VVHat was tauntingly said by the French, concerning this great and prudent Statesman, that the English were mad, having but one wise Head, to cut it off, was Truth enough, and too sad­ly experienced: All Essaies of describing those great Abilities, and comprehensive­ness of his mind, are therefore unfeasable, because none but himself could pourtraict them to any Appearance or Semblance of that Life and Quicknesse which manifested it self, even in that unsearchable and pro­found depth of his Counsels and Actions; so that he hath left nothing transmittible to our Imitation, but his Loyalty; where­in [Page 16]we and his Enemies agree in this, that we have nothing else to lay hold on, his other superexcellent qualities being above our and their reach and understanding. The Reason undoubtedly why he was assaulted, with the new Engine of accumulative and constructive Tre [...]son.

He hath for his honour and glory a most illustrious character given him by King Charles of blessed memory, in his [...] in these words, — ‘I look upon my Lord of Strafford, as a Gentleman whose abilities might make a Prince rather a­fraid than ashamed to employ him in the greatest affaires of State,’ &c. so that all that can be added to his memory and renown by any other pen, will be but a superfluous labour; but because that good Prince only considered him in his setting, wherein he was as unhappily concernd, as he was happily in the raising of him, it is thought requisi [...]e to take a farther view of him, and deduce him from his Ancestry, to whom he hath contributed more honour, than he recei­ved from them.

He was born in Yorkshire, of the illu­strious Family of the Wentworths, and edu­cated according to the greatnesse of his Fa­mily, which had brought forth many fa­mous [Page 17]men. As soon as he came of age he was chosen a Parliament Man, where he presently gained the reputation of a States-Man, and good Patriot, by stickling against the Prerogative, which mist not the Courts observation. By King Charls the First, out of honour to his merit and great parts, he was made B [...]ron Wentworth of Raby, and soon after other Titles were conferred on him, together with places of trust, which he discharged to the Kings great content, the services he received from him ballancing his favours bestowed on him, which he ne­ver abused, but continued to his death a most prudent Councellour, Loyal Subject, and faithful Friend, being taken into the Kings bosom and most retired secrets.

Soon after he was created Earl of Straf­ford, he was made also Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in which Government he exceed­ed in policy and good Laws, and careful management in advancing the Kings re­venue and ascertaining it for the future, all that went before him. He did also take care for the Church, established the Pro­testant Religion, countenanced learned men, and preferred them, and setled a constant revenue for them in that King­dom, of which prudent and pious action [Page 18]the now Clergy there do reape the fruit.

Some offences were taken at him, by the Irish, whom he kept in a very hard but orderly subjection, suppressing their out­laws and Tories, and reducing them to a perfect entire obedience to the Kings Au­thority and the Laws. Unlesse the strings be wound up hard, we cannot look for good Musick: he repressed and beat down the insolent Lordings of the great ones o­ver the Commons, whom he sweetned and arctized into the English from their wild and barbarous Customs, which caused him no great Love from the Irish Nobility, who understood the design was by such ar­tifices to take from them the absolute pow­er they had over their poor Vassals and Te­nants, when they should find the diffe­rence between the English Manners and Laws, and those of their own Country. Herein notwithstanding the great opposi­tion he me [...] in the obstinacy and indocibi­lity and prejudice of that opinionated Na­tion he made a good procedure, and no doubt, had he continued longer in the Go­vernment, and those times had not fallen out, which soon put all into a confusion, had obtained his end.

The Scotch War breaking out first, as a­foresaid, [Page 19]he was called out of Ireland to assist the King with his Counsel in those Exigencies which had so unpreparedly sur­prized him; to which work, like a Noble Friend, he set his head, his hands, and his purse, advancing by subscription (which the rest of the Nobility followed, accor­ding to their estate) twenty thousand pounds, with which aid, and the large sup­ply of the Clergy, who granted the King four shillings in the pound for six years to­gether, which was effected by his influ­ence; that King raised that Army against the Scots.

The Earl of Strafford was sick at the De­feat given the English at Newburne, under my Lord Conway, whereupon, an overture was made by other Lords then about the King for a Peace with the Scots, which soon after taking effect, the King returned to Westminster, where he had summoned his Parliament according to the advice of this Lord, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, both whom they rendred odious to the People, upon the very account of being Enemies to Parliaments.

The very first thing of consequence done at the first Sessions, was a charge exhibited by the House of Commons against this [Page 20]Earl, which consisted of 28. Articles of high Treason, Feb.16. 1640. The substance of them all was, That he had endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and Govern­ments of the Realms of England and Ireland; that he had done ill Offices betwixt the King and the Scots, and betwixt the King and his Subjects of this Kingdom; that he had advi­sed the King to bring up the Army out of the North, and overawe the Parliament, and that he had informed his Majesty that he had an Army of 10000 men in Ireland ready to be transported for the same Service.

