land with great Facility. The River overflows its Banks now and then; but the Inundation is not very con­siderable, because of the little Hills which stop its Waters. The Country beyond those Hills is the finest that ever I saw, it being a Plain, whose Bounds I don't know, adorn'd now and then with some Hills and Eminences cover'd with fine Trees, making the rarest Prospect in the World. The Banks of the small Rivers flowing thro' the Plain, are planted with Trees, which seem to have been disposed into that cu­rious Order by the Art of Men; and they are plentifully stock'd with Fish, as well as the Meschasipi. The Crocodiles are very dangerous upon this great River, as I have already ob­serv'd; and they devour a Man if they can surprize him; but 'tis easie to avoid them, for they don't swim after Men, nor follow them a-shoar.

The Country affords all sorts of Game, as Turkey-Cocks, Partridges, Quails, Parrots, Wood-Cocks, Turtle-Doves, and Wood-Pige­ons; [Page 172] and abundance of wild-Oxen, wild-Goats, Stags, Beavers, Otters, Martins, and wild-Cats: But as we approach'd the Sea, we saw no Beavers. I design to give a particular Ac­count of these Creatures in another place; in the mean time we shall take notice of two o­thers, who are unknown in Europe.

I have already mention'd a little Animal, like a Musk'd-Rat, that M. la Salle kill'd as we came from Fort Miamis to the Illinois, which deserves a particular Description. It looks like a Rat as to the Shape of its Body, but it is as big as a Cat: His Skin looks Silver-like, with some fair black Hair, which makes the Colour the more admirable. His Tail is without any Hair, as big as the Finger, and about a Foot long, wherewith he hangs himself to the Boughs of Trees. That Creature has under the Belly a kind of Sack, wherein they put their young ones when they are pursu'd; which is one of the most wonderful Things of the World, and a clear Demonstration of the Providence and Goodness of the Almighty, who takes so particular a Care of the meanest of his Creatures.

There is no fierce Beast in all that Country that dares attack Men; for the Mechibichi, the most terrible of all, and who devours all other Beasts whatsoever, runs away upon the Ap­proach of a Savage. The Head of that Crea­ture is very like that of the spotted Lynx, but somewhat bigger: his Body is long, and as tall as a wild-Goat, but his Legs are shorter: his Paws are like a Cat's-Foot; but the Claws are so long and strong; that no other Beast can [Page 173] resist them. When they have kill'd any Beast, they eat part of it, and carry the rest upon their Back, to hide it in the Woods; and I have been told that no other Beast dare meddle with it. Their Skin is much like that of a Lion, as well as their Tail; but their Head is much bigger.

The Savages gave us to understand that to the Westward of their Habitation, there are some Beasts who carry Men upon their Back, and shew'd us the Hoof, and part of the Leg of one, which was certainly the Hoof of a Horse: and surely Horses must not be utterly unknown in the Northern America: for then how cou'd theSavages have drawn upon theRock I have mention'd, the Figure of that Animal?

They have in that Country all sorts of Trees we have in Europe, and a great many other unknown to us. There are the finest Cedars in the World; and another sort of Tree, from which drops a most fragrant Gum, which in my Opinion exceeds our best Perfumes. The Cotton-Trees are of a prodigious height; the Savages make them hollow with Fire, to make their Pyrogues; and we have seen some of them all of a-piece, above an hundred Foot long. The Oak is so good, that I believe it exceeds ours for Building Ships. I have observ'd that Hemp grows naturally in that Country, and that they make Tarr and Pitch toward the Sea-Coasts; and as I don't question but that there are some Iron-Mines, the Building of Men of War wou'd be very cheap in the River Meschasipi.

I took Notice in my Description of Louisiana, that there are vast Meadows, which need not to be grubb'd up, but are ready for the Plow [Page 174] and seed; and certainly the Soil must be very fruitful, since Beans grow naturally, without any Culture. Their Stalks subsist several Years, bearing Fruit in the proper Seasons: It is as big as one's Arm, and climbs up the highest Trees, just as Ivy does. The Peach-Trees are like ours, and so fruitful, that they wou'd break if they were not supported. Their Forests are full of Mulberry-Trees and Plum-Trees, whose Fruit is bemusk'd. They have also Plenty of Pomegranate-Trees and Chest­nut­Trees: And 'tis observable, that all these Trees are cover'd with Vines, whose Grapes are very big and sweet.

They have three of four Crops of Indian-Corn; for they have no other Winter than some Rains. We had not time enough to look for Mines; but we found in several places some Pit-Coal; and the Savages shew'd us great Mines of Lead and Copper. They have also Quarries of Free-Stone; and of Black, White, and Jasper-like Marble, of which they make their Calumets.

These Savages are good-natur'd Men, affa­ble, civil, and obliging; but I design to make a particular Tract concerning their Manners, in my Second Volume. It seems they have no Sentiments of Religion; tho' one may judge from their Actions, that they have a kind of Veneration for the Sun, which they acknow­ledge as it seems, for the Maker and Preser­ver of all things.

When the Nadou [...]ssians and Issati take Tobac­co, they look upon the Sun, which they call in their Language Louis; and as soon as they [Page 175] have lighted their Pipe, they present it to the Sun with these Words, Tchendiouba Louis, that is to say, Smoak Sun; which I took for a kind of Adoration. I was glad when I heard that this only Deity was call'd Louis, because it was also my Name. They call the Moon Louis Ba­satsche, that is to say, The Sun of the Night; so that the Moon and Sun have the same Name, except that the Moon is distinguish'd by the Word Basatsche.

They offer also to the Sun the best part of the Beast they kill, which they carry to the Cabin of their Chief, who makes his Profit thereof, and mumble some Words as it raises. They offer also the first Smoak of their Calu­mets, and then blow the Smoak towards the four Corners of the World. This is all I have observ'd concerning their Religion; which makes me believe that they have a religious Ve­neration for the Sun.

CHAP. XLII. An Account of the various Languages of the Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi; of their Submission to their Chief; of the Difference of their Manners from the Savages of Canada; and of the Difficulties, or rather Impossibilities at­tending their Conversion.

'TIS surprizing that every Nation of the Sa­vages of the Northern America shou'd have a peculiar Language; for tho' some of them live not ten Leagues one from another, [Page 176] they must use an Interpreter to talk together, there being no universal Language amongst them; as one may call the Lingua Franca, which is understood upon all the Coast of the Mediterranean-Sea; or the Latin Tongue, com­mon to all the Learned Men of Europe. How­ever, those who live so near one another, un­derstand some Words us'd amongst their Neigh­bours, but not well enough to treat together without an Interpreter; and therefore they use to send one of their Men to each of their Allies, to learn their Language, and remain with them as their Resident, and take Care of their Concerns.

The Savages differ from those of Canada both in their Manners, Customs, Temper, Incli­nations, and even in the Form of their Head; those of the Meschasipi having their Head very flat. They have large Places in their Villages, where they meet together upon any publick Rejoycings; and where they have publick Games at certain Seasons of the Year. They are lively and active, having noting of that Morosity and Pensiveness of the Iroquois and o­thers. Their Chiefs have a more absolute Au­thority than those of the other Savages, which Power is very narrow; and those who live the nearest to the Mouth of the River, have such a Deference for their Chief, that they dare not pass between Him and a Flambeau, which is always carry'd before him in all Ce­remonies. These Chiefs have Servants and Of­ficers to wait upon them: They distribute Re­wards and Presents as they think fit. In short, They have amongst them a Form of Political [Page 177] Government; and I must own they make a to­lerable use of their Reason.

They were altogether ignorant of Fire-Arms, and all other Instruments and Tools of Iron and Steel, their Knives and Axes being made of Flint, and other sharp Stones; whereas we were told that the Spaniards of New Mexico li­ved not above forty Leagues from them, and supply'd them with all the Tools, and other Commodities of Europe. We found nothing among them that might be suspected to come from the Europeans, unless it be some little Pie­ces of Glass put upon a Thread, with which their Women use to adorn their Heads. They wear Bracelets and Ear-Rings of fine Pearls, which they spoil, having nothing to bore them, but with Fire. They made us to un­derstand that they have them in exchange for their Calumets, from some Nations inhabit­ing the Coast of the Great Lake to the South­ward, which I take to be the Gulph of Flo­rida.

I'll say nothing here, or at least very little, concerning their Conversion, reserving to dis­course fully upon that Subject, in a Third Vo­lume, wherein I promise my self to undeceive many People about the false Opinions they entertain on this Matter. Where-ever the Apostles appear'd, they converted so great a number of People, that the Gospel was known and believ'd in a short time, thro' most part of the then-known World. But our Modern Missions are not attended with that Grace and Power, and therefore we are not to expect those miraculous Conversions. I have imparted to [Page 178] them, as well as I cou'd, the chief and gene­ral Truths of the Christian Religion: But, as I have observ'd already, the Languages of those Nations, having little or no Affinity one with another, I cannot say that my Endeavours have been very successful, tho' I learn'd the Language of the Issati or Nadoussians, and un­derstood indifferently that of the Illinois: But the Truths of Christianity are so sublime, that I fear, neither my Words nor Signs and Actions have been able to give them an Idea of what I preach'd unto them. GOD alone, who knows the [...]earts of Men, knows also what Success my Endeavours have had. The Bap­tism I have administer'd to several Children, of whose Death I was morally assur'd, is the only certain Fruit of my Mission. But after all, I have only discover'd the way for other Missionaries, and shall be ready at all times to return thither, thinking my self very happy if I can spend the rest of my Days in endeavour­ing my own and other Men's Salvation; and especially in favour of those poor Nations, who have been hitherto ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer. But le [...]t I shou'd tire the Rea­der, I reassume the Thread of my Discourse.

CHAP. XLIII. An Account of the Fishery of the Sturgeons; and of the Course we took, for fear of meeting some of our Men from Fort Crevecoeur.

WE embark'd the 24th of April, as I have already said, and our Provisions being [...]pent some Days after, we had nothing to live upon, but the Game we kill d, or the Fish we cou'd catch. Stags, wild-Goats, and even wild Oxen are pretty scarce toward the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; for this Nation comes as far as the Meschasipi to hunt them; but by good chance we found a great quantity of Sturgeons, with long Bills, as we call d them, from the Shape of their Head. It was then the Season that these Fishes spawn; and they come as near the Shoar as they can; so that we kill'd as many as we wou'd with our Axes and Swords, without spending our Powder and Shot. They were so numerous, that we took nothing but the Belly, and other dainty Parts, throwing off the rest.

As we came near the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, my Men begun to be very af­fraid to meet with their Comrades of Fort Crevecoeur; for having not yet exchang'd their Commodities, as they were order'd, and re­fus'd to go Northward at first, as I desir'd them, they had much reason to fear that they wou'd stop them, and punish them for not ha­ving follow'd my Directions. I was likewise [Page 180] afraid, that by these Means our Voyage towards the Sea wou'd be discover'd, (there being some Reasons to keep it secret, as I shall observe in another place) and our farther Discovery stopt; and therefore to prevent any such thing, I ad­vis'd them to row all the Night, and rest our selves during the Day in the Islands; which are so numerous in that River. The Trees and Vines wherewith those Islands are cover'd, are so thick, that one can hardly Land, and so we might lie there very safe, it being im­possible to discover us. This Advice was ap­prov'd, and thereby we avoided any Rencoun­ter; for I did not doubt but our Men came now and then from Fort Crevecoeur, to observe the Meschasipi, and get Intelligence of us. But when we found our selves pretty far from the the River of the Illinois, we travell'd in the Day, as we used to do, in order to make our Ob­servations, and view the Country; which does not appear so fertil, nor cover'd with so fine Trees above the River of the Illinois, as it is below, down the Meschasipi to the Sea.

CHAP. XLIV. A short Account of the Rivers that fall into the Me­schasipi; of the Lake of Tears; of the Fall of St. Anthony; of the wild Oats of that Country; and several other Circumstances of our Voyage.

NO Rivers, as I have already said, run in­to the Meschasipi between the river of the Illinois and the Fall of St. Anthony, from [Page 181] the Westward, but the River Ottenta, and ano­ther which falls into it within eight Leagues of the said Fall: But on the Eastward we met with a pretty large River, call'd Ouisconsin or Misconsin, which comes from the Northward. This River is near' as large as that of the Illi­nois; but I cannot give an exact account of the length of its Course, for we left it about sixty Leagues from its Mouth, to make a Por [...]age into another River, which runs into the Bay of Puans, as I shall observe when I come to speak of our return from Issati into Canada. This River Ouisconsin runs into the Meschasipi about 100 Leagues above that of the Illinois.

Within five and twenty Leaguesafter, we met another River coming from the Eastward, nam'd by the Issati and Nadoussians, Chebadeba, that is, The Black River. I can say very little of it, having observ'd only its Mouth; but I judge from thence, that it is not very considerable. About thirty Leagues higher we found the Lake of Tears, which we nam'd so, because the Savages, who took us, as it will be hereaf­ter related, consulted in this place what they shou'd do with their Prisoners; and those who were for murthering us, cry'd all the Night upon us, to oblige, by their Tears, their Com­panions to consent to our Death. This Lake is form'd by the Meschasipi, and may be seven Leagues long and five broad. Its Waters are almost standing, the Stream being hardly per­ceptible in the middle. We met within a League above the Lake, another River, call'd The River of the Wild Oxen; because of the great number of those Beasts grazing upon its [Page 182] Banks. It falls with a great Rapidity into the Meschasipi; but some Leagues above its Mouth, the Stream is very gentle and moderate. There is an infinite number of large Tortoises in that River, which are very relishing. A Row of Mountains fence its Banks in some places.

There is another River, which falls forty Leagues above this last, into the Meschasipi; thro' which one may go into the Superiour Lake, by making a Portage from it into the Ri­ver Nissipikouet, which runs into the same Lake. It is full of Rocks and rapid Streams. We nam'd it The River of the Grave or Mausolaeum, because the Savages bury'd there one of their Men, who was bitten by a Rattle-Snake. They us'd great Ceremonies in his Funeral, which I shall describe in another place; and I put up­on his Corps a white Covering; for which the Savages return'd me their publick Thanks; and made a great Feast, to which a­bove an hundred Men were invited.

The Navigation of the Meschasipi is inter­rupted ten Leagues above this River of the Grave, by a Fall of fifty or sixty Foot high, which we call'd The Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, whom we had taken for the Protector of our Discovery. There is a Rock of a Pyramidal Figure, just in the middle of the Fall of the River.

The Row of Mountains fencing the Banks of the Meschasipi, ends at the Mouth of the River of Ouisconsin; and there we likewise ob­serv'd, that that River which runs from thence to Sea almost directly North and South, runs then from the Westward or the North-West. [Page 183] The Misfortune we had of being taken Priso­ners, hindred us from going as far as its Source, which we cou'd never learn from the Sava­ges, who told us only, that about twenty or thirty Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, there is ano [...]her Fall; near which a Nation of Savages inhabit at certain Seasons of the Year. They call those Nations Tintonha, that is, The Inhabitants of the Meadows.

Eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, we met with the River of the Issati or Na­douessians, which is very narrow at the Mouth. It comes out from the Lake of the Issati, lying about seventy Leagues from its Mouth. We call'd this River The River of St. Francis; and it was in this Place that we were made Slaves by the Issati.

The Course of the Meschasipi, according to our best Computation, is about 800 Leagues long, from Tintonha to the Sea, including its Windings and Turnings; which are very great, and may be navigable from the Fall of St. An­thony, for flat-bottom'd-Boats, provided the Island were clear'd from Trees, and especially from Vines; which having ty'd the Trees to­gether, wou'd stop a Boat in many places.

The Country about the Lake Issati is a Mar­shy Ground, wherein grows abundance of wild Oats, which grow without any culture or sowing, in Lakes, provided they are not above three Foot deep. That Corn is much like our Oats, but much better; and its Stalks are a great deal longer when it is ripe. The Savages gather it, and live thereupon several Months of the Year, making a kind of Broath thereof. [Page 184] The Savage Women are oblig'd to tie several Stalks together with White Bark of Trees, to fright away the Ducks, Teals, or Swans, which otherwise wou'd spoil it before it be ripe.

This Lake of Issati lies within sixty Leagues to the Westward of the Superior Lake; but 'tis impossible to travel by Land from one to the other, unless it be in a hard Frost, because of the Marshy Grounds, which otherwise sink under a Man; but, as I have already said, they may use their Canow's, tho' it be very troublesome, because of the many Portages, and the length of the Way, which, by rea­son of the Windings of the River, is about 150 Leagues. The shortest Way is by the Ri­ver of the Grave, thro' which we went in our Return. We found nothing but the Bones of the Savage we had bury'd there, the Bears ha­ving pull'd out with their Paws the great Stakes the Savages had beat deep into the Ground round about the Corps; which is their usual Way of burying their Dead. We found near the Grave a Calumet or Pipe of War, and a Pot, in which the Savages had left some fat Meat of wild Oxen, for the use of their dead Friend, during his Voyage into the Country of Souls; which sheweth that they believe their Immortality.

There are many other Lakes near the Ri­ver Issati, from which several Rivers spring. The Banks of those Rivers are inhabited by the Issati, the Nadoussians, the Tintonha or Inhabi­tants of Meadows, the Ouadebathon or Men of Rivers, the Chongasketon or Nation of the Wolf or [Page 185] the Dog; for Chonga signifies either of these Crea­tures. There are also several other Nations, which we include under the general Denomi­nation of Nadoussians. These Savages may bring into the Field eight or nine thousand Men: They are Brave, Bold, great Runners, and good Marksmen with their Arrows. It was a Party of these Savages that took us Prisoners, and carry'd us to the Issati, as I am going to relate in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XLV. The Author and his Canow-Men are taken by the Savages, who, after several Attempts upon their Lives, carry them away with them into their Country above the River Meschasipi.

WE used to go to Prayers thrice a Day, as I have elsewhere observ'd; and my constant Request to God was, That when we shou'd first meet the Savages, it might happen to be by Day. Their Custom is, to kill as Enemies all they meet by Night, to enrich themselves with their Spoils, which are nothing but a Parcel of Hatchets, Knives, and such like Trifles; which yet they value more than we do Gold or Silver. They make no Scru­ple to assassinate even their own Allies, when they think they can handsomly conceal the Murder; for by such Exploits it is they hope to gain the Reputation of being great Soldiers, and to pass for Men of Courage and Reso­lution.

[Page 186]'Twas with a great deal of Satisfaction that we survey'd the Pleasures of the River Mescha­sipi, all along our Passage up it, which had been since the First of April. Nothing as yet had interrupted our Observations, whither it were navigable above or below. In our Way we kill'd seven or eight Bustards or Wild Tur­keys, which in these Countries increase mighti­ly, as well as all other Wild Creatures. We had also plenty of Bulls, Dears, Castors, Fish, and Bears-Flesh; which last we kill'd as they were swimming over the River.

And here I cannot forbear seriously reflect­ing on that secret Pleasure and Satisfaction of Mind, which is to be found in Prayer, and the real Advantages which may be drawn from thence, when I consider how effectually my own were heard: For the same Day, being the Twelfth of April, as our two Men were boiling one of the Bustards, and my self re­fitting our Canow on the Banks of the River, I perceiv'd all of a sudden about Two in the Afternoon, no less than fifty Canow's, which were made of Bark, and mann'd with 120 Savages, who were stark naked, and came down the River with an extraordinary Swift­ness, to surprize the Miamis, Illinois, and Ma­rohans, their Enemies.

We threw away the Broath which was a preparing, and getting aboard as fast as we cou'd, made towards them, crying out thrice, Mistigouche and Diatchez, which in the Lan­guage of the Iroquois and Algonquins, is as much as to say, Comrades, we are Men of Wooden-Ca­nows; for so they call those that sail in great [Page 187] Vessels. This had no effect, for the Barbari­ans understood not what we said; so that they surrounded us immediately, and began to let flie their Arrows at a Distance; till the Eldest amongst them perceiving that I had a Calumet or Pipe of Peace in my Hand, came up to us, and prevented our being murder'd by their Warriors.

These Men, who are more brutal than those of the lower River, fell a jumping out of their Canow's, some upon Land, others into the Water; surrounding us on all sides, with Shrieks and Out-cries that were indeed very terrifying. 'Twas to no purpose to resist, being but three to so great a number. One of them snatch'd the Pipe of Peace out of my Hand, as our Canow and theirs were fasten'd toge­ther on the Bank of the River. We present­ed them with some small Pieces of Martinico Tobacco, because it was better than what they had. As they receiv'd it, the Elders of them cry'd out Miahima, Miahima; but what they meant by it we know it. However we made Signs with ou [...] Oars upon the Sand, that the Miamis their Enemies, whom they were in search of, had pass'd the River, and were up­on their Flight to join the Illinois.

When they saw themselves discover'd, and consequently out of all hopes of surprizing their Enemies, three or four of the eldest of them laid their Hands on my Head, and be­gan to weep bitterly, accompanying their Tears with such mournful Accents as can hardly be exprest; till with a sorry Handcherchif of Ar­menian Cloath, which I had left, I made a shift [Page 188] to dry up their Tears: However, to very lit­tle purpose; for refusing to smoak in our Ca­lumet or Pipe of Peace, they thereby gave us to understand, that their Design was still to murder us. Hereupon with an horrid Out-cry, which they set up all at once, to make it yet the more terrible, they hurry'd us cross the River, forcing us to redouble the Stroaks of our Oar, to make the more speed; and en­tertaining us all the while with such dismal Howls, as were capable of striking Terror in­to the most resolute and daring Souls. Being come a-shoar on the other side, we unloaded our Canow, and landed our Things, part of which they had robb'd us of already. Some time after our Landing, we made a Fire a second time, to make an end of boiling our Bustard. Two others we presented the Barbarians, who having consulted together what they shou'd do with us, two of their Leaders came up to us, and made us to understand by Signs, that their Warriors were resolv'd upon our Death. This oblig'd me, whilst one of our Canow-Men look'd after our Things, to go with the other and apply my self to their Chiefs. Six Hat­chets, fifteen Knives, some pieces of Tobacco, was the Present that I made them. After which, bending my Neck, and pointing to a Hatchet, I signify'd to them by that Submissi­on, that we threw our selves on their Mercy.

The Present had the good Effect to soften some of them, who, according to their Cu­stom, gave us some Flesh of Beaver to eat, themselves putting the three first Bits in our Mouths; having first blown upon it, because [Page 189] the Meat was hot. After this they set their Platter before us, which was made of the Bark of a Tree, leaving us at Liberty to feed after our own fashion. These Civilities did not hin­der us from passing the Night very uneasily, because in the Evening before they went to sleep, they had return'd us our Calumet of Peace. The two Canow-Men resolv'd to sell their Lives as dear as they cou'd, and to defend themselves like Men to the last, in Case they shou'd at­tack us. For my part, I told them I resolv'd to suffer my self to be slain without the least resistance, in imitation of our Saviour, who resign'd himself up voluntarily into the Hand of his Executioner. However, we watch'd all Night by turns, that we might not be surpriz'd in our Sleep.

CHAP. XLVI. Resolution which the Barbarians take to carry the Au­thor and his two Men along with them up into their Country, above the River Meschasipi.

THE 13th of April, very early in the Morning, one of their Captains, whose Name was Narrhetoba, being one of those who had been for killing us, and whose Body was painted all over, came and demanded my Pipe of Peace. It being deliver [...]d him, he fill'd it with Tobacco of their own growth, and made those of his own Band smoak in it first; then all the rest that had been for put­ting us to Death. After this he made Signs [Page 190] that we must go with them into their Coun­try, whither they were then about to return. This Proposal did not startle me much, for ha­ving, caus'd the Enterprize which they had fram'd against their Enemies to miscarry, I was not unwilling to imbrace any opportunity of making farther Discoveries amongst these Barbarous Nations.

That which perplex'd we most, was the Dif­ficulty I had of saying my Office, and perform­ing the rest of my Devotions in the Presence of these Wretches. Many of them observing my Lips to move, told me in a harsh se­vere Tone, Ouackanche; from whence, because we understood not a Word of their Language, we concluded them to be very angry. Micha [...]l Ako, [...]ne of the Canow-Men, told me with a frightful Air, that if I continu'd to say my Breviary, we shou'd infallibly be murther'd by them. The Picard du Gay desir'd me at least to say my Prayers in priva [...]e, for fear of en­raging them too far. The last Advice seem'd the best; but the more I endeavour'd to con­ceal my self, the more of them had I at my Heels. If at any time I retir'd into the Woods, they immediately concluded 'twas to hide some­thing: So that I knew not which way to turn me for the performance of my Duty; for they wou'd never suffer me a Moment out of their Sight.

This compell'd me at last to acquaint the two Canow-Men, that I cou'd no longer dis­pence with my self in omitting the Duty of my Office: That if they shou'd murder us on this account, I shou'd indeed be the innocent [Page 191] Cause of their Death as well as my own; that therefore I ran the same Risque as they, but that no Danger was great enough to ju­stifie me in the dispensing with my Duty. In fine, the Barbarians understood by the Word Ouackanche, that the Book in which I read, was an Evil Spirit, as I afterwards understood by being amongst them. However, I then knew by their Gestures that they had an aversion for it. Wherefore to use them to it by degrees, I was wont to sing the Litanies, as we were up­on the Way, holding the Book in my Hand. They fondly believ'd my Breviary was a Spirit, which taught me to sing thus thus for their Diversion. All these People naturally love Singing.

CHAP. XLVII. The many Outrages done us by the Savages, before we arriv'd in their Country. They frequently de­sign against our Lives.

THE many Outrages which were done us by these Barbarians, thro' the whole Course of our Voyage, are not to be imagin'd. Our Canow was both bigger and heavier laden than Theirs. They seldom [...]arry any thing but a Quiver full of Arrows, a Bow, and some sorry Skin or other, which usually serves two of them for a Coverlet. The Nights were sharp as yet for the Season, by reason of our advancing still Northwards; so that at [Page 192] Night 'twas necessary to keep our selves as warm as we cou'd.

Our Conductors observing that we did not make so much Way as themselves, order'd three of their Warriors to go aboard us. One seated himself on my Left, the other two be­hind the Men, to help them to row, that we might make the more haste. The Barbarians sometimes row no less than thirty Leagues a Day, when they are in haste to take the Field, and design to surprize their Enemies. Those who took us were of divers Villages, and as much divided in their Sentiments in regard of us. Every Evening 'twas our peculiar Care to plant our Cabin near the young Chief, who had taken Tobacco in our Pipe of Peace; sig­nifying to him thereby, that we put our selves under his Protection.

This we did by reason of the Divisions which reign'd among the Savages. Aquipaguelin, one of their Cheifs, who had a Son kill'd by the Miamis, finding he cou'd not revenge himself of that Nation, thought of venting his Passion upon us. Every Night wou'd he bewail his Son, whom he had lost in the War, thinking thereby to stir up those of his Band to revenge his Death, kill us, seize our Effects, and after that pursue the Miamis. But the other Sava­ges, who were very fond of European Com­modities, thought it more adviseable to protect us, that other Europeans might be encourag'd to come amongst them. They chiefly desir'd Guns, upon which they set the highest value, having seen the use of them upon one of our Canow-Men's killing three or four Bustards or [Page 193] Wild-Turkeys, at one single Discharge of his Fusil; whereas they cou'd not kill above one at a time with their Bows.

We have understood by them since, that the Words Manza Ouakanché signifie Iron pos­sest by an Evil Spirit. So they call the Fusil, which breaks a Man's Bones; whereas their Arrows glide only between the Flesh and the Muscles, which they pierce without breaking the Bone, very seldom at least. For which reason it is, that these People do much [...]asier cure the Wounds which are made by the Ar­row or Dart, than those of the Fusil.

When we were first taken by the Barbarians, we were got about an hundred and fifty Leagues up the River, from that of the Illinois. We row'd afterwards in their Company for nine­teen Days together, sometimes North, some­times North-East, as we judg'd by the Quarters from whence the Wind blew, and according to the best Observations we cou'd make by our Compass. So that after these Barbarians had forc'd us to follow them [...] we made more than two hundred and fifty Leagues upon that same Ri­ver. The Savages are of an extraordinary force in a Canow. They'll row from Morning to Night without resting, or hardly allowing themselves so much time as to eat their Victuals.

To oblige us to follow them the faster, there were usually four or five of their Men a-board us; for our Canow was larger and deeper loaden than theirs so that we had need of their Assistance to be able to keep 'em company. When it rain'd, we set up our Cabins; but when 'twas fair, the Heavens were our Canopy▪ By this [Page 194] means we had leisure of taking our Observa­tions from the Moon and the Stars when it was clear. Notwithstanding the fatigue of the Day, the youngest of the Warriors went at Night and danc'd the Reed before four or five of their Captains till midnight. The Captain to whose Quarter they went, sent with a deal of Ceremony to those that Danc'd, a Warrior of his own Family, to make them Smoak one after another in his own Reed of War, which is distinguish'd from that of Peace by its Fea­thers.

This sort of Ceremony is always concluded by the two Youngest of those who have had any Relations kill'd in the Wars. These take several Arrows, and laying them a-cross at the point, present them in that manner to their Captains, weeping very bitterly; who, not­withstanding the excess of theit Sorrow, return them back to be kiss'd. In short, neither the Fatigues of the Day, nor Watchings, are suf­ficient to prevail with the Elders so much as to shut their Eyes, most of them watching till almost break of Day, for fear of being surpriz'd by their Enemies. As soon as the Morning appears, one of them sets up the ordinary Cry, when in a moment the Warriors are all in their Canow's. Some are sent to encompass the I­slands, and see what Game they can meet with; whilst others more swift go by Land to discover by the Smoak the Place where the Ene­mies lie.

CHAP. XLVIII. The Advantages which the Savages of the North have over those of the South, in relation to the War: As also the Ceremony which was perform'd by one of our Captains, having caus'd us to halt at Noon.

WHen the Savages of the North are at War, 'tis their custom to post them­selves upon the point of some one of those many Islands, of which this River is full, where they look upon themselves to be always safe. Those of the South who are their Enemies, have nothing but Pyrogues, or Canow's of Wood, with which they cannot go very fast, because of their weight. None but the Nor­thern Nations have Birch to make Canow's of Bark. The People of the South are depriv'd of this Advantage, whereas those of the North can with an admirable facility pass from Lake to Lake, and River to River, to attack their Enemy. Nay, when they are discover'd, they value it not, provided they have time to re­cover their Canow's; for 'tis impossible for those who pursue them either by Land or in the Pyrogues, to do it with any success.

As to what relates to Ambuscades no Na­tion in the World comes near those Northern Sava [...]es, being patient of Hunger, and the ut­most Severies of the Weather, beyond belief. 'Tis their sure Game; and they never fail be­ing succour'd by three or four of their Com­rades, [Page 196] whenever their Enemies attack them. So that they always bring their Designs about this way, at least if not over-power'd so by numbers, as not to be able to recover their Canow [...]s, and save themselves by flight.

One of the Nineteen Days of our most tire­some Voyage, a Captain call'd Aquipaguetin, who afterwards adopted me for his Son, as we shall see anon, thought it advisable to halt about Noon in a fine large Meadow, situate on the West of the River Meschasipi. This Chief had kill'd a large fat Bear, to which he invited the Principal Captains of the Warriours. After the Repast, these Savages having all of them certain Marks in the Face, and their Bodies painted with the Figure of some Beast, such as every one fancy'd best, their Hair being al­so anointed with the Oil of Bears, and stuck all over with Red and White Feathers, and their Heads cover'd with the Downe of Birds, began to dance with their hands all upon their Hip, and striking the Soles of their Feet with that violence against the Earth, that the very Marks appear'd. During the Dance, one of the Sons of the Master of the Ceremonies, made 'em all smoak in the Pipe of War, himself shedding a­bundanc [...] of Tears during the whole Action. And the Father, who marshall'd the whole melancholy Scene, accompany'd him with a Voice so lamentable and broken, with so many rising Sighs, as were capable of melting the most obdurate Heart, bathing himself a [...]l the while in his Tears: Sometimes would he ad­dress himself to the Warriour, sometimes to me, laying his Hands on my Head, as he did also [Page 197] on my M [...]'s. Sometimes would he lift up his Eyes to Heaven, repeating the Word Louis, which in their Speech signifies the Sun, appeal­ing to him for Justice on the Murderers of his Son, and hoping to engage his Followers to avenge his Death.

As for us, as far as we could judge, all this Grimace boded us no good: And indeed we afterwards understood, that this Barbarian meant nothing less than our Destruction by it, as well now as at other times. But finding the opposition he was like to meet with from the other Chiefs, who were of a contrary Opinion, he was content to suffer us to re-embark, resol­ving however to make use of some other Stra­tagem to get into his own hands by little and little the rest of our Things. To take them from us openly by force, tho' he easily could, he durst not, for fear of those of his own Nation, who for such an Action would have accus'd him of a Baseness of Spirit, which even the most barba­rous Disdain.

CHAP. XLIX. What Tricks and Artifices were us'd by Aquipaguetin to cheat us handsomely of our Goods; with many other Accidents that hapned in our Voyage.

BY what has been said, it plainly appears that Aquipaguetin was a crafty, designing Knave. He had with him the Bones of one of his deceas'd Friends, which he kept very choice­ly in the Skin of a Beast, adorn'd with several [Page 198] Red and Black Lists of a Porcupine's. He would be from time to time assembling his Fol­lowers to make them smoak; and then would he send for us one after another, and oblige us to cover the Bone [...] of their Deceas'd with some of our European Merchandise, in order to dry up the Tears which he had shed for him and his Son, who had been kill'd by the Miamis.

To appease the crafty, old Savage, we strow'd on the Bones of the Deceas'd several Pieces of Martinico-Tobacco, Hatchets, Knives, Beads, and some Bracelets of Black and White Porcelain. Thus you see how we were drain'd by such Methods and Pretences, as we could not easily gainsay. He gave us to understand, That what he had thus demanded of us, was not for himself but the Dead, and to give the Warriours that he brought with him; and in­deed he distributed amongst them whatever he took f [...]om us. He would have had us under­stood by this, That as a Captain he would take nothing himself but what we should freely present him with.

All this while we lay at the point of the Lake of Tears; we nam'd it so by reason of the Tears which this Chief did shed here every Night. When he was weary of Weeping, he made one of his Sons come and supply his Place. His Design in this was to excite the Compassion of the Warriors, and to prevail with them to kill us, and after that to pu [...]sue their Enemies; and so revenge the Death of his Son which he had lost.

Sometimes they sent the swiftest amongst them by Land to seek for Prey, who would [Page 199] drive whole Droves of Wild Bulls before them, and force them to swim the River. Of these they so [...]etimes kill'd forty or fifty, but took only the Tongues, and some other of the best Pieces: The rest they left, not to burden them­selves, tha [...] [...]hey might make the more haste home.

'Tis true, we had Provisions plenty and good; but then we had neither Bread nor Wine, nor Salt, nor indeed any thing else to season it; and this lasted during the Four last Years of the almost Twelve that I liv'd in America. In our last Voyage, we liv'd much after the same manner, sometimes abounding, and at other times again reduc'd to the last Extremity; so that we have not eat a bit for four and twenty Hours together, and sometimes longer. The reason is, because in small Canow's of Bark, one can stow but little: So that whatever Pre­caution a Man may use, he will often find himself destitute of all Things necessary to Life. Did the Religious of Europe undergo half the Fatigues, or did they but observe the Fasts that we have kept for so long a time to­gether in Amer [...]ca, there would need no Proofs to Canonize them. But then it must be own'd, that what destroys the Merits of our Fasts, was, That if we did suffer on such occasions, our Sufferings proceeded not from our Choice; but, as the proverbial Saying is, our Virtue was our Necessity.

CHAP. L. The Elders weep for us during the Night. New Outrages done us by Aquipaguetin. The man­ner how the Savages make Fire by Friction.

MAny Nights together some or other of the Elders came and wept over us. They rubb'd our Arms and Bodies very often with their Hands, which they afterwards laid on our Heads. These Tears gave us many uneasie Thoughts; 'twas impossible to sleep for them; and yet we had need enough of Rest, after the great Fatigues of the Day. Nor was I easier by Day: I knew not what to think; some­times I fansi'd that they bewail'd us, as know­ing some of the Warriours had resolv'd to kill us; and other times again I flatter'd my self, that their Tears were the effect of their Compassion, for the evil Treatm [...]nt they made us undergo. However it were, I am sure these Tears affected me more than those that shed them.

About this time, Aquipagu [...]tin had another opportunity of persecuting us af [...]esh: He had so dexterously manag'd the matter with the Warriours of his Party, that it was one Day im­practicable for us to encamp near the young Chief Narh [...]toba, who protected us, but were forc'd to go and place our selves, with our Canow and Effects at the end of the Camp. Then it was that these Barbarians gave us to understand, that the aforesaid Captain was fully resolv'd to have our [...]eads. This oblig'd [Page 201] us to have recourse once more to our Chest, and to take out twenty Knives and some To­bacco, which we distributed among them with an Air that sufficiently testify'd our Discon­tent.

The unreasonable Wretch look'd earnestly upon his Followers one after another, as if he were in doubt what to do, and consequently to demand their Advice, whether he ought to receive our Present or refuse it. But whilst we were inclining our Necks, and delivering him the Ax, the young Commander, who seem'd to be our Protector (and it may be really was) came and snatch'd us by the Arm, and all in a rage hurry'd us away to his Cabin. His Bro­ther too taking up some Arrows, broke 'em in our sight, to assure us by that Action, that he would protect our Lives at the hazard of his own.

The next Day they left us alone in our Ca­now, without putting any of their Men a-board to assist us, as they had hitherto done: How­ever, they kept all in the reer of us. After rowing four or five Leagues, another of their Captains came up to us, and made us land. As soon as we got on shoar, he fell to cutting of Grass, which he made into three little Heaps, and bade us sit down upon them: Then he took a piece of Cedar, which was full of little round Holes, into one of which he thrust a Stick of a harder Substance than the Cedar, and began to rub it about pretty fast between the Palms of his Hands, till at length it took fire. The use he put it to was to light the To­bacco in his Great Pipe; and after he had wept [Page] [Page 102] some time over us, and laid his Hands on our Heads, he made me smoak in a Calumet, or Pipe of Peace; and then a [...]quainted us by Signs, that within sixteen Days we should be at home.

CHAP. LI. Ceremonies us'd by the Savages when they share their Prisoners. Continuation of our Iourney by Land.

HAving thus travell'd nineteen Days in our Canow by Water, we arriv'd at length within five or six Leagues of the Fall, to which we had formerly given the Name of St. Anthony, as we came to understand afterwards. Here the Barbarians order'd us to land in a Creek of the River Meschasipi; after which, they held an Assembly, to consult what they were to do with us. In short, they separated, and gave us to three of their Chiefs, instead of three of their Sons which had been kill'd in the War: Then they seiz'd our Canow, and took away all our Equipage▪ The Canow they pull'd to pieces, for fear it might assist us to return to their Enemies: Their own they hid amongst the Alders, to use again when they should have occasion to hunt that way. So that though we might have gone conveniently enough quite up into their Country by Water, yet were we oblig'd, by their Conduct, to travel no less than sixty Leagues a-foot.

[Page 103]Our ordinary Marches were from break of Day till ten at Night: And when we met with any Rivers, we swam them, themselves (who for the most part are of an extraordinary size) carrying our Clothes and Equipage on their Heads, and the Canow-men, who were less than me, upon their Shoulders, because they could not swim. As I us'd to come out of the Water, which was often full of Ice, for we travell'd still North, I was hardly able to stand upon my Legs. In these Parts the Frosts conti­nue all night even at this time of the Year; so that our Legs were all over Blood, being cut by the Ice, which we broke by degrees in our Pas­sage as we waded o'er the Lakes and Rivers. We never eat but once in four and twenty Hours, and then nothing but a few Scraps of Meat dry'd in the Smoak af [...]er their Fashion, which they afforded us with abundance of re­g [...]et.

I was so weak that I often lay me down, re­solving rather to die than follow these Savages any farther, who travell'd at a rate so extraor­dinary, as far surpasses the Strength of any Eu­ropean. However, to hasten us, they sometimes set fire to the dry Grass in the Meadows through which we pass'd; so that our Choice was march or burn. I had a Hat which I had taken with me, to fence me from the Sun du­ring the Heats of the Summer. This would often fall from my Head into the Fire, because it was not over-fit, and the Fire so very near. The Barbarians would snatch it out again, and lend me a hand to save me from the Flames, which they had kindled as well to hasten our [Page 204] March, as I have said, as to give notice to their People of their return. I must here acknow­ledge, that had it not been for du Gay, who did all he could to encourage me, through the whole Course of this tiresome March, I had certainly sunk under the Fatigues of it, having neither Spirits nor Strength left to support me.

CHAP. LII. A great Contest arises amongst the Savages, about dividing our Merchandise and Equipage; as also my Sacerdotal Ornaments and little Chest.

AFter having travell'd about sixty Leagues a-foot, and undergone all the Fatigues of Hunger, Thirst, and Cold, besides a thou­sand Outrages daily done us in our Persons, after we had march'd Night and Day without ceasing, wading thro' Lakes and Rivers, and sometimes swam. As we now began to ap­proach the Habitations of the Barbarians, which are situated in Morasses inaccessible to their Enemies, they thought it a proper time to divide the Merchandise which they had taken from us. Here they had like to have fallen out, and [...]ut one another's Throats, about the Roll of Martinico-Tobacco, which might still weigh about fifty Pound. These People value this Commodity far beyond what we do Silver or Gold. They have very good of their own growth; but this was so well dress'd, and made up into such beautiful Rings, that they were [Page 205] perfectly charm'd with it. The most reasonable amongst them made us understand by Signs, that they would give their Canow-men several Castor-Skins in return for what they had taken: But others looking upon us as Slaves, because they said we had furnish'd Arms to their Ene­mies, maintain'd that they were no ways ob­lig'd to make any return for the Things they had taken.

The reason why they divided the Spoil here was, because this Band was compos'd of two or three different People: So that those that liv'd at a distance, were apprehensive lest the others, who were just at home, might detain all the Merchandise which they had taken, in the first Villages they should come at; and there­fore were resolv'd to play a sure Game, and have their Share aforehand. Nor had they any greater Respect for what belong'd to me, than for the Merchandise which they took from the Canow-men; for they seiz'd my Bro­card Chasuble, and all the Ornaments of my portable Chapel, except the Chalice, which they durst not touch. They obs [...]rv'd that this Vessel, which was of Silver gilt, cast a glitte­ring Light, so that as often as they chanc'd to look towards it, they would shut their Eyes: The reason was, as we understood afterwards, because they believ'd it to be a Spirit which would kill them. I had a little Chest, which I kept lock'd; they made me understand by Signs, that if I did not open it, or break the Lock, they would do it for me, against some sharp Stones which they show'd me. The rea­son why they threatned me thus, was, because [Page 109] they had not been able to open it all the way, though they attempted it several times, to see what was in it. These People under­stand nothing of Locks and Keys: Besides, their Design was not to cumber themselves with the Box it self, but only to take out the Things that were in it. After I had open [...]d it, and they saw there was little or nothing in it but Books and Papers, they left it me untouch'd.

CHAP. LIII. The Troop approaches the Village. Grand Consult amongst the Savages, whether they should kill us, or save and adopt us for their Sons. Reception which we had from them; and the use they mad [...] of my Chasuble.

AFter five hard Days travel, without so much as resting, except a little by Night in the open Air, we perceiv'd at last abundance of Women and Children coming out to meet our little Army: All the Elders of the Nation were assembled upon this occasion. We ob­serv'd several Cabins, near the Posts of which lay several Trusses of Straw and dry'd Weeds, where these Barbarians are wont to fasten and burn the Slaves which they bring home with them from their Wars. Here they order'd the Picard, du Gay to sing, who all the time rattled a hollow Gourd full of little round Stones which he held in his Hand. I observ'd moreover, that his Hair and Face were painted [Page 107] with different Colours, and that they had fast­ned a Tuft of White Feathers to his Head. These Ceremonies renew'd our Fears; and we thought we had more reason than ever to be­lieve, that they had still a Design to put us to death. Nor were our Fears groundless, since these, with many others, are the Ceremo­nies which they use at the burning of their Enemies.

The worst was, we could not make our selves be understood. However, after many Vows and secret Prayers which we offer'd up to God on this occasion, the Barbarians at last gave us some wild Oats to eat, of which I have spoke elsewhere. They gave them us in great Dishes made of Birch; and the Savage Women had season'd them with Bluez. This is a sort of Black Grain, which they dry in the Sun in the Summer, and are as good as Cor­rans: The Dutch call them Clake-besien.

All the while the Feast lasted, which was the best Meal that we had made ever since we had been taken, there was a high Dispute be­tween Aquipaguetin and the others, about the distribution they were to make of the two Ca­now-men and my self. At last Aquipaguetin, as Head of the Party, carry'd it; who turning from one of the Principal Captains towards me, presented me to smoak in his Calumet of Peace, receiving from me at the same time that which we had brought, as a certain Pledge of the Union which was to be for the future 'twixt them and us. After this, he adopted me for his Son, in the room of him that he had lost in the War.

[Page 208] Cnarhetoba and another Captain did the same by the two Canow-men. This Separation was very grievous to us, tho' somewhat allay'd by the Satisfaction we had to find that our Lives were safe. Du Gay took me aside to confess him, being sensible of the uncertain Condition his Life was in, amongst so barbarous a People. This oblig'd him to embrace me very heartily, and to beg my Pardon for what was past, ha­ving first made the same Request to God. I should have been over-joy'd to have seen Mi­chael Ako as well dispos'd. However, I did not omit to shew both the one and the other all the Marks of a most tender Affection.

In short, the Savages having parted us, led us away each to his own Village. Our Way lay over a Morass, where we march'd half way the leg in Water for a League together, at the end of which we were met by five of Aquipaguetin's Wives, who receiv'd me in one of the three Canow's of Bark which they had brought with them, and then carry'd me a little League farther into a small Island, where their Cabins were.

CHAP. LIV. The Authors Reception by the Relations of Aquipa­guetin. They make him sweat to recover him of his Fatigues. The use they make of his Cha­suble and other Ornaments.

I Arriv'd at this Place in the Month of May, 1680. the Day I cannot precise [...]y tell; for I was so harrass'd by the Savages on the way, that I could not make all the little Observa­tions which otherwise I would have done; besides, there is some seven or eight Hours dif­ference between the Days and Nights of Eu­rope, and those of North- America, because of the Retrogradation of the Sun. The Cape was always to West of us from Rochel to Quebec; but to South-West from thence, till we came to Meschasipi, which made a considerable Va­riation in the Needle.

This Variation was occasion'd by the un­constant motion of the Needle, which in cer­tain Latitudes would encline to the North, or North-East; whereas in others 'twould turn from the North to the North-West. We ne­ver could be so well assur'd of our Computa­tions in our long Voyages, as to know exactly the way our Canow's made in a Day, or what was the Variation of the Needle in each La­titude. But we found there were many Mi­nutes of Variation, according to the Point the Wind was in. To say the truth, able Men might [Page 210] have lost the Memory of many Things under the same Circumstances with my self.

At the entry of the Captain [...]s Cabin who had adopted me, one of the Barbarians, who seem'd to be very old, presented me with a great Pipe to smoak, and weeping over me all the while with abundance of Tears, rubb'd both my Arms and my Head. This was to show how concern'd he was to see me so ha­rass'd and fatigu'd: And indeed I had often need enough of two Men to support me when I was up, or raise me when I was down. There was a Bears-Skin before the Fire, upon which the youngest Boy of the Cabin caus'd me to lie down, and then with the Grease of Wild Cats anointed my Thighs, Legs, and Soles of my Feet.

Aquipaguetin's Son, who call'd me Brother, had got my Brocard Chasuble, and was strut­ting up and down with it upon his naked Back. He had wrapp'd up in it the Bones of a Man who had been very considerable amongst them, for whose Memory they had still a wonderful Respect. The Priest's Girdle, which was made of Red and White Wooll, with 2 Loops at the end, serv'd him to fasten it, whilst he carry'd it up and down in Triumph, calling it Louis Chinnen, which signifies, as I since understand, the Robe of him, who is nam'd the Sun. After they had for some time us'd my Chasuble as an Orna­ment to cover the Bones of their Dead, at the celebrating their most solemn Rites, they made a Present of it to a People in Alliance with them, who liv'd 4 or 500 Leagues distant to­wards [Page 211] the West, but were come in Embassie, and had danc'd the Calumet.

The day after my arrival, Aquipaguetin, who was Head of a Great Family, put me on a Robe which was made of the Skins of the Belli [...]s of Wild Bulls: He gave me a second, made of ten large Castor-Skins. Then he shew'd me six or seven of his Wives, (for Poligamy is in fashion here;) he told them, as I afterwards understood, That they were to esteem me as one of their Sons. After this, he set a Bark-Dish before me, in which were Bremes, and other White Fish, for me to regale withal. He gave Orders to those about him to give me the Title that was due to the Rank which I was to hold amongst my New Kindred.

Farther; This new Father of mine observing that I could not well rise without two or three to help me, order'd a Stove to be made, which he caus'd me to enter stark naked with four Sa­vages; who before they began to sweat, ty'd their Prepuces about with certain Strings made of the Bark of a White Wood. This Stove was cover'd with the Skins of Wild Bulls, and in it they put Flints and other Stones re-hot. They order'd me by Signs to hold my Breath, time after time, as long as I could, which I did, as well as those that were with me. As for the undecent Parts, I had only a Handkerchief to cover me.

As soon as the Savages that were with me had let go their Breath, which they did with a great force, Aquipaguetin began to sing with a loud and thundring Voice; the others seconded him; and laying their Hands on my Body, [Page 212] began to rub it, and at the same time to weep bitterly. I was like to fall in a Swoon, and so was forc'd to quit the Stove. At my coming out, I was scarce able to take up my Habit of St. Francis to cover me withal, I was so weak: However, they continu'd to make me sweat thrice a Week, which at last restor'd me to my pristine Vigour, so that I found my self as well as ever.

CHAP. LV. The Author is like to be famish'd. They admire his Compass, and an Iron-Pot which he has. He makes a Dictionary, and instructs them in Points of Religion, in relation to Polygamy and Ce­lebacy.

MAny a melancholy Day did I pass a­mongst these Savages. Aquipaguetin, who adopted me, gave me nothing to eat but a few wild Oats five or six times a Week, and the Roes of dry'd Fish. All this Trash the Wo­men boil'd up in an Earthen-Pot: Besides, he sent me into a Neighbouring Isle, with his Wives, Children, and Servants, where I was to Hough and Dig with a Pick-axe and Shovel, which I had recover'd from those that robb'd us. Here we planted Tobacco, and some Eu­ropean Pulse which I brought from thence, and were highly priz'd by Aquipaguetin.