His Tryal thereupon April 13. ensued, which was done with all solemnity, a Court being made for the purpose, with seats for both Houses, and a Canopy for the King, with a Terrasse before it; The Earl of Arundel was Lord High Steward; his Accusers were Pym, St. Johns, Whit­lock, Sr. Walter Earles, Serjeant Glyn, May­nard, Stroud, Mr. Selden, Hambden, &c. The Lieutenant warded all their blows, de­fending himself bravely and learnedly, so that there was no hopes of prevailing a­gainst his innocence by the Law, before the Lords that were his Judges.

But the implacable fury of the House of Commons, since chey could effect nothing [Page 21]this way, put them upon another, which was to draw up a Bill of Attaindor and present it to the Lords, whereby the mat­ter of Fact was declared to have been suffi­ciently proved, and then as to Law that he had incurred the censure of Treason, the Lords stumbled at this way of proceed­ing, as a path leading to their own destru­ction, it being a course unsuitable to the practice and state of the Kingdom, and their own safety, and against Common Ju­stice. To this it was replied by the Com­mons, that if the Lords would not joyn with them in this way, they feared a rup­ture might follow, for that the People would not be satisfied without Justice done upon the Earl, as the Author of all their grievances.

The Lords stood for a while to their first determination, and heard the Earl by his Council at their Bar as to matter of Law; this made the House of Commons (though the King in a set speech to them, had cleared the Earl, from any design of Treason or consulting to any arbitrary Go­vernment, nor could he concur to punish him as a Traitor) the more eager. Whereup­on the Londoners came down in Tumults, crying Justice, and threatning the Lords as [Page 22]aforesaid, so that at last the said Bill, usher­ed in by a Protestation, passed the whole House of Commons nemine contradicente, but the Lord Darby and one or two more; and presently after the House of Lords, where were present 45, 26 against him, and 19 for him, most of his friends absent­ing themselves for fear of the multitude. Immediatly the Kings assent was requi­red to the Bill, who consulted with the Bishops, who, all but the Bishop of London, now his Grace of Canterbury (and who as the King observed in his Book, fared the best of all) advised him against it, but that which most swayed the King, to sign it, which he bitterly afterwards repented, was a Letter of the Earls to his Majesty, which being too long here to insert, I shall only give you that Passage wherein he desires his Majesty to passe the Bill.

And therefore in few words, as I put my self wholly upon the Honour and Justice of my Peers, so clearly as to beseech your Majesty might please to have spared that Declaration of yours, on Saturday last, and intirely to have left me to their Lordships, so now to set your Majesties Conscience, &c. at liberty, I do most humbly beseech you, for the prevent­ing of such mischief as may happen by your re­fusal [Page 23]to pass the Bill, by this means to remove praised be God, I cannot say this accursed, but I confess this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed agreement, which God I trust shall for ever establish betwixt you and your Subjects.

Sir, my consent herein shall more acquit you to God than all the World can do besides; to a willing man there is no injury done, &c.

I have also here inserted for their excel­lency and elegancy, these two following Speeches, the first at Westminster Hall to the Lords at the conclusion of his Trial, the other at the Scaffold, which are as fol­low.

MY Lords! There yet remaines ano­ther Treason, that I should be guilty of; the endeavouring to subvert the funda­mental Laws of the Land, that they should now be Treason together, that is not Trea­son in any one part of Treason accumula­tive, that so when all will not do, it is woven up with others, it should seem very strange.

Under favour, my Lords, I do not con­cieve that there is either Statute Law, nor Common-Law, that doth declare the endeavouring to subvert the fundamental Laws, to be high Treason.

For neither Statute-Law, nor Common-Law written, that ever I could here of, de­clareth it so.

And yet I have been diligent to enquire, (as I believe you think it doth concern me to do.)

It is hard to be questioned for life and honour upon a Law that cannot be shewn.

There is a Rule which I have learned from Sir Edward Cooke, De non aparenti­tibus & non existentibus eadem ratio: (Jesu) where hath this fire lain all this while, so many hundred of years, without any smoak to discover it, till it thus burst out to con­sume me and my children; extreme hard in my opinion, that punishment should precede promulgation of Law! punish­ment by a Law subsequent to the Acts done.

Take it into your considerations: for cer­tainly it is now better to be under no Law at all, but the will of men, than to con­forme our selves under the protection of a Law, as we think, and then be punished for a crime that doth precede the Law: what man can be safe, if that be once ad­mitted?

My Lords, it is hard in another respect, that there should be no token set upon this [Page 25]offence, by which we should know it, no admonition by which we should be aware of it.