This Man, to make himself the more consi­derable amongst those of his Tribe, would of­ten Assemble the Ancients of his Village, and [Page 213] in presence of them, send for my Compass, which I had still by me. Upon my turning the Needle with a Key, he took occasion to tell them, and with Truth enough, That by the Guidance of that Machine it was, that we Europeans travell'd the whole World. Nay, being an able Spoaksman, he possess'd them farther, That we were Spirits; and that we were capable of bringing Things to pass that were altogether out of their Power. At the end of his Discourse, which was very pathe­tick, all the Elders wept over me, admiring in me what they could not comprehend.

I had an Iron-Pot about three foot round, which had the Figure of a Lion on it, which during our Voyage serv'd us to bake our Vi­ctuals. This Vessel was not so apt to break as our ordinary Kettles, which are more brittle; for which reason it was, not being likely to meet with Braziers to furnish us with new up­on occasion, that we took this with us. This Pot the Barbarians durst never so much as touch, without covering their Hands [...]irst in something of Castor-Skin. And so great a Ter­rour was it to the Women, that they had it hung abroad upon the Bough of a Tree; for they durst not come or sleep in the Cabin when it was there.

We would have made a present of it to some of their Chiefs; but none of them would either accept or make use of it, because they thought that there was a Spirit hid within that would certainly kill them. These People are all of them subject to the like Superstition. Their Jug­lers impose whatever they think fit upon their [Page 214] Belief. 'Twas some time I spent amongst 'em before I cou'd make my self be understood. But hunger beginning to press me hard, I set about making a Dictionary in their Tongue, the which I did by means of their Children, with whom I made my self as familiar as possible, to inform my self by their Prattle.

When once I had got the Word Tahetchiaben, which signifies in their Language, How call you this? I began to be soon able to talk of such things as are most familiar. This Difficulty was hard to surmount at first, because there was no Interpreter that understood both Tongues. For Example; If I had a Mind to know what To run was in their Tongue, I was forc'd to mend my pace, and indeed actu­ally run from one end of the Cabin to t'other, till they understood what I meant, and had told me the Word; which I presently set down in my Dictionary. The Principal of them observing the great Inclination I had to learn their Language, wou'd often tell me, Vatchison [...]gagahé, Spirit, thou takest a great deal of Pains. Put Black to White. One Day they told me the Names of all the Parts of a Human Body. However I forbore setting down several immo­dest Terms, which these People scruple not to use every Foot. Observing it, they wou'd of­ten cry [...]gagahé, [...]gagagé; Spirit, Spirit, set down that Word as well as the rest.

Thus wou'd they divert themselves with me, and often say to one another, When we ask Fa­ther Louis any thing; for they had heard our Canow-Men call me so, he does not answer us. But when he has lookt upon the White, for they have [Page 215] no Word for Paper, he then talks, and makes us understand his Thoughts. This White thing, wou'd they add, must needs be a Spirit, which tea­ches him to understand all we say. Hence they concluded that neither of the Canow-Men had so much wit as my self, because they cou'd not work upon that which was White. So that this Qualification in me, made them fondly imagine that I cou'd do any thing else.

One Day, seeing the Rain fall in such abun­dance, that they fear'd 'twou'd spoil their hunt­ing, they order'd me to bid it cease. Itold them, pointing with my Finger to the Clouds, That He, who was the Great Captain of Heaven, was the sole Master of the Rain and Sunshine; That he was the Great Disposer of all the Events that happen to Mortals, or the Universe in general; That what they bid me do, depended not on me, but the First Mover, who had sent me thither, to teach them to acknowledge him for their Creator and Re­deemer.

Observing me distinguish'd from the Canow-Men by my Habit, and having no Notion of Celibacy, they wou'd often ask what Age I was, and what Wives and Children I had. Their way of reckoning their Years is by Win­ters. These Wretches, void of Light and In­struction, were strangely surpriz'd at the An­swer I made them. I told them, pointing to the two Canow-Men, whom I was come three Leagues to visit, That with us one Man might marry but one Wife, and that nothing cou'd separate him again from that One, but Death: That for my self, I had promis'd the Great Master of Life never to marry any; but to come and dwell amongst, [Page 216] and instruct them in the Commands of the Great Master of Heaven and Earth, and to live poorly amongst them, far from my own Country, where all good Things did abound.

'Tis true, says one of them, here is little or no Hunting in these Parts, and thou sufferest much: But have but patience till Summer, we shall then go into the hot Countries, where we shall kill Bulls e­nough, and then thou wilt make thy self sufficient a­mends for the time thou hast spent here. I had been well content had they let me eat as their Chil­dren did; but they hid the Victuals from me, and wou'd rise to eat in the Night, when I knew nothing of it. And altho' Women have usually more Compassion than Man, yet they kept the little Fish that they had, all for their Children. They consider'd me as a Slave whom their Warriors had taken in their Enemy's Country; and preferr'd the Lives of their Chil­dren; before any Consideration they had for me; as indeed it was but reasonable they shou'd.

However, some of the Elders wou [...]d come often and mourn over me in a very doleful manner. One wou'd call me Grand [...]on, another Nephew; and all wou'd say to me, I am strange­ly afflicted to see thee so long without eating, and to understand thou hast been so ill treated in thy Iourney. Those were young Warriors, without Courage, who wou'd have kill'd thee, and who robb'd thee of [...]hat thou hadst. If thou wou'dst have had Robes of Castors, or Wild Bulls, to dry thy Tears, we wou'd have given 'em thee; but thou wou'dst accept of nothing we have presented thee.

CHAP. LVI. The most considerable Captain of the Issati and Na­douessians upbraid those that took us. T [...]e Au­thor baptizes the Daughter of Mamenisi.

OUasicoude, that is to say, The Pierc'd Pine, the wisest and most considerable of all the Chiefs of the Issati and Nadouessians made it publickly appear that he was highly incen­sed against the Warriors, that had us'd us so very ill. He said once in a full Council, That those that had robb'd us of our Things, were to be compar'd to famish'd Dogs, which ha­ving stole a piece of Flesh out of a Dish, sneak away with it when they have done: That they that had acted much after the same rate in regard of us, ought to be look'd upon as Dogs, who cou'd put such unworthy Affronts upon Men, who brought them Iron, and other Mer­chandizes, which they had no knowledge of, tho' they were found to be so useful: That for Himself, he shou'd one Day have an Op­portunity of being reveng'd on him, who had been Author of all our Sufferings. This Re­primand was worthy the Character of a Per­son of Ouasicoude's Authority: And th [...] Gene­rosity of the Action redounded since to the Benefit of the whole Nation, as we shall see anon.

Going one Day, as I often did, to visit the Cabins, I found the Infant-Chi [...]d of one call'd Mamenisi, very sick. Having a little examin'd [Page 218] the Symptoms of its Distemper, I found the Child past hopes of Recovery. I desir'd our two Canow-Men to give me their Opinions, telling them, I thought my self oblig'd in Conscience to baptize it. Michael Ako cou'd not be prevail'd with to enter the Cabin where the Infant lay. He said in excuse, That I cou'd not forget what a Risque we had run once already, of being murder'd by the Savages thro' my obstinancy, in persisting to say my Breviary; whence 'twas to be fear'd, that what I was now going to do, might expose us again to the same Danger.

The Wretch had rather comply with certain Superstitions of the Barbarians, than assist me in so Pious a Design. Being follow'd then by none but the Picard du Gay, who assisted as Godfather, or rather Witness of the Baptism, I christen'd the Child, and nam'd it Antonetta, from St. Anthony of Padua; and the rather be­cause the said Peter du Gay [...]s Name was Anthony Auguelle, Native of Amiens, and Nephew of Mon­sieur du Canroi, Proctor-General of the Premonstres and since Abbot of Beaulieu, to whom I pre­sented him safe at our return from Canada. But toproceed; for want of more proper Uten­sils, I took a Wooden-Dish, and having put some common ordinary Water into it, spilt it upon the Head of the little Savage, pronoun­cing the following Words, Creature of God, I baptize thee in the Name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Then I took half my Altar-Cloth, which I had snatcht out of the Hands of a Savage, who had stole it from me, and spread it o'er the Body of the Infant.

[Page 219]The Baptism was accompany'd with no o­ther Ceremony, because I was no longer in a Condition to say Mass, my Sacerdotal Robes being all taken from me. I believ'd the Li­nen cou'd not serve to a more proper End than a Winding-Sheet to the first Infant of the Country, that had the happiness to be bapti­zed. I know not how far its Pains might be asswag'd by Virtue of the Linen, or what Al­terations it might feel. I am sure I saw it laughing the next Day in its Mother's Arms, who believ'd I had cur'd her Child. However it dy'd some time after, which affected me more with Joy than Grief.

Had this Child recover'd, 'twas much to be fear'd 'twould have trod in the Steps of its Forefathers, and been over-grown with their infamous Superstitions, for want of a Preacher to instruct it. For indeed, if those of its Nation dwelling in Darkness and Ignorance, continue to Sin without Law, they shall also Perish without Law, as we are told by the Apostle. Upon these Considerations I was glad it had pleas'd God to take this little Chri­stian out of the World, lest it might have fallen into Temptations, had it recover'd, which might have engag'd it in Error and Su­perstition. I have often attributed my Pre­servation amidst the greatest Dangers which I have since run, to the Care I took for its Bap­tism.

CHAP. LVII. An Embassy sent to the Issati by the Savages that in­habit to the West of them. Whence it appears that there is no such thing as the Streights of Anian; and that Japan is on the same Continent as Loui­siana.

UNder the Reign of the Emperor Charles V. the Fathers Recluse of our Order were the first that were sent by his Command into New-Mexico; since which time there have been of them beyond the Vermilian-Sea. The most re­markable Epoque of the Streights of Anian, commences from the time of that most excel­lent Religious, of our Order, Martin de Valen­cia, who was the First Bishop of the great Ci­ty of Mexico. We have spoke of him else­where.

In process of time 'twas believ'd that the said Streights were only imaginary; Many Persons noted for great Learning are of this Opinion; and to evince the Truth of it, I will here subjoin one evident Proof, to those which are already produc'd by them: and it is this. During my Stay amongst the Issati and Nadou [...]ssians, there arriv'd four Savages in Em­bassy to these People. They had come above five hundred Leagues from the West; and told us by the Interpreters of the Issati, that they were four Moons upon the Way; for so it is they call their Months. They added, that their Country was to the West, and that we lay [Page 221] to the East in respect of them; that they had march'd the whole time without resting, ex­cept to sleep, or kill Game for their Subsistance. They assur [...]d us there was no such thing as the Streights of Anian; and that in their whole Journey they had neither met with, nor pas­sed over any Great Lake; by which Phrase they always mean the Sea, nor any Arm of it.

They farther inform'd us, that the Nation of the Asseni-poulaes, whose Lake is down in the Map, and who lie North-East of the Issati, was not above six or seven Days journey from us: That none of the Nations within their Knowledge, who lie to the West and North-West of them, had any great Lake about their Countries, which were very large, but only Rivers, which coming from the North, run cross the Countries of their Neighbouring Nati­ons, which border on their Confines on the side of the Great Lake, which in the Language of the Savages is the same as Sea: That Spirits, and Pig­mies, or Men of little Stature did inhabit there, as they had been inform'd by the People that liv'd farther up than themse [...]ves; and that all the Nations which lie beyond their Country, and those which are next to them, do dwell in Meadows and large Fields, where are many Wild-Bulls and Castors, which are greyer than those of the North, and have their Fleck more inclining to Black; with many other Wild-Beasts, which yield very fine Furrs.

The four Savages of the said Embassy as­sur'd us farther, that there were very few Fo­rests in the Countries thro' which they pass'd in their way hither; insomuch that now an [...] [Page 222] then they were so put to it for Fuel, that they were forc'd to make Fires of Bull's Dung, to boil their Victuals with in Earthen-Pots, which they make use of, as neither having, nor know­ing of any better.

All these Circumstances which I have here inserted, make it appear, that there is no such thing as the Streights of Anian, as we usually see them set down in Maps. To assert the Truth of what I say, I here frankly offer my self to return into these Parts, with such Ships as His Britanick Majesty, or their High and Mightinesses the▪ States General, shall think fit to send thither, in order to a full Discovery; in which I have no other Aim but the Glory of God, the Propagation of the Gospel, Instruction of those blind and ignorant People, who have been neglected for so many Ages, Improvement of Trade, which, the better 'tis understood, the more will it daily increase between the Subjects of the King of Spain my Master, and those of His Britanick Majesty and States General: And lastly, That Correspondence and Union so necessary to be maintain'd amongst them, that they may live and labour together for the Common Good. I declare, I have no other Design; that my Intentions are sincere and upright, and that my Desire is to be serviceable to all Europe; Re­spect being first had, as I am in Duty bound, to my natural Prince; the King of England, and the States; to whom I am singularly en­gag'd, for the good Reception they were pleas'd to honour me with. Others perhaps wou'd have us'd me ill, in return of all my Services, and the many dangerous Voyages I [Page 223] have made, with no other Design but to con­tribute what in me lay to the Glory of God, the Salvation of Souls, and the Good of all Christendom. I know well what I say. But to return: Whatever Efforts have been made for many Years past, by the English and Dutch, the People of the World, who are the greatest Voyagers at Sea, to find out a Passage to China and Iapan, thro' the Frozen-Sea, they have not as yet been able to effect it. But by the help of my Discovery, and the Assistance of God, I doubt not to let all Europe see that a Passage may still be found thither, and that an easie one too. For Example; One may be transported into the Pacifick-Sea by Rivers, which are large, and capable of carrying great Vessels, and from thence 'tis easie to go to China and Iapan, without crossing the Equi­noctial-Line. Those that read my Relation, and will never so little examine the Maps which are annext to it, will soon acknowledge the Truth of what I say.

CHAP. LVIII. The Issati assemble to hunt the Wild-Bull. Refusal of the two Canow-Men to take the Author into their Canow, in order to go down the River of St. Francis.

AFter three Months or thereabouts, spent very ill, amongst the Issati and Nadouessi­ans, these Nations assembl'd to hunt the Wild-Bull; and their Captains having assign'd them [Page 224] their Stations, that they might not fall in with one another, they separated themselves into many Bands.

Aquipaguetin, the Chief, that had adopted me or his Son, wou'd have carry'd me to the West with about 200 Families. But remembring the Reproaches which th [...] great Captain Oua­ficoude had made him, upon the Score of our ill usage, I was apprehensive, lest he shou'd lay hold of this Opportunity to avenge him­self on me. I told him therefore, I expected some Spirits, which in their Language is as much as to say Europeans, at the River Ouisconsin, which discharges it self into the River Mescha­sipi; that according to the Promise made me by the Sieur de la Salle, they wou'd meet me there with Iron, and other Commodities, which as yet they were unacquainted with; and that if he wou'd think of turning his Ex­pedition that way, I shou'd be very glad to accompany him. He heard my Proposal, and was willing to embrace it; but those of his Band wou'd not let him.

In t [...]e beginning of Iuly, 1680. we began to descend towards the South, with the Great Cap [...]ain Ouasicoude, and about 80 Cabins, con­taining 130 Families, and 250 Warriors. The Savages, who had nothing but old Canows, cou'd not make me room; so that they went four Days Journey lower, to get some Birchen-Bark, to make more new ones. I made a Hole in the Ground, in which I hid my gilt Chalice, with my Books and Papers, till we shou'd return from Hunting; and took nothing with me but my Breviary, that I might not cumber my self.

[Page 225]I plac'd my self upon the Brink of the Lake which forms the River of St. Francis, where I held out my Hands to the Canow-Men, as they pass'd very swiftly by, to desire them to take me in. Our two Europeans were in a Canow, which had been given them by the Savages. However, I cou'd not prevail with them to receive me. Michael Ako told me very brutishly, he had carry'd me long enough. This rough and unhandsome Answer made me very melancholy, when I saw my self forsa­ken by those of my own Country and Religi­on, whom I had always endeavour'd to ob­lige, as themselves had often acknowledg'd be­fore Persons of the first Quality, where I was us'd to be receiv'd with all the Marks of Di­stinction, while themselves were suffer'd to stand and cool their Heels at the Door.

But God, who of his Mercy never forsook me throughout all my Adventures, inspir'd two of the Savages with so much Compassion, as to take me with them into their Canow, tho' it were less than that of the Europeans. Here I was continually employ'd in laving out Water, which soak [...]d in again as fast as 'twas thrown out, through abundance of lit­tle Chinks. This Work was uneasie enough; besides that, I cou'd not keep my self f [...]om being throughly wet. However, 'twas neces­sary to have Patience. It might have been properly said of this little Vessel, that when a Man was in it, he was in his Coffin; so crazy was it, and ready to beak. This sort of Ca­now's seldom weigh above 50 Pounds, and the least Motion of the Body oversets them, [Page 226] at least if you have not been long acquainted with this sort of Navigation.

At Evening when we landed, the Picard be­gan to excuse himself, pretending their Canow was a very rotten one, that it wou'd certainly have burst, had we been all three in it, and that we must needs have been left by the way. Notwithstanding these Excuses, I told them, that being Christians, they had not done well to use me as they did, especially considering among whom we were: That they had forsa­ken me very unseasonably, having left me all alone at above 800 Leagues distance from Ca­nada, allowing for the Reaches we were to make, before we cou'd get thither: That if they had receiv'd any good Usage from the Sa­vages, 'twas owing to my Ingenuity more than their own, having been capab [...]e of letting se­veral of them Blood, and otherwise assisting 'em in their Sickness by my Orvietan, and some other Medicines which I carefully kept by me.

To this I added, that by the same means I had cur'd others of them that had been bitten by Rattle-Snak [...]s, of which I shall speak in my Second Volume. That I shav'd the Crowns of their Children's Heads, (on which they wear the Hair till eighteen or twenty) which was no small matter, considering they cou'd not do it themselves, without putting them to great pain, by [...]urning off the Hair with flat Stones, which they heat red-hot in the Fire: That as hitherto inde [...]d, I had made but lit­tle advance in o [...]der to their Salvation, by reason of their natural Stupidity; but that the best way to take the Soul was to begin with [Page 227] the Body: That, in short, I had gain'd their Friendship by my Services, and that they wou'd have certainly kill'd us at the time they us'd us so ill, but that they knew I had cer­tain Remedies about me proper to restore Health to the Sick; which they thought was a Treasure never to be valu'd as it ought.

None was with me during this Harangue, but the Picard du Gay, who, as he was going to his Cabin, desir'd me to pardon him. But the great Captain Ouasicoude having heard of this barbarous Action of the two Canow-Men, order'd them to appear before the Council, and told them, that for the future he wou'd take care to remove me out of the reach, not only of Aquipaguetin, who had so of [...]en attempted my Life, and yet adopted me for his Son, but likewise from their Company, who, like two Villains as they were, had so basely d [...]serted me. Had I not luckily bethought my self to break three Arrows in the presence of this brave Chief, the Canow-Men being yet by, he had infallibly caus'd them to have been put to Death that very Minute. I shall never for­get the Humanity of this great Captain, who treated me so favourably on all Occasions. The two Canow-Men were surpriz'd at what had hapned, and promis'd me an ent [...]re Obedience for the future.

CHAP. LIX. The Savag [...]s [...] above t [...]e Fall of St. Anthony of Pad [...]a. Th [...]y are streigh [...]n'd for Provisions. The Author, with the Picard, returns to the River Ouisconsin. The Adventures of the Voyage.

FOur Days after our Departure to hunt the Wild-Bulls, the Barbarians made a Halt some eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, upon an Eminence, over against the River of [...]t. Francis. The Savage Women prepar'd little Docks to build the new Canow's in, against [...]he return of those who were gone for Bark. The Youth in the mean time went out to hunt the Stag, the Wild-Goat, and the Castor; but with so little Success, that the Prey they brought home was so disproportio­nable to the Number that were to feed on't, that we had hardly every one a Mouthful. Happy the Man that once in four and twenty Hours cou'd get so much as a Sup of Broath.

This put the Picard and my self upon hunt­ing after Gooseberries, and other wi [...]d Fruits, which often did us more harm than good. And I am confident, that had it not been for my Orvietan-Powder, which in a great measure corrected the bad Nutriment which we took in, our [...]ives had been in great Danger. This extreme Want made us take a Reso­lution, upon Michael Ako's refusing to ac­company us, to venture our selves in a little sorry Canow as far as the River Ouisconsin, [Page 229] which was at no less distance from us than 130 Leagues, to see if the Sieur de Salle had kept his Word with us: For he had promis'd us po­sitively to send Men with Powder, and Lead, and other Merchandizes, to the place which I have already mention'd: And of this he as­sur'd me more than once, before his departure from the Illinois.

The Savages wou'd never have suffer'd us to have made this Voyage, without one of the three being left with them: And my self was the Man they pitch'd upon to stay, by the Ad­vice of the great Captain Ouasicoude, whilst the two Canow-Men were at Liberty to proceed on their Voyage. But Michael Ako, who was apprehensive of the many Hardships he was like to meet with in this Expedition, cou'd never be prevail'd upon to consent to it: So that seeing he began to relish the Barbarian's way of living, I desir'd their Chief, that I might have leave to accompany the Picard in his stead; who accordingly granted my Request.

Our whole Equipage consisted in fifteen or twenty Charges of Powder, a Fusil, a little sorry Earthen Pot, which the Barbarians gave us, a Knife between us both, and a Garment of Castor. Thus were we equipt for a Voy­age of 250 Leagues; but our greatest Trust was in Providence. As we were carrying our little Canow to the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, we perceiv'd five or six Savages, who were got there before us. One of them was got up into an Oak over against the great Fall of Wa­ter, where he was weeping most bitterly, ha­ving [Page 230] fasten'd to one of the Branches of the Tree, a Robe of Castor, which was White within-side, and garnish'd with Por­cupine.

The poor Wretch had offer'd it in Sacrifice to the Fall; which, indeed, of it self is ter­rible, and hath something in it very astonish­ing: However, it doth not come near that of Niagara. I cou'd hear him say, as he was ad­dressing himself to the Cascade, with Tears starting in his Eyes; Thou art a Spirit, grant that Those of my Nation may pass here without any Disaster; That we may meet with a great many Wild-Bulls; and that we may be so happy as to vanquish our Enemy, and take a great many Slaves, whom, when we have made them suffer according to their Merits, we will bring hither, and slay in thy Presence. The M [...]ss [...]nacks ('tis so they call the Nation of the Outtouagamis) have slain some of our Kindred: Grant we may be able to revenge our selves upon 'em for that Affront.

The last part of his Request hapned to be fulfill'd sooner I believe, than he expected: For as they return'd from Hunting the Wild-Bulls, they attack'd their Enemy, kill'd a good many of them, and carry'd off several Slaves, whom they put to death before the Fall, after the most barbarous and inhumane manner in the World, as we shall see in the Second Volume. Now if after such a barbarous Ceremony as I have been describing, it happen but once that the Suc­cess answers the Request, 'tis sufficient to ren­der them obstinate in their superstitious Cu­stom, tho' it miscarry a hundred times for once that it hi [...]s▪ As for the Castor-Robe, [Page 231] which was thus offer'd as a sort of Sacrifice, one of our Europeans made bold with it at his return, and wou'd have been glad of having more frequent Opportunities of profiting by their Devotions.

When we had got about a League below the Fall, the Picard miss'd his Powder-Horn, and remembring he had left it there, was forc'd to go back and fetch it. At his Return I shew'd him a huge Serpent, as big as a Man's Leg, and seven or eight Foot long. He was work­ing himself insensibly up a steep and craggy Rock, to get at the Swallow's Nests, which are there in great Numbers: And at the Bot­tom of the Mountain we saw the Feathers of those he had already devour'd. We pelted him so long with Stones, till at length he fell into the River. His Tongue, which was in form of a Launce, was of an extraordinary length. His Hiss might be heard a great way, and the Noise of it seiz'd us with Horror. The poor Picard dreamt of him at Night, and was in a great Agony all the while. He told me, I had done him a sensible Kindness in wa­king him; for tho' he was a Man intrepid e­nough, yet he was all in a sweat with the fright of his Dream. I have likewise my self been often disturb'd in my sleep with the I­mage of him; so great an Impression did the sight of this Monster make upon our Spirits.

As we were falling down the River Mescha­sipi with extraordinary Swiftness, because the Current is very rapid in this place, by reason 'tis so near the Fall, we found some of the [Page 232] Savages of our Band, in the Islands of the River, where they had set up their Cabins, and were well provided with Bulls-Flesh. They offer'd us very freely of what they had. But about two Hours after our landing, we thought we shou'd have been all murder'd: Fifteen or sixteen Savages came into the middle of the place where we were, with their grea [...] Clubs in their Hands. The first thing they did was to over-set the Cabin of those that had invi­ted us. Then they took away all their Victuals, and what Bear [...]s-Oil they could find in their Bladders, or elsewhere, with which they rubb'd themselves all over from Head to Foot.

We took 'em at first for Enemies; and the Picard was very near sticking the first that came in with his Sword. At the first surprize, I be­gan to lay hold of the two Pocket-Pistols that du Gay had left me; but by good luck I con­tain'd my self, or otherwise, without doubt, there had been an end of us; for their Com­panions would not have fail'd to have reveng'd upon us the Death of those we had kill'd.

We knew not what these Savages were at first; but it ap [...]ear'd they were some of those that we had left above at the Fall of St. Anthony. One of them, who call'd himself my Uncle, told me, That those who had given us Victuals, had done basely to go and forestal the others in the Chace; and that according to the Laws and Customs of their Country, 'twas lawful for them to plunder them, since they had been the cause that the Bulls wére all run away, be­fore the Nation could get together, which was [...] great Injury to the Publick: For when they [Page 233] are all met, they make a great Slaughter a­mongst the Bulls; for they surround them so on every side, that 'tis impossible for them to escape.

CHAP. LX. The Hunting of the Tortoise. The Author's Canow is carry'd off by a sudden blast of Wind, which was like to have reduc'd him and his Companions to great Streights.

IN about threescore Leagues rowing, we had kill'd but one Wild-Goat, which we did as he was crossing the River. The Heats were now grown so excessive, that our Provisions would be spoil'd in twenty four Hours. This put us upon Hunting the Tortoise; but 'twas with much difficulty that we could take any; for being very quick of Hearing, they would throw themselves into the Water upon the least noise. However, we took one at last, which was much larger than any we had seen: His Shell was thin, and the Flesh very fat. Whilst I was contriving to cut off his Head, he had like to have been before-hand with me, by snapping off my Finger with his Teeth, which are very sharp.

Whilst we were managing this Affair, we had halled our Canow a-shoar; but it seems a sudden and violent Blast of Wind had carry'd her off again into the middle of the River. The Picard was gone into the Meadows, to see if he could kill a Wild Bull; so that I was [Page 234] left alone with the Canow. This oblig'd me to throw my Habit as fast as I could over the Tortoise, which I had turn'd, for fear he should get away. I likewise laid several Stones upon my Clothes, the better to secure him. When I had done, I fell a swimming after our Canow, which went very fast down the River, being carry'd by a very quick Stream, because 'twas just at the turning of a Point. After I had re­cover'd it with a great deal of difficulty, I durst not get into it, for fear of being over­set, and wetting the Woollen Coverlet that was in it, which I us'd to sleep on, and the rest of our little Equipage: For which reason I was forc'd to push it sometimes before me, and sometimes tug it after me, till by little and little I gain'd the Shoar, a small half quartter of a League below the Place where I had left the Tortoise.

The Picard returning from the Chace, where he had kill'd nothing; and finding only my Habit upon the Tortoise, but no Canow, had reason to think that some Savage or other ha­ving found me alone, had kill'd me. In great suspence, he return'd into the Meadows, to look about if he could see any body. in the mean time, I had made what haste I could up the River with my Canow; and had no sooner taken up my Clothes, but I spy'd a Drove of sixty Bulls and Cows with their Calves crossing the River, towards the Land on the South­side. I pursu'd them in my Canow, and set up as great a Cry as I could, to give the Picard notice of it. He made up to the Noise, and had time enough to get into the Canow, whilst [Page 235] a Dog which we had with us, by his Barking, had drove them to a Bay in the Isles of the River. When we were prepar'd, the Dog drove them from thence; and as they pass'd by us, the Picard kill'd one of them with his Fusil, having lodg'd the Bullet in his Head. Having dragg'd it to the side of the River, it prov'd to be a Cow, that weigh'd about five or six hundred weight. The Bulls have more Flesh, and weigh heavier; but because we could not get it quite to Land, we contented our selves with cutting the best Pieces, and left the rest in the Water.

'Twas almost now eight and forty Hours since we eat last; so that we fell a kindling a Fire as fast as we could, which we made of the Wood the River had thrown upon the Sands; and as fast as the Picard skinn'd it, I put the Pieces of Flesh into our little earthern Pot to boil. We eat of it with that greediness, that both of us were sick; so that we were oblig'd to hide our selves in an Island, where we rested two Days for the recovery of our Health by the help of my Orvietan, which was a great Benefit to us during the whole Voyage. Whilst I was fetching the Pieces of Flesh which the Pi­card gave me, I went backward and forward very often close by a Rattle-Snake, seven or eight Foot long, without perceiving him, as he lay wrapt asleep in the Sun. I told the Pi­card of it, who came and kill'd him with our Oar, and afterwards threw him into the River.

To be short, we could not charge our selves with much Provisions, because of the smallness of our Canow; besides that, the excessive Heat [Page 236] tainted it presently; so that 'twould swarm with Worms in an instant. For these Reasons we were soon in the same condition; and when we embark'd in the Morning, we knew not whether we should have any thing to eat at Night. Never had we more reason to ad­mire the Goodness of Providence, than during this Voyage. 'Twas not every Day we met with any Game, nor when we did, were we sure to kill it.

The Eagles, which are to be seen in abun­dance in these vast Countries, will sometimes d [...]op a Breme, a large Carp, or some other Fish, as they are carrying them to their Nests in their Talons, to feed their young. One day we spy'd an Otter, which was feeding on a great Fish upon the Bank of the River; which Fish had upon its Head a sort of Beak about five Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long. As soon as the Picard 'spy'd it, he cry'd out he saw the Devil between the Claws of the Otter. This Surprize was not so great, but that we made bo [...]d to feed hearti [...]y upon it. The Flesh of it was good; and we nam [...]d it the Sturgeon with the long Beak.

CHAP. LXI. We continue our Course in search of the River Ouis­consin. Aquipaguetin finds us, and gets thither before us. We subsist meerly by Providence.

Notwithstanding we had row'd so many Leagues, yet could we find no River Ouisconsin: This made us believe that it was still at a great distance from us; when behold Aquipaguetin, whom we believ'd to be above 200 Leagues off, appear'd all on a sudden, with ten Warriors with him, towards the middle of Iuly, 1680. We thought at first he came to kill us, because we had quitted him, though 'twere by the Consent of the other Savages: But he gave us some wild Oats, with a Piece of good Bulls Flesh; and ask'd us if we had found the Europeans who were to meet us with their Merchandise. Our Answer not satisfy­ing him, he was resolv'd to go to Ouisconsin himself; but when he came there, found no body. He return'd at the end of three Days, as we were still pursuing our Voyage, being re­solv'd to acquit our selves fully of the Promise which we had made the Sieur de Salle, to come thither and meet those that he should send.

When Aquipaguetin first appear'd at his return, the Picard was gone to Hunt in the Meads, and my self remain'd alone in a little Cabin, which we had set up under our Coverlet, which one of the Savages had return'd me, to shade us from the Sun-beams, which were very scorch­ing [Page 238] at this Season. Aquipaguetin seeing me a­lone, came up to me with his Club in his Hand: I immediately laid hold of my two Pocket-Pistols and a Knife, which the Picard had recover'd out of the Hands of the Barba­rians. I had no mind to kill the Man that had adopted me, but only frighten him, and keep him from murdering me, in case that were his intent.

Aquipaguetin began it reprimand me for ex­posing my self in the manner I did to the In­sults of their Enemies; and that at least I ought to have kept the other side of the River. He would have carry'd me with him, telling me, that he had 300 Hunters with him, who kill'd more Game than those that I was engag'd with. And probably it had been more adviseable for me to have follow'd his Advice, than to prose­cute my Voyage any farther. However, our Resolution then was to continue our course to­wards the river Ouisconsin; where when we came, we found none of the Men the Sieur de la Salle had promis'd to send us. The Picard and my self had like to have perish'd on a thou­sand different Occasions, as we came down the River: And nowwe found our selves oblig'd to go up it again, which could not be done with­out repeating the same Hazards, and other Dif­ficulties not to be imagin'd.

CHAP. LXII. Great Streights which the Author and his Compa­nion are reduc'd to in their Voyage. They at last meet again with the Savages at their return from Hunting.

THe Picard, who had been very ill us'd by the Savages, had rather venture all than go up the River with Aquipaguetin. Six Charges of Powder was all that we had left, which oblig'd us to husband it as well as we could; wherefore we divided it into twenty, to shoot only for the future at Turtles or Wild Pigeons. When these also were spent, we had recourse to three Hooks, which we baited with some stinking Barbel that an Eagle hapned to drop. We took nothing the two first Days, and were destitute of all means of subsistence. This made us, you must think, betake our selves to Prayers with greater fervency than ever. And yet the Picard, 'midst all our Misfortunes, could not forbear telling me, that he should pray to God with a much better Heart if his Belly were full.

I consol'd both him and my self as well as I could, and desir'd him to row with all the force he had left, to see if we could catch a Tor­toise. The next Morning, having row'd the best part of the Night, we found a T [...]rtoise, which was no bigger than an ordinary Plate. We went to boiling him the same Minute on the [...]ire that we h [...] light. We devour'd it so [Page 240] hastily, that I did not observe that I cut the Gall, which made my Mouth as bitter as it self; but I ran immediately and gargled my Throat, and so fell to't again, with the same eagerness as before.

Notwithstanding our famish'd Condition, we got at last to the River of Bulls: Here we cast our Hooks, which we baited with a white Fish that an Eagle had let fall. God, who never abandons those that trust in him, suc­cour'd us very visibly on this occasion; for we had scarce finish'd our Prayers towards ten at Night, when the Picard, who heard the Noise, quitted his Devotion, and ran to the Hooks, where he found two Barbels hung, which were so large, that I was forc'd to help him to get them out of the Water. We did not stand to studdy what Sauce we should make for these monstrous Fish, which weigh'd above twenty five pound both; but having cut them to pieces, broil'd 'em on the Coals. Boil them we could not, our little Earthen Pot being unhappily broke some time before.

When we had satisfy'd our Appetite, and return'd our Thanks to Him, whose Providence had so seasonably reliev'd us, we heard a noise about two in the Morning, upon the Bank of the River of Bulls, where we then were. After the Who-goes-there? we heard the Answer was, Tepatoni Nika, and the Word Nikanagi; which is as much as to say, Friends, all is well. I told the Picard, that by the Language I believ'd them to be Illinois or Outouagamis, who are Ene­mies of the Issati, or Nadou [...]ans. But the Moon [...]hining very bright, and [...]e Day beginning [Page 241] to appear, I perceiv'd 'twas the Savage Mame­misi, whose Infant-Daughter I Baptiz'd, when the Picard assisted as Godfather, or Witness. He knew us again presently; and being just come from Hunting, where they had had plenty of Game, he gave us what Victuals we pleas d; and inform'd us, that all those of his Nation were coming down the River of Bulls, which discharges it self into the Meschasipi, ha­ving their Wives and Children with them.

What he said was true; for the Savages, with whom Michael Ako had staid behind, were all descending the River of Bulls with their Fleet of Canow's well stor'd with Provisions. Aqui­paguetin by the way had acquainted those of his Nation, how the Picard and my self had ex­pos'd our selves in our Voyage to Ouisconsin, and what great Hazards we had ran. The Chiefs of the Savages gave us to understand, that they were very well satisfy'd with what we had done: But all of them reproach'd Michael Ako for a Base Follow, who had refus'd to accom­pany us for fear of being famish'd by the way. The Picard too, but that I did what I could to hinder it, would have us'd him ill before all the Company, so incens'd was he against him, for his want of Courage and Affection.

CHAP. LXIII. The Savage Women hide their Provisions up-and-down in private Holes. They go down the River again a second time. Address of the Savages. Bravery of one of the Savages.

THE Savage Women being come to the Mouth of the River of Bulls, hid their Provisions up-and-down the little Islands that are there, and in hollow Places under-ground. These People have a way to preserve their Meat thus, without Salt, as we shall see here­after. We fell down the River a second time, in company of a multitude of Canow's, of which I have already spoke, Hunting all the way we as went, and were got a matter of fourscore Leagues. The Savages from time to time hid their Canow's in the little Island, or in the Reeds upon the Bank of the River, and went seven or eight Leagues up the Country into the M [...]adows beyond the Mountains, where at several times they kill'd between an hundred and sixscore Cows and Bulls. Whilst they are at the Chace, they always leave some Old Men on the top of the Mountains, to see if they can discover the Enemy.

All this while I had a Savage under my Cure, who usually call'd me Brother: He had run a Thorn very deep into his Foot, and I was then putting a Plaister on it, when on a sudden the Alarm took in our Camp. Two hundred Archers immediately ran to see what [Page 243] was the matter; and the generous Savage, whose Foot I had laid open, in order to get out the Thorn, which was very deep, sprung likewise from me on a sudden, and ran as fast as the best, that he might not lose his share in the Action. But instead of the Enemy, they could see nothing but about an hundred Stags, which▪ were running away as fast as they could. My poor Patient had much ado to recover the Camp. All the while the Alarm lasted, the Women and Maids kept singing in a very sad and melancholy Tone.

The Picard being gone to his Host, I was left alone with one Otchimhi; but after the se­cond Hunting, I was forc'd to carry an O [...]d Woman with me in my Canow, who was a­bove fourscore: For all that, she help'd me to row, and with her Oar would now-and-then pa [...] two or three little Children, that lay and disturb'd us in the middle of our Canow. The Men were very kind to me; but for all that, 'twas necessary to make my Court to the Wo­men; for the Victuals were all in their Cu­stody, who delive [...]'d every one his Mess. This I did by shaving now-and-then the Crowns of their Children's Heads, who wear their Hair shorn not unlike our Monks. They let it grow till they are fifteen, sixteen, or eighteen Years old, as well on the top of the Head, as else­where; but at that Age, their Parents take it off, by burning it with flat Stones made red-hot in the Fire: So that the Women thought them­selves mightily beholding to me for shaving their Children, because I took off the Hair without pain.

[Page 244]We had yet another Alarm in our Camp: The Old Men, who had their Station on the top of the Mountains, sent to give notice that they had descry'd some War [...]iors fròm afar. The Archers ran as hard as they could drive, towards the Place whe [...]e the Enemy was said to appear, ev [...]ry one endeavouring to be first in the Action. But after all this Noise, they brought nothing back with them but two Women of their own Nation, who were come to acquaint them that one of their Parties be­ing gone a Hunting, towards the end of the Upper Lake, had light upon five Spirits, by which Name it is they call the Europeans. They added, That these Spirits had talk'd to 'em, by means of some of their Nation who had seen us, and had been Slaves amongst the Outouaga­mis and Iroquois, whose Language they under­stood: That they had also desir'd them to con­duct them to the Place where we were, because they should be very glad to know whether we were English, Dutch, Spaniards, or Candians: And farther, That they could not imagin how we had been able to penetrate so far up into the Country a [...]ongst these People.

I must observe hereupon▪ that there are cer­tain Persons at Canada, who have got the Ma­nagement of all Affairs there into their hands, as I have elsewhere said. These People being very angry, that we had been aforehand with them in our Discoveries, had sent Men after us to share in the Glory of the Action: For they hoped by our means to get a Knowledge of the Nations which we had seen, in order to Trade thither, as soon as they should have a Pretence of sending us back to Europe.

CHAP. LXIV. Arrival of the Sieur du Luth in our Camp. He desires us to return with him and his Followers to the Country of the Issati and Nadouessians. I cast my Coverlet over a dead Man. The Savag [...]s are pleas'd at it.

THE 28 th of Iuly, 1680. we began to a­scend the River Meschasipi the third time. The Savages, who had made a grand Hunt with good Success, were resolv'd to return home to their own Villages, and press'd us to go with them; promising to conduct us as far as the Nations that inhabited at the End of the Upper-Lake. They said they had a design to make an Alliance with those People through our Means. The Sieur du Luth was arriv'd there from Canada, accompany'd with five Men, whose Equipage was half Soldier, half Mer­chant

They came up to us in company with the two Savage-Women an hundred and twenty Leagues, or thereabouts, from the Country of the Barbarians, that had taken us. They de­sir'd us, because we had some knowledge of the Language of the Issati, to accompany them back to the Villages of those People. I readi­ly agreed to their request, especially when I understood that they had not receiv'd the Sa­craments in the whole two Years and a half that they had been out upon their Voyage. The Sieur de Luth, who pass'd for their Cap­tain, [Page 246] was overjoy'd to see me, and told me as a Secret, that those who had sent him, wou'd miss of their aim, as he wou'd let me know more at leisure. And observing how I shav'd the Crowns of the young Savages, he order'd them to be told I was his eldest Brother.

All this made the Savages treat me better than ever, and furnish me very plentifully with Provisions. I apply'd my self also more than ever to the means of their Salvation; and 'tis true, they hearken'd to me attentively enough. But then, to make any Progress, one must live whole Years amongst them, they are so igno­rant, and grounded in Superstition.

The Sieur du Luth was charm'd at the sight of the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, which was the Name we had given it, and in all appearance will remain with it. I also shew'd him the crag­gy Rock, where the monstrous Serpent was climbing up to devour the young Swallows in their Nests; and re [...]ounted to him the Horror that seiz'd the Picard, at the Image his Fancy fram'd of that terrible Animal in his Dream.

I must here observe, that seeing my self at Liberty to say my Office after the Arrival of the Sieur du Luth, to be more exact in the Ser­vic [...], I thought I wou'd ask him the Day of the Month: He told me as freely, he cou'd not satisfie me in [...]hat Point, for he had no Notion of it left. Upon this I recounted to him the ill usage which we receiv'd at the Hands of the Barbarians, at their first taking us, which proceeded many times so far as to threaten our Lives; that therefore he ought not to be sur­priz'd, if thro' the Terrors and Apprehensions [Page 247] which I had lain so long under, I had forgot even the Day of the Week.

We arriv'd at the Villages of the Issati on the 14 th of August, 1680. where I found my Chalice very safe, with the Books and Papers which I had hid under-ground, in presence of the Sa­vages themselves. These Wretches had never had so much as a Thought to meddle with them, being fearful and superstitious in relation to Spirits, and believing there is Witchcraft in every thing they cannot apprehend. The To­bacco which I planted before our Departure, was half choak'd with Grass. But the Cab­bage, and other things which I had sown, were of a prodigious growth. The Stalks of the Purslain were as big as Reeds: But the Savages were afraid so much as to taste them.

A little after our return, the Savages invited us to a great Feast after their own fashion. There were above an hundred and twenty Men at it naked. Ouasicoude, the first Captain of the Nation, and Kinsman of the Deceas'd, whose dead Body I cover'd, when they brought him back to the Village in a Canow, brought me some dry'd Flesh and wild Oats in a Dish of Bark, which he set before me up­on a Bulls-Hide, whiten'd, and garnish'd with Porcupine-Skins on the one side,and curl'd Wool on the other.

After I had eat, this Chief put the same Robe on my Head, and cover'd my Face with it, saying with a loud Voice before all that were present, He whose dead Body thou didst cover, covers thine while alive. He has carry'd the Tydings of it to the Country of Souls, (for these People [Page 248] believe the Transmigration of Souls:) What thou didst in respect of the Dead, is highly to be e­steem'd: All the Nation applauds and thanks thee for it.

After this, he gently reproach'd the Sieur du Luth, that he did not cover the Dead, as I had done. To which the Sieur desir'd me to answer, That he never cover'd the Bodies of any but such Captains as himself. To which the Savage answer'd, Father Louis (for so he heard the Europeans call me) is a greater Captain than thou: His Robe (speaking of my Brocard Chasuble, which they had taken from me, and was afterwards sent as a Present to our Allies, who liv [...]d three Moons distance from this Country) was finer than what thou wearest.

When these Savages speak of a Journey of three or more Moons, they mean Months. They march well, and will travel fifteen Leagues a Day. By which the Reader may judge what an extent of Ground they can go in three Months▪

CHAP. LXV. The Author takes his leave of the Savages to return to Canada. A Savage is slain by his Chief, for advising to kill us. Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and me, about the Sacrifice of Bar­barians.

TOwards the end of September, seeing we had no Tools proper to build a House to dwell in during the Winter, amongst these People; and considering that we were desti­tute [Page 249] of Provisions necessary to subsist there, as our Design was at first to have done, we re­solv'd to let them understand, that to procure them Iron, and other Merchandizes, which were useful for them, 'twas convenient that we shou'd return to Canada, and that at a cer­tain time which we shou'd agree upon between us, they shou'd come half the way with their Furrs, and we the other half with our European Commodities: That they might let two of their Warriors go with us, whom we wou'd carry into our Country, and likewise bring back again the next Year to the Place appoin­ted for meeting, from whence they might pro­ceed to acquaint them of our return, in order to their meeting us with their Effects.

Upon this they held a great Council, to consider whether they shou'd send some of their Nation with us or no. Two there were who were for it, and offer'd themselves to be the Men: But they alter'd their Opinion the Day of our Departure, alledging for a Reason, That we were oblig'd to pass thro' many Na­tions who were their sworn Enemies, and wou'd be sure to seize their Men, and take them out of our Hands, either to burn them, or put them otherwise to Death by exquisite Torments, and that without our being able to hinder it, being so few in Number as we were.

I answer'd, That all those People, whom they were afraid of, were our Friends and Al­lies, and that in consideration of us, they wou'd forbear to injure any of their Nation that were with us. These Barbarians want no Wit; on the contrary, their Natural Parts [Page 250] are extraordinary. They told us in return, that since we were to pass through these Peo­ple, who were their sworn Enemies, we shou'd do well to destroy them, at whose Hands they had receiv'd so many Injuries; that then their Men shou'd go and return with us to fetch them Iron, and other Commodities which they wanted, and wou'd gladly treat with us about. From whence we may gather, that these Barbarians are full of Resentment, and Thoughts of Revenge, Dispositions not alto­gether so well prepar'd, to receive the meek Doctrine of the Gospel.

In fine, Ouasicoude their chief Captain, ha­ving consented to our Return, in a full Coun­cil, gave us some Bushels of Wild-Oats, for our Subsistence by the way, having first re­gal'd us in the best manner he cou'd, after their fashion. We have already observ'd, that these Oats are better and more wholsom then Rice. After this, with a Pencil, he mark'd down on a Sheet of Paper [...]which I had left, the Course that we were to keep for four hun­dred Leagues together. In short, this natural Geographer describ'd our Way so exactly, that this Chart serv'd us as well as my Compass cou'd have done. For by observing it punctually, we arriv'd at the Place which we design'd, without losing our way in the least.

All things being ready, we dispos'd our selves to depart, being eight Europeans of us in all. We put our selves into two Canows, and took our leaves of our Friends, with a Volly of our Men's Fusils, which put them in­to a terrible Fright. We fell down the River [Page 251] of St. Francis, and then that of the Meschasipi. Two of our Men, without saying any thing, had taken down two Robes of Castor, from before the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, where the Barbarians had hung them upon a Tree as a sort of Sacrifice. Hereupon arose a Dis­pute between the Sieur du Luth and my self. I commended what they had done, saying, The Barbarians might judge by it, that we disap­prov'd their Superstition. On the contrary, the Sieur du Luth maintain'd, That they ought to have let the things alone in that Place where they were, for that the Savages wou'd not fail to revenge the Affront which we had put upon them by this Action, and that it was to be fear [...]d lest they shou'd pursue and insult us by the Way.

I own he had some grounds for what he said, and that he argu'd according to the Rules of Humane Prudence. But the two Men an­swer'd him bluntly, that the things fitted them, and therefore they shou'd not trouble their Heads about the Savages, not their Supersti­tions. The Sieur du Luth fell into so violent a Passion at these Words, that he had like to have struck the Fellow that spake them; but I got between, and reconcil'd the Matter: For the Picard and Michael Ako began to side with those that had taken away the things in que­stion, which might have prov'd of ill conse­quence. I assur'd the Sieur du Luth that the Savages durst not hurt us, for that I was per­suaded their Grand Captain Ouasicoude wou'd always make our Cause his own, and that we might relie on his Word, and the great Cre­dit [Page 252] he had amongst those of his Nation. Thus the Business was peaceably made up, and we descended the River together as good Friends as ever, hunting the Wild-Beasts as we went.

When we were got almost as far as the Ri­ver Ouisconsin, we made a Stop, to smoak after the manner of the Country, the Flesh of the Bulls which we had kill'd by the Way. During our stay here, for the Reason aforesaid, three Savages of the same Nation, which we had lately left, came up to us in their Canow, to acquaint us that their Grand Captain Ouasi­coude having learnt that another Chief of the same Nation had a Design to pursue and mur­der us, he came into the Cabin where the said Captain and his Associates were consulting a­bout it, and gave him a Blow on the Head with so much Fury, that his Brains flew out upon those that were present at the Consult, resolving by this means effectually to prevent the Execution of his perniciousDesign We regal'd the three Savages for their good News very nobly, having plenty of Provisions at that time.

The Sieu [...] du Luth, as soon as the Savages were gone, fell into as great a Passion as before, and seem'd very apprehensive lest they shou'd still pursue and set upon us in our Voyage. He wou'd have carry'd Matters farther, but that he found our Men wou'd not bate him an Ace, and were not in an Humour to be bully'd. I took upon me to moderate the Matter once more, and pacify'd them in the End, by as­suring them that God wou'd not leave us in distress, provided we put our Trust in him, and that he was able to deliver us from all our Enemies.

CHAP. LXVI. The Sieur du Luth is in a great Consternation at the Appearance of a Fleet of the Savages, who surpriz'd us before we were got into the River Ouisconsin.