If a man passe down the Thames in a Boat, and it be split upon an Anchor, and no booy be ser, as a token that there is an Anchor there, that party that ows the An­chor, by the Maritine Laws shall give sa­tisfaction for the damage done; but if it were marked out, I must come upon my own peril.

Now where is a mark upon this crime? Where is the token, this is high Treason.

If it be under water, and not above wa­ter, no humane providence can avail nor prevent my destruction.

Lay aside all humane wisdom, and let us rest upon Divine Revelation, if you will condemn before you forewarn the danger.

Oh my Lords! may your Lordships be pleased to give that regard unto the Peer­age of England, as never to suffer our selves to be put on those nice points, upon such contractive interpretations; and these are where Laws are not clear, or known. If there must be a tryal of wits, I do humbly beseech you, the subject and matter may be somewhat else than the lives and ho­nours of Peers.

My Lords, we find that the primitive times, in the progression of the plain Do­ctrine of the Apostles, they brought the Books of curious Arts, and burned them. And so likewise, as I do conceive, it will be wisdom and providence in your Lord­ships, for your Posterity and the whole Kingdom, to cast from you, into the fire, these bloudy and most mysterious Vo­lumes of Constructive and Arbitrary Trea­son; and to betake your selves to the plain Letters of the Law and Statute, that telleth us where the crime is, and by tel­ling what is, and what is not, shews us how to avoid it. And let us not be ambitious, to be more wise and learned in the killing Arts, than our Forefathers were.

It is now full two hundred and forty years since ever any man was touched for this alledged crime (to this height) before my self; we have lived happily to our selves at home, and we have lived glorious­ly to the World abroad.

Let us rest contented with that our Fa­thers left us, and not awaken those sleepy Lions to our own destructions; by raking up a few musty Records that have lain so many Ages by the walls, quite forgotten and neglected.

May your Lordships be nobly pleased, to add this to those other mis-fortunes befal­len me for my sins, not for my Treasons, that a president should be derived from me of that disadvantage (as this will be in the consequent to the whole Kingdom) I be­seech you seriously to consider it, and let not my particular Cause be looked upon as you do; though you wound me in my in­terest in the Commonwealth, and there­fore those Gentlemen say, that they speak for the Commonwealth, yet in this par­ticular I indeed speak for it, and the in­conveniencies and mischiefs that will hea­vily fall upon us: for as it is in the first of Henry the Fourth, no man will after know what to do, or say for fear.

Do not put, my Lords, so great diffi­culties upon the Ministers of State, that men of wisdom, honour and vertue, may not with chearfulnesse and safety be im­ployed for the Publick, if you weigh and measure them by grains and scruples, the publick affaires of the Kingdom will be laid wast, and no man will meddle with them, that hath honours, issues, or any fortunes to lose.

My Lords, I have now troubled you lon­ger than I should have done, were it not [Page 28]for the interest of those dear pledges a Saint in Heaven left me; I should be loath, my Lords, (there he stopped.)

What I forfeit for my self it is nothing, but that my indiscretion should forfeit for my child, it even woundeth me deep to the very Soul.

You will pardon my infirmitie, some­thing I should have said, but I am not able, (and sighed) therefore let it passe.

And now, my Lords, I have been, by the blessing of Almighty God, taught, that the afflictions of this life present, are not to be compared to the eternal weight of that glory that shall be revealed to us here­after.

And so, my Lords, even so with tran­quility of mind I do submit my self freely and clearly to your Lordships judgments, and whether that Righteous judgment shall be to life or death.

THE Fate of this Learned and Magni­ficent Prelate first and signally verified that Presage of King James, No Bishop, no King, he being the Usher to that misera­ble calamity, which in the same manner and method, the same way of death, befel that most Blessed Prince; for that Prophe­tick Saying was to be accomplished in eve­ry Point, not only of Regiment, but in the concerns of natural Life, like Hippocra­tes his Twins, to live and die together.

His Originals were from an honest and well-reputed Parentage, of good esteem and credit in the Town of Reading, the place of his Nativity; his Father a Clothi­er, his Mother of the Family of the Souths, [Page 39]of a gentile extraction, by which side, Sir John Robinson is related to him; The Estate they had, was such, as neither so low, to cloud or obscure his promising natural Endow­ments, or so advanced as to serene them, and shew them to the world in that Pomp and Lustre, to which at some distances they exerted themselves, and by degrees moun­ted to the top & [...] of Ecclesiastical Pro­motion and Dignity in this Kingdom.