THE Sieur du Luth had reason to believe that the three Savages but now mention'd, were really Spies sent to observe our Actions; for indeed they knew that we had taken away the Robes of Castor from before the Fall of St. An­thony. He cou'd not forego his Fears, but told me, we shou'd serve the Fellow that did it but right, if we shou'd force him to carry them back, and leave them in the place where he found them. I foresaw Discord wou'd be our Destruction, and so made my self Mediator of the Peace once more. I appeas'd the Fray, by remonstrating, That God, who had preserv [...]d us hitherto in the greatest Dangers, wou'd have a more peculiar Care of us on this Occasion, be­cause the Man's Action was good in it self.

Two Days after, all our Provisions being dress'd, and fit to keep, we prepar'd to depart: But the Sieur du Luth was mightily surpriz'd when we perceiv'd a Fleet of an hundred and forty Canows, carrying about an hundred and fifty Men, bearing down directly upon us. Our Men's Consternation was no less than the Sieurs: But when they saw me take out from amongst our Equipage, a Calumet of Peace which the Issati had given us as a Pledge of [Page 254] their Friendship and Protection, they took Heart, and told me they wou'd act as I shou'd direct.

I order'd two of them to embark with me in a Canow, to meet the Savages: But the Sieur desir'd me to take a third to row, that by standing in the middle of the Canow, I might the better show the Pipe of Peace, which I carry'd in my hand, to appease the Barbarians, whose Language I understood indifferently well. The other four of our Men I left with the Sieur de Luth, and told them, in case any of the young Warriors shou'd Land, and come up to them, they shou'd by no means discourse or be familiar with them; but that they shou'd keep their Posts with their Arms ready sixt. Having given these Orders, I went into my Canow, to the Barbarians who were a coming down the River in theirs.

Seeing no Chief amongst them, I call'd out as loud as I cou'd Ouasicoude, Ouasicoude, repeat­ing his Name several times. At last I perceiv'd him rowing up towards me: All this while none of this People had affronted us, which I look'd upon as a good Omen. I conceal'd my Reed of Peace, the better to let them see how much I rely'd upon their Word. Soon after we landed, and entred the Cabin where the Sieur du Luth was, who wou'd have embrac'd their Captain. Here we must observe, that 'tis not the Custom of the Savages to embrace af­ter the manner of the French. I told the Sieur du Luth that he need only present him with a piece of the best boyl'd Meat that he had, and that in case he eat of it, we were safe.

[Page 255]It hapned according to our Wish; all the rest of the Captains of this little Army came to visit us. It cost our Folks nothing but a few Pipes of Martinico-Tobacco, which these Peo­ple are passionately fond of, tho' their own be stronger, more agreeable, and of a much bet­ter Scent. Thus the Barbarians were very ci­vil to us, without ever mentioning the Robes of Castor. The Chief Ouasicoude advis [...]d me to present some pieces of Martinico-Tobacco to the Chief Aquipaguetin, who had adopted me for his Son. This Civility had strange effects upon the Barbarians, who went off shouting and repeating the Word Louis, which, as we said, signifies the Sun; so that I must say without Vanity, my Name will be as it were immortal amongst these People, by reason of its jumping so accidentally with that of the Sun.

CHAP. LXVII. The Author's Voyage from the Mouth of the River Ouisconsin, to the great Bay of the Puans.

THE Savages having left us to go and War upon the Messorites, Mahoras, Illinois, and other Nations, which inhabit towards the lower part of the River Meschasipi, and are irrecon­cilable Enemies to the People of the North; the Sieur du Luth, who upon many Occasions approv'd himself to be much my Friend, cou'd not forbear telling our People, that I had all the reason in the World to believe that the [Page 256] Viceroy of Canada wou'd give me a very kind Reception, in case we cou'd arrive there before Winter; and that he wish'd with all his Heart he had been among so many different Nations as my self.

As we went up the River Ouisconsin, we found it was as large as that of the Illinois, which is navigable for large Vessels above an hundred Leagues. We cou'd not sufficiently admire the Extent of those vast Countries, and the charming Lands through which we pass'd, which lie all untill'd. The cruel Wars which these Nations have one with another, are the cause that they have not People enough to cultivate them. And the more bloody Wars which have rag'd so long in all parts of Eu­rope, have hinder'd the sending Christian Co­lonies to settle there. However, I must needs say, that the poorer sort of [...]ur Countrymen wou'd do well to think of it, and go and plant themselves in this sine Country, where for a little Pains in cultivating the Earth, they wou'd live happier, and subsist much better, than they do here. I have seen Lands there, which wou'd yield three Crops in a Year: And the Air is incomparably more sweet and temperate than in Holland.

After we had row'd about seventy Leagues upon the River Ouisconsin, we came to the Place where we were forc'd to carry our Canow for half a League, which Ouasicoude had set down in his Chart. We lay at this place all Night, and left Marks of our having been there, by the Crosses which we cut on the Barks of the Trees. Next Day, having carry'd [Page 257] our Canow's, and the rest of our little Equi­page, over this Piece of Land, we entred up­on a River, which makes almost as many Meanders, as that of the Illinois doth at its Rise: For after six Hours rowing, which made us go very fast, we found our selves, notwith­standing all the Pains we had been at, over-against the Place where we embark'd. One of our Men must needs shoot at a Bird flying, which overset his Canow; but by good luck he was in his depth.

We were forc [...]d to break several Sluces which the Castors had made for our Canow's to pass; otherwise we cou'd not have continu'd our Way, or carry'd our things to embark them again above these Sluces.

These Creatures make them with so much Art, that Man cannot equal it. We shall speak of them in our Second Volume. We [...]ound several of these Ponds, or Stops of Water, which these Creatures make with Pieces of Wood, like a Causey.

After this we pass'd over four Lakes, which are all made by this River. Here formerly dwelt the Miamis: but now the Maskou [...]ens, Kikapous, and O [...]toagamis, who sow their Indian Wheat here, on which they chie [...]ly subsist. We made some Broath of the W [...]ter of a certain Fall, which they call Kakalin; because the Sa­vages come often hither to ease themselves▪ and lie on their Backs, with their Faces ex­pos'd to the Sun.

Thus having made more than four hundred Leagues by Water since our departure from the [Page 258] Country of the Issati and Nado [...]essans, we ar­riv'd at last at the great Bay of the Puans, which makes part of the Lake of the Illinois.

CHAP. LXVIII. The Author and his Company stay some time amongst the Puans. Original of the Name. They cele­brated the Mass here, and winter at Missilima­kinak.

WE found many Canadians in this Bay of the Puans. The Nation that inhabits here, is so call'd, because formerly they dwelt in certain Marshy Places, full of stinking Wa­ters, situate on the South-Sea. But being drove out thence by their Enemy, they came and set­led in this Bay, which is to the East of the Illinois. The Canadians were come hither to Trade with the People of this Bay, contrary to an Order of the Viceroy. They had still a little of the Wine left, which they brought with them, and kept in a Pewter-Flagon. I made use of it for the Mass. Till now, I had nothing but a Chalice, and a Marble-Altar, which was pretty light, and very handsomly ingrav'd: But here by good Fortune I met with the Sacerdotal Robes too. Some Illinois who had happily escap [...]d their Enemies the Iroquois, who had attack'd and almost de­stroy [...]d them since my Voyage, and the time that I had been a Slave amongst the Barbari­ans, had brought with them the Ornaments of the Chapel of Father Zenobius Mambre, whom [Page 259] we had left among the Illinois. Some of these I say, who were escap'd to the Place where we were, deliver'd me up all the Ornaments of the Chapel, except the Chalice. They pro­mis'd to get me that too for a little Tobacco, whic [...] I was to give them; and were as good as their Word, for they brought it me some few Days after.

'Twas more than nine Months since I had celebrated the Sacrament of the Mass, for want of Wine. We might indeed have done it in our Voyage, had we had Vessels proper to keep Wine in: But we cou'd not charge our Canow with such, being very un [...]it to carry things of Weight. 'Tis true, we met with Grapes in many Places through which w [...] pass'd, and had made some Wine too, which we put into Gourds; but it fail'd us whilst we were among the Illinois, as I have elsewhere observ'd. As for the rest, I had still some Wafers by me, which were as good as ever, ha­ving been kept in a Steel-Box shut very close.

We stay'd two Days at the Bay of th [...] Puans; where we sung Te Deum, and my self said Mass, and Preach'd. Our Men prepar'd themselves for the Holy Sacrament, which we receiv'd, in order to render our Thanks to God, who had preserv'd us amidst the many Dangers we had run, the Difficulties we had surmounted, and Monsters we had over­come.

One of our Canow-Men truck'd a Fusil with a Savage for a Canow larger than our own, in which, after an hundred Leagues rowing, having coasted all along the great Bay of the [Page 260] Puans, we arriv'd at Missilimakinak, in the Lake of Huron, where we were forc'd to Winter: For our Way lying still North, we shou'd in­fallibly have perish'd amongst the Ice and Snow, had we proceeded any farther.

By the Cou [...]se we were oblig'd to take, we were still about 400 Leagues from Canada. Amongst these People, I met, to my no little Satisfa­ction, Father Pierson, a Jesuit, Son of the King's Receiv [...]r for the Town of Ath in Hainault. He was come hither to learn their Language, and spoke it then passably well. This Religious, who retain'd still the free and open Humour of his Countrymen, had made himself be­lov'd by his obliging Behaviour, and seem'd to be an utter Enemy of Caballing and Intrigues, having a Soul well-tun'd, generous, and sin­cere. In a Word, He appear'd to me to be such as every good Christian ought to be. The Reader may judge how agreeably I pass'd the Winter in such good Company, after the Mi­series and Fatigues I had undergone in the Course of our Discoveries.

To make the best use of my time that I cou'd, I Preach'd all the Holy-days and Sundays in Advent and Lent, for the Edification of our Men, and other Canadians, who were come four or five Leagues out of their Country, to Trade for Furrs amongst these Savages: From whence we may observe, that there are some whom I shall forbear to name, who notwith­standing all their pretended Austerities, are yet no less covetous of the Things of this World, than the most Secular Person in it. The Ou [...]acuacts and the Hurons wou'd often [Page 261] assist at our Ceremonies in a Church cover'd with Rushes and a few Boards, which the Cana­dians had built here: But they came more out of Curiosity than any Design to conform them­selves to the Rules of our holy Religion.

The latter of these Savages would tell us, speaking of our Discoveries, That themselves were but Men; but for us Europeans, we must needs be Spirits: That if they had gone so far up amongst strange Nations as we had done, they should have been sure to have been kill'd by them without Mercy; whereas we pass'd every-where without danger, and knew how to procure the Friendship of all we met.

During the Winter, we broke Holes in the Ice of the Lake Huron, and by means of several large Stones, sunk our Nets sometimes 20, some­times 25 Fathom under-water to catch Fish, which we did in great abundance. We took Salmon-Trouts, which often weigh'd from 40 to 50 pounds. These made our Indian Wheat go down the better, which was our or­dinary Diet. Our Beverage was nothing but Broth made of White Fish, which we drank hot; because as it cools it turns to Jelly, as if it had been made of Veal.

During our stay here, Father Pierson and I would often divert our selves on the Ice, where we skated on the Lake as they do in Holland. I had learn'd this Slight when I was at Ghent, from whence to Brussels one may run in three Hours with abundance of Pleasure when the Canal is frozen. 'Tis the usual Diversion with which the Inhabitants of these two Cities entertain [Page 262] themselves during the Winter, by favour of the Ice.

It must be allow'd, without reflecting on any other Order, That those of St. Francis are very proper for the setling of Colonies. They make a strict Vow of Poverty, and have a Property in nothing as their own: They enjoy only a simple Use of Things necessary to Life. Those that give us any Moveables, continue still to be the Owners of them, and may take 'em again at pleasure. 'Tis this Poverty which is recommen­ded to us by many Popes; but above all by our Rule, which is the only one I find inserted in the Canon-Law.

What pass'd at Missilimakinak during this Winter, is a Proof of what I say. Two and forty Canadians, who were come hither upon the account of the Trade which they drive here with the Savages, desir'd me to present them with the Cord of St. Francis. I comply'd with their Request; and each time I deliver'd a Cord, made a small Harangue by way of Exhortation to the Person receiving it, and then associated him to the Prayers of the Order. They would have kept me with them, and made me a Settlement, where from time to time they might have resort to me. They pro­mis'd me moreover, since I would accept of no Furrs, that they would prevail with the Sa­vages to furnish out my Subsistance in the best manner which could be expected for the Country. But because the greatest part of them that made me this Offer, Traded into these Parts without permission, I gave them to understand, That the Common Good of our [Page 263] Discoveries, ought to be preferr'd to their pri­vate Advantages; so desir'd them to excuse me, and permit me to return to Canada for a more Publick Good.

CHAP. LXIX. The Author's Departure from Missilimakinak. He passes two great Lakes. Taking of a Gr [...]at Bear. Some Particulars relating to the Flesh of that Beast.

WE parted from Missilimakinak in Easter-Week, 1681. and for twelve or thirteen Leagu [...]s together, were oblig'd to draw our Provisions and Canow's after us over the Ice, up the Lake Huron, the sides of which continu'd still froze five or six Leagues broad. The Ice being broke, we embark'd, after the Solemnity of the Quasimodo, which we had an opportu­nity to celebrate, having by good Fortune met with a little Wine, which a Canadian had brought with him, and se [...]v'd us all the rest of our Voyage. After we had row'd a hundred Leagues all along the sides of the Lake Huron, we pass'd the Streights, which are thirty Leagues thro', and the Lake of St. Claire, which is in the middle: Thence we arriv'd at the Lake Erie, or of the Cat, where we stay'd some time to kill Sturgeon, which come here in great numbers, to cast their Spawn on the side of the Lake. We took nothing but the Belly of the Fish, which is the most delicious part, and threw away the rest.

[Page 264]This Place afforded also plenty of Venison and Fowl. As we were standing in the Lake, upon a large Point of Land whi [...]h runs it self very far into the Water, we perceiv'd a Bear in it as far as we could see. We could not ima­gin how this Creature got there; 'twas very improbable that he shou'd swim from one side to t'other, that was thirty or forty League [...] over. It hapned to be very calm; so two of our Men leaving us on the Point, put off to attack the Bear, that was near a quarter of a League out in the Lake. They made two Shot at him one after another, otherwise the Beast had certainly [...]unk them. As soon as they had fir [...]d, they were forc'd to sheer off as fast as they could to charge again; which when they had done, they return [...]d to the At­tack. The Bear was forc'd to stand it; and it cost them no less than seven Shot before they could compas [...] him.

As they were endeavouring to get him [...] ­board, they were like to have been over-set; which if they had, they must have been infal­libly lost: All they could do was to fasten him to the Barr that is in the middle of the Canow, and so drag him on [...]hoar; which they did at last with much ado, and great hazard of their Lives. We had all the leisure that was requi­site for the dressing and ordering him so as to make him keep; and in the mean time took out his Intrails, and having cleans'd and boil'd them, eat hea [...]tily of ' [...]m. These are as good a Dish as those of our Sucking-Pigs in Europe. His Flesh serv'd us the rest of our Voyage, which we usually eat with lean Goats-flesh, becaus [...] [Page 265] it is too fat to eat by it self▪ So that we liv'd for 100 Leagues upon the [...]ame that we kill'd in this Place.

CHAP. LXX. The Meeting of the Aut [...]or and a certain Captain of the Outtaouacts, nam'd Talon by the Inten­dant of that Name, upon the Lake of Erie; who recounts to him many Adventures of his Family and Nation. Further Observations upon the Great Fall or Catar [...]ct of Ni [...]gara.

THere was a certain Captain of the Outtaou­acts, to whom the Intendant Talon gave his own Name, whilst he was at Quebec. He us'd to come often to that City with those of his Nation, who brought Furrs thith [...]r: We were strangely surpriz'd at the sight of this Man, whom we found almost famish'd, and more like a Skeleton than a living Man. He told us the Name of Talon would be soon ex­tinct in this Country, since he [...]esolv'd not to survive the Loss of six of his Family who had been starv'd to death. He added, That the Fishery and Chace had both fail'd this Year, which was the occasion of this sad Disaster.

He told us moreover, That tho' the Iroquois were not in War with his Nation, yet h [...]d they taken and carry'd into Slavery an entire Family of Twelve Souls. He begg'd very ear­nestly of me, that I would use my utmost En­deavours to have them releas'd, if they were yet alive; and gav [...] me two Necklac [...]s of [Page 266] Black and White Porcelain, that I might be sure not to neglect a Business which he laid so much to heart. I can rely upon thee, Bare-foot, (for so they always call'd us;) and am confident that the Iroquis will hearken to thy Reasons sooner than any ones. Thou didst often advise them at their Councils, which were held then at the Fort of Kata­rockoui, where thou hast caus'd a great Cabin to be built. Had I been at my Village when thou cam'st thro' it, I would have done all that I could to have kept thee, instead of the Black-Coat (so they call the Jesuites) which was here. When the poor Captain had done speaking, I solemnly pro­mis [...]d him to use my utmost Interest with the Iroquois, for the releasement of his Friends.

After we had row'd above an hundred and forty Leagu [...]s upon the Lake Erie, by reason of the many Windings of the Bays and Creeks which we were forc'd to coast, we past by the Great Fall of Niagara, and spent half a Day in considering the Wonders of that prodigious Cascade.

I could not conceive how it came to pass, that four great Lakes, the least of which is 400 Leagues in compass, should empty themselves one into another, and then all centre and dis­charge themselves at this Great Fall, and yet not drown good part of America. What is yet more surprizing, the Ground from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, down to the Great Fall▪ ap­pears almost level and flat. 'Tis scarce discer­nable that there is the least Rise or Fall for six Leagues to gether: The more than ordina­ry swiftness of the Stream, is the only thing that makes it be observ'd. And that which [Page 267] makes it yet [...]the stranger is, That for 2 Leagues together below the Fall, towards the Lake On­tario, or Front [...]nac, the Lands are as level as they are above it towards the Lake of Erie.

Our Surprise was still greater, when we ob­serv'd there was no Mountains within two good Leagues of this Cascade; and yet the vast quantity of Water which is discharg'd by these four fresh Seas, stops or centres here, and so falls above six hundred Foot deep down into a Gulph, which one cannot look upon without Horrour. Two other great Out-lets, or Falls of Water, which are on the two sides of a small sloping Island, which is in the midst, fall gently and without noise, and so glide away quiety enough: But when this prodigious quantity of Water, of which I speak, comes to fall, there is such a din, and such a noise, more deafning than the loudest Thunder.

The rebounding of these Waters is so great, that a sort of Cloud arises from the Foam of it, which are seen hanging over this Abyss even at Noon-day, when the Sun is at its heighth. In the midst of Summer, when the Weather is hottest, they arise above the tallest Firrs, and other great Trees, which grow in the sloping Island which make the two Falls of Waters that I spoke of.

I wish'd an hundred times that somebody had been with us, who could have describ'd the Wonders of this prodigious frightful Fall, so as to give the Reader a just and natural Idea of it; such as might satisfie him, and create in him an Admiration of this Prodigy of Nature as great as it deserves. In the mean [Page 268] time, accept the following Draught, such as it is; in which however I have endeavour'd to give the curious Reader as just an Image of it as I can.

We must call to mind what I observ'd of it in the beginning of my Voyage, which is to be seen in the Seventh Chapter of this Book. From the Mouth of the Lake Erie to the Great Fall, are reckon'd six Leagues, as I have said, which is the continuation of the Great River of St. Lau­rence, which arises out of the four Lakes above-mention'd. The River, you must needs think, is very rapid for these six Leagues, because of the vast Discharge of Waters which fall into it out of the said Lakes. The Lands, which lie on both sides of it to the East and West, are all level from the Lake Erie to the Great Fall. Its Banks are not s [...]eep; on the contra­ry, the Water is almost always level with the Land. 'Tis certain, that the Ground towards the Fall is lower, by the more than ordinary swiftness of the Stream; and yet 'tis not per­ceivable to the Eye for the six Leagues above­said.

After it has run thus violently for six Leagues, it meets with a small sloping Island, about half a quarter of a League long, and near three hundred Foot broad, as well as one can guess by the Eye; for it is impossible to come at it in a Canow of Bark, the Waters run with that force. The Isle is full of Cedar and Firr; but the Land of it lies no higher than that on the Banks of the River. It seems to be all level, even as far as the two great Cascades that make the Main Fall.

[Page 269]The two sides of the Channels, which are made by the Isle, and run on both sides of it, overflow almost the very Surface of the Earth of the said Isle, as well as the Land that lies on the Banks of the River to the East and West, as it runs South and North. But we must ob­serve, that at the end of the Isle, on the side o [...] the two great Falls, there is a sloping Rock which reaches as far as the Great Gulph, into which the said Waters fall; and yet the Rock is not at all wetted by the two Cascades which fall on both sides, because the two Torrents which are made by the Isle, throw themselves with a prodigious force, one towards the East, and the other towards the West, from off the end of the Isle, where the Great Fall of all is.

After then these two Torrents have thus run by the two sides of the Isle, they cast their Wa­ters all of a sudden down into the Gulph by two Great Falls; which Waters are push'd so violently on by their own Weight, and so su­stain'd by the swiftness of the motion, that they don't wet the Rock in the least. And here it is that they tumble down into an Abyss above 600 Foot in depth.

The Waters that flow on the side of the East, do not throw themselves with that violence as those that fall on the West. The reason is, because the Rock at the end of the Island, rises something more on this side, than it does on the West; and so the Waters being supported by it somewhat longer than they are on the other side, are carry'd the smoother off: But on the West the Rock sloping more, the Waters, [Page 270] for want of a Support, become the sooner broke, and fall with the greater precipitation. Another reason is, the Lands that lie on the West are lower than those that lie on the East. We also observ'd, that the Waters of the Fall, that is to the West, made a sort of a square Fi­gure as they fell, which made a third Cascade, less than the other two, which fell betwixt the South and North.

And because there is a rising Ground which lies before those two Cascades to the North, the Gulph is much larger there than to the East. Moreover, we must observe, that from the rising Ground that lies over against the two last Falls which are on the West of the main Fall, one may go down as far as the bottom of this terrible Gulph. The Author of this Dis­covery was down there, the more narrowly to observe the Fall of these prodigious Cascades. From hence we could discover a Spot of Ground, which lay under the Fall of Water which is to the East, big enough for four Coaches to drive a breast without being wet; but because the Ground, which is to the East of the sloping Rock, where the first Fall empties it self into the Gulph, is very steep, and almost perpendicular, 'tis impossible for a Man to get down on that side, into the Place where the four Coaches may go a-breast, or to make his way thro' such a quantity of Water as falls towards the Gulph: So that 'tis very probable, that to this dry Place it is that the Rattle-Snakes retire, by certain Passages which they find under-ground.

From the end then of this Island it is, that [Page 271] these two Great Falls of Waters, as also the third but now mention'd, throw themselves, after a most surprising manner, down into a dreadful Gulph six hundred Foot and more in depth. I have already said, that the Waters which discharge themselves at the Cascade to the East, fall with lesser force; whereas those to the West tumble all at once, making two Cascades; one moderate, the other very vio­lent and strong, which at last make a kind of Crochet, or square Figure, falling from South to North, and West to East. After this, they rejoin the Waters of the other Cascade that falls to the East, and so tumble down altoge­ther, tho' unequally, into the Gulph, with all the violence that can be imagin'd, from a Fall of six hundred Foot, which makes the most Beautiful, and at the same time most Frightful Cascade in the World.

After these Waters have thus discharg'd themselves into this dreadful Gulph, they be­gin to resume their Course, and continue the great River of St. Laurence for two Leagues, as far as the three Mountains which are on the East of the River, and the great Rock which is on the West, and lifts it self three Fathoms a­bove the Waters, or thereabouts. The Gulph into which these Waters are discharg'd, continues it self thus two Leagues together, between a Chain of Rocks, flowing with a prodigious Torrent, which is bridled and kept in by the Rocks that lie on each side of the River.

Into this Gulph it is, that these several Cas­cades empty themselves, with a violence equal to the heighth from whence they fall, and the [Page 272] quantity of Waters which they discharge. Hence arise those deafning Sounds, that dread­ful roaring and bellowing of the Waters, which drown the loudest Thunder, as also the perpe­tual Mists that hang over the Gulph, and ri [...]e above the tallest Pines that are in the little Isle so often mention'd. After a Channel is again made at the bottom of this dreadful Fall by the Chain of Rocks, and fill'd by that prodi­gious quantity of Waters which are conti­nually falling, the River of St. Laurence re­sumes its Course: But with that violence, and his Waters beat against the Rocks with so prodigious a force, that 'tis impossible to pass even in a Canow of Bark, tho' in one of them a Man may v [...]nture safe enough up­on the most rapid Streams, by keeping close to the Shoar.

These Rocks, as also the prodigious Tor­rent last for two Leagues; that is, from the gr [...]at Fall, to the three Mountains and great Rock: But then it begins insensibly to a­bate, and the Land to be again almost on a level with the Water; and so it conti­nu [...]s as far as the Lake Ontario, or Fron­tenac.

When one stands near the Fall, and looks down into this most dreadful Gulph, one is seized with Horrour, and the Head turns round, so that one cannot look long or stedfastly upon it. But this vast Deluge be­ginning insensibly to abate, and even to fall to nothing about the three Mountains, the Waters of the River St. Laurence begin to glide more gently along, and to be almost upon a level [Page 273] with the Lands; so that it becomes navigable again, as far as the Lake Frontenac, over which we pass to come to the New Canal, which is made by the discharge of its Waters. Then we enter again upon the River St. Laurence, which not long after makes that which they call the Long Fall, an hundred Leagues from Niagara.

I have often heard talk of the Cataracts of the Nile, which make the People deaf that live near them. I know not if the Iroquois, who formerly inhabited near this Fall, and liv'd upon the Beasts which from time to time are born down by the violence of its Torrent, withdrew themselves from its Neighbourhood, lest they should likewise become deaf; or out of the continual fear they were in of Rattle-Snakes, which are very common in this Place during the great Heats, and lodge in Holes all along the Rocks as far as the Mountains, which lie two Leagues lower.

Be it as it will, these dangerous Creatures are to be met with as far as the Lake Frontenac, on the South-side; but because they are never to be seen but in the midst of Summer, and then only when the Heats are excessive, they are not so afraid of them here as elsewhere. However, 'tis reasonable to presume, that the horrid noise of the Fall, and the fear of these poisonous Serpents, might oblige the Savages to seek out a more commodious Habita­tion.

Having carry'd our Canow from the Great Fall of Niagara, as far as the three Mountains, [Page 274] which are two Leagues below, in all which Way we perceiv'd never a Snake, we proceed­ceeded in our Voyage, and arriv'd at the Lake of Ontario or Frontenac.

CHAP. LXXI. The Author sets out from the Fort which is at the Mouth of the River Niagara, and obliges the Iroquois assembl'd in Council, to deliver up the Slaves they had made upon the Outtaouacts.

WE met none of the Savages in the little Village of the Iroquois, which is near the Mouth of the River Niagara; for they sow there but very little of Indian Co [...]; and in­habit the Village but in Harvest-time, or in the Season they go a fishing for Sturgeons or White-Fish, which are there in great plenty. We thought also we shou'd find some Canadi­ans at the Fort of the River which we had be­gun to build, at the beginning of our Disco­very: But these Forts were only built for a Show, to cover the secret Trade of Furs, and countenance the great Hopes M. de la Salle had given to the French Court.

It must be granted, [...]hat such Discoveries are beyond any private Men's Power, and they must be countenanc'd by the Sovereign Au­thority, to be successful. Therefore M. de la Salle had got the French Court's Protection; but instead of making a good use of it for the publick Good, he did chiefly aim at his own private Interest, and for that reason neglected [Page 275] a great many things necessary to carry on his Enterprize. The Fort of the River of Niagara was become a deserted Place, and might have serv'd to countenance his Design. We came along the Southern Coasts of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; and after a Navigation of thirty Leagues, we arriv'd about Whitsontide [...] the Year 1681, at the great Village of the Tson­nontouans Iroquois.

The Savages came to meet us, repeating of­ten this Word Otchitagon, meaning by it, that the Bare-foot was return'd from the great Voy­age he had undertook, to visit the Nations that are beyond the River Hohio and Meschasipi; and tho' our Faces were burnt by the Sun, and my Clothes patch' [...] up with wild Bull-Skins, yet they knew me, and carry'd me with my two Men into one of their Officer's Cottages.

They did call their Council, which met to the number of Thirty, or thereabouts, wear­ing their Gowns in a stately manner, made up with all sorts of Skins, twisted about their Arms, with the Calumet in their Hands. They gave order that we shou'd be entertain'd ac­cording to their own Fashion, while they did smoak, without eating.

After we had done eating, I told them by a Canadian that was my interpreter, that their Warriors had brought 12 Outtaouacts as Slaves, tho' they were their Confederates and Onontio's Friends, ('tis the Name they give to the Vice-roy of Canada) breaking thereby the Peace, and proclaiming War against Canada: And the better to oblige them to deliver up to us [Page 276] the Outtaouacts, who by good Fortune were still alive, we flung in the middle of the Assembly two Collars of Porcelain, that Captain Talon had given us; This is the only way among them, to enter upon any Affair.

The next Day the Council met, and the Iro­quo [...] answer'd me with some other Collars of Porcelain; and told me, That those who had made these Men Slaves, were young Warriors without Consideration; That we might assure Onontio, (who was then Count Frontenac) that that their Nation wou'd always respect him in all things; That they shou'd live with him as true Children with their Father, and that they wou'd deliver up the Men who had been taken.

Teganeot, one of the chiefest, who spoke for the whole Nation in the Council, presented me with some Skins of Otter, Martin, and Beaver, to the value of thirty Crowns. I took his Present with one Hand, and deliver'd it with the other to his Son, whom he lov'd tenderly. I told him, that I made him that Present, that he might Exchange it with some Merchandizes of Europe; and that the Bare-feet will accept of no Present at all, not out of Contempt, but because we are disinterested in all things; assuring him, I wou'd acquaint the Governour of his Friendship.

The Iroquois was surpriz'd that I did not ac­cept of his Present; and seeing besides, that I gave a little Looking-Glass to his Son, he said to those of this Nation, that the other Canadians were not of that Temper: And they sent us several Fowls, as an acknowledgment of their Gratitude for the care we took, to teach their Children some Prayers in their own Tongue. [Page 277] After the Promises the Savages gave us to live in good correspondency with us, we took our leave of them, and got ourselves ready, in or­der to continue our Voyage.

CHAP. LXXII. The Author sets out from the Tsonnontouans Iro­quois, and comes to Fort Frontenac.

I Must confess it is a great Pleasure for one to come out of Slavery, or the Hands of Sa­vages, and to reflect upon past Miseries; espe­cially when he returns among Friends, to rest himself after so many Hardships and Troubles.

We had still about fourscore Leagues to go upon the Lake Ontario, before we cou'd ar­rive at Fort Catarokoui or Frontenac; but we were all the Way very merry. I had help'd Picard du Gay and Michael Ako, my fellow-Travellers, with some Skins, to make amends for the Hardship and Pains they suffer'd in that Voyage. We had much ado to row off our Canow, it being much bigger than that we made use of, when we set out from the Issati and Na­douessians; but nevertheless we came in four Days to the Fort, and kill'd in our way some Bustards and some Teals. We wanted then neither Powder nor Shot, and therefore we shot at random all that we met, either small Birds, or Turtles and Wood-Pigeons, which were then coming from foreign Countries in so great Numbers, that they did appear like Clouds.

[Page 278]I observ'd upon this Occasion, and many other times during our Voyage, a thing wor­thy of Admiration. The Birds that were fly­ing at the Head of the others, keep often back, to ease and help those among them that are tir'd; which may be a Lesson to Men to help one another in time of need. Father Luke Buisset, and Sergeant la Fleur, who had the Command in the Fort in the absence of M. la Salle, receiv'd us in the House of our Order, that we had built together.

They were much surpriz'd to see us, having been told that the Savages had hang'd me with St. Francis's Rope two Years ago. All the In­habitants of Canada, and the Savages, that we had encourag'd to live near Fort Frontenac, to till the Ground, made me an extraordinary reception, and shew'd much Joy to see me again. The Savages put their Hand upon their Mouth, and repeated often this Word Otkon, meaning, that the Bare-foot must be a Spirit, having travell'd so far, thro' so many Nations that wou'd have kill'd them, if we had been there. Tho' we were very kindly us'd in this Fort, yet my Men had a great Mind to return into Canada; and having escap'd so many Dangers together, I was willing to make an End of the Voyage with them; therefore we took leave of Father Luke Buisset, and of all our Friends that liv'd in that Fort, and went for Quebec.

CHAP. LXXIII. The Author sets out from Fort Frontenac, and pas­ses over the rapid Stream, which is call'd The Long Fall. He is kindly receiv'd at Mont­real by Count Frontenac.

WE set out from the Fort sooner than I thought, not being able to keep any lon­ger my Men, and in our way took a more exact View of the Mouth of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. This Place is call'd Thousand Islands, because there are so many of them, that 'tis impossible to tell them. The Stream is here very rapid; but its Swiftness is prodigi­ously increas'd by the great Quantity of Wa­ters that come from the other Lakes abovemen­tion'd, and a great many Rivers that run into this, in the place call'd The Long Fall, which makes it as dreadful as the great Fall of Nia­gara.

But besides this great Quantity of Waters, and the Declivity of the Chanel, which makes the Current so rapid, there are also on the Banks, and in the middle of the River of St. Laurence, about eight or ten Leagues below the said Lake, great Rocks, which appear a­bove-Water, which stopping the Stream of the River, makes as great a Noise as the great Fall of Niagara.

This dreadful Encounter of Water that bea [...]s so furiously against these Rocks, continues about two Leagues, the Waters spurt up ten or twelve [Page 280] Yards high, and appear like huge Snow-Balls, Hail, and Rain, with dreadful Thunder, and a Noise like Hissing and Howling of fierce Beasts: And I do certainly believe, that if a Man continu'd there a considerable time, he wou'd become Deaf, without any Hope of Cure.

My Men refusing to carry by Land the Ca­now, and the Skins they had got, I was forc'd to adventure with them; which I did wil­lingly, having formerly pass'd these Streams in a Canow: I trusted my self again to the same GOD who had deliver'd me from so many great Dangers. The Stream is so rapid, that we cou'd not tell the Trees that were on the Bank, and yet there was hardly room for our Canow to pass between the Rocks. We were carry'd away by these horrid Currents above two great Leagues in a very short time; and in two Days we came from Frontenac to Montreal, which are about Threescore Leagues distant one from another. Before our landing at Montreal, my Men desir'd me to leave them with the Skins, in a neighbouring Island, to save some Duties, or rather to keep off from M. la Salle's Creditors, who wou'd have seiz [...]d the Commodities they had got in their long Voyage with me in our g [...]eat Discovery.

Count Frontenac, who was at Montreal, look­ing out of a Window, saw me alone in a Ca­now, and took me for Father Luke Fillatre, one of our Recollects, who serv'd him as Chap­lain. But one of his Guards, knowing me a­gain, went to him, and acquainted him with my coming, he was so kind as to come to meet [Page 281] me, and made the best Reception that a Missionary might expect from a Person of that Rank and Quality. He thought I had been murther'd by the Savages two Years ago. He was at first surpriz'd, thinking I was some o­ther Recollect, that came from Virginia. But at last he knew me, and gave me a very kind En­tertainment.

This Lord did wonder to see me so much alter'd, being lean, tir'd and tann'd, having lost my Cloak that the Issati had stoll'n from me, being then cloath'd with an old Habit, patch'd up with pieces of wild Bull's-Skins. He carry'd me to his own House, where I con­tinu'd for twelve Days, to refresh my self. He forbad all his Servants to give me any thing to eat, without his express Order, because he was afraid I shou'd fall sick, if I was left to my own Discretion, to eat as much as I wou'd, after so long Diet; and he gave me himself what he thought was best.

He was much pleas'd to hear me talk of all the Hazards I had run in so long a Voyage among so many different Nations. I represented to him what great Advantages might be got by our Discovery: But having observ'd, that he was always repeating the same Questions he ask'd me the first Day I was with him, I told him I had acquainted him with what I knew, and that I did not question but M. la Salle, who was to go to the Court of France about his Affairs, had acquainted him with all the Particulars of our Voyage, having been in our Company till he was forc'd to leave us to return into Canada.

[Page 282]I knew that M. la Salle was a Man that wou'd never forgive me, if I had told all that I knew of our Voyage; therefore I kept se­cret the whole Discovery we had made of the River Meschasipi. My Men were as much con­cern'd as I, in concealing our Voyage; for they had been certainly punish'd for having un­de [...]taken it against Orders; and the Skins they had got in their return from the Issati with M. du Luth, who did stay for that reason a­mong the Outtaouacts, had likewise been con­fiscated.

Count Frontenac shew'd me in private a Let­ter M. du Luth had sent him by a Huron, who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of the Outtaouacts, by which he acquainted him, he cou'd never learn any thing about our Voyage, neither from me, nor from the Men who attended me. I cou'd not forbear then to tell him, that M. du Luth was not so much devoted to his Service as he thought; and that I might assure him that some Men, that were oppos'd to him, had stop'd M. du Luth's Mouth; and that I was fully persuaded he had been sent by them with a secret Order, to pump me; but I was bound by my Character; and in Charity, to spare those Men, tho' in many Occasions they had not dealt so justly with me; but I was willing to leave all to God, who will render to every one according to his Works.

Francis de Laval, the first Lord Bishop of Quebec, came along the River St. Laurence, to make his Visitation, while I was coming to Quebec with the Lord Frontenac. We met him [Page 283] near Fort Champlein, which had been fortif'd, to put a Stop to the Inroads of the Iroquois: The Lord Frontenac ask'd me, if I had got an Ague; and then looking upon those that at­tended him, he said that the feeling of the Pulse increas'd the Feaver; insinuating to me thereby, that there was a Design laid against me, to get out cunningly what I kept secret in my Heart.

After a short Conversation with the Bishop, I ask'd his Episcopal Blessing, tho' I did not think fit to reveal to him all that I knew of our Discoveries. We were going to discourse more largely upon this Subject, when the Lord Frontenac came in, to invite the Bishop to Dine with him, and thereby to give me an opportunity to put an end to our Conver­sation.

I was much puzzl'd in the Company of these two Great Men, the Bishop was the Chief of the Company; but I was yet to pay a great Respect to the Lord Frontenac. I did avoid to talk of Matters that might be troublesome to me; and I told the Bishop, that the Lord Frontenac had prescrib'd me a Course of Diet, lest I shou'd fall sick, after all the Hardships I had endur'd, and the bad Food I fed upon a­mong the Savages, therefore I desir'd him to give me leave to return to Quebec, that I might live there in private; for I was not able then to catechize the Children, nor to perform any Functions of a Missionary in his Visitation; and that I wanted from Rest, that I might work more vigorously afterwards. By these Means I avoided a Conversation with the [Page 284] Bishop, that wou'd have prov'd very trouble­some to me; for he gave me leave to retire to our Monastery, to rest there after all my Fatigues.

CHAP. LXXIV. A great Defeat of the Illinois, that were attack'd and sur [...]riz'd by the Iroquois.

WHile I was resting after my great Labours, the Lord Frontenac did receive Letters from Father Zenobe Mambre, whom I left a­mong the Illinois. He sent him Word, that the Iroquois had drawn the Miamis into their Party; and that being joyn'd together, they had form'd a great Army, and were fall'n on a sudden upon the Illinois, to destroy that Na­tion; and that they were got together to the number of Nine hundred, all Fusiliers; these two Nations being well provided with Guns, and all sort of Ammunitions of War, by the Commerce they have with the Europeans.

The Iroquois were projecting this Enterprize about the 12 th of September, 1680. while I was about the Discovery of the River Meschasipi. The Illinois did not mistrust them; for they had concluded a Treaty of Peace with these two Nations; and M. la Salle had assur'd them, that he wou'd do his utmost Endeavours to oblige them to observe the Treaty; therefore the Illinois were easily surpriz'd, having sent most part of their Youth to make a War in an­other Country.

[Page 285]A Chaouanon, Confederate to the Illinois, re­turning from their Country home, came back again, to give them notice that he had dis­cover'd them notice that he had dis­cover'd an Army of Iroquois and Miamis, who were already enter'd into their Country, on purpose to surprize them.

This News frighted the Illinois; yet the next Day they appear'd in the Field, and march'd directly to the Enemy; and as soon as they were in sight, they charg'd them. The Fight was very sharp, and a great many Men were kill'd on both sides.

M. Tonti, whom M. la Salle had left in the Fort of Crevecoeur, to command there in his Absence, hearing of this Irruption, was in fear for the Illinois's Sake; for tho' their Army was more numerous than that of their Enemy, yet they had no Guns; therefore he offer'd himself to go Askenon, that is, Mediator, carrying the Calumet of Peace in his Hand, in order to bring them to an Agreement.

The Iroquois finding more resistance than they thought at first, and seeing that the Illinois were resolv'd to continue the War, consented to a Treaty of Peace, accepting M. Tonti's Media­tion, and hearken'd to the Proposals he made them from the Illinois, who had chosen him for Mediator.

M. Tonti represented to them, tha [...] the Illinois were Onontio's ('tis the Name they give to the Viceroy of Canada) Children and Confede­rates as well as themselves; and that it wou'd be very unpleasant to him, who lov'd them all, to hear that they had begun the War; there­fore he earnestly intreated them to return home, [Page 286] and trouble the Ilinois no further, seeing they had religiously observ'd the Treaty of Peace.

These Proposals did not please some of the young Iroquois, who had a great mind to fight, and therefore charg'd on a sudden M. Tonti and his Men with several Shots; and a despe­rate young Fellow of the Country of Onnon­taghe, gave him a Wound with a Knife, near the Heart; but by chance a Rib warded off the Stroke: Several others did fall upon him, and wou'd take him away; but one taking notice of his Hat, and that his Ears were not bor'd▪ knew thereby that he was not an Illinois, and for that reason an old Man cry'd out, That they shou'd spare him; and flung to him a Collar of Porcelain, as to make him Satisfa­ction for the Blood he had lost, and the Wound he had receiv'd.

A young Man of the Iroquois's Crew, took M. Tonti's Hat, and hung it on his Gun, to fright the Illinois therewith, who thinking by that Signal that Tonti, Father Zenobe, and all the Europeans that were in his Company, had been kill'd by the Iroquois, were so much sur­priz'd and disquieted with that horrid Attempt, that they fancy'd themselves deliver'd up into the Hands of their Enemies, and were upon running away: Yet the Iroquois having made a Signal to Father Zenobe to draw near, that they might confer with him about the means to prevent both Armies to come to fight, they receiv'd the Calumet of Peace, and made a Motion as if they had a mind to withdraw: But the Illinois were hardly come to their Vil­lage, that they saw the Iroquois's Army ap­pearing [Page 287] upon some Hills, which were over-against them.

This Motion oblig'd Father Zenobe, at the Illinois's Request, to go to them to know the reason of a Proceeding so contrary to what they had done in accepting of the Calumet of Peace. But that Embassie did not please those Barbarians, who wou'd not loose so fair an Opportunity. Father Zenobe did run the hazard of being murther'd by these unmerciful Men, yet the same God who had preserv'd many of our Fellow-Missionaries in the like Encounters, and my self in this Discovery, kept him from the Hand of these furious Men. He was a Man of a short Stature, but very couragious, and went boldly among the Iro­quois, who receiv'd him very civilly.

They told him, that the Want they were reduc'd to, had forc [...]d them to this new Step, having no Provisions for their Army, and their great Number having driven away the Wild-Bulls from that Country. Father Ze­nobe brought their Answer to the Illinois, who presently sent them some Indian Corn, and all things necessary for their Subsistence, and pro­pos'd to them a Treaty of Commerce, having in that Country a great plenty of Beaver's-Skins, and other Furs.

The Iroquois accepted of these Proposals; they did exchange Hostages, and Father Ze­nobe went into their Camp, and did lie there, to lose no time to bring all Matters to an Agree­ment, and conclude a Treaty between them. But the Iroquis repairing in great Numbers into the Quarters of the Illinois, who suspected no [Page 288] ill Design, they advanc'd as far as their Vil­lage, where they wasted the Mausolaeums that they us'd to raise to their Dead, which are commonly seven or eight Foot high: They spoil'd the Indian Corn that was sown; and having deceiv'd the Illinois, under a false pre­tence of Peace, fortify'd themselves in their Village.

In this Confusion the Iroquois join'd with the Miamis, carry'd away eight hundred Illinois Women and Children; and their Fury went so far, that these Antropophages did eat some Old Men of that Nation, and burnt some others who were not able to follow them, and so re­turn'd with the Slaves they had made, to their own Habitations, which were four hundred Leagues off the Country they had so cruelly plunder'd.

Upon the first News of the Approach of the Iroquois, the Illinois had sent most part of their Families on the other side of a little Hill, to secure them from their Fury, and that they might get over the River Meschasipi; and the others that were fit for War, did flock together on the Tops of the Hills that were near their Habitations, and then went on the other side of the River, to look after their Families, and provide for their Subsistence.

After this perfidious Expedition, these Bar­barians wou'd fain alledge some Pretences to excuse their Treachery, and wou'd persuade our Fathers to retire from the Illinois's Country, since they were all fled away; and that there was no likelyhood they shou'd want them for the future to teach them their Prayers, as [Page 289] the Atsientatsi, or the Black-Gowns do in their Countries, meaning the Jesuites, whom they call by that Name. They told Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe, that they should do bet­ter to return into Canada, and that they would attempt nothing against the Life of the Chil­dren of Onontio Governour of Canada, desiring to have a Letter under their Hand, to shew it as a Testimony of their honest proceeding in this occasion, and assuring them that they would no more stand by their Enemies.

Our two Fathers being so forsaken by their Hosts, and finding themselves expos'd to the Fury of a Cruel and Victorious Enemy, re­solv'd to return home, according to the Iroquois Advice; and being supply'd by them with a Canow, they embark'd for Ca­nada.

CHAP. LXXVII. The Savages Kikapoux murther Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, a Recollect Messionary.

GOD has given me the Grace to be insen­sible of the Wrong I have suffer'd from my Enemies, and to be thankful for the Kind­nesses I have receiv'd from my Friends. But if ever I had reason to be thankful to those that have taken care of my Instruction, cer­tainly I must confess it was to this Good Father Gabriel, who was my Master during my No­vitiate in the Monastery of our Order at Be­thume, in the Province of Artois; therefore I think, that I am bound in Duty to mention so Honest a Man in this Relation of my Disco­very, especially having had so sad a Share therein, as to be murder'd by the Savages Ki­kapoux, as I will relate it.

It must be observ'd, That M. Tonti could stay no longer at Fort Crevecoeur, after the Illi­nois Defeat; therefore he desir'd Fathers Ga­briel and Zenobe to get, with two young Boys that were left there, into a Canow, and return into Canada. All the rest of the Inhabitants had deserted that Country since that unfor­tunate Accident, by the Suggestion of some Men of Canada, who were the Predominant Genius of the Country, who had flatter'd them with great Hopes, to oblige them to forsake M. de la Salle's Design.

[Page 291]Our said Fathers being so forc'd to leave that Country after such a Defeat, embark'd the 18th of September following, wanting all sorts of Provisions, except what they could kill with their Guns; but being arriv'd about eight Leagues from the Illinois, their Canow touch'd, and so were forc'd to land about Noon to mend it.

While they were about careening the same, Father Gabriel, charm'd with the fine Meadows, the little Hills, and the pleasant Groves in that Country, which are dispers'd at such distances, that it seems they have been planted on purpose to adorn the Country, went so far into those Woods, that he lost his Way. At Night Father Zenobe went to look after him, as also the rest of the Company; for he was generally lov'd by all that knew him. But M. Tonti was sud­denly seiz'd with panick Fears, thinking that every moment the Iroquois would fall up­on him; so that he sent for Father Zenobe, and forc'd all his Men to retire into the Canow, and so got over the River on the Illinois-side, and left the Old Father expos'd to th [...] Barbarins Insults, without any respect to his Age or to a his Personal Merits.

'Tis true, that in the Evening one of the Young Men that were in the Canow with Fa­ther Zenobe, fir'd a Gun by M. Tonti's Or­der, and lighted a great Fire; but all was in vain.

The next Day, M. Tonti seeing he had be­hav'd himself cowardly on this occasion, went back again by break of Day to the Place where we had left the Day before Father Gabriel, and [Page 292] continu'd there till Noon looking after the poor Old Man. But tho' some of his Men enter'd into the Groves, where they saw the fresh Steps of a Man, which were also printed in the Meadows along the Bank of the River, they could never hear of him. M. Tonti said since, to excuse himself for having so basely forsaken Father Gabriel, That he thought the Iroquois had laid an Ambuscade to surprize him; for they had seen him flying away, and they might fancy he had declar'd himself for the Illinois.

But M. Tonti might have remember'd he had given his Letters for Canada to these Iroquois; and that if they had form'd any Design upon his Life, they would have executed it when he was among them: But they were so far from it, that when he was wounded, they presented him with a Collar of Porcelain; which they never do but when some unlucky Accidents happen. The Savages don't use so much cir­cumspection; and therefore this Excuse is groundless and frivolous. Father Zenobe has left us in writing, That he would stay for Fa­ther Gabriel: But M. Tonti forc'd him to em­bark at Three a Clock in the Afternoon; say­ing, That certainly he had been kill'd by the Enemies, or else he was gone a-foot along the Banks of the River; and that they would see him in their way. However, they could hear nothing of him; and the farther they went, the greater Father Zenobe's Afflictions grew. They were then in such a want of Provisions, that they had nothing to feed upon but Pota­toes, Wild Garlick, and some small Roots they [Page 293] had scratch'd out of the Ground with their own Fingers.

We have heard since, that Father Gabriel had been kill'd a little while after his landing. The Nation of the Kikapoux, who, as one may see in our Map, inhabit to the Westward of the Bay of Puans, had sent their Youth to make War against the Iroquois; but hearing that these Barbarians were got into the Country of the Illinois, they went seeking about to surprize them. Three Kikapoux, making the Vanguard, met with Father Gabriel, and came up to him as near as they could, hiding themselves among the Grass, which is very high in that Country; and tho' they knew he was not an Iroquois, yet they knock'd him down with their Clubs call'd Head-breakers, which are made of a very hard Wood. They left his Body on the spot, and carry'd away his Breviary and Journal, which since came to the hands of a Jesuite, whom I will mention in my Third Volume, wherein I design to speak of the First Introduction of the Faith into Canada. These Barbarians took off the Skin of his Head, and carry'd it tri­umph to their Village, giving out that it was the Hair of an Iroquois whom they had kill'd.