From his Seed-place and Nursery of Reading, he was transplanted to St. Johns Colledge in Oxford, where he gave present signs of his Future Glory, being observed by all men, as the Ornament of the House, and whole University. He continued here, having passed through all the Honourable Employments of his Colledge, till his worth could be no longer concealed; and much beholding was he to that his Mode­sty of Nature, which so long hid him from publick employment, and gave him time and opportunity of laying in that Stock and Provision of all kind of Learning, which his unwearied diligence did so freely spend in the several Places and Provinces he so wisely discharged, being Chaplain first to the Earl of Devonshire, and Proctor of his University. From Batchelor of Divinity, [Page 40]he proceeded Doctor, became Chaplain to Dr. Neat, then Bishop of Rochester; after­wards translated to York, who preferred him to King James, who made him Prebend of Bugden and Westminster, Dean of Glocester, and Archdeacon of Huntington, and lastly, President of his own Colledge.

Soon after he was made Bishop of St. Davids, by the same bountiful Master, but King Charles finding his great abilities, took him into more especial favour, giving him the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells, made him Dean of his Chappel, and one of his Privy Council, then Bishop of London and Chan­cellor of Oxford, and in conclusion, Arch­bishop of Canterbury.

Dr. Abbots (his Predecessor in that See) Remisseness and Indifferency con­cerning the ceremonies used in the Church of England, was the cause that the Gangren of Non-conformity was so far spread, that it was no lesse trouble, then it raised Envy and Obloquy against him, to strive to en­joyn and take order for the strict Observa­tion of the said Rites, being every where called Innovations. By this means Epis­copal Government was by many traduced, many Books and Libels printed against them, wherein this Prelate was sure to [Page 41]bear the greatest burthen, the chief of those Writers were Bastwick, Burton, and Mr. Pryn, who were afterwards sentenced in the Star-Chamber, and suffered in the Pillory.

But that which mainly, and chiefly helped forward his ruine, was his recommending or enjoying the use of the English Liturgy in the Scotch Church, which was received there with so much exasperation, that it mightily promoted the Wars then in in­tention and designment by the Faction in that Kingdom.

Soon after Libels were thrown about, full of sedition, and railing, and scurrilous jeers against him, which were seconded, with a Tumult and rabble of Londoners assaulting his House at Lambeth, for which one of the chief Thomas Bensted, was hanged in St. Georges Fields in South­wark.

He was falsly by such People reported for a Papist, whereas what stronger proof can be brought for his firmnesse in the Pro­testant Religion, than that Book of his a­gainst Fisher the Jesuit, which like a Ham­mer hath beaten all the Romish Arguments into pieces, an unanswerable Work, and of which, they will never clear them­selves, [Page 42]brag and vapour what they please. As to his Religion this will suffice; for the morality and integrity, constant tenour of life, let him be judged by his Diary, pub­lished in part by Mr. Prin. He had little intermission of his pen or intention of mind against the Roman Faction, whatsoe­ver his Enemies have reported of him to the contrary, having before his eyes, as his main aim, the glory and prosperity of this Church, in the right and solemn Worship of God.

He first began the reedifying of that rui­nous and decayed Cathedral of St. Pauls London, towards the charge whereof, he expended great sums of money out of his own purse, and this was reckoned to him as Superstition, though in the account of sober and wife men, it was a noble zeal to Gods House. The North-door of that Church he repaired wholly with his own money, the Workmen not knowing whence their wages came.

In sum, for these joynt Graces and Ver­tues, Piety, Learning, magnificence, pru­dence, and humility, he is hardly to be pa­ralled by any of his Predecessors; many have had one or two of them, but wanted the other, in him they were a bright con­stellation, [Page 43]whose lustre made this Church glorious, to the envy and wonder of the Nations about us.

But the time of Gods visitation being come, for the unfruitfulnesse, negligence and unthankfulnesse of the Clergy, a gene­ration of men were raised up as scourges, to inflict the Divine Judgments. For in the beginning of our dissentions, as soon as the businesse of the Earl of Strafford was over, the mad multitude fell a raving and crying no Bishops, no Bishops. In the be­ginning of the year 1641, and the latter end of 1640, this Reverend Prelate was committed from the Black Rod to the Tower, whither not long after ten more of that sacred Order, were sent after him; He continued in the Tower four years, be­fore any charge was brought against him, though he all along petitioned and desired the Parliament he might come to his trya [...], which could not be obtained till the year 1644, a full account whereof, 2s also of his death we have here subjoyned.

It would trouble Plutarch, (if he were alive,) to find out a fit Parallel with whom to match him. All therefore I shall do at the present time, (and tis the last publique Office I shall do him) is, to lay [Page 44]down the story of his death and sufferings, together with a view of those plots and pra­ctises which were set on foot, to pluck a few years from a weak old man, and bring him to an unnatural calamitous end. For though that maxime in Philosophy is most true and certain; that corruptio est in instan­ti, that death comes to us in a moment, or in the twinckling of an eye, as the Scriptures phrase is; yet are there many previous dis­positions which make way unto it; all which are comprehended in the name of death. And in that latitude of expression do we take the word, in laying down the story of his death before you; which being writ out of an honest zeal to truth, and a sincere af­fection to his name and memory, shall either be approved of, or at least ex­cused.

It was the practice and position of the antient Donatists, (the Predecessors and Progenitors of the modern Puritan) occi­dere quemcun [...] qui contra eos fecerit; to kill and make away whoever durst oppose their doings, or was conceived to be an hin­drance to their growing faction. And by this Card their followers in these King­doms have been steered of late, imprison­ing and destroying all who have stood [Page 45]against them. It is long since they enter­tained such desperate purposes against the life and person of the Lord Arch-Bishop, threatnig his death in scattered Libels, tel­lig him that his life was sought for, that nei­ther God nor man could endure so vile a Coun­sellor to live any longer. This was about the end of March 1629, and was the Prologue to those libels, full of threats and scandals, which year by year exasperated and infla­med the People, till they had made them ripe for mischief, and readily prepared to execute whatever their grand Directors should suggest unto them. Saint Paul did never fight more frequent and more terri­ble combats with the beasts of Ephesus, for the promotion of the Gospel, then he with these untractable and fiery spirits, who most seditiously opposed his religious pur­poses of setling unity and uniformity in this Church of England. And in this state things stood till the year, 1640, in which not only many factious and seditious Peo­ple in and about the City of London, made an assault by night on his House at Lam­beth, with an intent to murther him, had they found him there: but the whole fa­ction of the Scots declared in a Remon­strance to the English Nation, that one of [Page 46]the chief causes which induced them to in­vade this Realm, was to remove him from his Majesty, and bring him to the punish­ment which he had deserved. The man­ner of their coming hit her, and the great entertainment given them by the faction here, shewed plainly that they were not like to be sent away without their Errand: and makes it evident that his ruine was re­solved on in their secret Councils, before the Parliament was called, or that they had de­clared so much by their will revealed.

The Parliament had not long continued, but he is named for an Incendiary by the Scottish Commissioners, and thereupon ac­cused of Treason by the House of Commons. And although no particular Charge was brought against him, but only a bare pro­mise to prepare it in convenient time; yet was he presently committed to the custody of the Gentleman Ʋsher, and by him kept in durance till the end of February, (be­ing full ten weeks; about which time his Charge was brought unto the Lords, but in generals only, and longer time required for particular instances. And yet upon this Lydsord law, by which they used to hang men first, and endite them after­wards,) was he committed to the Tower, [Page 47]being followed almost all the way by the R [...]scal multitude, who barbarously pursu­ed him with reproaches and clamours to the very gates; and there detained, con­trary to all Law and Justice, almost four years longer. This was the first great breach which was made by Parliament in the liberties of the English Subject; (save that their like proceedings with the Earl of Strafford, was a preparative unto it;) and was indeed the very gap, at which the sla­very and oppression, under which this misera­ble Nation hath for many years pined and languished, did break in. What right could meaner persons look for, when as so great a Peer was doomed to so long imprison­ment, without being called to his Answer?

But yet the malice of his Enemies was not so contented. For though some of the more moderate (or rather the lesse vio­lent) Lords, who did not pierce into the depth of the design, gave out that they in­tended only to remove him from his Maje­sties eare, and to deprive him of his Arch-Bishoprick, (which resolution notwithstan­ding being taken up before any charge was brought against him, was as unjust though not so cruel, as the others:) yet they [Page 48]shewed only by this Ovonture, that they did reckon without their Hosts, and might be of the Court, perchance, but not of the Counsel. The leading and predominant party thought of nothing lesse, then that he should escape with life, or go off with li­berty Only perhaps they might conceive some wicked hopes, that either the tedi­ousnesse of his restraint, or the indignitie; and affronts which, day by day, were offer'd to him, would have broken his heart, not formerly accustomed to the like oppres­sions. And then like Pilate in the Gospel they had called for water, and washed their hands before the multitude, and said, that they were innocent of the blood of that righteous per­son: thinking that by such wretched figg­leaves, they could not only hide their wic­kednesse, and deceive poor men; but that God also might be mocked, and his All­seeing eie deluded, to which all hearts lye open, all desires are known, and from which no secrets can be hidden. To this end not content to immute him up within the walls of the Tower, they robb him of his me­nial servants, restrain him to two only of his number, and those not to have conse­rence with any others, but in the presence of his Warder: and in conclusion make [Page 49]him a close Prisoner, not suffering him to go out of his lodging to refresh himself, but in the company of his Keeper. And all this while they vex his Soul continually with scandalous and infamous Papers, and set up factious and seditious Preachers to in­veigh against him in the Pulpit to his very face; so to expose him to the scorn both of boyes and women, who many times stood up and turned towards him, to observe his countenance, to see if any alteration did appear therein. And to the same ungod­ly end, did they divest him of his Archi­episcopal and Episcopal jurisdiction, confer­ring it on his inferiour and subordinate Of­ficers; sequester his rents under pre­tence of maintenance for the Kings young­er Children (as if his Majesties Revenues which they had invaded, were not suffi­cient for that purpose,) convert his House at Lambeth into a Prison, and confiscate all his coals and fewel to the use of their Gaoler; deprive him of his right of Pa­tronage, and take into their own hands the disposing of all his Benefices; seize upon all his goods and books which they found at Lambeth; and in conclusion, rifle him of his notes and papers, not only such as were of ordinary use and observation, but such [Page 50]as did concern him in the way of his just defence. In which they did not any thing from the first to the last, but in a proud de­fiance to the Laws of the Land, which they most impudently violated in all these par­ticulars: and more than so, they had pro­ceeded step by step, to this height of ty­ranny a whole year almost, before they had digested their general charge into particu­lar Accusations; or ever called him to his Answer in due form of Law.