Thus dy'd this Good Old Man; to whom we may apply what the Scripture says of those whom Herod in his Fury caus'd to be slain, Non erat qui sepeliret; There was no body to bury him. This Worthy Man was wont in the Lessons he made us in our Novitiate, to prepare us against the like Accidents by Mortifications: And it seems that he had some foresight of what befel him. So Good a Man deserv'd a [Page 294] Better Fate, if a Better might be wish'd for, than to die in the Functions of an Apostolical Mission, by the hands of those same Nations, to whom the Divine Providence had sent him to convert them.

Father Gabriel was about 65 Years old. He had not only liv'd an exemplary Life, such as our Good Fathers do, but had also perform'd all the Duties of the Employments he had in that Order, either when he was at home Guar­dian, Superiour, Inferiour, and Master of the Novices; or abroad when he was in Canada, where he continu'd from the Year 1670, until his Death. I understood several times by his Discourses, that he was much oblig'd to the Flemings, who had maintain'd him a long time: He often talk'd to us about it, to inspire us, by his Example, with some Sentiments of Grati­tude towards our Benefactors. I have seen him mov'd with Grief, considering that so many Nations liv'd in the Ignorance of the Way to Salvation; and he was willing to lose his Life, to deliver them out of their Stupi­dity.

The Iroquois said of him, That he had brought to bed, because his Great Belly was become flat, by his frequent Fastings, and the Austerity of his Life.

M. Tonti can never clear himself of his Base­ness, for forsaking Father Gabriel, under pre­tence of being afraid of the Iroquois: For tho' they are a wild Nation, yet they lov'd that Good Old Man, who had been often among them: But M. Tonti might bear him some se­cret Grudge; because Father Gabriel, after the [Page 295] Illinois Defeat, seeing that M. Tonti had over­laden the Canow with Beavers-Skins, so that there was no room for him, he did throw many of these Skins to the Iroquois, to shew them that he was not come into that Country to get Skins or other Commodities.

Father Zenobe had neither Credit nor Courage enough to perswade M. Tonti to stay a while for that Good Father, who was thus sacrifi [...]'d to se­cure some Beavers-Skins. I do not doubt but the death of that venerable Old Man was very preci­ous in the sight of God, and I hope it will pro­duce one time or other its Effects, when it shall please God to set forth his Mercy towards these Wild Nations; and I do wish it might please him to make use of a feeble means, as I am, to finish what I have, through▪ His Grace, and with Labour, so happily begun.

CHAP. LXXVI. The Author's Return from his Discovery to Quebec; and what hapned at his Arrival at the Convent of Our Lady of Angels near that Town.

COunt Frontenac, Viceroy of Canada, gave me two of his Guards, who understood very well to manage a Canow, to carry me to Quebec. We set out from Champlein's Fort, mention'd above; and being near the Town, I landed, and went a-foot through the Lands newly grubb'd up to our Monastery, bidding the Guards to carry the Canow along with them.

[Page 296]I would not land to Quebec, because the Bi­shop had given order to his Vicar-General to re­ceive me in his Episcopal Palace, that he might have more time to enquire about our Great Dis­covery: But Count Frontenac had expresly or­der'd his Major that was in the Town to pre­vent that Meeting, and to take care that I might first be brought to our Monastery, to confer with Father Valentin de Roux, a Man of a great Understanding, and Provincial-Commissary of the Recollects in Canada.

There was then in our Monastery of Our Lady of Angels but Three Missionaries with the said Commissary; all the rest were dispers'd up-and-down in several Missions above a hundred Leagues from Quebec. One may easily imagine that I has welcome to our Monastery; Father Hilarion Ieunet seem'd surpriz'd, and told me with a smiling Countenance, Lazare veni for as. Whereupon I ask'd him why he did apply to me what had been said of Lazarus? To which he answer'd, That two Years ago a Mass of Requiem had been sung for me in the Mona­stery, because some Savages had given out for certain, to a Black Gown, i.e. a Jesuite, That the Nation whom the Iroquois call Hontouagaha, had hung me to a Tree with St. Francis's Rope; and that two Men who accompany'd me, had been also in a very cruel manner put to death by the same Savages.

Here I must confess, that all Men have their Friends and their Enemies. There are some Men, who, like the Fire that blackens the Wood it cannot burn, must needs raise Stories against their Neighbours; and therefore some [Page 297] having not been able to get me into their Party, spread abroad this Rumour of my Death, to stain my Reputation; and that Noise had given occasion to several Discourses in Canada to my Prejudice. However, (for I will, if please God, declare my Mind farther upon this matter in the Third Volume) I ought to ac­knowledge that God has preserv'd me by a sort of Miracle, in this great and dangerous Voy­age, of which you have an account in this Vo­lume. And when I think on it with attention, I am perswaded that Providence has kept me for publishing to the World the Great Discove­ries I have made in Eleven Years time, or thereabouts, that I have liv'd in the West-Indies.

It must be observ'd, that a great many Men meddle with Business that don't belong to them, and will conceive a Jealousie against those that won't conform to their Humour. The Provin­cial-Commissary, of whom I have spoken be­fore, was very urgent to have a Copy of the Journal of the Discovery I had made in a Voyage of almost four Years, telling me he would keep it secret. I took his Word; for I thought, and I think still, he was a Man of Honour and Probity. Besides, I did consider that he could instruct the Bishop of Quebec and Count Frontenac, with what they had a mind to know of this Discovery, and satisfie them both, without exposing my self.

For this purpose were intended all the Care he took of me, and all the extraordinary Civi­lities he did shew me, in entertaining me with all he could get then, and calling me often the [Page 298] Rais'd-again. He desir'd me to return into Eu­rope, to acquaint the Publick with the great Discoveries I had made, and that by this way I should avoid the Jealousie of these two Men; that it was very difficult to please two Masters, whose Employment and Interests were so dif­ferent.

He had then, before my Return into Eu­rope, all the time that was necessary to copy out my whole Voyage on the River Meschasipi, which I had undertook against M. de la Salle's Opinion, who has made since a Voyage from the Illinois to the Gulph of Mexico, in the Year 1682. and two Years after me. He had had some suspicion I had made that Voyage; yet he could not know the Truth of it at my Re­turn to Fort Frontenac, because he had then un­dertook a Voyage to the Outouagamis, not know­ing whether the Savages had murther'd me, as it had been given out.

I follow'd our Commissary's Advice, and the Resolution to return into Europe; but be­fore I set out, I shew'd him that it was abso­lutely necessary for the Settlement of Colonies in our Discoveries, and make some progress to­wards the establishing of the Gospel, to keep all these several Nations in peace, even the most remote, and assist them against the Iroquois, who are their Common Enemies: That these Barbarians never make a True Peace with those that they have once beaten, or they hope to overcome, in spreading Divisions among them; that the common Maxim of the Iroquois had al­ways been such, and by this means they had destroy'd above two millions of Souls.

[Page 299]The Provincial Commissary agreed with me upon all this, and told me that for the future he should give me all the necessary Instructions for that purpose.

I will give an account, if please God, in my Second Volume, of the Ways and Measures, that are to be taken for the establishing of the Faith among the many Nations of so different Languages; and how good Colonies might be­setled in those great Countries, which might be call'd the Delights of America, and become one of the greatest Empires in the World.

CHAP. I. The Sieur la Salle undertakes the Discovery of Mescha­sipi through the Gulf of Mexico, and plants a sort of Colony at St. Louis-Bay.

MEN ought to be satisfy'd with Reason upon all occasions: and when they cannot in­tirely excuse the intention of those at whose hands they have receiv'd some ill Treat­ment, they should, at least, like good Christians, ra­ther ascribe it to an erroneous Prepossession, than down­right Malice. I have lived near Three Years in Qua­lity of Missionary with the Sieur Robert Cavelier de la Salle in the Fort of Katarakoüy or Frontenac, of which he was both. Owner and Governour. During our long Sojourn there, he and I together used to bestow great part of our Time upon the Reading the Travels of Iohn Pontius of Leon, Pamphilus Narvaëz, Christopher [Page 2] Columbus, Ferdinand Soto, and several other great Tra­vellers, the better to fit our selves for the Discovery we design'd to make.

The Sieur la Salle had a Mind equal to the greatest Undertakings; and he may justly be rank'd among the most famous Travellers of many Ages, since in effect he has exhausted himself to accomplish the greatest, the most important, and the most difficult and thwart­ed Discovery that has been made in our days. He has preserv'd his Men in those Countries, where all the other Adventurers, (except Christopher Columbus) have perish'd without reaping any Advantage by their Un­dertakings, although they have employ'd above Two hundred thousand Men about them. Never did any Person before the Sieur la Salle and me, ingage in such a Design with so few Men among so many unknown Nations, as we have discover'd.

Our first Thought, whilst we were yet at Frontenac, was to find out, if possible, the Passage so long sought before, to the South Sea, without going over the Equi­noctial Line. Altho' the River Meschasipi do not lead to it, yet the Sieur la Salle had so much Skill and Cou­rage, that he hoped to find it out by his earnest Endea­ours. I do not question but he would have succeeded in his Design, if God Almighty had been pleas'd to save his Life: But he was murder'd in the Attempt; and it seems as if the Divine Goodness had permitted me to outlive the Sieur la Salle, only to furnish the Publick with the Means of finding a new Way to China and Iapan by the help of my Discovery. And indeed if either his Britannick Majesty, or the High and Mighty States of Holland do desire that I should accompany those, which they shall send to accomplish the Disco­very of this Short-cut, I am morally assur'd that with God's help we shall bring it about before the beginning of the next Age.

The Country of the Illinois, and the vast Territo­ries round about it, being the Centre of our Disco­very, the Sieur la Salle had resolv'd to make there a Settlement. And for the same Reason the Princes or Sovereign Sta [...]es that will set about this commendable [Page 3] Undertaking, ought to secure that vast Continent to themselves by Forts and Colonies, erected and settled from place to place.

The Sieur la Salle's first and chief Design was to find out by Sea the Mouth of the River Meschasipi, and to plant there good Colonies under the Authority of the King his Master. The Proposals he made for that Purpose to the Council, were kindly entertain'd by Monsieur Seig [...]elay, Minister and Secretary of State, and Superintendant of the Trade and Navigation of France. His Majesty did like them; and was pleas'd to favour his Enterprize, not only by the new Powers and Commissions he honour'd him withal, but also by a supply of Ships, Men, and Money.

The Sieur la Salle being so well countenanc'd and assisted in his Undertaking, he made it his first Care to promote God's Glory in those Countries. He chose two Bodies of Missionaries, to have out of them fit Persons to work successfully the Salvation of Souls, and lay the Foundation of Christianity in those barba­rous Countries. He therefore address'd himself to Monsieur Tronçon, Superiour-G [...]neral of the Gentle­men of the Seminary of St. Sulpitius at Paris, who was pleas'd to have a share in this great Work He destin'd Three of his Ecclesiasticks, Men full of Zeal and Virtue, and of great Capacity to go upon these new Missions; and made choice of Monsieur Cavalier Brother to the Sieur la Salle, Monsieur Chefdeville his Kinsman, and Monsieur Majulle, all three Priests of that Seminary.

I had, for about twelve Years, been subservient to the Designs of the S [...]eur la Salle of promoting God's Honour, in the Salvation of the Souls of the vast Countries of Louisiana, and Dependencies of the Fort of Frontenac. Father Zenobe and I had accompany'd him in all those Countries, where our Father Gabriel of la Ribourde had been massacred by the Barbarians. He therefore made it his chief business to have Re­collects, with whose joint-help and endeavours he might establish the Kingdom of God in those new-discover'd Countries.

[Page 4]The Sieur la Salle apply'd himself for that purpose to Father Hyacinth le Fevre, who was then a second time Provincial Commissioner of the Province of St. Denis in France. This Friar being willing to se­cond to the utmost of his power, the good intentions of the Sieur la Salle, granted him the Missionaries, he desir'd, viz. Father Zenobe Mambre, born at Bapaume, for a Superiour; Fathers Maximus le Clerc of Lille. Ryssel in Flanders, Anastasius Douay of Quesnoy in Hainault, and Denis Morquet of Arras. The first, as I said before, had been with the Sieur la Salle and me as far as the Illinois towards the end of 1679. and in the beginning of 1680. And in 1682. he had been as far as the Gulf of Mexico through the River Meschasipi, two Years after me. The second had been Missionary for five Years in Canada, with great Edification, especially in the Missions of the seven Islands, and Anticosti. The third, who at this present is Vicar of the Recollects of Cambray, had never been in America. The fourth, to wit, Father Denis, being very sick the third Day of his being a-ship-board, was oblig'd to go a-shore, and so return'd to his Province.

The Father-Provincial notify'd this Mission to the Congregation de propagandâ Fide, in order to obtain the necessary Authority for the Exercise of Missionary Functions. He receiv'd the Decrees in due Form, and Pope Innocent XI. added to them by a separate Brief, the Authentick Powers and Permissions in 36. Articles, such as are commonly granted to Missionaries, who by reason of the great Remoteness cannot have Recourse to the Authority of the Ordinary. Things were thus regulated notwithstanding the Opposition of my Lord Bishop of Quebec. But the Cardinal d' Etrées did re­present, that the Place they were bound to, viz. the Mouth of Meschasipi, was above nine hundred or a thousand Leagues distant from Quebec.

The Hopes which People built upon the Discoveries we had made, were so great, that several young Gen­tlemen were prompted to go along with Monsieur la Salle as Voluntiers. Thus the Sieur la Salle was ga­thering [Page 5] the Fruit of the Publication I had made of my Loüisiana, the Description of which I had printed be­fore his Return from Canada into France. This had gained him a great Reputation, and given him great Credit with Monsieur Seignelay. This Minister had often made me entertain him about the Circumstances of our Discovery. However I conceal'd from him some Particulars concerning the great River Meschasipi from the River of the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico. My Design in that was to raise the late Prince of Conti's, and Monsieur Seignelay's Esteem for the Sieur la Salle.

Fortune thus favouring his Designs, he had time to chuse twelve young Gentlemen, who being generally pleas'd with new Things, express'd a great Forward­ness and Resolution to go along with him: There was among the rest two of his Nephews, viz. the Sieur Moranger, and the Sieur Cavelier, which last was but fourteen Years old. He engag'd also at Rochel one of the Sons of Monsieur Merlin a rich Merchant of that City. In the mean time the little Fleet that was to go upon this Voyage was fitting up in Rochel's Ha­ven; it consisted of four Ships, viz. the Ioli or Pretty, one of his Majesty's Ships; the Frigat call'd la Belle, or the Handsome; a Pink, call'd the Amiable; and a Ketch, call'd St. Francis.

The King's Ship was commanded by the Sieur Beau­jeu, a Gentleman of Normandy, whom I have often discours'd since in our Convent at Dunkirk. He is a Man famous for his Valour, Experience, and great Ser­vices. His Lieutenant was the Chevalier de Hére, whose Father had been the eldest Counsellor in the Par­liament of Metz. He is now Captain of a Ship in the King's Service. The Ensign was the Sieur du Ha­mel, a Gentleman of Britany, who had a great deal of Fire and Courage.

It had been to be wish'd that all the rest of the Sea­men and Soldiers had been so well chosen: But those who had that Commission given them, while the Sieur la Salle was solliciting his Business at Court, pick'd up about a hundred and fifty poor Fellows, that begg'd [Page 6] about the Streets; some of which were lame, or had distorted Limbs; and were not able to shoot off a Mus­ket. The Sieur la Salle had also given Orders to get him Workmen three or four of every sort: But he was still so ill serv'd in this, that having set them to work at his landing, they were found to be ignorant of their Trade. There were eight or ten Families of pretty good sort of People, who offer'd themselves to begin the Colony. They were readily accepted, and great Advances given them, as well as to the Tradesmen and Soldiers.

All things being ready, they set sail on the 24th of Iuly, 1684. but a Tempest arising some few Days after, they were oblig'd to put into Chef-debois, to refit some of the Masts they had sprung in the Storm. They put out to Sea again on the 5th of August, steering their Course to St. Domingo: But they fell into a second Storm, which parted the Fleet on the 14th of September; yet the Pink call'd the Amiable, kept company with the Frigat la Belle, and both together arriv'd at the Little Guaves in St. Domingo, where they had the good Fortune to meet with the Ioli. As for the St. Francis, which had Goods and Merchandise a-board, she could not follow the rest, and therefore she staid in the Har­bour of Peace; from whence she parted after the Storm was over, in order to rejoin the Fleet. But during a calm Night, the Pilot and Sea-men neglecting to keep their Watch, they were surpriz'd by two Spanish Pyrogues, which made themselves Masters of that Ketch.

Formerly being in Canada with the Sieur la Salle, we often discours'd at the Fort of Frontenac about the Pro­ject of this Great Undertaking: He us'd to tell me, That he would die content, if he could but make him­self Master of the Mines of St. Barbe, in the New Me­xico. And as he often repeated the same thing to me, (tho' he knew me to be subject to the King of Spain) I could not forbear one day to shew my Affection for my Sovereign, and told him these famous Words: Vincit amor Patriae: The Love of one's Country still prevails.

[Page 7]I had not perhaps suffer'd so much as I have done since, if I had known how to dissemble my secret Sen­timents; but I was not able to contain my self upon that occasion. However, that same Inclination I ever had for my Natural Prince, has suggested me this Re­flection, which is, That our Spaniards having had the Cunning of seizing upon this Vessel, which the Sieur la Salle had laden with Merchandise upon his own ac­count, they broke the Design he had upon the Mines of St. Barbe, and in the mean time made themselves amends for his good Intentions.

This first unlucky Accident began to cross their Voyage: All the Ships-Company were under the great­est Consternation; and the Sieur la Salle, who was just recovering out of a great Fit of Sickness, was most grievously affected with it. They stay'd some time in St. Domingo, where they took in a great deal of Victu­als, and good Provision of Indian Corn, and all sorts of Cattel to stock the New Country they were bound to.

The Sieurs St. Laurence, Governour-General of all the Islands, Begond the Intendant, and the Gussi Parti­cular Governour of the least Part of St. Domingo (the Spaniards being Masters of the Principal) favour'd them in all things, and moreover renew'd a mutual good Understanding, so necessary in such-like Undertakings; for the Sieur la Salle had secret Enemies, who thwarted underhand all his Designs. In the mean time, the Sol­diers and all the Sea-men dissolving into all manner of Intemperance and Debauchery, as 'tis usual in those Countries, they spoil'd themselves so much, and con­tracted so dangerous Distempers, that some of them died in that very Island, and the rest were never well afterwards.

This little Fleet thus reduc'd from four Ships to three, they weigh'd Anchor on the 25th of November, 1684. and went on their way with a favourable Wind, along the Islands of the Caimans. Having past the Island of Peace, where they anchor'd for a day to take in fresh Water, they reach'd the Port of St. Anthony, in the Island of Cuba, where the three Ships came also to [Page 8] an Anchor. The Beauty of that pleasant Place, and the advantageous Situation of the Haven, invited them to stay in it, and even to go a-shoar. I know not for what Reason the Spaniards had left there several sorts of Provisions, without any body to look after them; but, however, they fairly made the best of them; and after they had refresh'd themselves for two days, they parted from thence, in order to pursue their Voyage towards the Gulf of Mexico.

They had made the Sieur la Salle believe in St. Do­mingo, that the Streams of that Gulf ran with incre­credible rapidity into the Channel of Bahama. This he had told me a hundred times before he undertook this Voyage. This false Advice put him quite out of his way; for thinking he was more Northwards than he really was, he past the Bay del Spiritu Santo, without so much as viewing it, and went all along the Coast a great way beyond the River Meschasipi. They would still have follow'd it farther, had they not perceiv'd by the Bow it makes towards the South, and by the Ele­vation of the Pole, that they were about forty or fifty Leagues from the Mouth of that River. What still confirm'd them in this Thought was, That before the Meschasipi discharges it self into the Gulf, it runs along the Sea-Coast Westwards; and tho' they could not take the Longitude, as being a thing unknown to Sai­lers, yet they found that they were a good way past the Parallel of that River.

The 3 Ships came together at last, about the middle of February, in the Bay del Spiritu Santo, where they found almost a continual Road: They resolv'd there­fore to go backwards; and accordingly they sail'd about ten or twelve Leagues, as far as a Bay, to which they gave the Name of St. Louis. As Provisions grew short, the Soldiers began to go a-shoar. The Sieur la Salle sounded the Bay, which is a League broad, and found it had a good Bottom: He thought, as 'twas like enough, that it might very well be the Right Arm of the Meschasipi; he therefore came safe into it with the Frigat, on the 18th of February. Its Channel is deep, [Page] [Page]

[Page 9] even to that degree, that on the very Sands, that make a sort of Bar at its entrance, there is nevertheless twelve or fifteen foot Water in ebbing-Tide.

CHAP. II. Vnfortunate Adventures which befel the Sieur la Salle.

THE Sieur la Salle had order'd the Captain of the Pink not to come into the Channel of St. Louis's Bay, without taking with him the Pilot of the Frigat, in whom they repos'd a great deal of Trust: Besides, he had commanded him to put the Cannon and fresh Water in the Boat, in order to lighten the Ship: And above all things, he had strictly enjoin'd him exactly to follow the way he had caus'd to be mark'd with Buoys. He did nothing of all this; and the perfi­dious Villain, contrary to the Advice of a Sea-man, who was on the Scuttle, and bid him Loof-up, steer'd the Ship to a place where she struck, and was grounded so, that they could never fetch her off again.

The Sieur la Salle was on the Sea-shoar an Eye-wit­ness of this unlucky piece of Work, and was embark­ing to remedy it, when he discover'd a hundred or six­score Savages making towards him; whereupon he was oblig'd to make his Men take up Arms. The Beat of the Drum put those Barbarians to flight: The French pursu'd them; and having shew'd them the Calumet, which is the Badge of Peace among those Nations, they conducted them to their Camp, where they treated them, and made them some small Presents. All this prevail'd with them so far, that they enter'd into an Alliance, and brought Victuals to the Camp the follow­ing Days. They also agreed for some of their Pyrogues, or Canows of Wood; and there was all the Reason in the World to hope great Things from so necessary an Alliance.

But, as Ill Luck would have it, a Pack of Blankets, that was on Ship-board the grounded Vessel, being cast a-shoar, a Troop of Savages happen'd to seize upon it [Page 10] some Days after. The Sieur la Salle sent Men to get it from them by fair means; but they went quite ano­ther way to work. He that Commanded them, shew'd them the Mouth of his Piece, as if he had a mind to make a Shot at them: This startled and scar'd them so, that they look'd upon 'em as Enemies ever after. There­fore being incens'd even to madness, they got together in the Night, betwixt the 6th and 7th Day of March, and advancing to the Camp, they found the Sentinel a­sleep: They made a terrible Discharge of their Ar­rows; which giving the Alarm to the whole Camp, they presently ran to their Arms, and with the noise of their Guns, frighted the Savages away. However, the Sieurs Oris and Desloges, and two Cadets, Voluntiers, were kill'd upon the spot; and the Sieur Moranger, Lieutenant and Nephew to the Sieur la Salle, and the Sieur Gayen a Voluntier, dangerously wounded. The next Day they kill'd also two of the Sieur la Salle's Men, whom they found a-sleep on the Coast.

In the mean time, the Pink stuck near three Weeks where she had first struck, without falling to pieces; but she was so leaky, that they thought it adviseable to save all they could with their Boats and Pyrogues, when the Sea was calm enough to board her without danger.

Father Zenobe being gone a-board her one day, a Gust of Wind dash'd her to pieces against the other, Ship. Every body got up presently upon the Deck, and the Good Friar, who stay'd last to save the others, was like to be drown'd himself, had not a Sea-man thrown him a Rope, by which means they hall'd him up when he began to sink into the Sea.

At last M. Beaujeu sail'd with all his Men in the Ioli, on the 12th of March, in order to return to France; and the Sieur la Salle having built an Hangar, or a sort of fortify'd Enclosure, with Planks and squar'd Timber, for the security of his Goods, he left there a hundred Men, under the Command of M. Moranger, and em­bark'd with the other fifty. He brought away with him the Sieur Cavelier a Priest, who had liv'd some time with us while I was upon my Mission in the Fort [Page 11] of Frontenac. Fathers Zenobe and Maximus, both Re­collects, went also with them, and they all together sail'd towards the bottom of the Bay, to look for the Mouth of the River Meschasipi, and for a fit Place for a Plantation.

The Captain of the Frigat was order'd to sound the Bay ou [...] of his Boat, and to carry the Ship into it as far as possible. He went twelve Leagues along the Coast, which lies from the South-East to the North-West, and cast Anchor against a Point, to which the Sieur Hurier gave his Name, because he was left to Command there. That Post was a sort of Staple betwixt the Camp near the Sea, and that which the Sieur la Salle made in the bottom of the Bay on the 2d of April. He was advanc'd two Leagues into a fine River, which they call'd the River of Cows, because they found there a great quantity of those Wild Beasts, when a Troop of Barbarians came to attack our Men; but they re­puls'd them without any loss.

On the 21st, being Easter-Eve, the Sieur la Salle went to the Camp near the Sea; and the next Day, with the Three following, that great Feast was celebra­ted with all the possible Solemnities; and every body receiv'd the Sacrament. The Days following, they remov'd from the Two Camps, Commanded by the Sieurs Moranger and Hurier, all the Goods and other Things that could be us [...]ful, into the Camp of the Sieur la Salle; which done, those Two Forts were destroy'd. The Sieur la Salle caus'd his Men to Till the Ground for a whole Month; but neither the Corn nor the Pulse they had sown did rise; either because they had been spoil'd by the Sea-Water, or because the Season did not serve. The Sieur la Salle not remembring then what I had told him before, when we were going to the Illinois, viz. That the Corn and all other Seeds which are carry'd from Europe into America, ought to be either in the Ear or Cod; otherwise they lose their Sap, and cannot grow in virgin and new-plough'd Lands.

They built a Fort in a very advantageous Place▪ which in a little time was put in a condition of De­fence. [Page 12] They planted there twelve Pieces of Cannon, and digg'd a Magazine under-ground, to lay up their Goods and Provisions secure from Fire.

It is to be observ'd, that there is no great piece of Work in building a Fort against the Arrows of the Sa­vages. There is none of those Nations of America that dare to attack the Europeans, because of their Fire-Arms. The Iroquois indeed were once so bold as to fall upon the French in the Isle of Orleans, since call'd St. Laurence of Quebec, altho' they were intrench'd, and cover'd with great Stakes. But those barbarous People, who are the most Cruel and Valiant in all America, set them on fire; and to cover themselves against Small-shot, they carry'd before them, not an Iron-Shield Musket-proof, but double Madriers, or thick Boards.

As for the subterranean Magazine I was just now speaking of, the Sieur la Salle took all necessary Mea­sures to secure it against the Invasion of the Savages. Nothing is proof against their Flying-fire: They tie a lighted Match at the head of their Arrows, which they shoot off with great force. Thus they make holes in the Boards that are at the top of Houses and Forts; and as soon as they have done that execution, they run away with so much swiftness, that no European can follow them into the Woods, whither they use to make their escape. In the mean time, the Diseases the Sol­diers had contracted in the Island of St. Domingo, under­min'd them very sensibly. There died about a hundred of them in very few Days, notwithstanding all the care that was us'd to help them with Broths, Confection of Hyacinth, Treacle and Wine.

On the 9th of August, three of the Sieur la Salle's Men being gone a Shooting, (there being a great quan­tity of Game of all sorts) they were surrounded on the sudden by several Companies of Savages, arm'd with Bows and Arrows: But these three Men stood upon their Defence, kill'd the Chief of those Barbarians, and cut off his Hair. This Action frighted the Enemy, and dispers'd them; nevertheless, some time after they kill'd an European whom they found stragling.

[Page 13]On the 13th of October, the Sieur la Salle considering how he was continually insulted by the Savages, and being willing besides to get either by fair or foul means some of their Pyrogues or Canows of Wood, which he had great occasion for, resolv'd to make War upon them, in order, if possible, to bring them to an advan­tageous Peace.

He therefore march'd out with sixty Men, arm'd with Corslets of Wood, proof against the Arrows of the Barbarians. He at last arriv'd at the Place where they were got together; and in several Rencounters he had with them, both by Day and Night, he put part of them to flight, wounded a great Number, kill'd as many, and took several Prisoners, most of which were Children: Among these there was A Girl three or four Years old, who was Baptiz'd, and died some few Days after. She was as the First Fruits of this Mission.

In the mean time, those that were come in order to lay the Foundation of the Colony, begun to build Houses, and plough the Ground of that Desart: They sow'd Corn that had been preserv'd in the Ear, which therefore turn'd to better account than the other had done. They went over to the other side of the Bay in Canows of Wood, where they found near a great Ri­ver a vast quantity of Game, especially wild Bulls and Cows, with some Turkey-Cocks. Over and above all these, they bred all sorts of tame Cattel and Fowl in their Plantations, such as Cows, Swine, Hens, &c. which multiply'd apace. The War they had made up­on the Savages, had secur'd for a while the Ease and Safety of the Colony. But a new Misfortune succeeded to all the former.

The Sieur la Salle had often entertain'd me in our Voyages, about the unheard-of Cruelties which the Spaniards had exercis'd in Peru and New Mexico, over the People of those Great Empires, where they had de­stroy'd, as far as they could, both Men and Women, and had only preserv'd the Children, to make in some measure a New People of them. He highly disapprov'd that Conduct of the Spaniards, and blam'd it as unwor­thy of Men that profess'd themselves Christians.

[Page 14]I said all I could to excuse them; and gave him to understand, That unless they had destroy'd a great num­ber of Mexicans, they would certainly have perish'd in their Enterprizes: That whole Armies had often fallen upon them, with design to cut them in pieces; and that Policy had oblig'd them to take away so many Men's Lives to secure their Conquests.

It seems to me as if the Sieur la Salle had forgot what he blam'd in the Conduct of the Spaniards, with respect to his New Discoveries. He might very well have imagin'd, that the Savages, who never forgive, after they have been once provok'd (as Experience con­vinces us by the Iroquois, who reveng'd themselves up­on the Canadians, after a seeming Reconcilement) would never fail to get Satisfaction of the War he had made upon them. And indeed we see, that the Iroquois are still actually in War with the Inhabitants of Ca­nada; whereas they never made any Hostility upon the Dutch. The reason of which is, that the Dutch ne­ver offer'd to insult them, altho' they had often an op­portunity to do it.

The Sieur la Salle, who had a penetrating Wit, and with that the Talent of winning upon the Savages, ought to have consider'd, that sooner or later, either he or his Men would suffer, in the setling of the Colony, for the open War he made upon those People. Besides, he did by that very thing lay a great Obstacle to the Con­version of those Barbarians, and ruin'd before-hand all the Labour of the Missionaries he had taken along with him. For indeed any Christian that designs the Con­version of Souls, ought to use none but fair means. This is the Lesson which our Saviour gives us Himself, in these Words: Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of Heart.

The Sieur la Salle had order'd the Captain of the Fri­gat, which was the only Ship he had left, to sound ve­ry exactly the Bay, where he design'd to make a Settle­ment, and view the Ground as he went along; and above all things, he had strictly charg'd him to cause all his Men to retire every Night a-board the Frigat. But theCaptain and Six of the best and stoutest of his Men, [Page 15] charm'd by the Mildness of the Season, and the Beauty of the place, having left their Canow and their Arms on the Mud, it being low Water, advanc'd about a Musket-shot into the Meadow, to rest themselves on dry Ground. They hapned to fall asleep; which be­ing perceiv'd by a Company of Savages, they presently fell upon them, being favour'd by the Night, butcher'd them in a most cruel manner, and broke their Canow and Arms in pieces. A tragical Adventure, which put the whole Camp under the greatest Consternation.

After they had perform'd the Funeral Rites of these unfortunate Wretches, the Sieur la Salle leaving six Months Provisions to those who remain'd in the Camp, set out with twenty Men, and the Sieur Cavelier a Priest his Brother, in order to seek by Land the Mouth of the River Meschasipi. This Bay, which he found to lie in 27 Degrees, 45 Minutes of Latitude, is the Receptacle of several Rivers, of which none seem'd broad or deep enough, to be one of the Arms of that Great River. The Sieur la Salle run them all over, thinking that either those little Rivers were form'd a little higher by an Arm of the Meschasipi; or that by going further cross the Country, he would find out the Running of that River. He was a longer time than he expected about this Discovery, being oblig'd to cross the Rivers he met in his way with Cajeux; and over and above all that, to intrench himself every Night against the Insults of the Barbarians.

The continual Rains render'd the Ways very difficult▪ and made Torrents in a great many places: However, he thought at last to have found the River he was in quest of, on the 13th of February, 1686. They built there a Fort, in which the Sieur la Salle left one half of his Men; and taking the other half along with him, pursu'd his Discovery through the finest Countries in the World, crossing several Villages inhabited by numerous Nations, who treated him with great Humanity. At last he went back to his Men, and arriv'd at the Gene­ral Camp on the 31st of March, charm'd with the Beauty and Fertility of the Country▪ the incredible [Page 16] quantity of all manner of Game, and the numerous Nations he had met with in his way.

But GOD Almighty prepar'd for him a greater Trial than all the former, which was the loss of his Frigat. This only Ship he now had left, and with which he hop'd to sail along the Sea-Coast, and after­wards go over to St. Domingo, in order to get fresh Sup­plies: This Vessel, I say, was unfortunately run a-ground through the fault and carelesness of the Pilot; all the Goods on board were entirely lost, the Ship stav'd to pieces on the Coast, the Sea-men drown'd, the Sieur Chefdeville a Priest, the Captain and four Per­sons more hardly escaping the same Fate by means of a Canow, which by a sort of Miracle they found near the Coast. They lost there six and thirty Barrels of Meal, a great deal of Wine, the Trunks, Clothes, and Lin­nen of the Men, and the greatest part of their Tools. One may imagine what a mortal Grief this was to the Sieur la Salle: His great Courage had certainly sunk under its Weight, had not GOD Almighty supported him by a particular Help of His Grace.

CHAP. III. Unfortunate Adventures which happen to the Sieur la Salle in the two Voyages he undertakes to go to the Illinois.

THose who are a little vers'd in the History of Dis­coveries, know very well that [...]hose who go about them, are oblig'd to make several Attempts, which of­ten prove vain and fruitless, before they can compass their Design; and that generally there befals them a thousand tragical and surprizing Adventures. They will not therefore wonder to see here the Miscarriages and Disappointments with which God was pleas'd to cross the great Discovery we are treating of, and the Settle­ment of a Colony in the vast Countries of Loüisiana. Several Historians have been inquisitive into the Rea­sons of God Almighty's Conduct with relation to those [Page 17] Enterprizes, which seem'd to concern his Honour in the Conversion of barbarous Nations to the Faith of the Gospel. But it does not belong to us to dive into those Secrets, which are an Abyss to Humane Under­standing. 'Tis enough for us to adore the Wonders of Providence, and admire the Prodigies of this Discove­ry, and the Force and Courage of those who have ac­complish'd it under his Divine Conduct. Among the rest we must here acknowledge the great Resolution of the Sieur la Salle, who was never discourag'd by any Disappointment, but carry'd on his Designs to the last.

Since I am more concern'd than any Man to know what pass'd upon the great River Meschasipi, over which I sailed the first of any European, I shall follow what Father Anastasius, now Vicar of our Recollects at Cambray, has writ about the Sieur la Salle's Voyage, which will give me an opportunity to examine whe­ther in effect the said la Salle was at the Mouth of that River, when he return'd to Canada through the Lands of America. Here you have what I have learn'd from the History of Father Anastasius.

When the Sieur la Salle saw his Affairs irrecoverably ruin'd, by the loss of the two Ships that were cast a­way in the Northern Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and that he had no way left him to return into Europe by Sea, he was forc'd to go by Land to the Illinois, in order to repair to Canada, from whence he might send to France the News of all his Misfortunes.

Now to put this Design in execution, the Sieur la Salle chose twenty of his best Men, including a Savage of the Nation of the Chaouens nam'd Nika, which in the Illi­nois Language signifies Comrade. This Man, had ac­company'd him from Canada into France, and from France to the Gulf of Mexico. The Sieur Cavelier a Priest, Brother to the said la Salle, Moranger his Ne­phew, and Father Anastasius of Douay a Recollect, join'd themselves with him to go upon this great Jour­ney. They provided nothing for that purpose, besides four Pound of Powder, six Pound of Shot, two Hat­chets, two dozen of Knives, Beads of several Colours, and two Kettles.

[Page 18]The Sieur la Salle would have taken other Provi­sions along with him, but that he hop'd to return to the Fort, as soon as he was arriv'd at the Illinois: There­fore after they had perform'd Divine Service in the Cha­pel of the Fort, and implor'd GOD Almighty's Assi­stance, he departed with his Company, on the 22d of April, 1686. directing his Course towards the North­East.

It is to be observ'd, that the River Meschasipi runs from the North to the South, to discharge it self into the Gulf of Mexico; so that the Illinois, whither the Sieur la Salle intended to go, lie on the North-East of the Way he took. 'Tis very likely that the said la Salle wanted Pyrogues, or Canows, there being none in the Countries through which he was to travel, but only among the Northern Nations. So that Father Anasta­sius mentioning no Ship in his History, there's reason to believe that they made this Journey by Land for want of Canows; or that the Sieur la Salle was not sure of having found the Mouth of the River Meschasipi; for if he had, it had been easie for him to go to the Illinois by Water.

After three Days march, Father Anastasius tells us, they found the finest Country in the World, and saw a great many Men, some on foot, others on horse-back, galloping towards them, booted and spurr'd, and having Saddles. These People invited them to their Habita­tions; but because they were out of their Way, they thank'd them for their Kindness, after they had enquir'd of them what way they were to take; which is to be sup­pos'd they did by Signs, since none of the Sieur la Salle's Men understood the Language of those People, who had some Acquaintance with the Spaniards. They went on their Journey the remaining part of the Day, and hutted themselves towards Night in a little Fort intrench'd with Stakes, which they continu'd to do ever after for their Security.

The next Day they pursu'd their Journey, and march'd two whole Days through a continu'd Meadow, as far as the River which they call'd Robeck: The found there such vast numbers of wild Bulls, call'd by the [Page 19] Spaniards, Cibola, that the least Herd of them seem'd to be of two or three hundred. The Sieur la Salle and his Men kill'd presently eight or ten of them, and dry'd part of the Meat, because they did not care to stay above five or six Days in that Place. A League and a half farther they met with a fine River, greater and deeper than the Seine at Paris: Its Banks were hedg'd with the finest Trees in the World, which look'd as if they had been planted on purpose, with Meadows on one side, and Woods on the other. They pass'd it with Cajeux, and call'd it Malign. Thus crossing those fine Countries and pleasing Meadows, intermix'd with Vineyards, Orchards, and among the ret Mulberry-Trees, they came in few Days to a River, which they call'd Huens, from the Name of a German of the Dut­chy of Wirtemberg, who sunk so in the Mud of it, that they had much ado to fetch him out of it. I believe that Father Anastasius mistakes about the Name of Huens, and that it ought to be Hans, which signifies Iohn.

One of these Travellers cross'd that River, swimming with a Hatchet on his Back; another follow'd him presently; and being both on the other side, they fell'd great Trees, whilst the others did the same on the op­posite side: These Trees falling on both sides a-cross the River, met about the middle of it, and form'd a sort of Bridge, which made an easie Passage from one side to the other. This is an Invention they have us'd above thirty times to cross the Rivers they met in their way; which seem'd more secure than that of the Cajeux, which are a sort of Float-boat, made of several Branches of Trees fastned together, which they shove with a Pole in the crossing of a River.

'Twas in this Place that the Sieur la Salle chang'd his Course from the North-East to the East, for some Reasons he never told, and which his Companions could never guess at. He had done a great deal better not to have been so reserv'd with them, and would have prevented a great many Misfortunes, especially being in a Country where Europeans can find no help.

[Page 20]After some Days march through a pretty sort of Country, wherein however they were forc'd to cross many great Brooks with Cajeux, they entred a Coun­try far more agreeable and pleasant where they found a numerous Nation, who entertain'd them with all De­monstrations of Kindness. The Women were so forward as to embrace the Men that were with the Sieur la Salle, and causing them to sit on very fine Matts, they plac'd them on the upper end near the Captains, who presen­ted them the Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, adorn'd with Feathers of several Colours, and made them smoak with it in their turn. They regal'd them amongst other things with a Sagamite, or Potage made with a certain Root, which they call Tique, or Toquo. This is a Shrub re­sembling a Briar without Prickles, having a very great Root; which being well wash'd and dry'd up, is after­wards pounded and reduc'd to Pouder in a Mortar. The Potage these People make with it, is well tasted, but a little astringent▪

Those Savages presented them with Hides of Wild Bulls well dress'd and soft, and fit to make Shoes, which are very necessary in those Parts, to keep one's feet against some cutting Weeds that grow there; and in return they gave them some black Beads, which are in great esteem among them. They stay'd some few Days among that Nation, during which, the Sieur la Salle with his insinuating way, gave them great Ideas of the Grandeur and Glory of the King his Master; giving them to understand, that he was greater and higher than the Sun, which ravish'd those Barbarians in Admi­ration.

The Sieur Cavelier a Priest, and Father Anastasius us'd all their Endeavours to give them the First No­tions of the True GOD. This Nation is call'd Bis­katronge; but the Europeans call'd them the Nations of the Weepers; and gave the same Name to their River, which is very fine. The reason of it is, that at their arrival those People fell a-crying most bitterly for a quarter of an Hour: This is their Custom, whenever there comes any Strangers afar off amongst them, because their arrival puts them in mind of their deceas'd Rela­tions, [Page 21] which they imagin to be upon a great Journey▪ and whose return they expect every hour.

At last, those good People gave Guides to the Sieur la Salle, furnish'd his Men with all Necessaries, and fer­ry'd them over their River in their Canows.

They cross'd three or four other Rivers the following Days, during which there hapned nothing considerable, save that their Savage of Chaouen having made a shoot at a Roe-buck near a great Village, the report of the Gun so alarm'd the Inhabitants, that they abandon'd their Houses, and ran away. The Sieur la Salle commanded his Men to their Arms, in order to enter the Village, in which were above a hundred Hutts. They went into the fairest of all, which was that of the Chief Captain, where his Wife hap­pen'd to be still, not having been able to follow the rest because of her old Age. They Sieur la Salle gave her to understand, that he and his Men came amongst them like Friends. Three of her Sons, who were stout Men, observ'd what past at a distance; and when they saw that things were carry'd on amicably, and no Ho­stilities committed, they recall'd all their People, and began to treat of Peace; which done, they danc'd with the Calumet till Night.

The Sieur la Salle not trusting too much to all this fair show, encamp'd beyond the Reeds that were in that Place, that if in case those Barbarians design'd to give him any disturbance by Night, the noise of the Reeds might give him notice of their approach. This was found to be no small piece of Wisdom; for a Troop of Warriours, arm'd with Bows and Arrows, made to­wards them in the Night; but the Sieur la Salle, with­out going out of his Intrenchments, threatned to make a discharge upon them, and spoke to them with so much Resolution, that he oblig'd them to retire. The remain­der of the Night past very quietly; and the next Day, after many reciprocal Demonstrations of Kindness, at least in appearance, from the Savages, they continu'd their March five or six Leagues beyond that Place.

They were wonderfully surpriz'd to find a Troop of Savages, who with a kind and civil look, came to meet [Page 22] them with Ears of Indian Corn in their Hands: They embrac'd the Sieur la Salle and his Men af­ter their own way, and invited them very pressingly to their Villages. They Sieur la Salle seeing their Frankness, consented to go along with them. These Savages gave him to understand, that there were cruel and wicked Men towards the West, who destroy'd the Nations round about them. Father Anastasius conjectures that they meant the Spaniards of the New Mexico; for no doubt but M. la Salle told him so. These Barbarians then made them understand that they had War with those People.

It being nois'd all over that Town, that M. la Salle was arriv'd with his Men, every one strove to make them welcome, and to press them to stay and join with them, in War against those pretended Spa­niards of Mexico. M. la Salle amus'd them with Words, and with the hope of making a strict Al­liance with those People who are call'd Kirononas. He promis'd to come to them again very soon with more numerous Troops: And so after all this Feast­ing and an interchange of Presents, the Wild Men helped them to pass over the River in their Py­rogues.

While M. de la Salle continu'd his Journey East­wards, through fair and pleasant Meadows, after three Day's march, he was for some time retarded by an unlucky Accident. His wild Huntsman, whose Name was Nikana cry'd out aloud on a sudden, that he was a dead Man; and they running to him, understood that he had been severely bitten by a Rattle­snake. They made him take some O [...]vietan-Pouder; and having scarify'd the Wound to draw out the Venom and infected Blood, they laid Vipers-salt up­on it: So that by the help of these Remedies, he was put out of danger, tho' some time was requir'd to perfect the Cure.

CHAP. IV: The sequel of the unhappy Adventures of the Sieur la Salle, in seeking the River Meschasipi. He is kindly receiv'd by the Cenesians, from whence he pursues his Discovery.

M. De la Salle with his Men were extraordinarily surpriz'd upon their approach to a large and rapid River, which they thought did run into the Sea, and which they call'd the River of Misfortunes. They made a Cajeu to pass it over, and M. de la Salle, with M. Cavelier his Brother, who was a Priest, put them­selves upon it with part of their Men: But having hardly reach'd the Current of the Stream, they were carry'd away, by the extream rapadity of it, quite out of sight in a Moment. Father Anastasius a Recollect Friar, continu'd on the shoar with part of their Men, and the Hunter Nicana having lost himself in the Woods, had not been seen for several Days; so that both Parties were mightily afflicted, who despair'd of ever seeing one another again. Father Anastasius encourag'd as well as he could the Men that were with him, and the whole Day was spent in Lamentation and Weeping; but towards Night they perceiv'd M. de la Salle on the other side of the River, who told them, that by a special Providence of GOD, their Cajeu was stopp'd in the middle of the River, which gave them opportunity to renew their Endeavours for to overcome and cross the Stream, which, had not this hapned, would have carry'd them along into the Sea: That one of his Men a Briton, and Rut by Name, had cast himself into the River, endeavouring to grasp the Branch of a Tree, but that the poor Fellow was not able afterwards to reach the Cajeu again.

A little while after, the same young Man appear'd on that side oft he River, where Father Anastasius was, having sav'd his Life by Swimming. They pass'd the whole Night in great Anxiety, this Friar with his Men seeking how they might come and join M. de la Salle, [Page 24] having eaten nothing during the whole Day; but God provided for them, by the means of two Young Eagles which dropt down from a Cedar-tree, and became a Feast for Ten Men.

The next Morning being much concern'd about pas­sing the River, M. de la Salle advis'd them to make a Cajeu of Canes. Father Anastasius, M. Moranger, and Three others shew'd the way, and ventur'd first, not without Danger; for they were sinking deeper and deeper every moment, and the said Father was oblig'd to lodge his Breviary in his Hood, the Water being as high as his Sleeve.

M. de la Salle sent in two of his Men, who swim­ing up to them, help'd them to push forward their Sledge of Canes, and by that means they got happily on the Shore. Those who were yet on the other side, had no mind to hazard their Lives in passing over, but were at last necessitated to it, the others making as if they would have continu'd their Journey without them. They pass'd then at last, and did it with less Trou­ble and Danger than the others. The whole Company being reunited except the Hunter, they march'd two whole days amongst very thick Canes, M. de la Salle himself, with some others, clearing the way, and cut­ting down the Canes with Axes. At last on the third day Nicana the Hunter did appear with three stale Kids, and one newly kill'd, upon which M. de la Salle caus'd a Volley of shot to be made for Joy.

They continu'd their Journey Eastward, entred some Countries finer yet than any they had pass'd before, and found there a People, who had nothing of Barbarians but the Name. Amongst others, they met with one of the Savages returning home from Hunting, with his Wife and Family. He presented M. de la Salle with one of his Horses and some Meat, entreating him by Signs to go along with him, he and all his Men; and the more to oblige them to do it, he left them as a Pledge his Wife and Family, and the Game he had ta­ken, while he went to acquaint the People of his Town of their Arrival.

[Page 25]The Hunter Nicana, and a Servant of M. de la Salle accompany'd him thither, and two days after return'd with two Horses laden with Provisions, in company of several of the Chief Men amongst those Savages.

They were follow'd by several armed Wild Men, very neatly cloath'd with Skins, adorn'd with Feathers. They found them at three Leagues distance from the Village, coming to meet them. M. de la Salle was re­ceiv'd there as in Triumph, and lodg'd at the Grand Captain's. There was an extraordinary Concourse of People, the Young Men being all in Arms, and relie­ving one another by turns Day and Night, and bring­ing to our Strangers all sorts of Provisions, and plenty of every thing. In the mean while, M. de la Salle fearing lest part of his Men should debauch themselves with the Women, caus'd them to encamp three Leagues from that Town. They staid there three or four days, and dealt with these People for Horses, and several other things which they wanted.

This [...] Village, call'd Cenis, is one of the most consi­derable in all America, and extremely populous. It is twenty Leagues long at least, though not wholly inha­bited, but only by small Hamlets of ten or twelve Cottages, which make as many Cantons or Divisions, having every one a different Name. Their Cottages are fine, being each 40 or 50 foot long, and rising up in the Form of Bee-hives. They plant Trees there whose Top-branches join together, then they cover them with Grass, and other Herbs. The Beds are plac'd round the Cottages within, rais'd about three or four foot from the Ground. The Hearth is in the mid­dle, and each Cottage serves for two Families.

They saw among the Cenesians several things which came undoubtedly from the Spaniards, as Pieces of Eight, and other Money, Silver Spoons, all sorts of La­ces, Clothes, and Horses. They saw amongst other things the Pope's Bull, whereby the Spaniards of Mexico are exempted from Fasting during the Summer. Hor­ses are very common there, and they gave one in Ex­change to our Men for an Ax. A Cenesian offer'd a [Page 26] Horse to Father Anastasius for his Monastical Hood, which he fansi'd very much.

They trade with the Spaniards by means of the Choumans, Allies to the Cenesians, who are in a perpe­tual War with New Spain. M. de la Salle who had al­ways a mind to make an Attempt upon the Mines of Santa Barbara in New Mexico, caus'd a Map to be drawn both of their Country, and of their Neighbours, and of the River Meschasipi, wherewith he thought they were well acquainted. They made a Draught of all this upon the Bark of a Tree. They said they were six days Journey distant from the Spaniards, whereof they made so natural a Description, that M. de la Salle was fully perswaded of the Truth of it, though the Spaniards had not yet undertook any thing against those People, and their Villages; onely their Warriors join'd with the Choumans in their Wars in New Mexico.