5. But God had given him such a mea­sure both of strength and patience, that these afflictions, though most great and irksome, did make no more impressions on him, than an Arrow on a rock of Adamant. For at his first commitment he besought his God, (as Master Pryn observes out of his Manual of devotions) to give him full patience, proportionable comfort, and con­tentment with whatsoever he should send; and he was heard in that he prayed for. For notwithstanding that he had fed so long on the bread of carefulnesse, and drank the wa­ter of affliction: yet, as the Scripture tel­leth us of the four Hebrew children, his coun­tenance appeared fairer and fatter in flesh, than any of those who ate their portion of the Kings me at, or drank of his wine. And he was [Page 51]wont to say to his private friends, that, he thanked God, he never found more sweet con­tentment in his greatest liberty, than in the time of that restraint. And certainly it was no wonder that it should be so, he being con­scious to himself of no other crimes, which drew that fatal storm upon him, than a re­ligious zeal to the honour of God, the hap­pinesse of the King, and the preservation of the Church in her peace and patrimony, as he professed at his death before all the Peo­ple. So that despairing of successe in the way intended, his Enemies fell upon ano­ther, but more desperate course, which was to ship him for New-England, and make him subject to the insolencies of Wels and Peters, two notorious Schismaticks. But this being put to the question in the House of Commons, was rejected by the major part: not out of pity to his age, or consideration of his quality, nor in respect unto the Laws so often violated; but to preserve him yet a while, as a stale or pro­perty, wherewith to cheat the Citizens of some further sums, and to invite the Scots to a new invasion, when their occasion so required. For it was little doubted by discerning men, but that the Scots, who made their first invasion on a probable hope [Page 52]of sequestring the Lord Arch-bishop and the Earl of Strafford from His Majesties Counsels; and sped it so well in their de­sign, that they were recompensed already with the death of the one, would easily be tempted to a second journey, upon assu­rance to be glutted with the blood of the other.