M. de la Salle who was perfectly skilful in th [...] Art of winning the Savages of all Nations, had ingratia­ted himself extremely with these People, by making them to understand, that He who had sent him to them was the greatest Captain in the World, as high as the Sun; and as much elevated above the Spaniards, as the Sun is above the Earth. While he was reciting the Victories of his Great Monarch, the Cenesians broke out into loud Exclamations, holding their Hand upon their Mouths as a mark of their Astonishment. Father Anastasius the Recollect Fryar saith, that he found those People very docile, and of a tractable Temper, adding that they appear'd inclinable enough to the Be­lief of the Existence and Truth of One God, Creator and Master of the World.

'Tis true that M. de la Salle had a special knack in winning the Love of the Savages: Nevertheless he had not yet any Interpreter to explain his Thoughts to the Cenesians, and could not do it but by the help of some signs; which shews that all those long Speeches are only Exaggerations. This M. de la Salle being entirely oblig'd for his Fortune to his Sovereign, had all the reason in the World to raise him very high; neverthe­less [Page 27] he ought not to have done it with Prejudice to the Spanish Nation, and especially to the King of Spain, who besides the Noble and Large Countries whereof he is Sovereign in Europe, is moreover Lord both of the East and West Indies; which hath given occasion to that common Saying, and which M. de la Salle hath very often repeated to me in our Conversation, That the Sun never goes down upon the King of Spain 's Domi­nions.

He could not then be ignorant, that the Cenesians did not know any Prince more powerful in all America than the King of Spain, since he is Sovereign of more than two thousand five hundred Leagues of Land on that great Continent, which makes half the Terrestrial Globe.

There were there at that time fome of the Choumans Ambassadors at the Cenesians. They made a Visit to M. de la Salle, who was very much surpriz'd to see them sign themselves with the Sign of the Cross, and fall down on their Knees holding up their Hands join'd together towards Heaven. They kiss'd the Habit of Father Anastasius, and made him understand, that some Men cloath'd as he was, instructed the People of their Neighbourhood, distant only two days Journey from the Spaniards. And indeed our Monks have very fine and large Churches in that Country, wherein the In­habitants do assemble together to make their Prayers. They express'd naturally enough the Ceremonies of the Mass. One of them with a Pencil made the Descri­ption of a Picture which he had seen of a Tall Wo­man weeping for the Death of her Son hanging upon a Cross.

Father Anastasius adds, that the Savages gave M. de la Salle to understand how the Spaniards made an un­merciful Slaughter of the Indians; and that if he would go along with them, or furnish them with Fire-Arms, 'twould be an easie thing to become Masters of them, as being great Cowards, and People of no Courage, who keep Men on purpose to carry before them huge Umbrella's and Fans to cool them, during the Hea [...]s of the Summer.

[Page 28]M. de la Salle being formerly with me in Conversa­tion at Fort Frontenac about our Discoveries, told me often that the Jesuits of the College of Goa, Capital City of the East Indies, which was given them by a Bishop of the Order of St. Francis, and the Incomes whereof amount now to prodigious Sums, go in Missi­on into those Countries; and that he was told by seve­ral at Paris, that they made themselves to be carry'd abroad in a kind of an open Chair, having two Men on both sides to cool them with Fans during the great­est Heats of the Year. But because M. de la Salle had been formerly of the same Society, I made always [...]ome Abatement of what he said in Matters belonging to them. Nevertheless, I cannot but admire here his Cunning, in attributing to the Spaniards of New Mexico, in the Description of his Travels, what he had often told me of those Reverend Fathers.

After a stay of four or five days, which M. de la Salle had made amongst the Cenesians to refresh his Men, he continu'd his March through the Nassonians. He pass'd a large River running through the middle of the great Village of the Cenesians. These two Nati­ons are allied, and have almost the same Genius, and Customs.

At five Leagues distance from thence, he saw with a great deal of Sorrow, that four of his Men had desert­ed him during the Night, and were retir'd to the Nas­sonians: And to accumulate Misfortunes, both he and M. Moranger his Nephew, were attack'd with a violent Fever, which reduc'd them to Extremity. Their Sick­ness was long, and oblig'd his Men to make a consider­able stay in that place; for after the Fever had left them, much time was yet requir'd for the Recovery of their Strength.

The length of their Cure broke all their measures, and was afterwards the occasion of their last Misfor­tunes. Above two Months time were spent there, du­ring which they shifted as they could for to live. They begun to want Powder. They had not gone yet 150 Leagues in a strait Line, but some of their Men de­serted. In so fastidious a Juncture M. de la Salle took a [Page 29] Resolution to return back to Fort-Lou [...]s. All his Com­pany were of the same Opinion, and they took their way directly thither. Nothing remarkable happen'd in that Journey, save that in repassing over the malignant River, one of his Men was snatch'd away together with their Sledge or Cajeu, by a Crocodile of a prodi­gious Length and Bigness.

After a Month's March, during which the Horses were of great Help to them, they arriv'd in their Camp on the 17th of October in the same Year 1686. where they were receiv'd with all Demonstrations of Joy imaginable. As for them, they were much divi­ded between Thoughts of Joy and Sadness, every one making a Narrative to his Friends of the Tragical Adventures that happen'd to them since their Sepa­ration.

CHAP. V. A short Description of Fort St. Louis: Of its advantage­ous Situation, and adjacent Lands.

FEW People in the Histories of Travellers can boast a Courage so undaunted and invincible as that of M. Robert Cavalier de la Salle. His Heart did never shrink in the most contrary Events, but was always firm in hopes of Success, with the Help of Heaven, in spight of all the Obstacles which he met with almost continually.

He made a stay in St. Louis-Bay of two months and a half, and took a View with Father Anastasius, whereof I have spoken, of all the Rivers that run into it. This Fryar saith, that they found above fifty of them there fit for Navigation, which run all from the West, or North-West of that Continent. The Ground where­upon the Fort is built is somewhat sandy, though any where else nothing but a good and rich Soil is to be found. You may there see Meadows on all sides, where the Grass grows higher than our Corn; and that in all the Seasons of the Year also you meet with [Page 30] Rivers at two or three Leagues distance one from the other, which are all beset on both sides with Oaks and Mulberry-Trees. This continues Westward within two Days Journey from the Spaniards.

The Fort is built upon a rising Ground, North and Southward, having the Sea South-East, vast Meadows on the West, and on the South-West two Ponds and Woods of a League in Compass; a River running at the Foot of it. The neighbouring Nations are the Quoaki's, who have very cheap Horses the Bahamo's and the Quinets, wandring Nations, with whom M. de la Salle was in War. He omitted nothing during all that time, that might comfort his small new Colony, the Families whereof increas'd much in Children. He propagated very much the grubbings up, and the new Plantations. M. Che [...]deville and Cavelier, with three Recollect Fryars, did with one accord apply themselves to their Edifica­tion, and to the Instructions of some Savage-Families, who came from the foreign Nations to join with them. All this while M. de la Salle us'd all his Endeavours to tame the Barbarians, as knowing well that the keeping Peace with these People was of the utmost Importance for the settling of his Colony.

At last M. de la Salle thought that the onely way to effect it was to take another Journey into the Illinois, and to that purpose he made, as he was wont to do, a very pathetick Speech before his little Colony, who were all assembled and mov'd thereby, so as to shed Tears, being persuaded both of the necessity of this Journey, and of the Rectitude of his Intentions; and it had been well they, had all persever'd in the same Senti­ments. He caus'd them to finish the Fortifications of the Inclosure, wherein both the Habitations and the Fort were included. After which he chose twenty Men, the Priest Sieur Cavelier his Brother, the Sieurs Moranger and Cavelier his Nephews, with the Sieur Ioustel, a Pilot, and Father Anastasius, a Recollect Fryar. Publick Prayers were made for a Blessing both upon his Journey and Colony.

CHAP. VI. The Sieur la Salle's Departure from the Bay of St. Louis, to go to the Illinois.

M. De la Salle set forth from that Bay with Twenty Men on the 7th of Ianuary, 1687. And the very first day they met with an Army of Bahamo's, who went to War against the Errigoanna's. M. de la Salle made an Alliance with them, and was willing to treat after the same manner with the Quinets, but they betook themselves to flight at his Approach, however by the Celerity of our Horse they were overtaken, and Promises of an inviolable Peace were given on both sides.

On the 4th day, three Leagues further to the North-East, they found the first River abounding in Canes. There is nothing to be seen there but Meadows and little Woods, a little distant from one another. These Lands are so plentiful, that the Grass grows ten or twelve foot high. There is a very great Number of Villages seated on that River, which are extremely po­pulous. They visited none but the Quara's and the Anachorema.

Upon the same Rhomb, three Leagues further, is found the second River of Canes, inhabited by diffe­rent Nations. And there are whole Fields full of Hemp.

About five Leagues further they pass'd the River Sa­blonniere, so call'd for its running upon a sandy bot­tom, though the Lands about are firm Ground, and consisting of large Meadows.

They march'd thence seven or eight Leagues further, to the River Robec, passing through Meadows, and over three or four Rivers distant a League one from the other. The Country about the River Robec is peo­pled with several large Villages, the People whereof speak so much in the throat, that it is almost impossi­ble for a Stranger to fashion himself to it. They are [Page 32] in War with the Spaniards, and sollicited very much M. de la Salle to join himself with their Warriors; but the making any stay there, would not have advanc'd their Design: Moreover, M. de la Salle was not very likely with twenty Men to do great harm to the Spa­niards. Nevertheless, they remain'd five or six Days amongst those People, endeavouring to win them with Christian Instructions, which they are not us'd to re­ceive from the Spaniards.

In their March they travers'd great Meadows, as far as the Malignant River. It is very deep, and so call'd because one oftheir Menhad been devour'd there by a monstrous Crocodile. This River runs a great length, and is in­habited by great numbers of People, divided into forty very populous Villages, which compose the Nation of the Kanoatinnos, who are in War with the Spaniards, and exercise Dominion over the Neighbouring Na­tions.

They visited some of those Villages inhabited by good though barbarous People. Father Anastasius adds, that the Cruelty of the Spaniards had made them yet more wild and unsociable. But I suspect it to be one of M. de la Salle's Remarks, who was wil­ling to win those Nations to himself, and to put them out of conceit with the Spaniards. 'Tis true, that the Spaniards have been forc'd to destroy several Neigh­bouring Nations, thereby to secure the Conquest of New Mexico, because certainly those People would have destroy'd them, had they not prevented them. It ought to be taken for granted, that those Barbarians have no consideration for the Europeans, but so far as they stand in fear of them. The promoting then of M. de la Salle's Design, could not be done but by pulling down the Spaniards; therefore he endeavour'd to raise those Bar­barians against them. He might however remember, that being formerly together at Fort Frontenac, I assur'd him very often of a thing with which he could not dis­agree, viz. That the Spanish Yoke is perhaps the easiest and most tolerable in the World.

M. de la Salle having made and receiv'd Presents, bought some Horses from these People very cheap, and [Page] [Page]

[Page 33] afterwards pass'd the River, in order to continue his Journey in a Canow, or Boat made of Wild Bul­locks Skins; and most probably they caus'd their Hor­ses to swim over to the other side.

Within the same Rhomb, about four Leagues thence, they pass'd in a Cajeu over the River Hiens, or Hans, mention'd already before: Afterwards they took their way to the North-East, and were oblig'd to cross seve­ral small Rivers and Inundations of Waters. They did it in Winter-time, which is felt in those Countries only by some Rains; but the Spring was gone before they got out of that Country, which upon the whole they found to be curiously diversify'd with Meadows, Hills, and Springs. They came at last to three large Villages, call'd Taraha, Tyahappan, and Palonna, where they found Horses. Some Leagues farther they came to the Pala­quessons, compos'd of ten Villages, ally'd with the Spaniards.

I wonder that Father Anastasius hath not made a more distinct Journal of so many different Nations. I desire then my Reader not to be displeas'd at my ma­king now and then some Reflections on this last Voyage of M. de la Salle, with whom I have travell'd so often while I was with him in America. The Description I made of the Louisiana, which I formerly printed at Pa­ris, contributed very much to his Enterprize.

CHAP. VII. The Sieur la Salle is unfortunately murder'd by the Men under his Conduct. Three Men kill'd before him.

IT was after having pass'd all the Nations whereof I have now spoken, that there [...]hapned the saddest of all Misfortunes to the Men of M. de la Salle, for both he, and M. Moranger his Nephew, with some others, were kill'd. M. de la Salle finding himself then in a very fine Country, where there was plenty of Game, all his Men made very good Cheer there, and refresh'd themselves from the weariness of their Journey, with [Page 34] exquisite and delicate Meats, for several Days toge­ther. He had sent M. Moranger his Nephew, his Foot­m [...]n, nam'd Saget, and seven or eight others of his Attendance, to the Place where Nika his Hunter, who was a Wild Man of Chaouenon, had left abundance of Meat of Wild Bullocks for to season it, that so they might not be oblig'd to sojourn so often for to go to Hunting.

M. de la Salle, with all his Prudence, could not fore­see the Plot which some of his Men were to lay for the assassinating his Nephew. They took nevertheless this desperate Resolution, and put it in execution on the 17th of March, falling upon him, and breaking his Head with an Ax. Father Anastasius out of Charity would not leave us the Name of that Assassin. They murther'd likewise the Servant of M. de la Salle, and the poor Savage Nik [...], who had kept them alive for three Years together by the Game which with hard Labour and Fatigue he took in Hunting. M. Moran­ger languish'd two Hours after the receiving of that fatal Blow, during which time he gave all possible Marks of Piety, pardoning his Murtherers, and even sometimes embracing them, and giving signs of a per­fect Resignation to the Will of God, and of Trust in the Merits of his Blessed Saviour, according to the Re­port which those very Men who assassinated him made of it, when their Furiousness was over. He was a true honest Man, who fulfill'd all the Duties of a True Christian; and therefore we hope that GOD had Mercy on him.

These Wr [...]tches being not satisfy'd with having com­mitted that Murther, resolv'd not to stop there. They form'd a Design to kill their Master himself, fearing lest by a just Resentment, he should make them bear the Punishment due to the horrid Crime they had com­mitted. Father Anastasius observeth, that they were two long Leagues distant from the Place where M. Moranger was assassinated. M. de la Salle growing at length uneasie in his Thoughts at the long stay both of his Nephew and of his Men, who had been now absent two or three Days already, and fearing lest they had been surpriz'd [Page 35] by some Troops of Savages, he desir'd Father Anastasius to engage with him, and go in search after his Nephew, and took two Wild Men more with him.

Upon the Road, M. de la Salle had no other Dis­course with him but of Religion, and spoke very much concerning the matters of Grace and Predestination, and more especially of the great Obligations he had to Divine Providence, for having preserv'd him from so many Dangers which he had run, during a stay of twenty Years in America, nine whereof had been spent in those Voyages I made with him: But on a sudden, F. Anastasius saw him oppress'd with a very deep Melan­choly, though he could not himself assign the Cause of it. His trouble was so great, that those who were us'd to converse with him, did hardly know him: This Disposition of Mind was not natural to him. Father Anastasius endeavour'd what he could to divert him out of that Dulness.

After two Leagues march, he found the Cravat of his Lackey all bloody, and perceiv'd two Eagles (Birds very common in those Countries) fluttering over his Head, and spy'd at the same time his Men on the River­side. He came near, and ask'd them what was become of his Nephew Moranger. They answer'd him with broken Words, and shew'd him the Place where he was. Father Anastasius went a little way along the River, and got at last to the fatal Place where two of those Murderers lay hidden amongst the Grass on both sides of the way, with their Hand-Guns ready. One of them fir'd upon M. de la Salle, and miss'd him; the other fir'd at the same time, and hit him in the Head, whereof he died an Hour after, on the 19th of March, 1687.

Father Anastasius might have expected the same Fate; but he did not mind the Danger he was in; he was entirely possest with this cruel Spectacle, and pierc'd with unexpressible Grief at this fatal Blow. He saw M. de la Salle falling down not far from him, having all his Face cover'd with Blood, which made him im­mediately run to him, embrac'd him, and water'd him with his Tears, exhorting him the best he could in that [Page 36] Juncture to make a good End. This poor Gentleman had made his Devotions before his departure, and had yet the time to recapitulate part of his Life; and Fa­ther Anastasius having given▪ him the Absolution, he died some Moments after.

He apply'd himself, in this last Period of his Life, to all the things suitable to his state; he press'd this Father's Hand at every thing he said to him, and especially while he exhorted him to forgive his Enemies. During all this while, those Murtherers, struck with Horrour at what they had committed, began to smite their Breasts, and to detest their Blindness. Father Anastasius would not leave that Place, before he had bury'd the Corps of M. de la Salle in the most decent manner that he could; and when he had so done, he put a Cross upon his Grave.

Thus died unfortunately M. Robert de la Salle, a Man of great Merit, Constant in Adversities, Intrepid, Gene­rous, of a Winning Temper, Dexterous, Fit and Ca­pable of any Great Thing. He had apply'd himself for the space of Twenty Years to asswage the Wild Hu­mour and Ferosity of several Barbarous Nations, where he had travell'd, and had the Misfortue to be mas­sacred by his own Domesticks, on whom he had heap'd many Kindnesses and Benefits. He died in the Vigour of his Age, in the middle of his Course, not having been able to succeed in his Designs form'd upon New Mexico.

CHAP. VIII. Reflections of the Author of this Work, on the Life and Death of the Sieur la Salle, whose Murderers kill'd one another.

M. De la Salle told me several times, when we were together at Fort Frontenac, before the time of our Discoveries, and also when we were actually upon them, That when he was a Jesuite, having liv'd ten or eleven Years in that Order, the Fathers of that Society caus'd several Relations to be read, during the two first Years, to all those who entred their Order, of the tra­gical and violent Deaths, and fatal Occurrences, which hapned to those who had left their Company, and the Habit of their Order; all this on purpose to frighten those who were come in from going away. I must give to M. de la Salle his due, who intrusted me former­ly with all his Papers, during a Journey he took into France, while I was at Fort Frontenac: That he left the Society with the Consent of his Superiours; and that he had in writing ample Certificates of his Good Conversation and Conduct, while he staid amongst the Jesuites. He shew'd me a Letter of the General of that Order, writ at Rome, wherein he attested, that M. de la Salle had behav'd himself in all things with much Wisdom, not having given so much as the least suspi­cion of a Venial Sin.

I have made reflection a hundred times upon the Things which he had told me, when we discours'd of our Adventures and New Discoveries. I ador'd in this the unsearchable Designs of GOD, who fulfils always his Will by those means which he hath appointed for it; and uncertain as I was of my Destiny, I prepar'd my self to whatever God would be pleas'd to send me, being resolv'd to submit entirely and peaceably in all things to the Orders of his Providence.

[Page 38]Father Anastasius got at last to the Place where M. Cavelier, Brother to M. de la Salle, was, to whom he gave an account of the sad Misfortune which had happen'd. The Assassins entred very rudely a m [...]ment after into the Cottage where they were, and p [...]ess'd themselves of what things soever they found in it. This good Fryar had not time to make a long Dis­course, but his Face all bath'd with Tears spoke enough for him. And indeed Mr. Cavelier had no sooner seen him but he cried out, alas my poor Brother is dead.

I cannot forbear the giving here to the Publick the Character of this Mr. Cavelier, with whom I had lived in Canada a whole Summer in the time of my Mission to Fort Frontenac, whereof his Brother was both Go­vernour and Proprietor. He was a good and wise Cler­gy-man, of a rare Vertue and Experience in the Missi­ons. No sooner had he heard this fatal News, but he fell on his Knees, as also did M. Cavelier his Nephew, thinking that these wicked Villains were come to assassi­nate them, so they prepar'd to die as good Christians. However these miserable Assassins mov'd with some Sentiments of Compassion, at the presence of this Ve­nerable Old Man, and also half-repenting of their Crimes, resolv'd to spare them, on condition, that they should never be sent into France. But they were a long while floating and uncertain upon this Matter. Some amongst them, who had a mind to see their Country and Friends again, endeavour'd to clear them­selves as much as they could. And some of them were heard to say, that they ought to make an end of the rest, otherwise should they return at any time into France, they would put them into the hands of Justice for to be punish'd.

They chose for their Chief Leader the Murtherer of M. de la Salle; and lastly, after several Deliberations, resolv'd to go to the famous Nation of the Cenesians, whereof we have already spoken. Whereupon they march'd all in Company for several days, and pass'd several Rivers and Brooks. These Villainous Assassines did use Messieurs Caveliers as Servants, and gave them nothing but their Remnants to eat. They arriv'd with­out [Page 39] any Accident at the appointed Place. But the Di­vine Vengeance had already stated the Punishment of these profligate Men through want of Humane Justice. A Jealousie about Command arose between a German nam'd Hans, and a Native of Wirtemberg, and the Murderer of M. de la Salle, and every one of these mi­serable Men took the Part of the one or the other, as they were inclin'd.

They had pass'd through the Cenesians, where they had sojourn'd, and were even already arriv'd as far as the Nassonians, when the four above-mention'd Diser­ters join'd with them again. Thus seeing themselves all assembled together on the Ascension-Eve, and the Dissention which reign'd amongst them, having brought them into the fatal Resolution to kill one another, Fa­ther Anastasius made an Exhortation to them on that Holy-day, which seem'd to make some Impression on them, and they seem'd as if they would confess their Sins, but this lasted but a little while. Those who were more penetrated with Sorrow, for having massa­cred their Master and Leader, pass'd to Hans's Side. This Man two days after having found an opportunity, punish'd one Crime with another. He fir'd a Pistol at M. de la Salle's Murderer, and shot him in the Heart; so that he dy'd without any Knowledge of himself, or Signs of Repentance.

One of Hans's Companions shot him who had kill'd M. Moranger in the Side. He had just time to recol­lect himself, when another fir'd without Ball at him, but so close to his Head, that his Hair was set on fire, and then his Shirt and Clothes, and that with so much Violence, that there was no means to put it out, and he dy'd in that Torment. The third Author of that detestable Plot, fled and secur'd himself. Hans would by all means have fully aveng'd the Death of M. de la Salle, by that of this Murderer; but M. Iourel recon­cil'd them, and there was an End of all Disputes.

Hans by that means remain'd the Chief of that un­fortunate Band. They resolv'd to return to the Cene­sians, where they had a design to settle, not daring to return into Europe, for fear of receiving the just Re­ward [Page 40] of their Crimes▪ The Cenesians had compleated their Army, and were ready to march to War against the Kanoatinno's a cruel People, and their implacable Enemies. They boil them alive in a Chaldron when taken in War. The Cenesians then took Hans and some Europeans along with them. The others staid there till their Return; after which Hans press'd much the other Europeans to fix their Abode with them, but they re­fus'd to do it.

Wherefore they departed from the Cenesian Country; and amongst them were the Messieurs Caveliers, one the Brother, and the other the Nephew of M. de la Salle, M. Iourel, Father Anastasius, and some others. They were presented every one with a Horse, Powder, and Ammuni [...]ion, and some Goods, to bear their Char­ges upon the Road. They sojourn'd at the Nassonians to celebrate there the Octava of Corpus Christi. They say in their Relations, that all the Discourse of those People were concerning the Cruelty of the Spaniards against the Americans. They told them that twenty Wild Nations were going to make War with the Spa­niards, and invited them to come along with them; adding that they would make more work with their Guns, than they with their Warriours arm'd with Clubs and Arrows.

But they had other things to do. They only took occasion from these Discourses, to make them under­stand, that their coming amongst 'em was by the ex­press Order of GOD, to instruct them in the Know­ledge of the Truth, and bring them into the way of Salvation. They employ'd ten or twelve days in this Business, to the third of Iune.

I don't doubt but M. Cavelier the Priest, and Father Anastasius us'd all possible Endeavours to bring the Nas­sonians to the Light of the Gospel, and to dispel their Ignorance. But the other four Europeans who were with 'em were not numerous enough [...]o frighten the Spaniards, who are us'd to Fire-Arms. Moreover they did not under­stand the Tongue of those People. I cannot well then apprehend, how they could gather from the Discourses of the Nassonians, that the Spaniards exercis'd great [Page 41] Cruelties on the People of America. They had no Interpreters with them; therefore they could in no wise understand what those People could say, who had seen no other Europeans but them.

Moreover, since the Emperour Charles the Fifth's time, when the Spaniards made themselves Masters of New Mexico, 'tis certain, they never exercis'd any Cruelty upon the Neighbouring People, for want of Men to preserve those vast Countries they have con­quer'd there. They live then in Peace with their Neighbours, and do molest no body unless attack'd first.

CHAP. IX. The Cenesians put the Sieur Cavelier a Priest, Father Anastasius, and their Companions, in a way of pursu­ing their Iourney through several barbarous Nations.

THE Cenesians appointed two Wild Men for Guides to these six Europeans, who continu'd their Jour­ney through the finest Countries in the World, towards the North and North-East. They pass'd over several Rivers and Brooks, whose Banks are peopled with se­veral Nations. They found the Hakesians at the East ▪ the Nab [...]ri's or Nansi's powerful People, who are in war with the Cenesians. In fine, they approach'd on the 13th of Iune, near the Cadodaccho's. One of their Guides went before to tell them of their Coming. The Heads of the Families, and the Young Men whom they met with at a League's distance from their Village, re­ceiv'd them with the Sound of the Pipe, and gave them Tabacco to smoak. Some led their Horses by the Bri­dle, and others carry'd them as it were in Triumph. They said that they were Spirits come from the other World.

All the Village being assembled together, as their Custom is, they came to wash their Heads and Feet with warm Water: Afterwards they led them to a rais'd Ground, covered with very neat white Matts. [Page 42] Then they begun to feast them, and to dance at the Sound of the Pipe; with other Publick Rejoicings, which lasted Day and Night. These People do not know the Europeans but by Fame. These People, ac­cording to all appearance, have some Shadow o [...] Reli­gion: But all their Idea's are very confus'd and intri­cate. They, it seems, do worship the Sun, because they send to him the Smoak of their Tabacco, though they feel first the Benefit of it. [...] Their Ceremonial Ha­bits are ordinarily imprinted with the Figures of two Suns, and on the rest of the Body are Representations of wild Bulls, Deers, Serpents, and other Animals. This gave occasion to M. Cavelier the Priest, and to Father Anastasius, to give them some Instructions, concerning the True God, and the Principul Mysteries of Christia­nity. We ought to suppose, that all this was perform'd with Signs.

GOD afflicted them in this place with a Tragical Accident; M. de Marne, against all good Counsel to the contrary, would go and wash himself at Night on the 24th of Iune. M. Cavelier, Nephew to M. de la Salle, accompany'd him as far the side of the River, which is near that Village. This Gentleman stepping briskly into the Water, disappear'd at the same time. It was a bottomless Pit, where he was drown'd in a Moment.

A little while after they took his Corps out of the Water, and carry'd it to the Captain's House. The whole Village lamented his Death with great Ceremo­ny. The Captain's Wife put him up very handsomely in a clean fine Mat, while the Young Men digg'd a Grave, which was consecrated by Father Anastasius; then the bury'd him with all possible Solemnity. The Savages admir'd the Ceremonies of the Burial, and especially the Singing of the Psalms. They took occa­sion from thence to give some Instructions to the Sava­ges, about the Immortality of the Soul, for 8 days toge­ther, during their stay in this fatal place. They bury'd the dead Corps on an high Ground near to the Village. His Grave was surrounded with Pallisadoes, and a great Cross was set upon it. Afterwards they departed from that Place on the second of Iuly.

[Page 43]These People live on the side of a River, where three Famous Nations are seated, the Natchoos, the Na [...] ­chetes, and Ouïdiches. Our Travellers were very cour­teously receiv'd by them. From the River of the C [...] ­nesians Castors and Otters begin to appear, and they are seen in greater numbers the further you go. Being amongst the Ouïdiches, they met with three Warriours of two Nations, call'd the Cahinnio's, and the Mentous, five and twenty Leagues further towards the East-North-East, who had seen the French Europeans; they offer'd themselves to accompany them thither, and up­on the Road they were oblig'd to pass over four Ri­vers in Cajeux. They were receiv'd by those People with their Calumet or Pipes of Peace in their Hands, with all possible Demonstrations of Esteem and Joy. Several of the Savages spoke to them of an European, who was a Captain, and had but one Arm; it was M. Tonti, a Neapolitan, whom I have already menti­on'd in my First Volume. They added, that a greater Captain than he would perhaps shortly pass through their Country. It was M. de la Salle they meant.

The Captain lodged them in his Cottage, having sent his Family into another. They were treated there for several days with all sorts of Meats. They made a publick Feast where the Calumet or Pipe Dance was danced, during four and twenty hours, with Songs fit­ted to that purpose, which the Chief man amongst them tuned with all his strength. They called them the Am­bassadours of the Sun, sent for to defend them against their Enemies with Claps of Thunder, they meant of Guns, which Arms were unknown to them before. In the midst of these Rejoicings, M. Cavelier the Younger, Nephew to M. de la Salle, discharg'd his Pistol thrice, crying, God save the King; which was repeated by those Barbarians, who added to it, Let the Sun live for ever.

These Savages have a prodigious number of Beavers and Otters, the transportation whereof might be easily effected by a River not far distant from that Village. They would have loaded their Horses with them, but they refus'd it, to shew how disinterested they were, and presented them with Knives and Axes; and departed [Page 44] from thence with two Cahinnios for their Guides, after having receiv'd the Ambassadors of the Analacs and Ta­nicos, and of some other Nations of the North-West and South-East. They had the pleasure for some Days to pass through the finest Countries in the World, all un­derwoven with Brooks and Rivers, with Meadows, small Woods, Hills, and Vineyards. They pass'd amongst others four large Navigable Rivers, and at last, after a march of about 60 Leagues, they came to the Ossote­oez, which do inhahit along a very large River, which runs from North-West, being edg'd on both sides with the finest Woods in the World.

The Beaver and Otter-Skins are there in so great abundance, as also all sorts of other Furrs, that great heaps of them are burnt, being of no value there. The famous River Akansa is border'd with great numbers of Villages, as I have mention'd in the First Tome of my Discoveries, Father Anastasius saith, that they begun then to know where they were: Yet he knew very well, that neither he, nor any of those four Persons, had ever been over the River Meschasipi: And indeed I alone, with my two Watermen, had been there in the Year 1680. and M. de la Salle had been there since, in 1682. as far as Akansa, 'Tis likely Father Anastasius thought they were come then to Fort Crevecoeur, in the Country of the Illinois, because he found there a great Cross, and at the Foot of it the Arms of France. He saw moreover there a House, built after the European fashion; and this gave occasion to M. Ioutel, and to the other two Men to let off their Guns.

At the noise of this Salvo, two French-men of Canada appear'd to them. The Commandants Name was Cou­ture, with whom I was particularly acquainted, during my stay in Canada, as having been one of the Company in the Expedition which we undertook for the Disco­very of the Louisiana. This M. Couture gave them to understand, that M. Tonti had plac'd him in that little Fort, by order of M. de la Salle, for to maintain there Alliance with the Wild Nations neighbouring to those Parts, and to shelter them against the Insults of the Iro­quois their irreconcilable Enemies.

[Page 45]They visited three of those Villages, the Torimans, the Dogingas, and the Kappas. They were feasted and complemented every where, and recreated with the Dances of the Calumet. They had their Lodgment in the House appertaining to that little Fort; and those of Canada who were setled there, made them all the good Reception that could be wish'd for, and made them Masters of every thing.

As for the Decision of Affairs amongst those Savages, they never do resolve on any thing immediately, but assemble first the Chief Men and Elders of the Villages, and then they deliberate. These Travellers had desir'd a Pyrogue, or Boat, of them, and some Savages, to sail upon the River Meschasipi, and to go as far as the Ill­nois, by the River of that Nation, which I have nam'd in the Map of my Louisiana the River Seignela [...], in Honor to the Minister of State of that Name, who laid to the Heart, and took care of all the Concerns of our Disco­very. Father Anastasius saith, that they offer'd to those Savages their Horses, with Powder and Bullets, in ex­change for a Pyrogue. The Council having been call'd upon that account, they were answer'd, That the Pyrogue was granted them, and four Savages to be their Guides, one of each Nation, the more to confirm the Alliance which they made with them. This was executed very punctually, so that they dismiss'd the Cahinnios with Presents to their Satisfaction.

We ought to observe on this Subject, though I don't [...]retend thereby to predjudicate in the least the Know­ledge of M. de la Salle, that certainly he had not yet found out the True Mouth of the River Meschasipi, nor Father Anastasius neither, who never had been in that Country. And if this latter hath happily found it out by means of those Savages who were his Leaders, it hath been only by the Knowledge which M. Fortin, Commandant of the said little Fort, gave him. He will perhaps clear better this Business afterwards.

CHAP. X. A Voyage of the Sieur Cavelier a Priest, and Father Anastasius a Recollect, in a Canow, in order to go to the Illinois; and several other Circumstances concer­ning their Return.

AFter they had sojourn'd for some time, amongst those People, M. Cavelier and Father Anastasius embark'd on the first of August, 1687. upon the River Meschasipi, and travers'd it the same Day upon a Pyrogue forty foot long. The Stream of the River was very strong in that place; therefore being landed on the other side▪ they continu'd their Journey a-foot, for they had left their Horses at Akansa, and perhaps it had been better for them had they kept them. No [...]e remain'd in the Pyrogue but the Young Cavelier, whose tender Age, to­gether with the Fatigues of the Journey they had under­gone hitherto, did not permit him to go the rest of that Journey a-foot.

Father Anastasius is of opinion, that from the place of their departure to the Illinois, there might be about 400 Leagues distance, though he speaks it only by Con­jecture. One of the Savages with a long Pearch con­ducted the Pyrogue, and one of his Companions helped him by turns to manage it. The rest of the Company did not make use of the Pyrogue, but when forc'd to it by reason of some dangerous Pass, or the crossing of some River. They endur'd much Pains and Fatigues in this Journey, the Heat being excessive in that Sea­son, and the sandy Grounds all burning from the scor­ching Heat of the Sun. But above all, the scarcity of Provisions for several Days, was a great mortification to them.

Father Anastasius adds, that they had already gone two hundred Leagues cross the Lands from St. Louis Bay, viz. an hundred Leagues to the Cenesians, three­score to the North-North-East, and the other forty to the East-North-East; from the Nassonians to the Ca­dodacchos, forty to North-North-East; from the Cado­dacchos to the Cahinnios and Mentou's, twenty five to East, North-East; and from the Cahinnios to the Akansas, sixty East-North-East.

[Page 47]They went on their Journey up the River by the same places which they had heard of by M. de la Salle in 1682. the Sichacas excepted, whither they went: For Father Anastasius saith that M. de la Salle was never there. I have made mention of that Nation in my Dis­covery in 1680. describ'd in the precedent Tome. The principal Village is twenty five Leagues to the East of the Akansas, a strong and numerous Nation, having at least four thousand Men employ'd in War. They abound with all sorts of Skins. The Chief Men brought to them several times the Calumet for a sign that they were willing to make Alliance with them. They of­fer'd even to them the freedom to go and settle on the River Ouabache, that so they might be nearer to Fort Crevecoeur in the Illinois Country, whither they were a going.

This famous River Ouabache is very near as large as the River Meschasipi, and a great many others are re­ceiv'd into it. The Mouth where it runs into the Mescha­sipi, is distant from the Akansas 200 Leagues, according to the estimation which M. de la Salle had made of it. Which distance indeed is not to be taken in a streight Line through the Meadows, but according to the many Windings of the River Meschasipi, otherwise there would be but five days Journey thence.

They pass'd then over the River Ouabache, on the 26th of August, and they had about 60 Leagues travel­ling up the River Meschasipi, to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois. About six Leagues lower than that Mouth, is found to the North-West the famous River of the Massourites, or Ozages, which is at least as broad as the River into which it runs. It is form'd by a great number of other Rivers, known and navigable all over, the Countries adjacent to which are inhabited by very numerous Nations; as the Panimohas, who have but one Head, and 22 Villages, the lesser whereof consists of 200 Cottages, the Paneassas, Panas, Panelogas, and Matotantes, none of which are inferiour to the Panimahas.

Amongst them are comprehended also the Ozanges, who make up seventeen Villages on the River of the same Name, which loses it self into that of the Massou­rite. [Page] [Page 48] Our Maps, as well as those of M. de la Salle, have also spread thither the Name of Ozanges. The Akansas were formerly seated at the upper part of one of those Rivers, which conserves yet their Name to this Day, which I have also mention'd, towards the middle of the way from the River Ouabache to that of the Massourites. There stands the Cape of St. An­thony of Padua; and those Parts are inhabited by the Savages of the Nation call'd Mansopolea.

At last, on the 5th of September, M. Cavelier a Priest, of the Seminary of St. Sulpicius at Paris, and Father Ana­stasius, a Recollect Friar of Douai, arriv'd at the Mouth of the Illinois River, from whence they reckon to Fort Crevecoeur about 100 Leagues, as I have observ'd in my First Tome. All that Road is very commodious for Navigation, even for big Ships. A Chaovenon, nam'd Turpin, having perceiv'd them from his Village, ran by Land to carry the News of it to M. Bellefonteine Commander of that Fort. He could not believe what the Man said; but they following the Savage very near, entred the Fort on the 14th of September. They were immediately conducted to the Chapel, where the T'e Deum was sung for a Thansgiving. The Canadians having put themselves in Arms with some Savages, gave them a Salvo with the firing ōf their Guns.

M. Tonti, who was design'd by M. de la Salle to Com­mand in Crevecoeur Fort, was gone to the Iroquois Countrey, to endeavour to manage the Spirits of those Barbarians. But these Travellers nevertheless met there with all the good Reception that was possible; and M. Bellefonteine forgot nothing to express his Joy of their arrival, to comfort them of their Misfortunes, and to refresh them after their Fatigues.

We ought to confess, that it is not possible for any to avoid his Destiny. This notwithstanding one cannot but acknowledge, that M. de la Salle's case was very fa­tal. He did undertake that Journey with the Design to find out the Mouth of Meschasipi, and he died without success in it; and a little after his Death, his Brother, with Father Anastasius, and those who accompany' [...] them in their Journey by means of that River, do arrive into the Country of the Illinois.

[Page 45]'Tis certain however, that there is a very fine Port at the Mouth of that River, according to my Observa­tion in the Year 1680. The Entry into it is very fine, as it may be easily perceived. Of three Branche [...] which do compass that Mouth, I have always follow'd the middle Channel; the Mouth of it is commodious, and there are several Grounds fit for to build Fortresses upon, out of danger of being worsted by the Waters, as it was supposed heretofore. The Countries about the lower parts of the River are habitable, and even in­habited by several Salvage Nations, which are not ve­ry far distant from it. The biggest Vessels may go up the River, above two Hundred Leagues from the Gulf of Me­xico, and so mount to the Mouth of the River of the Illini­ens; which River is Navigable more than an Hundred Leagues, and then discharges it self into Meschasipi.

I had almost forgot some other Nations which are situated towards the lower end of the same River, as the Piche­nos, Ozanbogus, Tangibaos, Ottonicas, Movisas and se­veral others, which do easily slip out of ones Memory, for want of Time and Conveniency in Travelling, and of making due Observations upon the [...].

It is very probable, that Mr. d [...] la Salle, who not finding that the Mouth of that River discharged it self in­to the Sea, thought that the Bay of St. Lewis was but Forty or Fifty Lagues distant from the Mouth of one of its Arms, at least it seem'd so in a streight Line.

But by misfortune he never was there, and so did not find [...]it out, God having set Limits to all the Enter­prizes of Men, and Bounds to their Hearts, as well as to the vast Ocean.

God, no doubt, hath permitted it so to be, to the end Father Anastasius, who is now Vicar of the Recollect Fryers of Cambray, should make the Discovery of one Hundred and Ten Nations upon his Road, instead of Mr. de la Salle's; not reckoning several other wild People, known to those through whom he took his Way, by reason of their Trading one with another, and yet are unknown at this day to the Europeans.

These Nations, as I have observed, have Horses for all sorts of Use in great Numbers; and the Salvages [Page 46] think to have made a good Bargain when they get an Ax for an Horse.

Father Anastasius was departed from the Bay of St. Lewis in the Gulf of Mexico, with design to fix his abode amongst the Coenesians, and Establish there his Mission. Father Zenobe Mambre a Recollect, who re­mained in that Bay, was to go and join him for to spread it among the Neighbouring Nations; and they expect­ed more Labourers from Europe. But the fatal Death of Mr. de la Salle, having obliged him to go further, he doubts not but the said Father Zenobe is gon to look after him▪ And perhaps he is now in those Countries with Father Maximus, a Recollect of L'Isle in Fland [...]rs, having left Mr. Chefdeville, a Missionary of Saint Sulpi­tius, to look after the Mission in the Port of that Bay. He made choice himself of that place, because there were nine or ten European Families with their Chil­dren there. Moreover there are some of Mr. de la Sal­le's Men, who have Married wild Women, for the in­crease of their little Colony. This is an Abstract of what Father Anastasius hath writ of his laborious Jour­ney, and no body knows what is become of those poor Men since.

Father Anastasius concealed the deplorable end of Mr. de la Salle, it being his Duty, as well as of Mr. Cave­lier the Priest, to give the first News of it to the Court, and to secure, by this secrecy, the Effects belonging to the Deceased Mr. de la Salle, in the above mention'd Fort of the Illiniens, because he had advanc'd him all things necessary for his Enterprise. He left the Illiniens in the Spring of the Year 1688, with Father Anastasius, the young Cavelier, Mr. Sout [...]l, and one of the Salvages, who is now setled near Versailles. They arrived at Quebec on the 27 th of Iuly, and sail'd for France on the 20 th of August following, and by the Grace of God, they are happily arriv'd at Paris, after having undergone an incredible number of Dangers. They gave an Account of their Journey to the now de­ceased Monsieur, the Marquess of Seignelay.

This is the History of Mr. de la Salle's first Voyage, which I have thought fit to make Publick, it being, [Page 47] as it were, a Continuation of mine, and a Confirma­tion of several things which I have related in my Hi­story. I pass now to the Description both of the Re­ligion and Manners of those Barbarous Nations which I have discover'd in my Journey.

CHAP. XI. Reflections of the Author upon the Voyage to China. The Belief of most part of the Savages in the Northern A­merica, concerning the Creation of the World, and the Immortality of the Soul.

'TIS a common saying, that Truth is the Essence and Soul of History; therefore this Treatise of the Customs and Manners of the Northern Ameri­ca Salvages, needs no other recommendation, as being done with the utmost sincerity. Both the Novelty and the Variety will join their Charms together, though I bring here upon the Stage, none but raw and barba­rous People. Thus I hope that the Description of near two Hundred different sort of People I have either seen my self, and whereof I have made mention in my former Volume, or whom some of our Religious Order have dis­cover'd, shall give some sort of satisfaction to the Curious.

The Son of God having fore-told that his Gospel should be Preached throughout all the World, the Faith­ful People have constantly applyed themselves to the Accomplishment of that Prophecy, by endeavouring to Convert those Barbarous Nations, to whom the true God is yet unknown. It is true, that this great Mul­titude of Barbarians, who are spread all over those vast Countries of America, have had, hitherto, their Eyes shut against the Light of Truth. But we have already begun to preach to them Jesus Christ Crucified, as well as we could, to bring them into the way of Salvation. And we hope that those who are animated with the Zeal of God, will henceforth endeavour to perfect what we have but begun, and apply themselves to promote the Salvation of so many Souls, who perish only because the Christians do not their endeavour in labouring to draw [Page 48] them from their Natural Ignorance. Therefore in order to facilitate to them the means for doing it, we are going to treat of the Idea's which those People have of Religi­on, and speak at the same time of their Manners. That one may consider which means are the best for to instruct them, and render them capable of Truth and Salvation. As by our Discoveries we have made known the greatest part of the Northern America; so I dont question if his British Majesty, and our Lords, the States, would send us thither to finish that which we have already so happi­ly begun, but that it would be an easy matter to discover what the best Endeavours could not yet bring to Light. It hath been impossible hitherto to go to Iapan by the Frozen or Icy Sea. The going thither that way hath been several times attempted, but without Success; and I am morally certain that it can never be effected, unless the Continent of those Countries which are between the Fro­zen Sea, and the new Mexico be first wholly discovered. God, it should seem, hath preserved me from those extraordinary Dangers I have been exposed to in my long Voyages, only to bring about that happy Discovery. I profer my self yet to the effecting of that Design, being persuaded that God will give his Blessing to it, if I can but be supplyed with the means necessary to the perfor­mance of it.

I am not surpris'd to see the Learned agree that they are yet in the dark how America was peopled, and how that infinite Number of Nations, which are found there, came to be settled in that vast Continent. America doth form half the Globe of the Earth. The most perfect Geographers have not yet a Total Knowledge of it; and the very Inhabitants of that new World (whom we have discovered, and who according to all reason should be best informed of it,) do not themselves know how their Ancestors came thither. Certainly, were we in Europe, as those People, without the ingenious Art of Writing, which gives in a manner Life to the Dead, which recalls to remembrance what is past, and preserves the Memory of things to future Ages, it is certain that we should be no less ignorant than these poor Salvages.

[Page 49]Most part of the Barbarians which do inhabit the Nor­thern America, believe commonly a kind of a Creation of the World. They say that both the Heavens and the Earth, and all Men, were made by a Woman who go­verns the World with her Son. They add, that her Son is the Principle of all Good Things, and the Woman of all Evil. They do believe that both do enjoy a perfect Happiness. They say moreover, that this Woman fell down from Heaven being big with Child, but falling on the Back of a Tortoise, she was saved from being drowned. And when it is objected how ridiculous their Belief is, they answer ordinarily, that this Objection is good for those who make it, but of no force against Them, because They are otherwise made than the Europeans.

Other Salvages of the same Continent, believe that a certain Spirit, which the Iroquois call Otkon, and other Barbarians, who live at the lower part of the River St. Lawrence, Atahauta, is the Creator of the World; and that one named Messou was the Repairer of it after the Universal Deluge. They say that this Messou or Otkon, going once to Hunting, his Dogs were lost in a great Lake, which overflowing, covered the whole Earth in a little time, and made but a bottomless Pit of all the World. They add, that this Messou or Otkon gathered a small quantity of Earth by the help of some Animals, and with it repaired the World. They also believe that the Eu­ropeans do inh [...]bit another World different from theirs. So when you set forth before them the true Oeconomy of the Creation of the Universe, in order to disabuse them of their Folly, and instruct them in the Truth, their Answer is, that all this may be true for the World which we in­habit, but that it is quite otherwise with theirs. They ask even very often, whether there be a Sun and a Moon in our Europe, as in their Country.

Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the Ri­ver St. Lawrenec, do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion with the former, that a Wo­man came down from Heaven, and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground whereon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compas­sion for her, immediately held a Consultation to delibe­rate [Page 50] which of them should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed her self there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little that vast Tract of Land, which we now call America.

They add that this Woman grew weary of her Soli­tude, wanting some body for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz'd upon her Spirits, she fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in that Condition, approach'd and knew her unperceptibly. From which Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they quarrelled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one could not bear with the other. One e­specially being of a very wild Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution, who be­ing no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven, whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother.

Some time after the Spirit descended again on that Wo­man, and she conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts of the U­niverse.

How fabulous soever this History is, yet one may per­ceive in it some Glimpse of Truth. The Sleep of that Wo­man, with the Birth of her two Sons, hath some resem­blance to the Sleep of Adam, during which God took [...]ut one of his Ribs and therewith formed Eve. The Disunion of the two Brothers, is the Image of the impla­cable Hatred of Cain to Abel. The Retreat of him who retir'd to Heaven, doth represent the Death of Abel; and the Thunderclaps from Heaven denote well enough the Curse which God pronounced against that miserable Cain who was the Murtherer of his Brother.

[Page 51]It is a lamentable thing to consider with how many Whimsies the Devil intoxicates the Minds of these poor Salvages. Although they esteem all Souls Corporeal (for they understand nothing else by their Otkon, Atahauta, or Manitou, but I know not what sort of a Material Spring which gives Life and Motion to all Things) Yet they nevertheless pretend to believe the Immortality of the Soul, and another Life after this, in which they are to roul in all sorts of Pleasures, and where they are to find especially Hunting in Perfection▪ Fishing in Abun­dance, Indian Corn in great Quantities for those that sow it, (for there are those among them that do not) Tobac­co, and a thousand other, both Curiosities, and Neces­saries. They hold that the Soul does not immediately leave the Body after Death; wherefore they always bu­ry along with it, a Bow, Arrows, Indian Corn, and fat Meat, to the end (say they) that the Dead may subsist thereupon 'till they can arrive in the Country where the Souls reside.

As they afford Souls to all living Creatures, so they think that after Death, Men continue to hunt the Souls of Beavers, Elks, Foxes, Otters, Sea-wolfs, and other Animals. They believe likewise, that the Souls of those Rackets, that they make use of to keep them from sink­ing into the Snow in Winter time, will be of the same use to 'em in the other World, as also the Souls of Bows and Arrows to kill Beasts withal. They have also the same Thoughts concerning Fishing, in a manner, that accord­ing to their Opinion, these Souls have likewise the same Occasion for Arms for that Sport. The Bodies, which they bury Seven or Eight Foot deep, have no other need of these Arms, and Provision, which they put into the Grave with them, than to serve them for their Voyage into the other World.

They imagine that these Souls walk visibly in their Villages for a certain time, and that they partake of all their Feasts and Merriments, and therefore they always assign them their several Portions. Many of these Peo­ple carry their Superstition to that Degree, as to have se­veral General Feasts for the Dead, accompany'd with Songs, dreadful Cries, Banquets, Dances, and Presents [Page 52] of different sorts. For this purpose they drag Corps out of the Villages, and even the Bones of those whose Flesh is consum'd, all which they call Bundles of Souls. They transport them from one Tomb to another, set out with Skins of Beasts, Collars of Porcelain, and other such Ri­ches of their Country. They believe that all this contri­butes mightily towards the Happiness of the Dead.

I shall not trouble my self here to relate the several Particulars of their Belief upon this Subject; the different places and Employs which they assign their Dead; the manner after which they believe they sub [...]t; their Wars, Peace, Policy, and Laws. These [...] so many extravagant and ridiculous Traditions, found­ed upon Fables which their Ancestors have invented, and to which they give so great Credit, that they easily pass from one Generation to another for Articles of Faith. There is some reason to suspect that the Salvages of A­merica have originally descended from the Iews, where­of some few might probably have been cast by Ship­wrack upon these Shores, for in effect there is a great resemblance between them in several things: They build their Huts in form of Pavilions, like the Iews ▪ They a­noint themselves with Oyl, and are zealous Observers of Dreams: They bewail their Dead with great Lamenta­tions and Noise: Their Women wear Mourning for their Husbands a whole Year; during which time they forbear Dances, and Feasts, and have a kind of Fryars Hood on their Heads. And most commonly the Father or Brother of the Deceas'd takes care of the Widow.

As to the rest, they seem to have a particular Curse entail'd upon them by God Almighty, like the Iews, for they are Brutish and Opiniated to the highest Degree: They have no fix'd and settled Abode: They are very unchast; and have moreover such dull Pates, that whenever they are told that their Souls are immortal, they will present­ly ask what they shall eat in the other World. Besides we may trace the Belief of the Iews, according to the Re­velation of Moses, in what we have already touch'd upon concerning these Salvages Opinion of the beginning of the World. But to speak freely, these Barbarians seem to me to have no Idea at all of a Deity. They believe in­deed [Page 53] another World, where they expect to enjoy the same Pleasures and Delights they have had here. They are a sort of People subject to no Restraint, Laws, nor any Form of Government or Policy. They are extream­ly blockish in matters of Religion, tho' in those of Trade and Profit, they are very subtle and expert. They are nevertheless Superstitious to the greatest Degree ima­ginable.

CHAP. XII. Means whereby the Salvages may be converted. Who are those among them that Baptism ought to be refus'd to.

OUR Ancient Missionary Recollects of Canada and those who have succeeded them in that Work, have always own'd, as I must do with them, that it is impos­sible to convert the Salvages without first endeavouring to make them Men, before we think of making them Christians. It is absolutely necessary therefore, for the thorough civilizing of them, that Christians of Europe be mixt with them, and they habituated to our Conversati­on; all which however cannot possibly be effected, un­less our Colonies be considerably augmented in those Parts. But here it must be acknowledg'd, that the Ca­nada Company are the greatest Obstacle to this Design; for they seeking only to enrich themselves, and having no regard to so pious a Work as the Conversion of stray'd Souls, would never yet suffer any particular Establish­ments to settle in this Country, nor permit the Missiona­ries to fix the Salvages to any Place, without which it is impossible ever to convert these Infidels. Thus the Covetousness of those who would needs grow rich all of a sudden, has very much retarded the Propagating of the Christian Faith among these Salvages. The ill Ex­ample likewise set by these Christian Traders has occasi­on'd no small Prejudice to our Religion.

By all this it may appear that a Mission among these Populous Nations is both troublesome and hazardous; and it must be granted likewise, that to effect this great [Page 54] Work, no small number of Years would be sufficient, they being a People so extreamly Ignorant and Dull. For this reason therefore, except in some few Cases, not a little dubious likewise, one would not venture to admi­nister the Sacraments to Adults, who perhaps seem only to be converted; and this I presume has been the Cause that in so many Years Mission, so little Pro­gress has been made, though so great Pains has been taken.

Thus it is certain that the Christian Religion will ne­ver be in any wise advanc'd among the Salvages, if due care be not taken to fortifie the Colonies with a great number of Inhabitants, both Artificers and Labourers: Trading also with the Salvages must be allow'd indiffe­rently to all the Europeans. Moreover, these Barbarians must be fixt and settled, and new moulded after our Manners and Laws. Colleges also might be Establish'd among 'em by the Zeal of well affected Europeans, where­in the young Salvages might be Educated, and Instructed in the Light of the Gospel. These, in Conjunction with the Missionaries, might work Wonders on their Companions in a very short time. Without doubt the fortifying of the Temporal and Spiritual Authority in these new Colonies, were the only Way to bring this de­sign about. But on the contrary we may there observe Men only given to Gain and Commerce, and who at the same time have little or no regard to call down the Bles­sing of God upon them, by employing themselves to the Advancement of his Glory.

God is often pleas'd to experience his Servants Love by Means most sensible; and amongst them, those chiefly who busie themselves about the Salvation of Souls. But nevertheless the Hazards, Troubles, Sufferings, and the very Sacrificing their Lives would be welcome to them, if by thus devoting themselves to the safety of their Neigh­bours, they might see their Undertakings crown'd with Success.

It is impossible, when we consider the great Number of People mention'd in this Relation, and the little Pro­gress hitherto made in their Conversion, that we should not admire at the Unsearchable Judgments of God, and [Page 55] cry out with the Apostle, O the Profound Riches of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! A vast number of secu­lar Priests very learn'd, and several others of our Order have labour'd indefatigably at this great Work; but it seems God has a Mind to convince us that the Conversi­on of Souls is only the Effect of his Grace, which has not yet been in our Power to lay any Claim to in that De­gree.

He contents himself therefore, to see us labour un­der a Dependence on his Power. He is Witness of our Wishes and Endeavors. He hears our Prayers, receives our Vows, and accepts our most ardent Supplications that he would be pleas'd, through Mercy, to draw forth these miserable Wretches from the Abyss of Darkness and Ignorance. Yet he is still dispos'd to let the Work­men prepare the Vine, while they are to expect the Fruit only from his Hands. God, no doubt, will bring all about in the time he has prescrib'd by his Providence, and without Question will prove a just Rewar [...]er of those who shall continue faithful Labourers in this great Work; however he does not yet think convenient to flatter our Ambition with Success.

I must observe here with a great deal of Concern, that there is no common difference between our Modern Mis­sions into America, and those which our Recollects have formerly begun in this New World, and continu'd ever since in South America, particularly in Peru. They there converted every day Millions of Souls: but now in Canada we have the greatest Reason to re­proach it as an ungrateful, barren, and unfruitful Land: There alone is to be met with an unconceivable Blind­ness, Blockish Insensibility, and a prodigious Remote­ness from its Maker, as likewise an entire Opposition to the Mysteries of our Faith. Whole Ages would scarce be sufficient to prepare those Barbarians for the Benefits of the Gospel; and to augment our Misfortune, God has permitted this Country to be under the Power of a Company of Merchants, who have greater regard to their Wordly Interest, than any such good Works.

The Missionary-Recollects, our Predecessors, never granted the Sacrament of Baptism to the Salvages 'till they [Page 56] were well satisfied of them, for fear that Sacred Myste­ry might be profan'd by those Barbarians. Nay, even to this Day we may perceive that those People are not well dispos'd to receive the Christian Religion, seeing they have hardly any Idea of Religion at all, and seem to be wholly incapable of the most common Reason­ings, which bring other Men to the knowledge either of a true Deity or a false.

These poor blind Creatures look upon all our My­steries of Faith as Tales and Dreams. They have Na­turally a great many Vices, and are very much addict­ed to several Superstitions which have no meaning at all in 'em: They have many barbarous and brutal Usages amongst them: They would suffer themselves to be Baptiz'd six times a Day for a Glass of Aqua vitae, or a Pipe of Tobacco: They frequently offer their Infants to the Font, but that without any manner of Motive or Zeal. Those, whom one had Converted in a whole Win­ter, as it happen'd I had instructed a few, while I was at the Fort of Frontenac, do not discover any great­er knowledge of matters of Religion than the rest; which has occasion'd many dreadful Alarms of Consci­ence to several of our Fraternity, in the beginning of their Mission amongst the People of Canada. They ob­serv'd that those few which they had instructed, and admitted to the Holy Baptism, some relaps'd into the former Indifference, and seem'd rather to Prophane than Adore.

This unhappy Case was examin'd to the very bottom, and endeavour'd to be discuss'd with a great deal of care. It was afterwards transferred to the Sorbonne; and at length concluded, that in regard of the Adult, and dy­ing Infants, whose Death they should be morally assur'd of, they might venture to give 'em the Sacrament, be­cause there was reason to presume that at that Extre­mity God might bestow on 'em some Light, to have recourse to the means of their Salvation. But at the same time it was absolutely agreed, that any of the Sa­craments could not be allow'd to the other Salvages, unless by a long knowledge of 'em they were convinc'd of their being thoroughly instructed in our Mysteries, [Page 57] and absolutely wean'd from their own Barbarous Cu­stoms.

They further allow'd, That Baptism might be Ad­ministred to such as liv'd altogether among the Christi­ans, and were Civiliz'd and Educated in our Manner of living; and this especially where they had been well Instructed before. Also the Children of these last Peo­ple might have the Benefit of the Qualifications of their Parents. They likewise drew up a Form or kind of Ca­non to be observed as a Rule by the Missionaries ever after.

CHAP. XIII. The Salvages of Northern America acknowledge no God. Of the pretended Souls of Terrestrial Animals.

OUR Ancient Missionary Recollects have been ac­quainted with several different Nations within the space of above Six Hundred Leagues in Northern Ameri­ca, and have visited a great number of others, because I have Travell'd farther than they, having been as high as the River St. Lawrence, and that of Meschasipi. I have likewise observ'd with my Predecessors, that the Salvages are not wanting in good Sense as to what re­lates to their Trade and Interest. They are very expert therein, and make use of the most reasonable means to bring their Ends about; but what surprizes me infinite­ly is, that being so ready in transacting their own Af­fairs, their Minds should be so extreamly clouded as to what concerns Religion, Manners, Laws and Max­ims of Life.

We have been all too sadly convinc'd, that almost all the Salvages in general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; so stupid are their Souls, and so extreamly overspread with Darkness. Notwith­standing, some times by chance, a Man may find in 'em a small glimmering Notion of a Deity. Some of 'em acknowledge the Sun for their God, but that not with­out [Page 58] a great deal of Confusion: Others will have a Spi­rit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among 'em look upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an Otkon or Manitou, either Good or Evil. Never­theless all this is but an outward Appearance, for their Hearts have little or no share in their Devotion. The Southern Nations seem to be of Opinion, that there is an Universal Spirit, which informs and commands the whole. They imagin, according to their weak Appre­hension, that there are Souls in all things, even in the Inanimate.

Nevertheless these People acknowledge no Deity with a Sense of Religion: They talk of such a one some­times indeed, but that either out of Prejudice, Whim­fey, or Conceitedness, and seldom mind what they say; looking upon it rather as a Fable than a Reality. They have no exteriour Gestures which might convince us they have the least esteem for a Deity; Neither Tem­ple, Priest, Sacrifice, nor any other Mark of Religion, is to be met with among them.

Dreams with them supply all other defects, and serve instead of Prophecy, Inspiration, Laws, Commands, and Rules, either for undertakings in War, Peace, Trade or Hunting. Nay, they are a kind of Oracles in their Eyes. You would say, to see 'em at their Devotion, that they were of the Sect of the pretended Inspir'd. The Belief they have in their Dreams, imposes upon them a kind of Necessity of believing likewise, that they are forewarn'd by an Universal Mind, of what they ought to do or avoid. Nay, this Infatuation prevails upon 'em so far, that if they were persuaded in their Dreams to kill a Man, or commit any other E­normous Crime, they would immediately do it, with the greatest alacrity, and make Attonement for it by the means which we shall hereafter relate.

Parents Dreams generally serve for the Observation of their Children, and Captains for those of their Village. There are such among 'em as pretend to Interpret Dreams, but which they only explain either according to their Fancies or their Pleasure; and if they happen to be in the Wrong, they are nevertheless not look'd upon to [Page 59] be the less skilful for all that. When they meet with any great Fall of Water, which is either difficult to pass, or dangerous to avoid, they throw into it a Bever's Skin, Tobacco, Porcelane, or the like, by way of Sacri­fice, to appease and engage the Deity that there pre­sides.

There is no Nation among 'em which has not a sort of Juglers or Conjurers, which some look upon to be Wi­zards, but in my Opinion there is no great Reason to believe 'em such, or to think that their Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil. Ne­vertheless we may well suppose that this Cursed Spirit often influences their Impostures, and makes Use of 'em to amuse those poor Wretches, and prevent their ever coming to the Knowledge of the true God. They are, in a Word, extremely bewitch'd with these Juglers, tho' they so plainly and frequently appear to deceive 'em.

These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look'd upon to have an unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfor­tunate. They also often pretend to Physick, and to ap­ply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part as have little or no Virtue at all in 'em, especially to Cure that Distemper which they pretend to.

It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange Contorsions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are disposing themselves to Con­jure, or raise their Enchantments. It is observable, they never Cure any body they Undertake, and seldom fore­tell any thing they promise, but by Chance. Yet they have always some shift or other to amuse the poor People, when their Event does not come up to their Pretensions. They will do nothing without either Presents or Hire. But however 'tis certain that if these Impostors have not skill enough to procure themselves Credit, or to find something to say in case of a failure in their Art by their Patients Death, 'tis ten to one but they are killed on the spot without any further Formality.

[Page 60]These poor blind Wretches are moreover engag'd in several other Superstitions, which the Devil makes use of to Ensnare 'em. They believe there are many living Creatures which have Rational Souls. They have a ve­ry unaccountable Veneration for certain Bones of Elks, Beavers and other Beasts, and therefore never give them to their Dogs, but lay 'em up in Repositories with a great deal of Care: These they never throw into Rivers but with a great reluctancy. They say, That the Souls of these Animals observe how they deal by their Bodies, and consequently advertise both the Li­ving and Dead of that kind thereof, so that if they treat 'em ill, they must not expect that those sorts of Beasts will ever suffer themselves to be taken by them either in this or the other World.

We may affirm that the Corruption of Sin has o'r [...] ­shaded the Souls of these unhappy Creatures, with a strange Blindness, and an entire Insensibility for all sorts of Religion, in a manner, that nothing is to be found like it in all History. 'Tis true, they have seve­ral Superstitious Observations which they cleave to with a great deal of Obstinacy, but nevertheless they have not the least Principle or Motive of Religion. Their Zeal is only Frenzy and Infatuation; for when they have an Argument struck home to 'em, they sit down sullenly, and answer not a Word. When our Mysteries are propos'd to 'em, they commonly hear 'em with the same indifference that they talk of their own Whimsies. I have met with some who seem'd to digest this Truth, That there is a chief Being, who has made all the rest. Nevertheless this does but only glance up­on their Minds, for they commonly receive little or no Impression by it, but soon relapse into their wonted Drowsiness and accustom'd Sottishness.

CHAP. XIV. Of the great Difficulties met with in keeping the Salva­ges from Praying by Rote.

THE great stupidity of these Barbarians, proceeds chiefly from their not caring to be well instructed. They never come to us but out of pure Fancy or Curio­sity, either as we are Strangers, or that we treat 'em well, or flatter 'em; or on account of the benefit their Sick receive by us; or else through hopes to get some­thing by us in Trade: Or lastly, because we being Europeans they look upon us as more Valiant than themselves, and therefore hope to be defended by us against their Enemies.

They are taught Prayers indeed, but they repeat 'em like so many Children at School, without the least at­tention. For the most part they that have learnt long­est, and been Catechiz'd oftnest, are very wavering, except a very few. They will throw down their Books of a sudden, and return to the Woods, and their former Superstitions, upon the least Freak that takes them in the Head.

I cannot tell whether their Predecessors have been acquainted with any Deity or not, but sure I am, that their Language, which is otherwise very Expressive, is so very Barren in that, that they have no word to express God, or any the least of our Mysteries. This is the greatest difficulty we meet with in their Conversion.

There is also another pretty considerable Obstacle in the Converting of these People, which is, that the great­est part of 'em have several Wives, and in the Northern Country, they change 'em as often as they think fit.

They cannot comprehend how it is possible for a Man to be subject to the Bonds of Marriage. Dont you see (cry they, when we urge our Arguments most home to 'em) how little Reason you have for what you stick so much for? My Wife is not pleas'd to live with me, nei­ther am I at ease to live with her. My Neighbour such a one, perhaps, may like h [...]r better, and I may like his [Page 62] who does not much care for him. Therefore why should you oblige us for to live like Doggs and Catts together, when only changing one with another, we live at quiet?

Another great Hindrance proceeds from their Custom never to contradict any body; for they hold that every Man ought to be left to his own Opinion, without mo­lestation; wherefore they always either believe or seem to believe what you say, which frequently baffles us in our Endeavours. All this comes from an innate block­ishness and indifference as to every thing, but more es­pecially, for matters of Religion which they mind least of all.

A Man must not go to America, that has a mind to become a Martyr for his Faith: These Salvages never Murder any body upon that score; they leave every one at liberty to believe what he pleases. They are only e [...]amour'd with the outward Ceremonies of our Church. These Barbarians engage in Wars only on account of their Common Interest. They kill no body at home, except upon particular Quarrels, proceeding severally from Lust, Drunkenness, Revenge or Infatuation by a Dream, or some other extravagant Vision. They are altogether against taking away a Man's Life, upon ac­count of difference in Opinion.

The Brut [...] generally presides in their Inclinations. They are naturally Gluttons, and know no greater Hap­piness than what they find in the pleasure of Eating and Drinking. This brutish Humour may be observ'd to run thro' all their Diversions, for they never have a­ny of this kind, but what begin and end with Feasts.

The Spirit of Revenge likewise, to which they are much addicted, is no common Obstacle to Christianity. They have a great deal of Softness and good Nature for their own Nation, but are Cruel and Revengeful, to the highest degree towards their Enemies. They are na­turally Unconstant, and Foul-mouth'd, great Jesters, and immoderate Lechers. In fine, among all the Virtues they can any way pretend to, there is not one that sa­vours, in the least, either of Religion or Morality. And this, without doubt, is another Cause that renders their Conversion t [...]e more difficult.

[Page 63]To gain any thing upon them, or to dispose 'em the better for Instruction, the only way were to be very familiar with them, and to Converse frequently among 'em. This could not easily be effected, 'till the Colo­nie [...] were considerably augmented. After they have been among us for some few Weeks, they always pre [...]end to be oblig'd to go a Hunting for Sustenance, and that without dispute, extreamly debauches 'em from the Faith. They must therefore be fix'd to some particular Abodes, and brought to Till and Cultivate the Ground, and to Work at their several Trades, like th [...] Europeans, before there can be any good wrought upon 'em. For by this means their Manners would, of course, be civiliz'd, and they render [...]d more tractable.

I intend hereafter to speak of other Nations of the South, who seem better dispos'd to receive the Gospel than these of the North, and of the shallow River of St. Laurence.

CHAP. XV. The manner of the Salvages making their Feasts.

THEY have Feasts of Parting; of Acknowledgment; of War; of Peace; of Death; of Marriage, and of Health. They spend both Night and Day in Mer­riment, especially when they make their Feasts, which they call Eat up all; for then by the Constitution, no body is to leave the Company 'till a clear Table be pro­duc'd. And where any one is not able to Eat more, he is oblig'd to be continually Praising those that can.

They have also other Feasts for the Curing of the Sick, of which some are Publick. Heretofore they had Feasts of Uncleanness, where Men and Women might mix and couple at pleasure, after a surprising manner; but if these are still continu'd, it is very seldom, and altogether unknown to us.

When they are dispos'd to go to War, it is common­ly to revenge some small Affront offer'd 'em. Also sometimes they do it in Obedience to an Idle Dream; [Page 64] but oftner, because the Fancy takes them in the Head. Sometimes they engage in it on account of being a little ridicul'd by some others after this manner: You have no Courage (cry they) for you have never yet been at War. Also You have never kill'd a Man; and the like: Hereupon their Honour is immediately concern'd, and their Courage rais'd; and after having kill'd some few Fallow Beasts, they make a Feast therewith, to which they exhort their Neighbours and Friends to assist them on this occasion.

When they have a mind to go to War alone, they never make any Feast, but having acquainted only their Wives therewith, and warn'd 'em to get ready their Meal and Indian Wheat, they set forward accordingly. But if they have a mind to have company along with them, they go forthwith into the Village, and invite all the Young Men, who taking their Wooden Dishes, or Birchen Rhind Bowls in their Hands, immediately re­pair to the Hut of him that invited them, which they commonly do Dancing and Singing after this manner; I go to the Wars. I am going to revenge the Death of such an one of my Parents or Friends. I'll Kill, I'll Burn, I'll make Captive; I'll swinge my Enemies, and the like; all which savours of nothing but the extreamest Cru­elty.

When all the Company is come, they begin to fill the Kettles of such as have any, and the Wooden or Rind Porringers of such as have not. After which, they all sit down to Eat, and during the Repast, the Master of the Feast sings without intermission, which ge­nerally tends to exhorting them to follow him in this Expedition. Whilst all this is transacting, the Guests speak not a word, but eat what is before 'em with pro­found Silence, except that one or other of them from time to time applauds him that invited them by an­swering Netho or Ioguenske. When the Orator has fi­nish'd his Harangue, he cries, And so I conclude with this, That to Morrow (or in two or three Days, accord­in to his Project) I will set forth: Whereupon those that have a mind to go with him meet him the next Morn­ing, and assure him that they will follow him round the [Page 65] World to be reveng'd on his Enemies. Very well my dear Friends, (Quoth he) then we will be going in three Days. Nevertheless some of these Salvages make Twelve or Fifteen of these Feasts before they set out.

Formerly these Barbarians made very Obscene Feasts. The Chief among them would command some young Woman of the Company to prostitute her self to such or such a one, as he pointed out, which if she refus'd to do the cause of the Miscarriage, if any happen'd, was attri­buted to her. Thus we may see how subtile the Devil, our common Enemy, is, and how he takes care conti­nually to load the Minds of these People with impure Thoughts.

They commonly make no Feasts for the Marriage of their Children; but where they do practise any, there are several particular Ceremonies for that Purpose. The first thing they take care of is their Guts, and therefore they cause each of their great Earthen Pot [...] ▪ which the Women make, or their Kettles, which the [...] have truck'd for with the Europeans, to be fill'd top full with Meat and Broth. They always provide proportionably to the Com­pany they expect. When the Victuals are ready, they go to call the Guests, which they do by putting a Wood­en Billet into their Hands, and crying, I invite thee to my Feast. So said, so done. There is no need of com­ming a second time; for at the very Hour appointed, the Guests flock about the Inviters Hut, with every one their Common Utensils in their Hands; whereupon the Master of the Feast never makes 'em wait, but immedi­ately proceeds to distribute his Edibles among them: Which done, either the Master himself, or one for him, immediately sets up his Pipes, and sings all the while they are eating. The Repast being ended, they all sing and dance for a while, and afterwards without any fur­ther Ceremony, return to their several Homes, without so much as speaking one Word. Only those who have convers'd among the Europeans, will return Thanks to the Master of the Feast, for their good Chear, before they go.

The Feasts for curing of the Sick are made much after th'same manner, only they exceed a little in Plenty in [Page 66] the former. Their Feasts for the Dead ar [...] more melan­choly and sad. No body here either dances or sings, but all, like the Relations of the Deceas'd, sit in a pro­found Silence. The Kinsfolks commonly shew a more than ordinary dejected Countenance, to excite the great­er Compassion in the Guests. All those that come to th [...]se Feasts make Presents, which they throw at the Feet of the nearest a-kin to the Deceas'd, saying, There's something to cover him; To build him a Tomb; To make Palisadoes round it, or the like, according to the nature of the thing they give. After they have thus made their Presents, and have had their Bellies well cramm'd, they return to their several Homes without saying a Word more.

As to Publick Feasts, they are made different Ways, according to their several Fancies. If they have any Knives, which they have truckt with Europeans for, and have eat fat Meat with 'em, they generally dry 'em in their Hair. They eat, most commonly, sitting upon the Ground, and have nothing before them to wipe their Mouths with; they are therefore forc'd to get out the Grease, which the Knives have left in their Hair, by rubbing it all over their Faces. These frequent Unct­ions no doubt fortify them extreamly against the Weath­ther, and render them able to bear the greatest Fa­tigues.

CHAP. XVI. The Salvages manner of Adopting the Europeans.

I Have observ'd in the foregoing Volume, that a Salvage of the Issati or Nadoüessans, Call'd Aquipaguetin, A­dopted me in the Room of his Son, who had been kill'd in the Wars by the Miamis, which gain'd me a great Credit with the Salvages, and procur'd means to insinu­ate my self the better into their Affections, and which render'd me more capable to dispose 'em for the Christian Faith. It is after this manner the Missionaries ought to behave themselves when they come among these wild People. They must endeavour to get the good Will of [Page 67] some of the Chief among them, who are observ'd to be best affected towards the Europeans. Then this Chief will perhaps adopt them, which always ends in a Feast.

This Chief or Captain having thus adopted them either for his Sons or Brothers, according to their Age and Quality, every body thenceforward looks upon them as Natives of the Country, and Relations of the Captain's. By this means they are Admitted of the Family, and have their Degrees assign'd 'em accordingly.

The Missionaries also, the better to secure their Re­pute among the Barbarians, now and then get a Coun­cil call'd, where they always display their Parts to some purpose. It must be observ'd that here they call all man­ner of Assemblies Councils, which are held by Order of the Chiefs or Captains. Those that meet at these Assem­blies, all sit on the Ground, either in a Tent, or in the open Field. They keep an exact Silence while the Chief is making his Speech. As to the rest, they are Religious Observers of what they have once concluded and agreed upon.

In these Assemblies the Missionaries vent their Senti­ments either by themselves, if they know the Language of the Country, or by Interpreters, where they do not. They give 'em to understand that they come among 'em to promote a Friendship and Allyance, and to invite 'em to a Trade and Commerce with their Nation. After­wards they entreat the Salvages to give 'em leave to stay in their Country to instruct them in the Law of God, which is the only way to Heaven.

Hereupon the Salvages often accept the Profers made by the Missionaries, and profess themselves willing to be instructed; but still the best way to bring over these Bar­barians, were to begin with the Body, and so to proceed to the Soul by degrees. Then the Missionaries make em Presents of Hatchets, Knives, and other such Trifles brought from Europe, which those principally that have never had any Converse with the Europeans, esteem at a great Rate. We never treat with 'em about any the least matter, without first making them a Present of this, or the like Nature, and which they always set a greater va­lue upon, than we in Europe do on Gold and Silver.

[Page 68]After this these Barbarians will be enclin'd by Degrees to Adopt such as make them Presents, which entitle them to the Privileges of the Country, and they are then pub­lickly declared Citizens, and Natives thereof; and more­over according to their several Ages they are saluted by the Salvages with the different Titles of Brothers, Sons, Cosens, and the like, according to the several Degrees of Parentage. Also when they are thus initiated and adopt­ed, they are lookt upon by them, as their own Children or Kindred.

I forgot to relate in the former Volume, how the Great Captain of the Issati, Oüasicoud, call'd me Bro­ther. This was an extraordinary Honour done me by this great Man, who is altogether absolute in his Do­minions. He acquir'd this great Authority by his Cou­rage, having been several times in War with about Se­venteen or Eighteen Nations his Neighbours, who were Enemies to him.

Such as are truly Valiant and Couragious, are in great Esteem among the Salvages. Their Arms are com­monly a Bow, Arrows▪ and a Club, all which they are very expert in the use of. They are well shap'd, and easy in their Postures, and for the most part very strong. I never met with any Blind, Hook-back'd, or any other ways Distorted, among them.

CHAP. XVII. The Manner of the Salvages Marriages in Northern A­merica.

MArriage among these People is no more than a Ci­vil Contract. The Husband and Wife never in­tend to live together all their Lives. They only join themselves for so long a time as they can reasonably A­gree, and afterwards they are at Liberty to be disengag'd Whilst they are dissatisfy'd with each other they think it an unreasonable thing to be oblig'd to live together, and therefore without much Ceremony they easily part, and live in the greatest Indifference.

[Page 69]These Barbarians sometimes marry their Daughters at Nine or Ten Years of Age; but this, not that they think them fit for Marriage, but because they expect some Ad­vantage from their Son-in-Law, whom they have pitch'd upon for that Purpose. And in effect so it often happens, for returning from Hunting together, the Father-in-Law has always the Disposal of the Skins and Flesh which they have taken in Hunting. Tho' the Daughter be not yet old enough to live with her Husband, yet she must enter upon her Duty to him immediately, for she is to prepare his Sagamit or boil'd Indian Corn with o­ther Victuals, when ever he has occasion.

At the time of their Marriage, they have great Feasting and Joy. Sometimes the whole Village is invited, and every one generally finds wherewithall to be well satis­fied. After the Repast is ended, they Sing and Dance, like the Europeans, but always after their own Way.

They always marry without Noise: There is only one Word necessary to compleat that Ceremony. The Sal­vage who is not marry'd, seeks out for a Maiden or Wo­man who is not marry'd likewise. He cries out to her without Ceremony, Will you come along with me, and you shall be my Wife: To which she answers nothing at first, but stands considering, holding her Head between her two Hands. Whilst she is thus resolving what to do, the Man likewise stands in the same Posture in great Si­lence. After the Woman or Maid has considered a good while, if she yields, she looks up and cries, Netho, or Ni [...]oua, which implies, I am content. When the Man, starting up with Joy, replies, Oné, which signifies, then the Business is done. At Night the Wife takes an Hatch­et of Iron, if those of that Nation have any Commerce with the Europeans, or if they have not, a sharp Stone made into the same Form, with which she goes to the Wood, and cuts a good handsome Load, when return­ing to the Hut of her Husband, s [...]e lays down [...]he Wood at the Door, and entring, claps herself down by him, who all this while never offers to embrace her in the least. When they have sat thus a good while without speaking a Word, at length the Husband, in the Iro­quoise Tongue, cries Sentaoüy, which signifies, It is tim [...] [Page 70] to repose, lye down and go to rest. Some time after the Man lies down by her, and goes to rest likewise in his Turn.

You shall rarely meet with Love made there after the European Fashion; as by Laughing, Jesting, Fooling, Wantoning, and the like. They engage in that Passion with the same Indifference that they quit it. They easi­ly part without much ado, when they are thereto dis­pos'd. They need only say one to the other, I am off from you, and the Business is done. From thence for­ward, they become as great Strangers as if they had ne­ver seen one another. Sometimes they have a Battle before they part, but that happens rarely.

Amongst the Northern Salvages there are some that have two Wives, but that is only for a little while. When the Husband and Wife part, she carries away all her Cloaths and Skins; But sometimes she is permitted only to have her Silk Band, which serves her also for a Wastcoat. Most commonly the Children follow their Mothers, who take care to maintain them, the Suste­nance of each Family or Tribe being in common. There are some of these Brats that will go along with their Fa­thers, but generally these Salvages who are divorc'd from their Wives, cry the Children are not theirs, and they will not be troubled with them, and which I be­lieve they are generally in the right of, for I fancy there are very few of these Salvage Ladies who are Proof a­gainst but an ordinary Present.

When their Children are begot by an European it is ea­sily discover'd, either by their Countenances, or their Eyes. Those of the Salvages are altogether black, be­sides they differ very much in their Eye-lids, from those of Europe. Hence it comes to pass that their Sight is stronger and more percing than ours.

If Salvage Women could have been brought to be subject to the Contract of Marriage, we cou'd have mar­ry'd as many of 'em as we pleas'd to the Europeans, but they have no manner of Disposition to the Marriage Bonds: They would run away from their Husbands on the least, or no Occasion. This Experience has through­ly convinc'd us of, besides their common Discourse upon [Page 71] this Subject, which has made them sufficiently known.

When any Salvage, who has no Wife, passes thro' any Village, where he likes a Woman, he may hire her for a Night, or two, or longer, if he thinks convenient, whereat her Parents are not at all displeas'd, being glad to see their Daughter get some Cloaths or Skins by the Bargain.

There are all sorts of Humours among the Salvages, as among the Europeans. Some love their Wives to Ex­cess, others cannot endure 'em, and there are some will beat and misuse them most shamefully. There are some likewise that are Jealous, of which I knew one that beat his Wife, because she had danc'd with another Man. Those that are the best Hunters, have all the Choice of the Women, while the others are forc'd to take up with the homely, and haggar'd. When these Barbarians grow old, they seldom forsake their Wives, and when they do it is for great Reasons. There are some among 'em that have liv'd Twelve, or Fifteen Years with their Wives, who are almost ready to despair, when their Husbands, being good Huntsmen, are forc'd to leave them; and this is the occasion sometimes of poisoning themselves. I knew one who did this, whose Life I sav'd, by making her swallow good Store of Mithridate.

When these Barbarians go, about the Spring time, to Hunting of the Beaver, they leave their Wives in the Villages, to sow Indian Wheat and Gourds. They al­ways hire another Woman to go along with them, to whom, at their return, they give one or two Beaver-Skins for Recompence, and so send her packing. Then take up again with their Wives as soberly, as if they had never wrong'd them. Nevertheless if this last pleases him best, he makes no Conscience to put away his Wife and take her; and these Salvages do not a little wonder at us Europeans who are us'd to the contraray.

One Day, whilst I was upon my Mission at Fort Fron­tenac, among the Iroquois, the Husband of one of our Canada Women, was gon about Twenty or Thirty Leagues off; whereupon the other Salvage Women paid their Visits to this Man's Wife, and upbraided her with her intended Constancy, after this Manner, Hast thou no [Page 72] Wit? Since thy Husband is absent, take another Man for the present, and when he returns, thou mayst have thy own again. This great Inconstancy, and the continual Chang­ing of Wives among them, are things very opposite to the Gospel, which we endeavour to inspire into these Salva­ges. Nay it is one of the most considerable Obstacles we meet with in this great Work.

It is not the same in the Southern parts of America ▪ and in the Meschasipi, where Polygamy reigns to an ex­cessive Degree. Throughout the whole Country of Loüisiane, you shall meet with Salvages that have Ten or Twelve Wives apiece. They will also marry three or four Sisters together, giving for Reason, that such are more likely to agree with one another, than Stran­gers.

As soon as ever a Man has made his Presents to the Father and Mother of the Daughter which he has a mind to marry, she is immediately his, for his Life, if he thinks fit, without more ado. Sometimes the Parents take their Daughter's Children, and restore the Presents they had receiv'd from their Son-in-Law; but this hap­pens very rarely. If any of these Women are found to be inconstant, the Husband cuts off▪ her Nose, or her Ear, or else gives her some other frightful Gash in the Face with a stone Knife. If he happens to kill her, he soon stops the Mouths of her Parents, by a small Present. Nay, this is the common practice a­mong them in such Cases. I have known several who have had these Marks, who nevertheless have after­wards had Children by those very Husbands.

Those of these hot Countries are generally more jealous of their Women, than those of the North, which may appear, in that they sometimes wound, and often­er kill themselves out of an unaccountable rash Love-fancy.

What is surprizing enough, is, that those young Sal­vages that follow the Wars, never care to lye with their Wives 'till they are thirty Years old: Because (say they) Women weaken Mens Limbs, and render them unfit either for War or Hunting. Those that do not observe this [Page 73] Rule are never esteem'd fit for either of these Exercise [...] ▪ but are generally scoff'd at, and counted effeminate.

The Men of the South are most commonly Naked, but the Women are generally cloath'd in some measure, with a Skin, especially in cases of Dancing, or other Ce­remonies. Maids wear little Curls, or Padlocks well oyl'd. Women most commonly wear their Hair after the Bohemian manner. Theygrease it with wrapping their Knives up in it, and paint their Faces with various Colours as well as Men.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Remedies the Salvages make use of in their Dise [...] ­ses. There are several Quacks and Mountebanks a­mong them. The Opinion they had upon the Bapti­zing of a Child, whilst the Author was with them.

WHEN the Salvages have been much fatigu'd, they immediately go into a Stove or Bath to strengthen their Limbs; and if they feel any Pain about them, either in their Thighs or Legs, they immediately take a Knife, or sharp Stone, (which comes to Hand first,) and scarifie the Part therewith in several places, espe­cially where they perceive the Ailment. When the Blood begins to gush out, they scrape it away with their Knives or sharp Stones, 'till it ceases running, and then rub the Wound well with Bears Oyl and Dears Fat, which two things, they find to be a Sovereign Remedy in these Cases. They do the same likewise, when either their Heads or Arms ake.

To cure Tertain or Quartan Agues or Fevers, they make a Medicine with a certain Rind that they boil, and cause the Patient to swallow it after his Fit is over. They are very well acquainted with Herbs and Roots, with which they cure abundance of Diseases. They have several never-failing Remedies against the Poiso [...] of Toads, Rattle-Snakes, and other such Dangerous Creatures; but nevertheless they have no Cure at all for the small Pox.

There are several Quacks among 'em, whereof we [Page 74] [...]ave spoken something before, under the Name of Jug­lers. They are certain old Salvages that live upon o­ [...]her Peoples Purses, by pretending to cure this and that Diftemper, by Medicines compos'd only of Superstitions. They make use of no other Remedies; but when the Patient s [...]nds for one of them, he who is pitch'd upon immediately falls to Prayers, as if he were going about some difficult and dangerous matter; And after thus having pray'd for a good while, all of a sudden he starts up, and goes along with the Messenger. Being arriv'd, he immediately approaches the sick Person, feeling and groaping all about his Body, which at length having sufficiently handled, he cries deliberate­ly, with a loud Voice, He has a Spell or Charm in such a part of his Body; whether in his Head, Limbs or Stomach, according as he thinks fit to pretend. He adds further, that he must bring this Spell away, but which cannot possibly be effected without great Diffi­culty, and that there must be a great deal done, before they can hope for Success.

This Spell (continues he) is exceedingly malignant, but it must nevertheless come away, at what rate soever it be. Hereupon the Friends of the sick Person, who believe implicitely in all the Quack fays, cry with a loud Voice, Tchagon, Tchagon, that is, Courage, Courage, do what you can, and conceal nothing of what you know. Then the Jugler squats down with a great deal of Gra­vity, and considers for a good while about what Re­medies he had best to apply. After which, starting▪ as it were out of a profound Sleep, he leaps up again and cries, 'Tis done, 'Tis done, (when turning to the sick Persons Friends, he continues) The Life of your Friend or Relation is precious, therefore spare nothing to preserve it. But to Day make a Feast, and give such and such a thing, do this, and t'other, and the like. At the same time his Orders are executed with a great deal of blind Devotion. During which, some other of the Salvages enter into a Stove, and there set up their Throats in an extravagant manner, making up their Concert with a Noise of Tortoise Shells, and hollow Pumkins, fill'd with Indian Whea [...], to all which the Men and [...]men [Page 75] never cease Dancing. They likewise sometimes get Drunk with Aqua Vitae, which they have exchang'd with the Europeans.

Every body being thus busied, and the Old Jugler left alone with the Patient, he torments him after an incredible manner, by griping his Feet, Legs and Thighs; and sometimes almost strangling him, according as his Opinion is of the place where the Malady lies; nay, of­tentimes he makes the very Blood burst out at his Fin­gers ends or Toes: At last, after having plaid over all his Tricks, like a true Jugler, he produces a piece of Skin, a lock of a Womans Hair, or some other such thing, and tells the standers by, That that is the Spell he has drawn from the Body of the Sick Person. But notwithstanding to any tolerable sort of Apprehension, this is but a very trifling piece of Deceit.

One Day I Baptiz'd a small Salvage Infant, which seem'd to me to be in great danger of Death, yet not­withstanding the next Day he was found Cur'd contrary to my Expectation. A little while after the Mother told some other Women in my presence, that I had re­cover'd her Child. She took me, it seems for a Jugler. Crying that I was extraordinary expert, and could Cure all sorts of Diseases by putting only a little Water on the Head and Fore-head of the Sick Person.

The Juglers hereupon beginning to Envy me for what the Woman had reported of me, began to cry that I was of a Chagrin and Melancholy Humour; and that I liv'd upon nothing but Serpents and Poison; and moreover that such People as I fed upon Thunder. The Salvages hearken'd with a great deal of Astonish­ment to the Account these Juglers gave of me, upon the occasion of my Baptizing this Infant. These Impo­stors further added, that we had all Tails like Beasts, altho' we took care to conceal 'em. And that the Wo­men of Europe have but one Breast, which is in the middle of their Bosoms; and that they are generally brought to Bed of five or six Children at once. They told 'em moreover, a great many other such strange Stories of us▪ to render us odious to them. They gave us this [...]racter, because they found if we continu'd [Page 76] in favour by the Operation of such wonderful Cures as mine was reported to effect, we might, in all probabi­lity, rob 'em of many a good Belly full at the Feasts.

These good People, who are very easie to be impos'd upon, began to think strangely of me from this time; for afterwards when any Person fell sick among 'em, they forthwith came to me, to know whether I had not poison'd 'em, and that if I did not speedily Cure 'em, they would certainly be the Death of me. This Whimsey I had no small trouble to get out of their Heads; and I have been sometimes forc'd to appease their Fury by giving them Knives, Needles, Awls, and other such Trifles, extreamly valu'd by them, tho' among us they are of little worth. After which, I gave 'em a Dose of Mithridate for their sick Friend, and so got rid of 'em. They have often recourse to our Medicines, I suppose, because they find 'em good, but where they do not succeed, they rather lay the Cause on the Physick, than the Constitution of the Person.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Constitutions of the Salvages.

GEnerally speaking, these Salvages are strong and Robust; both Men Women and Children have na­turally a great deal of Vigour, which is the Reason they rarely fall sick. They never know what it is to live nicely, and consequently are never subject to the ma­ny Inconveniences our Effeminacy brings upon us. They are never troubled with the Stone, Gravel, Dropsie, nor Fevers. They never have any of those Distem­pers that befall the Europeans for want of Exercise. They seldom or never want a Stomach: They are so extraordinarily addicted to Gluttony, that they will rise to eat at Midnight; and where they have any Victuals ready by 'em, they will then fall to, like Dogs in their Kennel, without rising.

They will nevertheless sometimes fast to a degree, [Page 77] that it were insupportable to an European. Sometimes they will continue two or three Days together with­out drawing bit, especially, when they see it necessary, and this without neglecting their daily Exercises of War, Hunting or Fishing. The Children of those that inhabit the North, are so inur'd to Cold, that in the very midst of Winter they will run naked up­on the Snow, and tumble in it like so many Piggs in Summer amongst the Dirt; which so hardens their Skin, that the greatest M [...]sketto Flies are not able to give 'em any disturbance.

Tho' the continual Exposing themselves naked to the Air, even from their Births, contributes extremely to­wards their bearing all Fatigues; yet it is not the only Cause of their Skins being so insensible, that being occa­sion'd likewise by a strong and equal Temperament of Body; for our Faces and Hands are likewise al­ways expos'd to the Air, and yet they are nothing less sensible of Cold. When the Men are Hunting, chiefly in the Spring time, they are almost continually in the Water, and altho' it be then extreamly cold, yet they nevertheless come out of it with a great deal of Indif­ference, and so return to their Huts.

When they are in the Field at War, they will some­times watch three or Four days together behind a Tree, without Eating, to have a favourable Opportunity to offend their Enemy. They are indefatigable at Hunting, and will run a prodigious way, and at the same time ex­ceeding swift.

The People of Louisiana and about the River Meschasipi, exceed the Iroquois in swiftness. They have no wild Cows or Bulls but what they can overtake in a Chase. The Sou­thern Salvages likewise, altho' they live in a Hot and more delicious Country, are, notwithstanding no less Robust, or capable of Fatigue than those of the North, who sleep upon the Snow with a slight Covering about 'em, and without either Fire or Huts.

The Constitutions of the Women are no less ro­bust than those of the Men: Nay, in some respects, they are better and more exact; for Women here serve for Porters, and have that vast strength, that sew Men [Page 78] in Europe are able to equal. They carry such Burdens that three or four of our Porters would not be able to lif [...]. I have observed in my former Part, that they com­monly bear two or three Hundred weight at a time, not reckoning two or three Children besides, which they carry about 'em. Thus Loaded, they will travel Four or Five Leagues together. 'Tis true they walk but slow, yet however they never fail to perform what they Undertake.

The Warlike Salvages undertake Journeys of three or four Hundred Leagues, as if they were no farther than from Amsterdam to Breda. They never take any Provisions for their Journey; Hunting supplies that, which they commonly busie themselves in every Day. They take only along with 'em a Knife, with which they make also Bows and Arrows. These Provisions would be sufficient to serve 'em for a Thousand Miles Travel, if they had occasion to go so far.

The Salvage Women are brought to Bed without great Pain. Some of them go out of their Huts into a Neighbouring Wood all alone, and there bring forth their Child, which they immediately wrap up in a Skin, and tie at their Backs, and so return home. O­thers, if their time comes at Night, deliver themselves of their Children upon the Mats, without the least noise: Afterwards they will presently fall to their daily labour, as heartily as if nothing had ail'd 'em. But what is more observable, is, that even while they go with Child, they shall not cease to carry heavy Burthens; to sow Indi­an Wheat and Pumpkins; to come and go, and the like; yet what is most wonderful, is, That for all, this their Children are strong and well shap'd; seldom any crook­ed or ill-favour'd are to be met with among them: They never have any natural Defects in their Bo­dies, which gives me Reason to believe, that their Minds might be easily disposed and brought to any thing if they were well Cultivated.

CHAP. XX. What Salvages are Cloathed, and what not.

THE Salvages of the Northern America, as their Ancestors Report, have always gone Cloath'd e­ven before they had any Commerce with the Europeans: The Men and Women generally wore drest Skins, which they also continue to this Day; but those who Trade with the Europeans have over and above, a Course Shirt, a Cloak, and Cowl in one piece of Cloath, which is ty'd about their middles with a Sash, and which covers them down to their Knees; they have also Stockins without Feet, which are commonly called Spatter-lash­es, and wear Shoes which are made out of Drest Skins.

When they return from Hunting in the Spring time, they are wont to Truck their Skins with the Europeans for Coats, Shoes and Stockins; nay, some of them wear Hats, in complaisance to the Christians; you shall also see 'em sometimes in their Huts wrapt up in Coverlets, holding the two ends in their Hands; oftentunes you shall meet with 'em almost naked, having only a small flip of Cloth, which reaches down only to their Knees.

When these Barbarians go either to the Wars or Feasts, they besmear all their Faces over, either with Red or Black, to the end they might not discover it, if they should grow pale with Fear. They also colour their Hair with Red, and cut it in different shapes; but this is practis'd more especially among the Salvages of the North. Those of the South cut their Hair quite off, or rather Burn it with Stones heated red hot in the Fire; of­tentimes the People of the North let their Hair hang on one side wreath'd into a kind of Bracelet, and cut it quite off on t'other; but this is still according to eve­ry ones Fancy.

There are some of these Salvages that rub their Hair all over with Oil, and afterwards stick Down, or small Feathers on their Heads; also some of them will have great ones of several Colours: But there are others that rather chuse to wear Crowns of Flowers, which Crowns [Page 80] another sort make of Birchen-Rind, or drest Skins, all which nevertheless are most commonly very prettily contriv'd: Thus set forth, they appear, take 'em all to­gether, just like several of Caesar's Soldiers, who were likewise Painted with different Colours: They are great Admirers of themselves in this fantastical Dress.

The Women of the North are cloath'd much after the same Fashion with the Men, except only that they have a piece of Silk, made something like a Petticoat, which reaches down to their Knees. When they go to Feasts, they set themselves off in all their best Attire, dawbing their Temples, Cheeks, and Tips of their Chins with three several sorts of Colours. The Boys go stark na­ked 'till they are fit for Marriage, and even then when they are cloath'd, you always see what Nature forbids them to shew, and that for want of Shirts. The lit­tle Girls don't begin to cover their Nakedness 'till about Five or Six Years of Age, and then they have only a Slip of Silk, that hangs from their Reins to their Knees. When we go into their Huts to instruct them, we al­ways oblige them first to cover themselves. This has had a kind of good Effect upon them, for now they be­gin to have some small Sense of their Nakedness, and conceal it a little better than they were wont formerly.

It is much the same with the Wives and Daughters of the Salvages of Louisiane and Meschasipi, which are a People towards the South-West of Canada, distant about a Thousand Leagues from Quebec; You may there see Girls in p [...]ris naturalibus, as naked as they came out of their Mothers Wombs, and who continue so 'till they are ripe for Marriage, and of which they are not at all a­sham'd, by reason of their being accustom'd to it.

Women and Men, but above all, Young Girls, wear Necklaces of Shells about their Necks, of different Fi­gures. They have also a sort of Shells as long as ones Finger, and hollow like Pipes, which serve them for Pendants to hang in their Ears. They have moreover Girdles, whereof some are made of Porcelan [...], and o­thers of Porcupines Bristles, some likewise are of Bear's Hair, and others mixt with both together.

The Salvages of the best Quality, with great Gravity [Page 81] carry upon their Backs a little Sack, wherein they put their Calumet or Pipe, their Tobacco, Tinderbo [...], and other Trifles. They can make shift to patch up a sort of Garment, out of the drest Skins of Bears, Beavers, Wolves, Otters, Black Squirrels, Lions, and other A­nimals. This they make use of when they appear in Publick Assemblies, where they will sit as grave as any Judge.

The Salvages of our last Discovery, between the Fro­zen Sea, and New Mexico, differ in many things from these. They always go naked, which gave me occasi­on one day to say to Father Gabriel, whilst we were in our Mission amongst the Ilinois, that truly it seem'd to me that these Salvages had not partaken of Adam 's Sin, since they did not know when they were naked, whereas the first Man and his Wife covered themselves with Fig-leaves, as soon as they had eat of the forbidden Fruit. These Salvages, in a word, have not the least Shame to be seen na [...]ed, but they rather seem to glory in it. When they talk among themselves, they often make use of the Word Tchetanga ▪ which is obscene.

But whatever I said to Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, ou [...] of a Joke, I am nevertheless of Opinion, that all Man­kind are of the Race of Adam, and consequently the Sal­vages [...]ainted with his Sin, among the rest, and that they must be irredeemably lost, if they do not believe in the Name of Jesus, which is the only Means we have to be sav'd by. I know very well, that being cloath'd will not at all contribute to their Salvation. But if these poor Wretches did but observe the Laws of Nature, God would work a Miracle in their Behalf, rather than suffer them to perish by their Ignorance. But alass! these un­happy Barbarians violate the Precepts of that Law, and live in a Stupidity, which rather makes them the Ob­jects of Gods Anger, than his Mercy.

In the mean time, we Christians who have reason to bless God for the knowledge we have receiv'd, ought to make it our utmost Endeavors to draw these Wretches out of the Shades of Ignorance, and to set them in the Light of the Gospel. By this means we might enlarge the Kingdom of Christ, and prevent these poor Souls from [Page 82] Damnation. For this purpose it were necessary to esta­blish powerful Colonies among them, which, by means of mutual Converse, Works of Charity, Instructions, and good Examples, might dispose these Barbarians to be Civiliz'd, and become happy both in this, and the World to come.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Games, and other Diversions of the Salvages.