6. And this appears more plain and e­vident, in that about the coming on of the Scots, which was in the middest of Janua­ry 1643. they did again revive the busi­nesse, which had long lain dormant; caus­ing the Articles, which they had framed in maintenance of their former Accusa­tion, to be put in Print about that time, as is apparent by the Test of John Brown their Clerk, dated the 17 of that moneth. And as the Scots advanced or slackned in their marches Southward, so did they either quicken or retard the work: till hearing of the great successes which they had in York­shire, they gave command to Master Pryn to prosecute the charge against him, and bring him to his long expected trial; as he reports it of himself, who, having rifled him of his Papers, and thereby robbed him of those helps, which he had purposely reserved for his just defence; and having personal [Page 53]quarrels of his own to revenge upon him, was thought to be the fittest blood-hound in the whole kennel, to pursue the scent. And now there was no talk but of quick dispatch. When hatred doth accuse, and ma­lice prosecute, and prejudice and prepossessi­on sit upon the Bench, God help the inno­cent; There's nothing but a miracle can preserve him then. And so it proved in the event. They called him after to the Bar, both before and after, caused a strict inquisition to be made into all his actions: they winnowed him like wheat, and sifted him to the very bran, (which was you know the Devils office;) they had against him all advantages of power and malice, and wit­nesses at hand upon all occasions: but still they found his answers and his resolutions of so good a temper, his innocence and in­tegrity of so bright a die, that as they knew not how to dismisse him with credit, so neither could they find a way to condemn him with Justice. And though their Con­sciences could tell them, that he had done nothing which deserved either death or bonds; yet either to reward or oblige the Scots, who would not think themselves se­cure whil [...] his head was on, they were re­solved to bring him to a speedy end. Only [Page 54]they did desire, if possible, to lay the Odium of the murther upon the common People. And therefore Serjeant Wilde in a speech a­gainst him, having aggravated his supposed offences to the highest pitch, concluded thus, that he was guilty of so many and noto­tious treasons, so evidently destructive to the Commonwealth, that he marvelled the People did not tear him in pieces as he passed between his barge, and the Parliament Houses. Which barbarous and bloudy project, when it would not take, and that though many of the Rabble did desire his death, yet none would be the executioner; they then im­ployed some of their most malicious and most active instruments, to go from door to door, and from man to man, to get hands against him; and so petition those to hasten his condemnation, which must, forsooth, be forced to their own desires: (whereof, and of the Magistrates standing still, and suffering them to proceed without any check, he gave them a memento in his dying Speech.) This being obtained, the businesse was pursued with such heat and violence, that by the beginning of Novem­ber, it was made ready for a Sentence; which some conceived would have been given in the Kings Bench, and that their [Page 55]proofs (such as they were) being fully ripened, he should have been put over to a Middlesex Jury. But they were only some poor Ignorants which conceived so of it. The leading members of the plot thought of no such matter; and to say truth, it did concern them highly not to go that way. For though there was no question to be made at all, but that they could have packed a Jury to have found the Bill; yet by a clause in the Attainder of the Earl of Strafford they had bound the Judges not to declare their facts for Treason in the time to come, for which they had con­demned and executed that Heroick Peer. And therefore it was done with great care and caution to proceed by Ordinance, and vote him guilty first in the House of Com­mons; in which being parties, witnesses, and Judges too, they were assured to passe it as they would themselves, which was done accordingly, about the 20 of No­vember.

But yet the businesse was not done, for the Lords stuck at it. Some of which ha­ving not extinguished all the sparks of ho­nour, did by the light thereof discover the injustice of so foul a practice; together with the danger might befal themselves, [Page 56]if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that potent Faction. A thing so stomacked by the Commons, that after some evapora­tions of their heat and passion, which broke out into open threats, they present­ly drew, and sent up an Ordinance to the Lords, tending to dispossesse them of all power and command in their Armies. But fearing this device was too weak to hold, they fall upon another and a likelier pro­ject, which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House; where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for power and number. And to effect the same with more speed and certainty, they had recourse to their old Arts, drew down Sir David Watkins with his general muster of subscriptions, and put a petition in his hands, to be rendred by him to the Hou­ses, that is, themselves: wherein it was re­quired among other things, that they would vigorously proceed unto the punish­ment of all Delinquents; and that for the more quick dispatch of the publick busines­ses of the State, the Lords would please to vote and sit together with the Commons. On such uncertain terms, such a ticklish Te­nure do they now hold their place and pow­er in Parliament; who so officiously com­plied [Page 57]with the House of Commons, in de­priving the Bishops of their Votes and the Churches birth-right. And this was it which helped them in that time of need. For by this (though stale and common) Stratagem did they prevail so far upon some weak spirits, that the Earls of Kent, Pembroke, Salisbury, and Bullingbrooke, the Lords North, Gray of Wark and Brews, (a Scotchman, but an English Baron, and ge­nerally called the Earl of Elgin) resolved to yield unto the current of so strong a stream: and thought they had made a gain­ing voyage, if by delivering the Lord Arch-Bishop to the Peoples fury, they might pre­serve themselves in the Peoples favour. And we know well, both who it was, and what end he came to, who though he knew that the accused party was delivered him out of envy only, and that he found no evil he was guilty of; yet being wearied with the clamours and the Crucifiges of the common people, and fearing that some tumult would be made about it, delivered him unto his ene­mies to be put to death. And for those o­ther Lords who withdrew themselves, and neither durst condemn nor protect the inno­cent; (though far the major part, as it is reported) it is not easie to determin, whe­ther [Page 58]their consciences were more tender, their Collusion grosser, or their courage weaker. All I shall say is only this, that Claudius Lysias in the Acts, had been as guilty of Saint Paul's death, as any of the forty who had vowed to kill him; if upon notice of the Plot which was laid to mur­ther him, he had brought him down unto the people, or not conveied him with a strong guard to the Court of Felix. The journies end must needs be foul, which such lewd and crooked waies do conduct unto. And it is worth your observation, that the same day, the fourth of January, in which they passed this bloody Ordinance, (as if therein they would cry quittance with his Sacred Majesty, who on the same accused the six guilt Members) they passed another for establishing their new Directory; which in ef­fect was nothing but a total abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book: and thereby shew­ed unto the World, how little hopes they had of setling their new form of Worship, if the foundation of it were not laid in blood.