THe Salvages of Northern America have several Games peculiar both to Men and Children. Those com­monly practis'd among Men, are Games play'd with certain Nuts, black of one side, and red on the other. These they put into a wooden Platter, large, but shallow; or in­to a Bason made of Birch-rind, or upon a drest Skin, Woollen Carpet, course Coat, or the like. At this Game Six or Seven play at a time, but of which, but two touch the Bowl together. They first lift it up, and then strike the Bottom against the Ground, to mix the Six Nuts.

If there comes up five of either Sort, turn'd on one side, they reckon one, for they generally play several up, as they agree among themselves. They take their turns to shake the Bowl, and they will be so eager at it, as if they were contending for an Empire. They always make such a prodigious Noise, as if they would force Fortune to be on their side. When they shake the Bowl, they strike their Shoulders withall with so rude a Blow, that they generally make them black and blew; and you may soon after perceive congeal'd Blood lye between the Skin and the Flesh.

These Barbarians play also with Straws or Stalks of Broom, about half a Foot long. The manner of which is thus, Some among them take several into their Hand, of which they give part to their Adversaries without look­ing upon them, which happening to be even or odd, ac­cording as they make the Play, gets the Game. The Sal­vage Children also use this Play, but that very seldom, because they must run no Hazard▪ Women and Girls [Page 83] are forbid this Play, but wherefore, I could never learn.

There is likewise another sort of Game, among the Salvages, us'd also by the Children in Europe, which is to take so many Grains of Wheat, or the like, and put their Adversary to guess how many they have, where he that hits upon the right number wins.

These Barbarians have also another Game, in which they take a great deal of delight, and call in the Iroquoise Language Ounonhayenti; but this is rather a kind of Tra­ding than a Game. They place themselves in two diffe­rent Huts, Six in one, and Six in the other: One of which separate Number, takes several things from those of his Division, and carries them to the Hut of the other Division, where making a certain Noise, and those with­in answering him by way of Eccho, he comes nearer, and cries, singing, with a loud Voice, that he would sell what he has brought along with him, repeating at the same time, the Word Ounonhayenti; whereupon those that are in the Hut answer from the hollow of their Sto­machs, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Five times. This Cryer or Merchant having thus ended his Song, throws his Merchandise in among them, and departs.

Then the other Six examining what was thrown in, depute one of their Number to demand of the other side, If they have a mind to take in exchange a course Coat, a Shirt, Pair of Shoes, or any other thing.

There is then a second Person between them, who goes to carry to the other Hut, the value of what they brought them; or else they return back the Goods, which were put out to them if the same do not please, or if they judge them not worth what is offered in Exchange for them.

These Ceremonies are attended with mutual Songs from each party; sometimes there may be seen whole Villages of Salvages going to visit one another, more for the sake of the Diversion they have at this Game of Ou­nonhayenti, than out of any desire they have of mutual Visits. This Word signifies a Contract, wherein something is given, that they may receive somewhat a­gain. The Language of the Iroquoise is exprest by com­pound Words; one of their Terms takes in Five or Six Words in English or French, as for instance, Ganno­ron [Page 84] in the Iroquoise Tongue is as much as to say, Behold a Business of great Consequence.

The Children of the Salvages have also another sort of Game; wherein they make use of a Bow and two Staffs, a great and a little one, the last whereof they hold in the right Hand; then they toss it into the Air by striking it against the great one, when another person takes it up, and throws it back again at the former, who first had flung it. This Play hath also something in it like to that us'd by the European Children.

Besides the above named Pastimes, they make a Ball of Bull-rushes, and the Blades of Indian Corn, which they throw into the Air, and receive again at the end of a pointed Stick. Those who are grown up to Years of Maturity, whether Men or Women, entertain one ano­ther in Winter Evenings with telling of Tales at the Fire side, according to the manner of our Europeans, to pass away the time.

CHAP. XXII. The manner of the Salvages in making War; they are ve­ry revengeful.

ALL the Salvages of America have almost universally a great Inclination for War, because they are all of a vindictive Nature; when they have receiv'd an Af­front of any one that is not of their Nation, they will certainly be reveng'd of him sooner or later, tho' they were to wait an Opportunity for three or four Genera­tions; they take no rest Night nor Day, 'till they have Satisfaction upon this Account, by destroying, if they can, the greatest part of the Nation, they intend Mis­chief to. And when that is done, they'll oblige the Remainder to dwell among them, and to follow their way of Living in all things.

The Iroquoise, whom first the Swedes, then the Hol­landers, English, and French furnished with Fire-Arms, [Page 85] are by that means esteemed at present the most Warlike People of all the Salvages, that have been yet disco­vered. They have destroy'd the greatest Warriors of the Hurons, and constrain'd the rest of the Nation to dwell among them, that they may make War conjointly up­on all those Nations that are their Enemies, situated five or six Hundred Leagues from their Five Cantons. They have destroy'd above Two Millions of People, and are still in actuall War with the Inhabitants of Ca­nada.

If France do not send both Provisions and Ammuni­tions of War to Canada, the Iroquoise are in a Con­dition to ruin that Plantation, for reasons which I have touch'd upon in the former Volume: These Barbarians would utterly destroy their Neighbours, as has been manifested from Experience unto us; and there is nothing to be got from them, seeing all their Spoyls are of very little value. This fierce Nation can very easily ruin the Commerce of their Neigh­bours, who for the most part have no other Subsist­ence, than what arises from the Trade of Skins and Furs, which they have from the Salvages. The Eu­ropean Colonies are not yet so fully established there, as to be able to subsist without Commerce, at least if they have not transported to them by Sea, all that is necessary for the support of Life. On the o­ther Hand the Iroquoise are full of Malice and Sub­tilty, like young and untamed Horses, that do not know their own Strength. They are capable to destroy their Neighbours, for Reasons which the rules of Prudence will not admit to be made publick. They had long since en­tirely wasted Canada, and made it desolate, had it not been for Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, who has won them by Gentle Means. They are the most formidable Enemies the Europeans have throughout all America. And I shall make a Remark by the Way, and such an one as I know to be true, because I am acquainted with these People full well, having lived among them full four Years; and often visited them for Four Years more; for I have been several times on Embassies to them, and they have shewed me many Civilities.

[Page 86]This Barbarous Nation has destroy'd divers Nati­ons, and such of them as have escaped the Sword, they have always oblig'd to live amongst them: The Iroquoise have considerable Men amongst them, who are as it were, the Commanders of Parties, and Lea­ders in Expeditions: They have Persons to attend them, who follow them every where, and do all they command them. Before they set out, they pro­vide themselves with good Fusils, which they truck with the Europeans for Furs; they take also along with them, Powder, Ball, Kettles, Hatchets, and all necessary Utensils for War, and are at times ac­company'd by Boys and Girls, and in in this man­ner march often times, Three or Four Hundred Leagues.

When they draw nigh unto the place where they are minded to make War, they march slowly, and with great Precaution, but they never kill any Deer with their Musquets upon these occasions, for Fear of being discover'd, and use no other Arms for that Purpose, but their Arrows, which make no Noise. When they are bent to fire, they first carefully in­spect all the Avenues, and view every Thing and Place, with much exactness, for fear of being surpri­zed; and to the same Purpose send out Spies every where, in order to discover the Passages into the Villages, and to find out where 'tis properest to be­gin the Attack; as also to observe, if there be any Fort near the Place, to the end they may surprize it; which comes to pass very often, because they give the blow unexpectedly.

There are no Warriours like unto these in all Ame­rica, for Ambuscades; they watch Men from be­hind a Tree, as if they were about killing a Deer; they esteem a Man to be a good Soldier, that can readily surprize his Enemies: If they know how to make a quick Escape, so as not be surpriz'd by their Enemies, after they have discharg'd their Piece, they pass for incomparable Persons. You cannot con­ceive with what Celerity they turn themselves with their Fusils, about the Trees which they make use [Page 87] of, for to shelter them from the Arrows that are shot at them; they very cleverly skip over those Trees which are fallen down in the Woods, when they are making their escape: Of which Trees there are some of a prodigious Bigness, which have dropped down by reason of Age, and want of Root.

They are People of an admirable Patience; for when they find they have Planted themselves in a good secure place, they continue many times behind their Trees two or three Days without Eating, waiting for a favou­rable opportunity to kill an Enemy: They march on sometimes, upon a Discovery, without any Fear; but that is very rare with them; and if they be not, in a manner, sure of their Blow, they scarce expose them­selves, at least wise, if they do not find they are support­ed by a good Number of Warriors: These Barbarians do not fight in the same manner as the Europeans do; for they are not Disciplined as our Men are, and therefore they do not so well range themselves in Battalia, and by consequence they cannot so firmly sustain the Brunt, of a Battle, as our disciplin'd and well commanded Souldi­ers: In the mean time when they are once animated and chafed, they prove incomparable Assailants.

They are so malicious as to set the Corn of the Euro­peans on Fire, when 'tis Ripe; they Burn their Houses, and set Fire to them with Tinder or March, which they tie to the end of their Arrows; for this Fire quickly seizes upon the Boards or Straw which covers the Hou­ses, and they are presently Consumed, because they shoot their Arrows with an extraordinary force.

There was an Iroquoise Captain, whose Name was Attreouati Onnontage, whom I kn [...]w very well, and who shewed me great Civilities in my Journey from Fort Frontenac to New York; we were w [...]nt to call him, because of his large Mouth, the Grand Gueule, or Wide-Mouth; now this Man one Day wanting his Blow, en­tred into the Town of Montreal in Canada, crying, Hai, Hai, which in their Language is a Sign of Peace; he was received with many Caresses of kindness, feasted [Page 88] very well, and also had many considerable Presents made him, out of a desire they had to oblige this Inso­lent Nation; but the perfidious Wretch, in his return from thence, killed two Men who were Thatching an House there.

Some of them have told us, that they have been ma­king War as far as the Dominions of the Spaniards which are in New Mexico; for they have related, That they have been where the Inhabitants gathered Red Earth to­gether, which they carried to be sold to another Nation, who in Exchange gave them Hatchets and Kettles for it, and that they called this sort of Earth, Gold: But this Story was perhaps Invented by the Salvages at will, in order to please the Sieur de la Salle, when he was at Fort Frontenac, for he delighted to hear talk of the Mines of St. Barbe, from whence they dug up their Gold. I have been amongst all the Nations dwelling up­on the River Meschasipi; and I never heard any amongst them, except the Illinese, speak of the Iroquoise, but as of a certain People that were Neighbours to the Illi­nese, of whom they had learnt, that the Iroquoise were a very Cruel Nation, yet no otherwise stout, but be­cause they had Fire Arms, for which they truck'd with the Europeans; and that were it not for them, they would never have durst to attack the Illinese, who are a more Valiant Nation, and more expert in the Use of Bows and Arrows than the Iroquoise ever had been.

Those amongst the Iroquoise who are not given to War, are had in great Contempt, and pass for Lazy and Effe­minate People; but now they have the Use of Muskets, they attack all the other Nations from Sea to Sea, that is, from North to South: There is no Nation in Ame­rica that dare resist the Iroquoise; and their having Fire-Arms amongst them is the Reason of it; That is it which renders them fierce and insufferable: They call themselves Men by way of Excellency, as if other Na­tions were but Beasts comparatively in respect to them. I know, the way to bring the Iroquoise to Reason; but it is not for a Man of my Character to argue of those Matters, but with great reservedness, and much prudent caution; for the Remedies which I could propound up­on [Page] [Page]

[Page 89] on this occasion, might perhaps prove worse than the E­vils that may be fear'd from this Nation; In the mean time I may hereafter discover my Thoughts to those Powers who have employ'd me in the Work, which I now publish.

CHAP. XXIII. The Cruelty of the Salvages in general; and of the Iro­quoise in particular.

THERE are no sorts of Salvages in all North A­merica, who are not extream Cruel to their Ene­mies. We stand astonished at the Cruelties exercised by Nero, Dioclesian and Maximinus towards the Christi­ans, and these very Names we have still in detestation and horrour; but the Inhumanity of the Iroquoise in re­spect to the Nations which are made their Slaves, is yet much more horrible and detestable.

After the Iroquoise have killed a Man, they cut off his Scalp, and carry it home with them, as an assured Mark of their Victory; when they have taken any one a Slave, they tie him fast and make him run after them; but if he be not able to follow them, they give him a Blow on the Head with their Ax, and there leave him after they have pulled off all the Skin with the Hair of his Head; and they are so cruel, that they will not spare sucking Infants: If the Slave can go along, they tye him in the Night-time to a piece of Wood made in the Form of a St. Andrew's Cross, and leave him ex­posed to the terrible stinging of the Maringoins and o­ther Flies of the Country during the Summer Season, and treat him in the cruellest manner they can.

Sometimes they thrust four Sticks into the Earth, to which they make fast their Slaves by the Hands and feet, and so expose them all Night long on the Earth, to the Rigour of the Season be it what it will; to say nothing of a Hundred other Miseries these miserabl [Page 90] Creatures are made to endure in the Day time. When they approach near unto their Villages, they make a loud Hollow, by which Signal those of their Nation know their Warriors are returned with their Slaves: The Men and the Women at the same time put on their best Attire, and come out to the end of the Village to receive them: When they are there, they make a Lane for the Slaves to pass through, but it proves to be a miserable reception for these poor Wretches, for the Villains fall upon them as Dogs or Wolves do up­on their Prey, and cease not to torment them all the time the Warriors pass by in a File, fierce and proud with their Exploits.

And here you might see, some of the poor Slaves kicked, others beaten with Sticks, several cut with Knives; and some have their Ears cut, others their Noses or Lips, in such sort, that the greatest part of them dye in this pompous Entry, whereas those who have the u [...]happiness to go through with this Evil Treatment, are preserved to greater Punishments; yet they are pleased sometimes to spare some of them, tho' it be very rarely: When their Warriors are entred into their Huts, there is an Assemby of the Elders held, who come together to hear a Relation of all that has passed in the War, and then they di­spose of their Slaves.

If it happen so, that the Father of a Salvage Wo­man has been killed in the War, they bestow a Slave upon her in his stead, and 'tis at this Womans choice to put him to Death or save him alive; and here I'll shew you how they use their Slaves, when they are minded to Burn them; they tie the Poor Wretch to a Post by the Hands and Feet, then they heat Musket Barrels, Hatchets, and other Iron Instruments, and ap­ply them Red Hot to his Body from top to Toe; his Nails they tear off with their Teeth; cut pie­ces of Flesh out of their Backs, and oftentimes pluck off the Scalp of their Heads with the Hair; when this is done, they put Red-hot Ashes into the Wounds, cut out their Tongues, and in a word, make them to suf­fer all the Miseries they can think of.

[Page 91]If with all these Torments they do not die, they force them to run before them, and bear the blows of their Battoons; and they do relate, That there was once a Slave who ran so well, that he made his Es­cape into the Woods, and that they could never catch him; but 'tis very likely he Dyed there for want of Relief; but what is most strange, is, That these Slaves Sing in the middle of their Torments, which doth not a little irritate their Barbarous Executioners. An Iroquoise was telling us, he had a Slave, who while he was cruelly Tormented, said, You have no Wit, you know not the way to Torment your Prisoners; you are lazy Fellows, and if I could catch you in my Hut, I would make you suffer in another manner; but that while he was speaking with so much vehemence, a Sal­vage Woman having got a little Iron Spit, made Red-hot, thrust it into his Privy Parts, which made him rore terribly; but he said to the Woman, Thou hast some Wit, thou dost understand the Business. And thus when a Slave dies, which they have Burnt as be­fore, they Eat him; and before his Death, they cause some of his Blood to be boild for their Children, to the end they may make them as Cruel and Inhumane as themselves. Those whose Lives they spare, live a­mongst them, and serve them as Servants and Slaves; but in process of time they recover their Liberty, and are held in the same Esteem as if they were of their own Nation.

The Salvages of Louisiane, who dwell along the Banks of the River Meschasipi, and are situated seven or eight Hundred Leagues further than the Iroquoise, as also the Issati and Nadouessans, among whom I was a Slave, are no less brave than the Iroquoise; they make all their Neighbouring Nations tremble round about them, tho' they have no other Weapons but Bows, Arrows, and great Clubs; they are swifter of-Foot than the Iroquoise, and very good Soldiers▪ but they are not so Cruel; they do not Eat their E­nemies Flesh, but content themselves only to Burn them.

[Page 92]They having one Day seiz'd upon an Huron, who eat Human Flesh as the Iroquoise do; they cut pieces of Flesh out of his Body, and said; do thou who lo­vest Human Flesh, eat of thine own, that thou m [...]yest let thy Nation know, who lives at present a­mongst the Iroquoise, that we abhor your Maxims; for these People are like famish'd Dogs who eat all that comes nigh them. The Iroquoise are the only-Salvages of North-America, who feed upon Human Flesh; tho' they do not use it, save in cases extra­ordinary, to wit, when they are resolved utterly to root out a whole Nation; for when they eat of Man's Flesh, it's not to satiate themselves therewith, but to let their People know that they must pursue their Enemies, without ever having any Thoughts of Accomodation with them, and that they must rather eat them, than suffer them to have any Rest; that when they eat the Flesh of their Enemies, 'tis with an In­tention to animate their Soldiers, and heighten their Courage, and indeed the next Day after, the full Com­plement of the FiveCantons, usualy march in order to fight their Enemies; for their Rendezvous is always ap­pointed the Day after these Feasts of Human Flesh.

If the Europeans would give over supplying the Iro­quoise with Fire Arms, who are not now so well skill'd in the use of the Bow, as in former times, where­as the other Nations have been always accustom'd to them, they could not fail of destroying the Iroquoise, who are their common Enemies, and who live Four or Five Hundred Leagues from them.

The first Canton of the Iroquoise is to the South­ward, and they are called Gagnieguez or Agniez [...] they live in the Neighbourhood of New York, and have three Villages, where I have been; the most force they can make is Five Hundred Men at Arms. The Second Division is Eastward, and they are known by the Name of Onneiouts, and send out about an Hundred and Fifty Solders. The third is also to­wards the East, containing the little Villages of On­nontaguez or Mountaineers, which is the only Eminence that is to be found among the five Cantons of the I­roquoise, [Page 93] and they border upon the Onneiouts: These Onnentagues have at least three Hundred fighting Men, and they are the bravest and most valiant of all the Nation. The Fourth is abour Thirty Leagues to the East, belonging to the Orongouen [...], who are di­vided into three parts, and can furnish out three Hundred Fighting Men equal with the other. The fifth and last contains the Isonnontonans, towards the furthest end of the Lake of Frontenac, or Ontario, who are the greatest and most considerable of all the Iroquoise Cantons, and contain in three Sub-Cantons▪ above three Hundred Men at Arms.

I have taken notice, in my former part, of three or four Villages of the Iroquoise, to the Northward of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; but for these five Cantons of the Iroquoise, I make no further De­scription of them here. I have spoken only of their Barbarity and Cruelty, and that they have subdued a very large Country within about Four Hundred Years, when they first began to extend their Limits, and to aggrandize their Nation, by the Ruin of o­ther People, the Remains of whom they made Slaves, in order to increase the number of their own Troops.

CHAP. XXIV. The Civil Government of the Iroquoise Salvages.

THE Councils which the Salvages generally hold concerning the management of all their Affairs, ought to be look'd upon as the chief Cause of their Pre­servation, and of the Terrour they strike into all the Nations of North America. They Assemble toge­ther for the least Affair they have in agitation, and argue upon the Methods they should make use of, in order to attain their Ends: They undertake no manner of thing rashly, and their Elders, who are Wise and Prudent, have [...]lways their Eyes intent upon the good of the Nation: If a Complaint be [Page 94] made, that any one amongst them has been guilty of Theft, they very diligently look after it to find him out; but if the Author of the Robbery can­not be easily discover'd; or if he be not of ability to make Restitution, in case they be fully convinced of the Fact, they immediately redress the Wrong by some Present to the Party injur'd, for his Satisfa­ction.

When they would put any one to Death for some Enormous Crime, of which they are satisfi'd he is guilty; they highly extol that Man, whom they have made Drunk with Brandy, (a Liquor which these People love mightily,) to the [...]nd that the Relations of the Criminal may not seek any Revenge; and when that Man hath cut off the Head of him whom they have adjudged to be cul­pable, the Reason they give is, That he had not Sense, and that Drunkenness had made him give the Blow.

They had formerly another way of Executing Ju­ [...]tice, but they have quite disus'd it. They had one Day in the Year, which might be called the Feast of Fools; for indeed they did nothing but play the Fool running from Cottage to Cottage; and if, during this Jollity, they had abused any Person, or stoln any thing, these subtil Old Fellows would say next Day by way of Excuse, throughout the whole Canton, and especially in their own Village, that he who had given the Blow was a Fool, and had no sense at all; and afterwards there were some Presents made for stopping the Tears of the Friends of him who had been maliciously killed; and with this Excuse the Relations would be contented with­out seeking for any further Revenge. Then the Elders secretly praised him who had counterfeited himself a Fool, and killed the Person which they had singled out, and resolved to be rid of.

The Iroquoise have Spies and Men on purpose a­mongst them, who go and come continually, and give an Account of all the News they can learn. As to the matter of Trade they are very cunning, and [Page 95] are not easily deceiv'd; they observe every thing nicely, and study to know the Merchandize for which they Truck.

The Onnonlages, or Iroquoise Mountaneers, are more subtil than the rest; they can Cheat very cleverly; the Algoncains, the Abenati, Esquimones, and an infinite num­ber of Salvages, who have Converst with the Europeans ▪ are no less Sly and Politick: We are not to think these People Brutish, and without Reason; they have a great deal of subtilty in them, and know their Interest right well; and they mannage their Af­fairs with much Prudence and Dexterity.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Way the Salvages have to Hunt Wild Beasts. The admirable Industry of the Beavers.

THE Salvages observe the Times, Seasons, and Moons of the Year for their Hunting; and are very punctual therein; the New Moons they call according to the Names of those Animals which ap­pear most at certain Seasons: For instance, they call it the Moon of Frogs, at the time when the Frogs croak; the Moon of Bulls, when these wild Creatures appear; the Moon of Swallows, at the time of the coming of these Birds. And this is the Custom as these Barbarians who have no other Names to distinguish their Months by, as we Eu­ropeans have: They retain also the like Usage in respect to the Names they give to Men; imposing them from the Serpent, the Wolf▪ the wild Cat, and other Animals, according to the respective Sea­son of them.

They kill Elks and wild Goats at all times; but more particularly in Snowy Weather; wild Cats and Baboons they Hunt in the Winter; Porcupines, Beavers and Bears in the Spring, and sometimes in the Autumn; they take the Elks in a Snare, and the Beavers in a Trap: They shoot the Bears with [Page 96] Arrows or Fusils, upon the Oaks, when they are feeding upon Acrons: As for wild Cats, they beat the Trees on which they are, and then their Dogs fall upon them and strangle them; they take the Porcupines much after the same man­ner, saving that they kill them with Pole-Axes; or with Forks, when the Tree is fell'd, because the Dogs are not able, to draw near unto them by rea­son of their Quills that are sharper than Auls, and which by little and little pierce the Body of a Man in an imperceptible manner, and which would in­fallibly kill the Dogs that would seize upon them; these Animals are not swift of Foot. As to the Bears, they are taken in a Trap, or shot with Ar­rows or Musquets, but very seldom killed with Pole-Axes, because these Creatures are very quick of Hearing.

The Salvages take the Beavers in Winter, under the Ice; they first make it their Business to find out the Lakes of these Animals; these Beavers are admirably industrious in Building their Lodgments; when they are disposed to change their Habitations they seek out a Rivulet in the Woods, along the Banks whereof they ascend, 'till they have found a Flat, very proper to make a Lake: When they have well observed the place on all sides, they fall to work, and raise up a Causey or Dam to stop, the Water; which they make as strong as those which serve to keep in the Waters of the greatest Ponds in Europe. This Dam is made up of Wood Earth, and Clay, and is of such a Bigness as is necessary to form a great Lake, which is some­times a Quarter of a League long. These Beavers build their Dwellings in the midst of the Water, with Wood, Bull-rushes, and Clay or Dirt, and work them all together very exactly with the help of their Tails, which is longer, and as large as a Masons Trowel; their Building consists of three or four Stories, filled with Bull-rush-Matting, and 'tis thére their Females bring forth their young. At the Bottom of the Water, there are deep and [Page 97] shallow Channels; when their Lakes or Ponds are frozen, they must pass then under the Ice; where­fore they make Provision in the beginning of Winter, of Ash-trees, which is their ordinary Food, which they set in the Water, round about their Dwellings in the Lake: When the Salvages would take any of them, they first break the Ice about these Lodg­ments, with the Helve of an Hatchet, or a Stake, and make an hole through; and when they have so done, they sound the depth of the Water, in order to know, whether it be the Way through which the Beavers are wont to go out; and if up­on Enquiry, they find it to be so in reality, they put in a String, of about a Fathom long, and two Sticks, whose lower ends touch the Bottom of the Pond, and the other two are kept without the Hole which is made in the Ice; to which Sticks are fastned two Cords to draw out the String when the Beaver is caught.

But to the end that this subtile Animal may not see the String, nor the People that seek his Life, they strew rotten Wood, Cotten, and such things upon the surface of the Ice; and when they have so done, a Salvage stands upon the Watch near the String with an Ax in his Hand, to pull up the Beaver on the Ice, while the rest of the Company, with much Labour, break up his Lodgment, where they ma­ny times find the Wood and Earth wrought together to be above a Foot thick, which they are forc'd to cut down with their Axes, because its hard as a Stone through the violence of the Frost: When that is done; they sound the Lake, and where­ver they find any Hollows, they break the Ice for fear lest the Beavers hide themselves under­neath, to the end, that being constrain'd to run from one end unto the other, they may at length throw themselves into the Strings laid for them; and thus it is they labour with much Fatigue from Morning to Evening, without eating any thing; and yet, after all, do not take above three or four Beavers.

[Page 98]Moreover, these Salvages do take these Animals with Traps in the Spring time, in the following Manner: When the Ice begins to dissolve, the Sal­vages take notice of those Places by which the Bea­vers go out, and there lay a Trap, with a Branch of Asp-wood for a Bait, which reaches from the Trap to the Water. Now when the Beavers light on it, they cease not to eat thereof, 'til they come to the Trap, which lets fall two thick pieces of Wood upon them, and so kills them. The Pole-Cats are caught almost in the same manner, saving that they lay no Bait for them.

All the Nations Southwards, towards the River Meschasipi, are more superstitious in their Huntings than the Northern People, and the Iroquoise in particular. When I was among them, their Se­niors, six days before they were to enter upon the Hunting of their wild Bulls, would send about Four or Five of their nimblest Hunters to the Mountains, in order to dance the Camulet there, with as much Ceremony, as among the Nations to whom they were wont to send Embassadors to make some Allyance with: Upon the return of these Men, they exposed to the view of all the People, for the space of three days, a very great Kettle, which they beset with Feathers of all Colours, and fastned one of the Guns of their Fire-men athwart it; for the space of three Days the principal Wife of a Captain c [...]rryed this Kettle upon her back, with Flowers, in great Pomp, at the Head of above two hundred Huntsmen, following an old Man who had tyed an Handkerchief to the end of a Stick or Pole, like an Ensign, and carrying his Bow and Arrows in great Silence.

This old Spark made an Halt three or four times, to weep, and bitterly bewail the death of those Bulls which they hope to kill; and at the last Pause, the eldest of the Company sent two of the ablest Huntsmen to find out the wild Bulls, whom on their return they whisper'd before they began the Chase of these Animals; then they kindled a Fire [Page 99] of the Ordure of the wild Bulls dryed in the Sun, and seasoned their Pipes or Calumets, in this new sort of Fire, in order to smoke their Runners whom they had sent to make a disc [...]very. This Ceremony was no sooner ended, but an hundred Men went out on the one Side of the Mountains; whilst a like number took the other, in order to enclose in the Bulls, who are very numerous; they killed several of them in a confused manner with their Arrows, and we Europeans seven or eight with our Guns.

These Barbarians could not sufficiently admire the Effect of our Guns, the noise of which they heard, but could not see the Bullets, which ma [...]e them believe these Creatures were kill'd with the report only; they would clap their Hands upon their Mouths, as a sign of their Amazement, and cry Alansa Ouacanthe, that is, in the Language of the Issatrians, this Iron doth Mischief to Men and Beasts, yet we do not know how it comes to pass, that at the noise of these round Machines, the Bones of these Beasts come to be broken, which still raised their Admiration of them.

I could not sufficiently wonder, how these Sal­vages could slea those Bulls, and cut them out to pieces, seeing they had neither Knives nor Hatch­ets, but the few they had stolen from us. They cut the Hides of these Beasts with the Points of their Arrows, which were made of a Sharp Stone, and when once they can get their Fingers between the Flesh and the Skin of these Animals, they could then quickly flea them. As for cutting of the Meat to pieces, and disjointing the Bones, they made use of Stones, with which they effected it. They dismember'd also these Beasts, and the Wo­men took care to dry them, by exposing the same to the Sun, and the Smoke of a little Fire, which they kindled, In short they eat nothing during the time of their Hunting, but the Entrails, and the poorest pieces of these Animals, but the best parts they carried into their Villages, distant about two hundred Leagues from the place where they had been Hunting.

CHAP. XXVI. The Way of Fishing amongst the Salvages,

THose Salvages that dwell to the North-ward, fish in another manner than the Southern Peo­ple: The former take all sorts of Fish with Nets, and harping-Irons, as we do in Europe. They sometimes also catch Fish with Lines, but no great Number that way: I have seen them fish in a pleasant manner; they took a forked piece of Wood, double painted, to which they put a Net, almost in the same manner as we do in Europe, for to catch Partridges; when that's done, they let it down into the Water, and the Fish, which are there in far greater Abundance than in our Rivers, glide along, and when the Salvages per­ceive that they are entred into the Net, then they draw it up; which is in Form somewhat like a pair of Pincers, the Fish that are taken therein, being held by the Gils.

The Iroquoise now and then in their Fishing time, make use of a Net, forty or fifty Fathoms long, which they put in a great Cannow of Wood, and then spread it out in an Oval Form, to the most commodious Places of the Rivers; and indeed I have sometimes admired their Dexterity therein: I have known them take sometimes above four hundred Whitings, larger than our ordinary Carps, and amongst others several Sturgeons, pulled out of the River with Nets made of Nettles: In this way of Fishing its necessary that two Men hold the two Ends of this sort of Net, and wrap it up exactly, as occasion requires, whereby they catch a prodigious Quantity of Fish, especially in the River Nagara, which are very good, and of ex­cellent Taste▪

There is such plenty of Fish in this Place, that 'tis capable of furnishing the greatest City in Europe with Fishes of divers Kinds; neither is it to be [Page 101] wonder'd at; for the Fishes do continually swim up from the Sea, towards the Spring of the River for fresh Water: the River of St. Lawrence receives about this part of the Niugara a vast quantity of Waters from four great Lakes, of which we have spoken, and which are little Seas of fresh Water; now this Deluge of Water coming to discharge and precipitate it self by the greatest and most frightful Fall that is in the whole World, the in­finite number of Fish, that take pleasure to come and refresh themselveves in those Waters, continue there, because they are not able to get over this Ca­taract; and hence it is that such a vast quantity of Fish may be caught there, as are sufficient for the Subsistence of the greatest City in the Universe.

During the time of my Embassage from Fort de Frontenac, I was to see the great Fall of Water which comes from a Northern River, and discharges it self into a great Basin of the Lake Ontario, capable to hold above an hundred Men of War in great Safety. Being there, I taught the Salvages to take Fish with their Hands I caused Trees to be felled down in the Spring▪ near unto the forementioned Fall, and this I did, that I might lye down without wetting my self; I found there a vast number of Fishes of divers sorts; after I had a little tickled them with my Hand, I took fast hold of them by the Gills; and when at several times I had taken fifty or sixty great Fishes, I went to warm and refresh my self, in order to return fresh again to the Sport. I put the Fish I had taken into a Sack, which a Salvage held in his Hand, and I fed above fifty Families of the Iroquoise of Ganneous therewith, who, with the Sieur de Salle, I had brought to plant Indian Corn there, and to have their Children instructed in the Christian Religion, at Fort Frontenac.

The most considerable sort of Fishing among the Sal­vages is that of Eels, which are very big, Salmons, and Salmon Trouts, and Whitings. The Iroquoise Aguier who are in the Neighbourhood of New York, fish ve­ry often for Frogs, which they catch in abundance, and which they put whole into their Kettles, without flea­ing [Page 102] them, for the seasoning their Pagamite, which is Pap made of Indian Corn. Salmon Trouts are catch'd in several other parts of the Rivers which discharge themselves into the Lake of Frontenac, and there are such great Numbers to be found there, that they kill them with Sticks.

They catch Eels in the Night time when the Wea­ther is calm; and these Fishes came down in great quantities along the River St. Lawrence; the Salvages put the thick Bark of a Birch-tree, together with Earth upon the end of a Stake, and then kindle a kind of a Flambeau, which gives a very clear Light, when a Man or two go into a Cannow, with an Harping-Iron fixed between two Points of a little Fork: As soon as they discover the Eels, by the help of the Fire, they fall to, and kill a vaft Quantity of them, because that the white Porpoises which pursued them, drive them before them, till at last they betake themselves to the Brink of the Rivers, to which those great Porpoises cannot approach. Salmons they catch with Harping-Irons, and Whitings with Nets; the Southern Nati­ons which dwell upon the River Meschasipi, are very subtil, and have such lively and piercing Eyes, that tho' the Fishes glide very swiftly in the Waters, yet they fail not to kill them with their Darts, which they vigorously thrust a little b [...]fore into the Water, when they shoot out of their Bow. Moreover they have long Poles with sharp Points, which they dart from them with greatAccuracy, because of their being so sharp sighted; they also kill great Sturgeons and Trouts, which are seven or eight foot under Water.

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Vtensils used by the Salvages in their Huts. Their extraordinary way of making a Fire.

Before the arrival of the Europeans in North America, both the Northern and Southern Salvages, made use of, and do to this day use Earthen Pots, especially such [Page 103] as have no Commerce with the Europeans; from whom they may procure Kettels and other Moveables; in stead of Hatchets and Knives, they make use of sharp Stones, which they fasten in a cleft piece of Wood with Leather Thongs, and instead of Awls, they make a certain sharp Bone to serve, which is seated about Elks Talons; they have no Fire Arms amongst them. Bows and Arrows being their only Weapons.

Their way of making a Fire, and which is new and unknown to us, is thus; they take a Triangular piece of Cedar-Wood of a Foot and an half long, wherein they bore some Holes half through; then they take a Switch, or another small piece of hard Wood, and with both their hands rub the strongest upon the weakest in the hole, which is made in the Cedar, and while they are thus rubbing they let fall a sort of Dust or Powder which turns into Fire. This white Dust they roul up in a Pellet of Herbs, dryed in Autumn, and Rubbing them all together, and then blowing upon the Dust that is in the Pellet, the Fire kindles in a mome [...]t.

When the Salvages are about to make Wooden Dishe [...], Porringers or Spoons, they form the Wood to their pur­pose with their Stone Hatchets, make it hollow with Coles out of the Fire, and scrape them afterward with Bea­vers Teeth for to polish them.

The Northern Nations, where usually they have hard Winters, make use of Rackets in their Passage over the Snow. The Salvages make them of Thongs of Leather, as Broad as small Ribbons, in a neat­er manner than our playing Hand-Rackets; they have no Handles to them, as those of our Tennis Courts; but they are longer and larger. They leave a vacancy in the middle as large as the Toes, to the end the Salvages may walk easier with their Shoes; they Travel further with these Rackets, than they can without them. And without the use of them they would sink into the Snow, which is there seven or eight Foot deep, and more some times in the Winter Season. Nay in some places tis as high as the highest Houses in Europe, for the Wind drives it violently into Nooks and hollow Places.

[Page 104]The Salvages, who live in the Neighbourhood of the Europeans, have now the use of Guns, Hatchets, Ket­tles, Awls, Knifes, Fireforks and other Instruments, as we have.

In order to sow Indian Corn they make Pick-Axes of Wood, but 'tis to supply the want of Iron ones. They have Gourds or Callibasses, wherein they put their Bear, wild Cat, and Turnsoll Oyls; there is ne­ver a Man that has not a Skin or Sack, to put his Pipe and his Tobacco in; and the Salvage Women make Sacks for Indian Corn of Bullrushes, or Linden Bark to put their Corn in. They also make them of Nettle-peel, the Bark of Linden and of other Roots; whose names I do not know. The Salvages make use of very small Thongs [...]o sow their Shoes withal, and have Mats made of Bull rushes to lye upon, and for want of them they make use of the Barks of Trees; their Women swad­dle their Infans in the same manner as the European Wo­men do, yet with this difference, that their Bonds ar [...] made of a large Skins, and a kind of Cotton together, to prevent their being over-heated in their Swathing; they tye them to a piece of Board after they have swad­dled them, and that with a Skin-band; then they make the Board fast to the Branch of a Tree, or some place in their Huts, in such a manner that the Infants do not lye, but are bolt upright, with their Heads upwards and Feet downward; and to the end their Urine may not incommode them, they put a piece of the Birch-Tree in a commodious Place for that Purpose, so as that their Urine may run down as in a Gutter, and not touch the Body of the Child.

These Women take such great care of their In­fants, that they do not come near their Husbands at all, but shun their Company 'till their Children have attained to the Age of three or four Years, and may be fed as the rest: It's otherwise with the European Women, because it is easie to supply the Defects of Mothers, by the means of Cows Milk, or other tame Animals; but these shun the Company of Men while they are Nurses, because if they once Conceive, their Infants must necessa­rily [Page 105] Perish; seeing, for Example, they cannot at five or fix Months Old, eat of their dryed Meats, or any other thing; and this is it that doth oblige [...]hem to do as they do, to the end they may put their Children in a condition to subsist, as others do, after they have given them suck for all the [...]ime that is necessary for them.

Those Salvages who have any Commerce with the Europeans, begin to make use of Pot-hooks: It's a flat and thin piece of Iron, of two or three Fin­gers breadth, and hath Teeth all along, and which bends at the lower end; the Women hang it to a piece of Wood laid atwhart, set upon two Forks in their Huts, and serves them to hang their Cauldrons or Kettles over the Fire with; but as for those People who have no Acquaintance with the Europe­ans, they use the Branches of Trees to hang their Earthen Pots over the Fire with, in order to boil their Victuals.

CHAP. XXVIII. The way the Salvages have to bury their dead. Of the Feasts solemnized for the dead; with some reflections upon the Immortality of the Soul.

THE Salvages Bury their Dead with all the Magnificence they are capable to think of, es­pecially their near Relations, and particularly the Captains or Chief of their Families or Tribes: When they are Dead, they put on their best Attire, and Paint their Faces and their Bodies with all sorts of Colours; then they put them into a Coffin, made of the Bark of a Tree, and Polish the surface there­of with a Pumice Stone very finely; when that is done, they take care to raise the place where they design to Inter them, into the Form of a Mauseolum, fencing it in with S [...]akes or Pallisadoes, of a Dozen or Thirteen Foot high, the Tomb being raised to the Height of Seven or Eight.

These Mau [...]oleums are usually erected in the highest Place belonging to their petty Villages: And the Sal­vages all the Year round send Embassadors to their [Page 106] Neighbouring Nations, in order to solemnize the Feasts of the Dead. All the People of North America, spare no cost to do Honour to their Relations and Deceased Friends, whom they come to lament; they make very considerable Presents among them, such as Girdles of Purcelain; Pipes made of the pre­ciousest Stones they can find; and in a word, of all that is valuable amongst them. These they bestow upon the Relations of the Dead, to wipe off their Tears and asswage their Grief. They conduct them to the Deceased's Tombs, muttering a sort of Prayers accompanied with Sobs and Tears, in pre­sence of their Relicks, whose Memory they Ho­nour, because of their brave Exploits in Peace or War.

These Salvages use particular Ceremonies for the Infants of their Deceased Friends; when they are about to Inter these little ones after they are Dead, they put their Corps into a Covering, or a pretty white Skin, in the presence of their Relations; then they carry them, and put them upon a kind of a Bier, but 'tis more like unto a Sledge, in order to go and Bury them: But instead of making Presents to the Relations of the Dead Infants, as they do to the Adult, they apply themselves to wipe off the Tears which flow in abundance from their Eyes, in the presence of their Relations. The Salvages have also a custom to put into the Coffin of Adult Persons, all the most valuable things they possess, tho' it a­mounts to the value of two or three Hundred Crowns; they put there also Shoes of the best sort, adorn'd with Red and Black Porcupine, a Fire-fork, an Ax, Necklaces of Purcelain, a Pipe, a Kettle, and an Ear­then Po [...] full of Sagamite, or Pap made of Indian Corn, with some fat Meat: If it be a Man that is Buried, they add hereunto a Musket, Powder and Ball; but as for those who have no Fire-Arms, they content themselves with laying near the Coffin a Bow and Arrows; to the end; say these poor Blind Crea­tures, that when they come to the Country of Souls, and of the Dead, they may make use of those Arms i [...] Hunting.

[Page 107]There was something very particular befell me while I was among the Issati Nadonessans, to this same purpose: It happen'd that a Salvage Dyed there, ha­ving been bitten by a Rattle Snake: I could not ap­ply time enough to him an infallible Remedy, which I had always about me, to wit, the Powder of Orvie­tan; for when any such Accident happen'd to any one in my presence, I immediately scarified the Wound and put some Powder into it, and by this means pre­vented the Poison from getting to the Heart of the Per­son stung: These Barbarians one day observed and stood in Admiration, That I had Cured one of their Souldiers, who had been stung by one of these Ser­pents; and now they told me: Spirit, for so they call the Europeans, we have sought for thee, during our Hunting in those places, where thou wert with the other two Spirits that did accompany thee, but we have been so unhappy as not to meet thee; do not forsake us for the future, we will take care of thee; if thou hadst been with us, our Warrior, whom thou seest Dead, would have been yet in a condition to make Feasts; he was excellent­ly well skilled in the way of Surprizing and Killing our Enemies; he kept his ten Wives by the means of bis Hunting; he had been still in a condition to have done thee good if thou [...]adst been with us, for thou could'st have hinder'd him to Die; thou could'st have done it easily, since thou hast saved many of the Lives of our Relations; thou wouldst never have failed to have done him this im­portant Service, whose loss we now here lament.

These poor People observing our way of acting, which they could not comprehend, believed we were ca­pable of doing all things, and even to hinder Men to Die. They have often admired the effects of our Re­medies, which I apply'd to their Sick, so [...]ndeavou­ring to Cur [...] them of their Spiritual Maladi [...]s, by bringing them to the Knowledge of the True God, through the Care I took of their Bodies.

I did admire how well these Salvages had order'd the Corps of their Friend; they had laid it on very fine Mats, and in the posture of a Man of War, with his Bow and Arrows at Hand, and had Painted his Bo­dy with divers different Colours; one would say, that [Page 108] saw him, that he were still alive: They told me I must give him some Martinico Tobacco, of which I had still some small quantity left, That the Dead Man might Smoak; which gave me occasion to tell them, That the Dead do not Smoak, That there is no Eating in the Country of departed Souls, and that Men have no further occasion for Bows and Arrows, because that in that Country whither Mens Souls are gone, there is not the Use of Hunting; and that if they would know the Great Captain, who is the Chief Ruler both of Heaven and Earth, they would, thenceforward, be so satiated with the Sight of him, That they would think no more of Hunting, than of Eating and Drink­ing, for departed Souls have no need thereof.

These Salvages apprehended very little of what I said to them; but after I had ended, I presented them with two Fathoms of black Tobacco, which they love mightily; theirs is not so well prepar'd, nor so strong as that of Martenico, of which sort mine was. I gave them to understand, I gave it them to Smoak, and not the Dead Man, because he had no need of it. Some of the Salvages there present; heard what I said very seri­ously and attentively, concerning the other State, and appeared very ready to listen to me, but the rest said in their Country Dialect, Tepatoui, that is, behold what is good. In the mean time they fell to smoak­ing in good earnest, without concerning themselves a­ny further about being benefited by my Discourse.

I took notice that the Tears which they shed for the Dead, and the Ceremonies they used upon that account, by rubbing his Corps with Bears Oil, and the like things, were more the effect of Custom and Ancient Prescription, to which they are tyed by Tra­ditions that seem to have something of Judaism in them than any proper Application of theirs to these Usages. I do not absolutely despair of the Salvation of these Barbarians; but do believe that God will find proper means for the enlightning them in the glorious Light of the Gospel; since this Holy Doctrine must be preached to all the Nations of the Earth, before our Blessed Sa­viour com [...] [...]o Judge the Quick and the Dead.

CHAP. XXIX▪ Of the Superstition of the Savages, and their ridi­culous Beliefs.

I Know long since, that all the Arts and Endeavou [...]s used by Man, for the Conversion of Infidels, will signifie nothing till such time as it shall please God to bless their undertakings to that end. How shall they believe, who have not heard, says the Apostle Paul, How shall they understand without a Preacher? And who shall Preach, if there be none sent: The sound of the Apo­stles is gone through all the Earth, and their word [...] have reached to the utmost bounds of the World; I heartily wish that the sound of the Apostles successors would bring to Life those vast numbers of Savages, which I have seen in my Travels; they have laboured there a long time, but generally speaking, no considerable Pro­gress hath been made therein to this day, these blinded People are so wedded to their Superstitious ways.

Some of these Barbarians are more Superstitious than others, especially the Older sort of them; and the Wo­men maintain the Traditions of their Ancestors with a strange o [...]ionativeness; when I told them they were void of Understanding, to believe such Dreams and idle Fan­cies; and that they ought not to be wedded to Follies of this kind: They wou'd say to me, Of what Age art thou? Thou dost not seem to be above Five and Thirty or Forty Years Old, and dost thou pretend to know things better than we who are Old Men? Fie, thou knowest not what thou fayest; thou may'st know what has past in thy own Country, added these Old Dotards, For thy Ancestors have told thee of them; but thou canst not know what hath passed in ours before the Spi­rits, that is to say the Europeans, came hither.

I made answer to these Barbarians, that we know all by the Scriptures, which the great Author of Life hath given us by his Son, that this Son Suffered Death, that he might deliver all Men from a place of Everlast­ing [Page 110] Burnings, from which there had been no Redemp­tion, unless he had come into the World to free us from Sin and Death; that all Mankind became Guilty, and sinned in Adam, The first Man, &c. These Savages, who had admirable natural Wit readily retorted upon me; Are you assured that we were here, before you Europe­ans came into these Countries? and being usually an­swered, No, we are not. Then, said they, you do not then know all by the Scriptures, they do not tell you every thing.

Its not to be doubted, but much time is required to make them sensible of the falsity of their Superstitions, and much more to perswade them of the Truths of the Gospel. There is none but God alone, that by the anointing of his Spirit and Grace, can incline their Hearts, and make known unto them the Truths appertain­ing to their Salvation; but yet it does not follow hence, that those who labour in the Gospel, should give over their Endeavours this way. The time will come when Men shall prefer the interests of Jesus Christ before their own, and then there shall be but one Shepherd and one Fold; all foreign Nations shall come in in the time of God's allotment for this grand Event.

There are many of the Savages who laugh at those things which their Old pretended Sages relate unto them, and others that give credit to what they say [...] I have already recounted the Sentiments they have concerning their Original, and the Cure of their Diseases▪ They have some notion of the Immortality of the Soul; for say they, there is a very delicious Country towards the West, where there is rare Hunting, and where they may kill as many Wild Beasts as they please; 'tis there, say these poor blinded ones, that Men's Souls go, and they hope then to see them all again in that place; but they are much more ridiculous in what they say con­cerning the Souls of Kettles, Muskets, Fire-Forks, and other Arms, which they place near the Sepulchres of their Dead, that they may go with them, and serve for their use in the Soul's Country, as they do here.

One Day, a Savage Maiden being Dead, after she had been Baptized, and the Mother happening to see [Page 111] one of her Slaves at the point of Death also, she said, my Daughter is gone alone in [...]o the Country of the Dead among the Europeans, without Relations, and without Friends. Lo now it's Spring time, she must therefore sow Indian Corn and Gourds. Baptize my Slave▪ added she, before he Dies, that he may go also into that Country, whither the Souls of the Europeans after their Deaths go, to the end he may serve my Daughter there.

A Savage Woman being at the point of departure, she cried, I will not be Baptized, for the Savages, who die Christians, are burnt in the Country of Souls by the Europeans; and certain Savages, said one day, that we Baptized them to make them Slaves in the other World. I have been asked by others, if there was good Game for Hunting in that Country, whither I would have their dying Infants to go after being Bap­tized; and when I made answer, that they live there without Eating or Drinking, because they are fully satiated with the Contemplation of the great master of Life; we will not go thither, said they, because we must not eat; and when I have added, that there would be no occasion for Food there, they clapt their hands to their Mouths, as a sign of admiration, and said, Thou art a great Lyar, is there any thing can live without Eating.

A Sa [...]age was pleased one day to relate unto us the following Story. One of our Old Men, said he, hap­pening to Die, and being come to the Country of Souls, he presently met with Europeans there, who Caressed him highly, and made him good Cheer. Then he went to the place where the Savages are, who gave him a very kind Reception; they kept there daily Feasts, to which the Europeans were very often invited, seeing th [...]re are no Wars nor Quarrellings in that Country. Now after this Old Man had sufficiently admired all the parts of the Country, he returned, and gave a Re­lation of all his Adventures to his Country-men. The Story being ended, we asked the Savages whether they believed it, who answered, No; that their Ancestors had told it, but that perhaps they Lyed.

[Page 112]These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they make various Applica­tions; some of them have a lean Raven, which they carry always along w [...]th them, and which they say is the Master of their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell, or some such thing; when they hear an Owl Screech, they tremble and take it for a bad Omen. They give very much heed to their Dreams. They enter into their Stoves, to the end they may have a good time of it in hunting their Bea­vers, and killing Wild Beasts; they do not give the Bones of the Beavers, nor Otters to their Dogs; for which I have asked them the reason; and have been answered, that they have an Otkon or Spirit in the Woods, who would tell it to the Beavers and Otters, and from that time forward they should not be able to take any of them. I asked them, what this Spirit was? answer has been made me, that it was a Woman who knew all things, and was Mistress of the Game of Hunting; but the Reader must still remember what I have already said, that the greatest part of them believe nothing at all of it.

As I was upon my Mission or Embassage as afore­said, a Savage Woman was by accident Poysoned; the Hunters had brought her into her Hut, and I went to see her after she was Dead; I heard them talk near the Dead Corps, and say, that they had seen the tract of a Serpent upon the Snow, that had come out of that Woman's Mouth; and while they were very serious up­on this Discourse, a very Superstitio [...]s Old Woman said, that she had seen the Spirit that had killed the Woman pass by her.

I have seen a Boy of about Ten years of Age, who took upon him to be a Girl, and was so wedded to this fantastical humour, that he demeaned himself in e­very respect as if he had been so, dressing him as the Maidens, and doing the same works as they used to do. A Savage, whom we had drawn to the Fort, and who was the principal Man of his Village, told me one day, that Onontio, which is the name they give to the Go­vernor-General [Page 113] of Canada, who at that time was the Count de Frontenac, would arrive that day, at the time when the Sun should be in such a place, for so they express themselves, which came to pass precisely accord­ing to his words. This Old Fellow, whom they called Ganneouse Kaera, that is to say, the Bearded, was the only Person of all the Savages, that I have seen go with a Beard: For generally all the People of North- America pluck up all their Hairs by the Root, while 'tis yet but Down, and therefore it is that they have no Beards; I confess, I could not but speak of it, when I saw the Count de Frontenac arrive: This Man had not learnt the News of any Person whatso­ever. He only told me, when I asked him, how he came to know this, that he had learnt it of a Jugler, who took upon him to foretel things to come; but as I have already said, the Savages are much wedded to their Dreams; in the mean time, their Predictions are more the effect of Chance, than any Communication they have with Spirits.

CHAP. XXX. The Obstacles that are to be met with in the Conversion of the Savages.

THere are many difficulties on the part of the Sava­ges themselves, that obstruct their Conversion; but in general the difficulty doth arise from the indiffe­rence they have to all things whatsoever. When we talk to them of the Creation of the World, and of the My­steries of the Christian Religion, they say, that we Speak Reason, and applaud in general all that we declare unto them concerning the grand work of our Salvati­on; they would think themselves guilty of a great Of­fence, if they should give the least suspi [...]ion of their un­belief of what is proposed to them; but after they have approved of all those Discourses that are made unto them concerning these matters; they say, That we [Page 114] ought also on our parts to have all imaginable defe­rence for the Relations, and all the Reasonings they give us touching themselves and what refers unto them. And when we give in by way of Answer, That what they tell us is not true; they reply, That they have acquiesced with all that we have told them, and that 'tis want of understanding to interrupt a Man when he Speaks, and to tell him what he says is false. Lo, what is good? say they, all that thou hast informed us touch­ing those of thy Countrey is as thou hast related, but it is not the same with us who are of another Nation, and inhabit those Countries that are beyond the great Lake.

The Second obstacle in the way of the Conversion of the Savages proceeds from their great Superstition, as we have already intimated.

The Third arises from their non-residence, for while I was at Fort de Frontenac, Father Luke Buisset and I had been busie for a great part of the Year to Teach several of the Children of these Savages our ordinary Prayers, and also to Read them in their Iroquois Lan­guage; their Parents assisted at the Service which was done in the Chappel; they lifted up their Hands to Heaven, fell down upon their Knees, beat their Breasts, and continued in our presence with much Respect, seeming also to be Affected with our Ceremonies; but this they only did beacause they believed they pleased us, and had a design thereby to draw some European present from us.

But and if it happen so that they have a just design therein, they quickly renounce it; because they stay no longer in their Villages than while they Sow or Ga­ther their Indian Corn, which lasts but for a short time; for they spend the rest of the Year in War and Hun­ting, carrying their Families along with them, and are absent Eight or Nine Months, so that their Children who have begun to learn any thing forget all that has been taught them, and quickly return to their Supersti­tions and ordinary way of Living again; besides their Juglers and old Savages, who are Superstitiously ad­dicted to their Interests, do all they can to malign our [Page 115] proceedings, and induce their People to hate us for fear least they should give credit to those things that we endeavour to Teach them.

The Merchants who usually Traffick with the Sava­ges out of a design to be Gainers thereby, are often­times the cause of the small progress that is made in the Conversion of these People. It's long since that St. Augustine Speaking of them, has Said, Continua est in illis meditatio doli, & tritura mendacii. They have no other intentions than to lye and deceive that they may grow quickly Rich, and put off their Goods to good advantage; there is no stratagem they will not make use of to get the Furrs from the Savages at a Cheap Rate; they are stock'd with Frauds and Lyes to put off their effects with, and to gain double by them if they can; and this no doubt is a great means to alie­nate the Minds of the Savages from a Religion, which they see accompanied with so many Cheats and Artifi­ces in those who make a profession of it.

It may be also said, that there are some Missionaries who are partly the [...]ause of the small progress which the Preaching of the Gospel has ordinarily made a­mongst th [...]se Barbarians; It's very difficult to learn their Languages, because they differ very much one from another, and no affinity between them; there is therefore much time required for the insinuating our Mysteries into them, and without the holy Spirit do operate in an extraordinary manner for their Conversi­on there is but little fruit to be expected from all the Missions made among the Savages.

Besides the different methods that are made use of to instruct them contributes very much towards retarding t [...]eir Conversion, some beginning with the sensitive part whilst others think it more proper to fall first upon that which is Spiritual; there are diversities of Beliefs a­mong Christians, every one abounding in his own Sence and Believing that his Faith is the purest and his method the most effectual; to the end therefore things may succeed well among these People, it's necessary there be an uniformity in their belief and manner of Teach­ing them, as there is but one Truth and one Redeemer; [Page 116] hence it comes also, that these People seeing so much difference in the Faith of Christians, and in their me­thod of Teaching, they know▪ not which to take to, and this without doubt is a means to retain, them in their Ignorance and ordinary Blindness.

I make a great deal of difference between the Zeal and indefatigable labours of the Missionaries, and the pretended success they are believed to have, and of which they make so much boast in the World: It's not doubted but those who have entirely disengaged themselves from the love of all Temporal things, and been Missionaries among the Natives of South- Ameri­ca, have made very great progresses in those Countries; there are Forty or Fifty Provinces of our Order, where Publick Service is performed, where they have full Freedom to Preach the Gospel, after having first routed out the Idolatry and abominable Superstitions which in times past reigned amongst them.

But it must be confess'd that those who have laboured in this work in North- America, have not made the same progress, their method has been to endeavour first to Civilize those Barbarous People, render them suscep­tible of some Government, and to put a restraint as much as they could upon their Brutal Extravagances, and then they laboured to Disabuse them of their old Superstitions; and this is the way they have gone to prepare the way of Lord: in the mean time it must be owned that they have made but very little progress therein. These Barbarous Nations, I know not by what fatality of Interest, are still almost as much Sava­ges as ever, and so wedded to their old Maxims, Pro­phane Usages, Gormandizing, Pride, Revilings, Cru­elty, and other abominable Vices, that you are to seek to this day for any sentiments of Humanity amongst them, and especially amongst the Iroquois, where I have Lived a long time.

They are still the same People they were Forty Years ago and upwards, and yet how many Books have been Published that Treat of the great Conversions they have made, say they, among the Iroquois and Hurons; And they would assure us at the same time, that those Bar­barians [Page 117] had built as many Churches and Chapels, as they had ruined before, and say, that the untameable Philistines had made a very great Progress in the Faith. In the mean time Experience makes it appear to this ve­ry day, that these People are the same as they were at all times, being of a fierce and cruel Nature, and above all, Enemies to the good rules of Christianity.

I will not pretend to say in this place that the Missi­onaries have not faithfully discharged their Ministerial Function; but I would rather believe there has been nothing wanting for the Instruction of the Savages, either from the Zeal or Assiduity with which they have laboured amongst them: But after all, the Seed of the Word is fallen upon a Barren and Ungrateful Land, upon the High-way, or among the Thorns; and if these People reject the Light and Salvation tendred to them, it's at least evident that they are hereby rendred inexcusable, and God is justified in the Condemnation of these Barbarians.

However it be, 'tis yet much, that they do Baptize Infants, and some adult Persons before their Departure, who Desire it; but as for those who are in Health the number of Converts among them is very inconsiderable; and that of those who persevere in the Christian Religi­on still much less, especially if regard be had to the Travels of a great number of Labourers, who have been imploy'd upon Missions thither these Three or Four-Score Years; but after all the Cares and entire Sacrifice of a Missionarie's Life would have met with an happy recompence, if they had had the Glory to Con­vert and save one single Soul.

The principal function of the Missionaries, consists in Administring the Sacraments to such Persons as travel in­to those Parts, on purpose to Trade with the Savages; and indeed, it may be truly affirm'd, that as soon as the Traffick for Furs and Beaver-Skins begins to cease a­mong them, the Europeans retire from thence, and are no longer to be found in the Country. This Reflection was made by those Barbarians, one day in the presence of Monsi [...]ur de Frontenac, even in a full Council held at the three Rivers in Canada, with respect to certain Missi­onaries, [Page 118] who were not of our Order of St. Francis. During the whole time tha [...] we had any store of Beaver-Skins and other Furrs, (said a Savage C [...]tain,) the Per­son, who was wont to pray with us, was constant in his at­tendance, instructing our Children, and teaching 'em to say their Prayers and Catechism; he was our inseparable Companion, and did us the honour sometimes to assist at our Festivals; But when our Merchandizes were once Exhau­s [...]ed, those Missionaries thought sit to leave us, ima­gining that their presence was altogether unprofitable.

It may be also averr'd for a certain truth, that the most part of the Missions that were establish'd forty Years ago, have been discontinu'd, and are no longer kept on foot; particularly, those of the great Bay of St. Lawrence; River of Ristigouche, of Nipisiguit, of Miskou, of Cape- Breton, of Port-Royal, of Wolf-River, of Magdelane Cape, of the three Rivers, and many [...]thers, which were founded among the Hurons at the head of that River. For the Missionaries, who were wont to reside in those Parts, have made no difficulty to leave 'em, and even to abandon Tadoussac, with a design to settle at Chigoutimi.

If my Life and Health, through the Divine mercy be any longer preserv'd, I shall give a very particular account in a third Tome, of some other more conside­rable Obstacles, that hinder the propagation of the Gospel among the American Savages, and I shall only take the liberty to add here, that whoever are desirous to enter upon the functions of this painful Ministry, ought of necessity to lay aside all manner of regard to Worldly Riches, and to be content with a moderate subsistence, according to the Apostolical Injunction. This, without doubt wou'd prove an effectual means to convert the Savages, and to oblige 'em to embrace the Christian Religion; but perhaps I may have occasion elsewhere, to speak more largely to this Subject.

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Barbarous Customs, and rude Deportment of the Savages.

THE Savages have very little regard to the Rules of Civility, in use among the Europeans; nay, they even fall a laughing, when they see our People em­ploy'd in paying mutual respects one to another. Up­on their arrival at a place, they scarce ever trouble themselves with saluting the Company there present, but sit squat on the Tail, without giving any manner of Salutation, or so much as looking upon any one, altho' a Visit were made to 'em. They sometimes run into the first Hut that lies in their way, without speaking one word; take place where they can; and afterward light their Pipe or Reed: Thus they Smoke in profound silence, and then depart after the same manner. When they enter our Houses, built and fur­nish'd after the European fashion, they get possession of the principal Post, but if a Chair be set on the middle of the Hearth, they immediately seize upon it, and never rise up▪ to give place to any Man whatsoever, altho' he were even a Prince of King: For they take as much State upon themselves, as can be done by Per­sons of the highest Rank and Quality.

In the Northern Countries, the Savage Men and Women take care only to cover their privy Parts, all the rest of their Body being destitute of Cloaths. The Southern Savages go stark Naked, without any sense of shame; nay, they make no scruple to break Wind pub­lickly, having no regard to the presence of any Person whatever. They treat their Elders very rudely, when they do not sit in Council, and the common Discourse both of the Men and Women is incessantly full of Ri­baldry and Obscene Expressions. As for the kindly Correspondence between them, they generally endea­vour to conceal it; nevertheless, they sometimes take so little precaution in that Affair, that they are often [Page 120] surpriz'd: Besides, the Savages observe none of the Rules of that natural Modesty and civil Deportment, which are in use among us, between Persons of both Sexes; neither are they accustom'd to any of those Ca­resses or regular Methods of Courtship, which are usu­ally perform'd by the Civiliz'd People of Europe; but every thing is there Transacted in a gross manner, and with a great deal of Brutishness. They never wash their Wooden or Bark Dishes, nor their Porrengers and Spoons; nay, the Savage Women after having turn'd their young Children dry with their Fingers, wipe 'em very lightly with a peice of Rind, and then immediately fall about handling their Victuals. Indeed, this Nasti­ness was often very offensive to me, and even hinder'd me from eating with those People in the Hut, where they had made me an invitation; neither do they scarce at any time wash their Hands or Face.

The Children shew very little respect to their Parents, nay, they often are so audacious as to beat them, with­out receiving due Correction for such Misdemeanours; by reason that (according to their Maxim) Blows wou'd serve only to balk their Courage, and to render 'em un­capable of being good Soldiers. They sometimes eat snorting and blowing like Brute Beasts, and as soon as the Men have enter'd a Hut, they fall to Smoaking To­bacco: If a cover'd Pot happen to lie in their way, th [...]y make no scruple to uncover it, to see what may be contain'd therein: They eat in a Dish that the Dogs have lick'd without washing or scouring it, and when they light on Fat Meat, they only rub their Faces, and haste with their Hands to cleanse them, not forbearing to Belch incessantly.

Those Savages who have found means to Trunk for Shirts with the Europeans, never take care to wash 'em, but generally let 'em Rot upon their Backs: They sel­dom pare their Nails, and scarce ever wash their Meat before they dress it. Their Huts in the North Coun­tries, are for the most part very Nasty. I was also much surpriz'd one day to see an Old decrepit Woman, who was employ'd in biting a Child's Hair, and devouring the Lice that were in it▪ The Women are not asham'd [Page 121] to make Water before any Company, yet they chuse to go a Mile or two into the Woods to ease their Bodies▪ rather than to expose themselves to the publick view; when the Children have foul'd their Cloaths, they usually throw off the Urine with their Hands. These people are also often seen eating as they lie upon the ground like Dogs. In a word, these People are unwilling to put themselves to the least trouble upon any account whatever, and act on all occasions after a very brutish manner.

However, Notwithstanding all this strange Barbarous­ness, many things are Transacted by 'em with a great deal of Discretion and Agreeableness. When any one happens to come into their Huts, whilst they are Eating, they usally set before him their Dishes full of Meat, and they take it as a very great Favour, when every thing is eaten up, that was presented, nay, they wou'd chuse rather to be destitute of Provisions two days, than to let you depart, without offering to you every thing they have, with much sincerity; so that if the Mess [...]s happen to be already distributed, upon the arrival of any Person, the good Woman, whose right it is to make this distribution, finds means to order matters after such a manner, that there may be somewhat to be given to those who come unlooked for. Some of these Savages presented to us the finest Mats, and set us in the best place of the Hut, when we came to make 'em a Visit, and those who have often convers'd with the Europeans are wont to salute us when we meet them. It is also customary among the same People, when they have re­ceiv'd a Present, to send back part thereof to those who made it.

Although they are accustom'd to treat their Elders after a very rude manner, nevertheless they have a great deal of respect and deference for their Counsels, following them exactly and acknowledging that their Old Men have more experience, and are better vers'd in the ma­nagement of Affairs than they. If an Elder shou'd say to a Young Man, in the presence of others, by way of Reproach, Thou are void of Vnderstanding, he wou'd im­mediately depart and poison himself; so extreamly jea­lous [Page 122] they are of their Reputation. In the Assemblies that are conven'd to debate about Publick Affairs▪ the young Men durst not presume to speak, at least if they be not askt a Question, and in their Festivals they often make a di [...]inction between the most eminent Persons and others of an inferiour rank, giving the former the whole Head of the Beast that is kill'd, or the most considerable portion of what is prepar'd. Neither do they ever eat in one Dish, at least unless it be in time of War, for then they are not so exact in the observing of such cir­cumstances: They sometimes make Presents one to ano­ther and treat one another with Reciprocal Entertain­ments. They also shew much respect to the Old Men, by committing to 'em the whole administration of pub­lick Affairs which among them is reputed a very Honou­ [...]able Station.

There are some, tho' but few, among these People who are accustom'd to salute us after the European man­ner: Indeed, I knew a certain Savage, nam'd Gara­gontié, that is to say, the Marching Sun, who one day made a Speech before Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, and as often as he began a new Discourse, pull'd off his Cap, pronouncing his Harangue like an Orator. A­nother Captain of the Ho [...]ogoins, looking upon a young Damsel, whom he had given to the Count de Fronte­nac, to be instructed, told him very civilly; Onontio, for so they call the Governour of Canada, and this word signifies a Fine Mountain, Thou art the master of this Child, pray be pleas'd to take care that she learn to Read and Write well; but when she is grown up, thou shalt [...]ither restore her to me, or take her to Wife. This plain­ly shews that the Iroquois, value themselves as much as any Personages of the highest Dignity.

I had likewise a particular Acquaintance with another Iroquois, call'd Atreouati, that is to say, The great Mouth, who was wont to eat after the European fashion, and to wash his Hands in a Bason with the Governour: He also sat down at Table the last, unfolded his Nap­kin very neatly, and eat with a Fork. In a word, he imitated us in every thing, but often did it through Kna­very or Deceit, on purpose to obtain some Present of [Page 123] the Governour; for he was a very subtle and crafty Fellow; but the Count de Frontenac thought sit to shew so much Complaisance toward the Savages, with whom he design'd to keep fair, as w [...]ll knowing, that the Iroquois are the most formidable Enemies that the French can have throughout the whole Continent of Northern- America.

CHAP. XXXII. Of the indifferent humour of the Savages ▪

ALL the Savage Nations, with whom I have Con­vers'd in Nothern- America, (generally speaking) have an extreme indifferency with respect to all manner of Affairs: They have no great inclination to any thing whatever, and make but little account of their most precious Treasures, which they look upon as very far below them, so that tho' they shou'd have in their pos­session a Hundred Thousand Crowns, or somewhat on which they set as great a value, yet they wou'd give all to procure what they were desirous to obtain, and wou'd freely part with their whole Stock upon such an account. However I may justly avouch that of all the American Nations, there's none more indifferent than the Iroquois; who imagine themselves to be Masters of the other People, and have been so bold as to declare War several times against the French, who reside in Ca­nada; nay, they might even have accomplish'd their Designs before, if they had had a sufficient knowledge of their own Strength.

However, their indifferency to every thing that re­lates either to Peace or War has often induc'd 'em to make a Counterseit Peace with the Canadians: Besides they are perswaded, that unless very great Recruits be sent to those People, it is in their power utterly to de­stroy 'em when ever they shall think fit, and to ruin their Trade. Upon the whole, notwithstanding th [...] ut­most Efforts that can be made against 'em, their Ene­mies [Page 124] will never be able to extirpate 'em, nor to indem­nifie themselves from those vast Expences that are re­quisite for that purpose: Indeed, there's nothing to be gain'd of 'em but dry Blows, and all the Booty that can be got is very inconsiderable, whilst at the same time, it is extremely difficult to be secure from their Treachery.

Their indifferency is so unaccountable, that nothing of the like nature is to be observ'd throughout the whole World. They yield a ready compliance to every thing that is enjoyn'd 'em, and perform very seriously in ap­pearance, whatever is requir'd to be done by 'em▪ When they were told, Pray to God with me my Brother, they did it immediately, and made Responses word for word according to the Forms of Prayer, which they had been taught in their Language. Whenever it was said Kneel down, they immediately fell on their Knees; Be uncovered, they pull'd off their Cap; Hold your Tongue, they were silent; Do not Smoak, they ceas'd in­continently, &c. If they were told, Hearken to me, they gave ear with very great attention: If any Images were given 'em, as a Crucifix, or a pair of Beads, they made use of 'em as Jewels to adorn themselves with, esteem­ing them, as if they were so many wrought Cups, or fine Porcelane Vessels. When I told 'em, To morrow is Sunday, or a Day of Prayer, they answer'd Niaouä, i. e. It is very well, or I am glad of it. Sometimes I told 'em, Make a Vow to the great Master of Life, not to suffer your selves to be again overtaken with Drunkenness. They reply'd, Netho, Yes, I do promise you so, I will no longer commit such Extravagances; nevertheless, as soon as they cou'd procure Brandy or other strong Li­quors of the French, English or Hollanders, among whom they Trade with Skins and Furrs; they be­gan again to carowse and to intoxicate themselves, as if no notice had been taken of their former Riotousness. When I demanded of 'em, whether they believ'd in the great Creator of Heaven and Earth, they reply'd, Yes; Nevertheless, the Savage Women, whom some of the Missionaries have Baptiz'd, and who were afterward Marry'd according to the Canons of the Church, to [Page 125] certain French-Men of Canada, often abandon their Hus­bands to take others, declaring that they are not sub­ject to the Laws of the Christians: and that they Marry only with a design to live with their Husbands, as long as they shall agree well together; otherwise, that they are at liberty to change them at their pea­sure.

Therefore 'tis absolutely necessary that endeavours be first us'd for the Civilizing of all these Nations before they be sollicited to embrace the Christian Religion: For as long as they remain free from the yoke, all attempts made for their Conversion will be attended with very little success, at least if the Divine Grace do not inter­pose in an extraordinary manner by working some mira­cle in Favour of those People. These are my Sentiments as to this Affair, grounded on the experience that I have had as well as many other Franciscan Friars that ac­company'd me in America: But I may give a more par­ticular account of these matters in a Third Tome, and shall only inculcate thus much here, that what I have freely declar'd was not with a Design to give Offence to any Person whatever, but only to write the truth with­out Partiality or Dissimulation.

CHAP. XXXIII. Of the pleasantness and frutfulness of the Country of the Savages: That powerful Colonies may be easily settl'd in the Northern and Southern Parts.

BEfore we enter upon a particular Description of those pleasant Countries, which are situated to the North and South of Northern- America, it will be expedient to speak a word or two concerning the Northern Territories, to the end that it may appear from thence, that powerful Colonies might be easily Establish'd therein; it must be acknowledg'd indeed, that there are Vast Forests to be clear'd from Canada to the Land of Louisiana, along the [Page 126] Banks of the River Meschasipi, so that much time must of necessity be spent in performing this Enterprize: But every one knows that all new settlements are accompa­ny'd with great Difficulties, nevertheless a considerable Progress soon follows a good Beginning, and the whole work after much pains may be at last happily brought to perfection. Very great advantages have been formerly reap'd, and no small profits as yet arise even at this day from the catching of Fish, part of which was usually dry'd, and became a Staple Commodity in the hot Coun­tries, insomuch that this Fishery-Trade was carry'd on in the preceeding Age, with above a Thousand or 1200 Vessels. The great shelf of Terra nova, the neighbouring shores, the adjacent Ilands, Cape- Breton, the perforated Island, and Acadia, are the most convenient places in the World for Fishing; but I do not here speak of the Nor­thern Fishery, which is claim'd by the French, by vertue of their being the first Possessours in those Parts. And indeed, these Fish-Marts were inexhaustible Mines for the Kingdom, which cou'd not have been taken from it, if they had been supported by good Colonies. Thus a great number of Vessels might pass from thence every Year, to Fish for Porpesses, Whales, and Sea-Wolves, out of which may be taken many Barrels of Oyl pro­per to be us'd in domestick Manufactures, and even some part of it may be Transported into foreign Coun­tries.

It is well known that the Fishery-Trade alone, which is manag'd on the Coasts of Canada, gave occasion to the first considerable Settlements that were made in those parts of America: It is true indeed, that they had as yet no opportunity to search the Country, in orde [...] to observe, whether there were any Mines; yet many Veins of Tin, Lead, Copper and Iron, were found in several places; and without doubt, much more may be discover'd hereafter, if due Application were made to that purpose. Besides, the Country affords good store of Wood necessary for the carrying on of the Mine-Works, by reason of the spacious Forests, in which are many pla [...]es, where there are Quarries of a kind of Bastard-Marble, and large Mines of Pit-Coal proper [Page 127] for Smith's Forges: There is also a certain sort of Plai­ster which very much resembles Alabaster.

By how much farther a Man advances into this Coun­trey so much the greater number of fine Forests and Woods will appear to his view, abounding with divers sorts of Gummous Trees, which are of singular use for the making of Tar and Masts for Vessels, besides good store of Pine-Trees, Firr-Trees, Cedars and Maples, fit for all sorts of Mechanical Works, more especially for the Building of Ships. As for Naval-Tackle which may be made there, the Sea-Men may be constantly em­ploy'd, and easily find means to maintaine their Fami­lies; They might also inure themselves more to the Sea by Traffick, and the Weste [...]n Navigation; because many more Voyages are made thither than to the Le­vant, and in regard also that the Vessels are there more numerous. In the beginning of the Settlement which was made of a Colony in Canada, their Profi [...] amoun­ted Yearly to a Hundred Thousand Crowns, without comprehending the Gain of Private Persons. In 1687. this Summ was Tripled and above, by the means of the Skins with which the Vessels were Laden at their return; and although they are sought for a great deal farther than at first, nevertheless their considerable Commerce will never cease, as we have observed by the great discoveries which we made in those parts.

It is certain, that there are no Nations in Europe that have so great an inclination to the settling of Colo­nies as the English and Hollanders, the Natural Disposi­tion of that People not suffering them to remain Idle in their Houses. Thus the vast Countries of America of which I have given the Description, may hereafter constitute the chief Mart of their Traffick, and Private Persons who undertake it without engaging their Coun­trey, will not fail of their wish'd for Success: They may easily contract Alliances with the Savages, and find means to Civilize 'em: The Colonies which they establish there will be soon Peopled, and may be Forti­fy'd in those places with a moderate Expence. In­deed they must be at first content with a light Gain, but afterwards they will get great Profits, by the means [Page 128] of a considerable Commerce; maintain'd by 'em in that Country.

In England and Holland there is a very great quantity of Manufactures of all sorts, which cannot be ven­ded nor consum'd in the Wars; upon which account Commerce may be yet augmented, and render'd much more advantageous, by transporting these Commodi­ties into America, where a prodigious utterance of 'em may be made incessantly: Thus we may come to a clearer understanding, than we have hitherto done of the wonders of Divine Providence, which has not thought fit that all the Countries of the World shou'd be equally furnish'd with all sorts of Provisions, to the end that mutual Society, Communications and Traf­fick might be maintained among the different Nations of the Universe; as also that the Evangelical Truth might by that means be promulgated throughout the whole Globe of the Earth, and that the several Na [...]i­ons which are spread abroad on all sides might be par­takers of Salvation, and of the benefits acquir'd for us by our Lord Jesus Christ. Indeed it seems to be some­what great and glorious to gain Battels, and to sub­due Rebellious Subjects; but for certain, 'tis infinite­ly more Glorious to gain Souls, by freeing them from their profound Ignorance and natural Blindness; And indeed I cannot but declare that the principal end I pro­pos'd to my self in Publishing this great Discovery, was to animate the Christians to extend the Lord's King­dom, by bringing the Barbarous Nations to the know­ledge of the Gospel, in order to enlarge his Domini­ons, and by that means to contribute to the Everlasting Felicity of so many Poor People, who stand in so much need of being instructed and enlightned.

It is certain (to return to Trade) that the Furrs which may be procur'd in the North Country, are capable of [...]aising very great Profits; for there are to be found the Skins of Elks, or Orignaux, as they are call'd in Canada; of Bears, Beavers, Ounces, and Black Foxes, which are of a wonderful Beauty, and were formerly valued at Five or Six Hundred Franci a piece, by rea­son of their rarity, as also the Skins of common Foxes, [Page 129] Otters, Martens, Wild Cats, Roe-Bucks, Stags, Por­cupins, Turkey-Cocks that are of an extraordinary largeness, Bustards, and an infinite number of other A­nimals, the Names of which are unknown to me. There may be caught by Fishing (as I have already in­timated) much variety of Sturgeons, Salmons, Pikes, Carps, Bremes extreamly large, Eels armed, and Gilt Fishes, Barbels of a prodigious size, and other sorts of Fish without number. There is likewise much diver­tisement for the Hunters, particularly innumerable mul­titudes of Sea-Larks, which are as it were so many Gobbets of Fat, Partridges, Ducks of all sorts, and Huars which imitate Humane Voice by their Cries, and are of an Admirable Beauty and diversity of Co­lours, as also Turtles, Ring-Doves, Cranes, Herons, Swans, Bustards that have the Taste of all sorts of Meat, and very great store of all other kinds of Game.

The Great River of St. Lawrence which I have often mention'd, runs through the middle of the Country of the Iroquois, and there makes a large Lake, which the Savages call Ontario, that is to say, the Fine Lake. It is extended near an Hundred Leagues in Length, and by its vast compass one may take an estimate of the number of Towns and Villages that might be built upon it. These Places having a Communication with New-York, ju­dicious Persons may easily determine how advantageous that Commerce wou'd prove, which might be main­tain'd by the means of these Settlements; upon whic [...] occasion it may not be improper to observe, that the mid [...]le of th [...]s River is nearer to N [...]w-York than to Que­bec the Capital Town of Canada.

The Riv [...]r of St. Lawrence on the Southern side has a branch which proce [...]ds from a Nation call'd Out ta­ouacts, or, the People with Bored Noses, and on the North the Algonquins are settled, whom the French have sub­du'd. The Eastern parts are Inhabited by the Wolf-Nation, near New-Holland, or New-York, and to the Sou [...]h of the same River New-England, or Boston is Si­tuated, where a great number of Vessels are fitted out for Tra [...]fick. To the South-West lies Virginia, which jointly with New-Holland was formerly known by the [Page] [Page 130] Name of New-Sweden, and to the West appears the Countrey of the Hurons, so call'd, by reason that they Burn their Hair, and only leave some few upon their Head in form of a Wild-Boars-Head, which in French is termed Hure. This last Nation was almost entirely destroy'd by the Iroquois, who have incorporated the rest of the Hurons among themselves; but I have add­ed many other Countries to the North of St. Law­rence's River, in the General and particular Maps, which are annex'd to the First Volume of our present Rela­tion.

The Large Bay of Hudson is likewise markt to the North of this River, having been discov [...]r'd by the Sieur Desgroseliers Rochecoü [...]rt, with whom I have often pass'd by Water in a Canou, during my Residence in Ca­nada. The English have Granted him a Pension, and Mr. [...]aithwait Principal Secretary for the War, to William III. King of Great Britain, told me last year, that the said Sieur Desgroseliers was still Living in England. This Hudson's Bay is Situated to the North of New-France, of the same River of St. Lawrence, being extended a­bove Four Hundred Leagues every way, although by Land 'tis not very far distant from Quebec, as it may be observ'd in my Maps; nevertheless, Eight Hundred Leagues are reckoned at least in passing down the Ri­ver from the said Town of Quebec to the Sea, neither can the Navigation of this Bay be perform'd without some difficulty. The Sieur Desgros [...]liers was one day oblig'd to put a stop to his course, and cou'd not get ashore till the Second Attempt; and indeed 'tis very difficult to get on Board or to Land, by reason of the almost continual Frosts which are there predominant.

When I resided at Quebec the Canadians told me, That the Sieur Desgroseliers, had much ado to make them believe his Assertions concerning the great difficul­ty of arriving there, by reason of the huge cakes of Ice Seven or Eight Foot thick came floating thither from the North, and carrying along with 'em whole Trees, and even some heaps of Earth. There were also seen several Flocks of Birds, making their Nests upon these Mountains of Ice, which by that means appear'd as it [Page 141] were so many little Islands: Indeed I dare not posi­tively Affirm that the circumstances were altogether such as I have now Represented 'em; but the said Sieur Desgroseliers and others have [...]ssured me, that they have pass'd between those cakes of Ice, which cannot be a­voided for the space of Four Hundred Leagues; and that they are of a prodigious bigness, being often heap'd one upon another by the force of the Winds, even be­yond the height of the Towers of the largest Towns, and sometimes very steep, as it were Rocks planted in the Sea: Therefore it ought not to be admir'd that we are inform'd by some Sailers, that they have set For­ges upon these vast Shelves of Ice, where their Smiths have upon occasion Forg'd Anchors and other sorts of gross Iron-work for the use of their Vessels. The Eng­lish as yet retain in this Bay of Hudson the Forts of Nelson and Neusavan. The Court of France formerly gave Orders to the Navigators of Canada to drive out all the English from thence; but the latter having re­ceiv'd timely information, did not fail to frustrate the Enterprize of the Canadians, by sending Four large Ships to the Assistance of the Inhabitants of those pla­ces.

As for the condition of the North-Countries and of St. Lawrence's River, there are divers Mines of Iron and Steel capable of a [...]fording Forty or Fifty per Cent. Profit, when they are wrought. There are also others of Lead, which may yield about Thirty or Forty per Cent. and of Copper that may produce Eighteen; be­sides that (according to all appearance) some Mines of Gold and Silver might be discover'd if they were sought for. Indeed some Miners were actually sent thither, during my Residence in those Parts. But the French are somewhat too hasty in the Management of th [...]ir undertakings, coveting to become Rich in too short a space of time; therefore they were soon dishearten'd and desisted from the attempt, because these Mines did not afford 'em all at once that Plenty which was expect­ed.

Mr. Ienins the Father and [...]he Son, who were dep [...] ­ted to s [...]t the Miners on work, told me then, that in re­gard [Page 132] that the Company took no Care to furnish them with those Provisions which were promis'd; they had taken a resolution to return home to Paris. But if the French who then Inhabited Canada, had had as much Phlegm as other Nations (as Mr. Ienins the Elder ex­press'd himself to me at that time) they wou'd un­doubtedly have carry'd on their design with good suc­cess.

The Territories about St. Lawrence's River bring forth all sorts of Herbs and Seeds, and there are actual­ly to be seen all manner of materials requisite for the Building of Ships of all sorts, as also Oak-Planks, and all other kinds of Timber, but more especially a prodi­gious quantity of Firr-Trees, that yield abundance of Gum for the making of Pitch and Tar. Moreover the above-mentioned Skin-Trade, and the Cinders that may serve [...]o make Pot-Ashes, the Profit of which might amount to a Hundred and Fifty Thousand Livres every Year, and which employment alone will afford Maintenance to a great number of Poor People, all these things I say, must needs produce a very considerable advantage for the Colonies which might be founded in that Countrey. But 'tis more remarkable, that they who are once Mas [...]ers of these Territories may keep un­der Command above a Thousand Vessels, which pass every Year to the Fishery, and bring back Whales, Salmons, and Oyl in abundance, to furnish whole King­doms with those Commodities.

All these Vessels must of necessity arrive at the Per­forated-Island, where the R [...]collects or Franciscan Friars have a little Missionary-House near the Huts of the Fisher-Men, who come thither during the Summer-Sea­son, because there is no other Landing place except in that Countrey; neither is there any Fort erected at the mouth of the River, at least none that I have seen. A convenient settlement which might be made in that place wou'd without doubt create a flourishing Trade, which might be extreamly Augmented if a good Colo­ny were established therein, which might be very easily effected.

[Page 133]In the Description that we have Publish'd of Louisiana and the Southern-Countries, which may be very pro­perly call'd the Delights of America; we have given some account of all the above-mention'd Animals; but besides these, there are a great number of Wild Bulls and Cows, bearing a kind of curled Wool which may be tam'd and kept to Till the Ground. They may also serve for Food, and may be shorn every Year as Sheep, to make as good and as fine Cloth as any in Europe. The Savages who inhabit these Territories, were never able to destroy those Animals, which pass out of one Countrey into another, according to the suc­cession of the Seasons. There are also many Medicinal Herbs, altogether unkown in Europe, the efficacy of which is infallible, as the Barbarians have found by Experience, who make use of 'em to heal all their Wounds, as well as to Cure Tertian and Quartan A­gues, to asswage the Nephritick Pains, to serve as Pur­ges, and for other Applications of the like Nature. To those may be added several sorts of Poyson, parti­cularly the Bark of the Wild-Lemon-Tree, and others which are us'd by those People to put their Enemies to Death. Serpents are frequently seen in certain pla­ces, more especially Adders, Aspes, and another sort of Serpents that have a kind of Rattle at their Tail, and are therefore call'd Rattle-Snakes: These last are of a prodigious length and thickness, and their Biting often proves fatal to Passengers; nevertheless, they do not Assault any Persons, unless they happen to touch the Herbs or pieces of wood on which they lie: But So­vereign Remedies against their Venom are to be had in the places which they frequent. There are in like man­ner certain Frogs of a surprizing thickness, the croak­ing of which is as loud and shrill as the bellowing of Oxen.

The same Trees that are common in Europe, are like­wise to be seen in those Countries, but there are some of another kind as I have already observ'd; particular­ly Cotton-Trees, and several others. These Trees [...]ak [...] very deep Rooting, and shoot up to a vast height, which sufficiently shews the Richness and Fruitfulness of the [Page 134] Soil. But the greatest advantage that can arise from our Discovery in the Frozen-Sea and New Mexico, consists, as I have already intimated, in the Consideration, that by the mean [...] of these Southern-Countries, a passage may be found out to China and Iapan, without being oblig'd to traverse the Equinoctial-Line.

CHAP. XXXIV. The manner how the Savages hold their Councils; The Politick Wiles Practised by them against their Enemies, and the outrages committed by them upon the Europe­ans; by what means a stop may be put to their irregular proceedings.

IT often happens that these Savages commit very great outrages upon the Europeans, under pretence that they have done them some Injury. These Barbarians cause the Proclamation of War to be made by Three or Four Old Men in all the Towns and Villages; who do it with so loud a Voice, and with so lamentable a Tone, that all they who remain in the Huts, as well Men as Women are ready to tremble for fear. Their Compassion being thus mov'd, they are animated to take Vengeance of their Enemies. At first, all the Elders, and those who are appointed to hold their Councils r [...] ­pair with all speed, to the largest Hut, in which are the Quarters of the principal Captain of their Na [...]ion: There one of the Chief Officers makes a Speech, and always Expresses himself in this form of Words: My Brothers and Nephews; such a Nation has kill'd some of our People; for although never so light occasion of dis­content were only given 'em, yet they wou'd not fail to give it out that some of their Companions were kill'd: Therefore it is requisite (continues the Comman­der in Chief) to Maintain a War against 'em, to extir­pate 'em, and to Revenge the Injuries they have done us. If all who assist in this Consult, answer one after ano­ther, Netho or Togensk [...], and if they Smoak in the [Page 135] Pipe or Reed of War, whilest a Young Savage takes care to stuff Tobacco into the Head of the Pipe, this is taken for the unanimous consent of the whole Nati­on and their Allies: Then the Troops of Warriours appear upon all occasions, and rove up and down en­deavouring to surprize their Enemies, although they be often altogether innocent of those misdemeanors which some disaffected Savage has thought fit to lay to their charge.

One day the Iroquois being Exasperated by reason of some Affront offer'd 'em by a certain French Man of Canada, determin'd not to Attack the whole Nation, but contented themselves with discharging their Fury upon Two among them, whom they cut to pieces with Hatchets: Afterward having fastned their Dead Bodies to great Stones, they threw them into the River, and let them pass with the current of the Stream, on pur­pose to conceal the knowledge of this Villainous out­rage. And indeed perhaps nothing wou'd have been e­ver discover'd, if the Bands happening to Rot and break, the Water had not cast upon the Bank those Two Carcasses mangl'd and almost consum'd. The Sa­vages perceiving that they were suspected of the Fact, by the Prohibitions that were made to 'em no longer to come near the Fort nor the Houses of the Burghers, began to fear least the Canadians one day shou'd be a­venged of them for committing this Barbarous Action; to prevent the effects of such a storm, they made up to the Three Rivers, and there held a Council, to the number of Eight Hundred Men, the Result of which Consultation was, that it was requisite to endeavour to surprize and to Massacre all the People who then Liv'd at Quebec the Capital Town of Canada, which was as yet very ill sppply'd with Inhabitants.

But it is very difficult to keep a Secret in a Council held by so many People at once, who without doubt were not all of one Opinion. Therefore Divine Provi­dence which took care for the preservation of this lit­tle growing Colony, ordain'd that one of those Savages Nam'd La Foriere, whom our Monks had Educated at the Three Rivers during Two Years, and who had an [Page 136] inclination to adhere to them, gave Notice of the Plot to one of our Monks Nam'd The Pacifick Friar, who immediately sent information to the French. Whereup­on they were oblig'd to make Intrenchments in a small Wooden Fort, flanked with Stakes and Pallisadoes, without any manner of order. In the mean while no Cost was spar'd to gratifie this Savage for his Disco­very; he was loaded with Presents, and a Promise was made him of others more considerable, not only to in­duce him to get knowledge of the Designs that were then on foot against the Canadians, by those of his Na­tion, but also to oblige him to endeavour to divert them from their Enterprize.

This Savage Executed his Commission with very great Success, and manag'd the Affairs so Dextrously that he not only caus'd them to Abandon their first Project for the present, but even perswaded 'em absolutely to renounce it; to be Reconcil'd to the French, and to ob­tain a supply of Provisions, which were then extreamly scarce among them: To this purpose, the Savages sent Forty Canou's with Women to Receive the Goods, and the Canadians furnish'd them with as much as the time cou'd permit. The French Receiv'd with a great deal of Joy the Proposals of Peace, which were made them in full Council by the Savage La Foriere, on behalf of the Iroquois whom he had appeas'd; in which it was particu­larly specify'd that the Chief Commanders and Captains of that Nation shou'd deliver up the Two Murderers to the Canadians, that they might dispose of them at their Pleasure. To which purpose their Elders had Instru­ctions to repair to Quebec, in order to Treat of that Affair. But the Proposal which La Foriere made to the Savages upon that occasion, startl'd 'em at first; never­theless, afterward reflecting upon the weakness and good nature of the French who then resided in Canada, and relying upon the Engagements of Father Ioseph le Caron as Franciscan of order of the Recollects, who had always shewn a great deal of amity towards 'em, they perswaded one of the two Persons who was least guilty, to go down with 'em to Quebec. However the Iroquois order'd their little Army to make a Halt half a League from the Fort [Page 137] of the French, to wait for the success of the Nego [...]ia­tion.

The Iroquois presented their Criminals befo [...]e the Ca­nadians, with good store of Beaver-gowns, which they gave 'em to wipe off their tears according to their custom, and indeed they found means to accommodate their Difference with their Presents: By which means they usually appease the Wrath of those whom they have incens'd; engage their Allies to assist them in maintaining a War; conclude a Treaty of Peace, Ran­som their Captives, and even in a manner raise the Dead: In a word, there were no Speeches nor An­swers made, but by Presents, which pass'd for words in their Harangues. The Presents which the Savages make for the Death of an Assassinated Person, are nume­rous, but generally they are not offer'd by the Mur­derer: The custom of those People requires that it be done by his Relations, the Town where he was Born, or even by the whole Nation, according to the Qua­lity and Condition of the Person who was kill'd. But if the Murderer be met by the Relations of the De­ceased Party, before he has made Satisfaction, he is immediately put to Death. Therefore, according to this custom, before La Foriere, the Elders, and the Savage Captains had begun to enter upon the Treaty, they made a present of Twelve Elk-Skins to appease the Canadians, that they might afford a favourable Re­ception to their Proposals.

Afterwards they made a second Present, and laid it at the feet of the Canadian [...], saying, That it was to cleanse the Bloody place where the Murder was committed, protest­ing at the same time, that they had no knowledge of that Affair, till after the Fact was perpetrated, and that all the chief Commanders of the Nation disprov'd and condemn'd that outragious Attempt. The third Present, was to strengthen the Arms of the Persons who found those dead Bodies on the Bank of the River, and car­ry'd 'em into the Woods. To these they added two Beaver-gowns, upon which they were to lie to take rest after the pains they had taken in Burying them: The fourth Present was to wash and cleanse those who were [Page 138] defil'd by committing this Murder, and to recruit their Spirits which they had lost, when they gave that unfor­tunate Blow: The fifth to take away all manner of re­sentment, which the Canadians might have upon that account: The sixth to establish an inviolable Peace with the French; adding, that for the future, their Axes shou'd be hung up, without striking their Strokes, and that they wou'd throw 'em so far, that none shou'd be ever able to find 'em again, as if one shou'd say, that their Nation being now at Peace with the Europeans, these Barbarians wou'd no longer keep any Arms but only for Hunting. The seventh Present was to testifie the desire they had, that the Canadians shou'd have their Ears penetrated, that is to say, in their Stile, that they might be open to the gentle influences of Peace, to grant the two Murderers Pardon for the Crime which they had committed.

Afterward, they offer'd a great quantity of Collars, or Necklaces of Porcelain, to kindle a Council-fire at the three Rivers, where the Iroquois then resided, and another at Quebec. They added in like manner ano­ther Present of two Thousand Grains of Black and Blue Porcelain, to serve instead of Wood, or Fuel for those two Fires. Here, it may not be amiss by the way, that the Savages scarce ever hold an Assembly, without the Pipe in their Mouth. Fire being therefore necessary to Smoak, they almost always cause it to be kindled in their Councils. Thus it is the same thing with them to make a Council-Fire, or to appoint a place to visit one another, as to call an Assembly, as is usually done by the Relations and Friends, whenever they are desirous to Treat about their Affairs. Lastly, the eighth Present was to demand a Union of their Nation with the Ca­nadians, and they added a large Collar of Porcelain, with Ten Gowns of Beaver and Elk-Skins, to confirm the whole Treaty. Whatever inclination the Inhabi­tants of Quebec might have to punish the Assassines, for preventing the like Outrages for the future; yet they were oblig'd to pardon 'em, in regard that they were not in a condition to make Head against such potent E­nemies. Therefore two Hostages were demanded of [Page 139] them, to serve as a security for the performance of all their Engagements: Whereupon the Iroquois delivered to Father Ioseph, two young Lads of their Nation, nam'd Nigamon and Tebachi, to be instructed by him. After­ward the Criminals were sent back, upon Condition, nevertheless, that at the arrival of the Ships which were expected from Europe, this Affair shou'd be finally de­termin'd.

I remember, that during my abode in Canada, I of­ten heard the French murmur against those Proceedings, and even declare that they had made it appear how heinously they resented that Action, which remain'd unpunish'd. Afterward the Iroquois committed many o­ther Outrages of the like nature, saying, That in so plucking off the Hair of the French, they had found means to be quit with them for certain Skins of Wild Beasts, instead of those of the Canadians, whom they would Flea, and that, if the People of their Nation, wou'd not suffer the like Insults without revenging them, all the Iroquois wou'd be destroyed one after another. Indeed, these Bar­barians have grown more insolent ever since, and de­spise the Canadians as a People destitute of Courage. Nay, notwithstanding the Overtures the Iroquois have seemingly made of Treating with them, yet they have done nothing but play'd the Politicians, to the end that they might get a greater quantity of the European Mer­chandizes into their possession, than that which they procure in exchange for their Skins: We may observe even at this day, that the War which the Iroquois actu­ally maintain against the French in Canada, is a sufficient proof of the cruelty and continual enmity of those Peo­ple. Therefore the Europeans ought to take away their Fire-Arms, in order to reduce 'em to Obedience; as also to force 'em to be more peaceable than they are, and live after the manner of the Inhabitants of Europe, which wou'd be a proper means to Convert 'em to the Christian Religion. The Spaniards have effectually taken this course among the Mexicans, who dare not keep any Fire-Arms even at this very day, under pain of Death; yet those People are never the worse treated; nay, the Mexicans are as good Roman-Catholicks as [Page 140] any in the World, and live under the most gentle Yok [...] of any in the Universe.

Our first Recollects, or Franciscans, in the first Colony of Canada, soon perceiv'd the necessity there was of frustrating the Counsels of the Iroquois, who are the most formidable Enemies of the Europeans. They judge that all the Negotiations relating to Peace, which those Savages set on foot with their Enemies, are Coun­terfeit, and feigned only to conceal the Infractions, which they made in former Treaties. Therefore the Monks often represented to the King of France, that to draw off those Barbarians, and to hinder 'em from ta­king in their Councils any measures, which may be prejudicial to the Colony of Canada, it was requisite to found a Seminary of fifty or sixty Iroquois Children, on­ly for seven or eight Years; whic [...] Term being expir'd, they might be maintain'd by the Profits of certain Lands, which were cultivated during that time: As also, that these Children wou'd daily offer themselves to the said Monks, with the consent of their Parents to be in­structed and brought up in the Christian Religion: Last­ly, that the Iroquois and other Savages seeing their Chil­dren Educated and Maintain'd after this manner, wou'd not propose any Projects in their Counsels, for the form­ing of Enterprizes against the Colony, as long as the said Children were as it were so many Hostages for their Father's Fidelity.

CHAP. XXXV. Proper means for the Establishing of good Colonies. The Opinions of the Savages, concerning Heaven and Earth.

FOrasmuch as the Franciscan Monks do not possess a­ny thing by right of Propriety, not being capable by vertue of the Rules of their Order, either to sell, alienate, or even to enjoy Revenues; it may be justly affirm'd, that there is no religious Order more proper [Page 141] than their's, for the maintaining of Colonies, which are settl'd on behalf of the Roman-Catholicks in America. The verity of this Assertion appears from those whom the Emp [...]r [...]ur Charles V. sent to New Mexico; where there are [...]ven at this day a great number of powerful Families that have reap'd great [...]dvantage from the mo­derate and regular Proceedings of our Monks. The best Lands have not been there swallow'd up, as in Canada, where we see [...]hat the Wheat and most Fertile places, are now un [...]er the Jurisdiction of certain Com­monalties, who found means to get possession of them, during the absence of the Recollects or Franciscan Friars, who nevertheless were the first and most ancient Missio­naries of Canada.

The People of New France, having made great Sol­licitations to cause us to come back thither, after a long forc'd absence, our Recollects perceiv'd at their return, that an alienation was made of the best Lands of our Settlement, belonging to the Convent of Our Lady of Angels, where I my self have often renew'd, and mar [...]t out the Bounds that were left us, in order to prevent the designs of those, who were desirous absolutely to deprive us of what still remain'd in our possession. I have no intention here to Censure or to give O [...]fence to any Man; but if some are displeas'd, because I have here Publish'd my Great Discoveries, they ought at least not to disturb my Tranquility upon that account. In­deed, I cou'd publickly declare many things, which wou'd not be acceptable to a great number of Persons, and yet at the same time speak nothing but the Truth. I shall not insi [...]t on the great advantages that arise from the Missions, of the Fransciscan Friars, into the sour Quarters of the World; but a particular enumeration of them wou'd fill up a very large Volume, therefore I shall only give some account here of the pains our Monks have taken in the present Age, in carrying on the Discoveries we have lately made in Ame­rica.