The Bill being thus dispatched in the House of Lords, (if still they may be called Lords, which are so over-loaded by the Common-people) there wanted yet the [Page 59]Kings Assent to give life to it: which they so far contemned, (they had more reason to despair of it) that they never sought it. They had screwed up their Ordinances to so high a pitch, that never Act of Parliament was of more authority: and having found the Subjects so obedient, as to yield unto them in matters which concerned them in their goods and liberties; it was but one step more to make trial of them, whether they would submit their lives to the self­same tyranny: And this they made the first experiment in this kind, both of their own power, and the peoples patience; he being the first man, as himself noted in his Speech (which words are purposely omitted in Hindes Copy of it;) that was ever put to death by Ordinance in Parliament; but was not the last, as we have too sadly ex­perienced. Certain it is, that by that Ordinance they then made themselves the absolute Master of the Subjects lives, and left them nothing that they could call their own, but ruine and destruction. Just as it was observed by our Gracious Soveraign, upon occasion of the Ordinance for the 20th part, that the same power which robbed the Subject of the twentieth part of their [Page 60]Estates, had by that only made a claim and entituled it self to the other nineteen, when soever it should be thought expedient to hasten on the general ruin. In which His Majesty proved but too true a Prophet. And though perhaps some of the people were well pleased with this bloody Ordinance, and ran with joy to see it put in execution: yet all wise men did look upon it as the last groan or gasp of our dying liberty. And let both them and those who passed it, be as­sured of this, that they who did so gladly sell the blood of their fellow Subjects, sel­dom want Chapmen for their own in an open Market.

And here, as it was once observed, that the predominant Party of the United Pro­vinces, to bring about their ends in the death of Barnovelt, subverted all those fundamental Laws of the Belgick liberty; for maintenance whereof they took up Arms against Philip the Second, so would I know which of those Fundamental Laws of the English Government have not been viola­ted by these men in their whole proceed­ings; for preservation of which Laws (or rather under colour of such preservation) they did bewitch the people unto that Rebellion: It is a Fundamental Law of the [Page 61] English Government, and the first Article in the Magna Charta, that the Church of England shall be free, and shall have her whole Rights and Priviledges inviolable: yet to make way unto the condemnation of this innocent man, and other the like wicked and ungodly ends, the Bishops must be Voted out of their place in Parliament, which most of them had held far longer in their Predecessors, than any of our noble families in their Progenitors. And if the Lords refuse to give way unto it (as at first they did) the people must come down to the House in multitudes, and cry, No Bishops, no Bishops, at the Parliament doors, till by the terror of their tumults they extort it from them. It is a Funda­mental Law of the English liberty, that no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned without cause shewn, or be detained without being brought unto his Answer in due form of Law: yet here we saw a Freeman imprisoned ten whole weeks together, before any Charge was brought against him; and kept in pri­son three years more, before his general Accusation was by them reduced into par­ticulars; and for a year almost detained close prisoner, without being brought unto his answer, as the Law requires. It is a [Page 62] Fundamental Law of the English Govern­ment, that no man be disseised of his Free­hold or Liberties, but by the known Laws of the Land: yet here was a man disseised of his Rents and Lands, spoyled of his Goods, deprived of his jurisdiction, de­vested of his Right and Patronage; and all this done, when he was so far from being convicted by the Laws of the Land, that no particular charge was so much as thought of. It is a Fundamental Law of the En­glish Liberty, that no man shall be condemned, or put to death, but by lawful judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land, i. e. in the ordinary way of a legal tryal: and sure an Ordinance of both Houses, without the Royal Assent, is no part of the Law of Eng­land, nor held an ordinary way of trial for the English subject, or ever reckoned to be such in the former times. And finally, it is a Fundamental Law in the English Go­vernment, that if any other case (than those recited in the Statute of King Edward 3.) which is supposed to be Treason, do happen be­fore any of his Majesties Justices, the Justi­ces shall tarry without giving judgment, till the cause be shewn and declared before the King, and His Parliament, whether it ought to be judged Treason or not: yet here we [Page 63]had a new found Treason, never known before, nor declared such by any of His Majesties Justices, nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and His Parlia­ment, but only voted to be such by some of those few Members which remained at West­minster, who were resolved to have it so for their private ends. Put all which hath been said together, and then tell me truly, if there by any difference (for I see not any) between the ancient Roman slaves and the once Free-born Subjects of the English Nation, whose lives and liberties, whose goods and fortunes depend on the meer pleasure of their mighty Masters.

But to return unto our Story, the passing of the Ordinance being made known unto him, he neither entertained the news with a Stoical Apathy, nor wailed his Fate with weak and womanish Lamentations (to which Extreams most men are carried in this case) but heard it with so even and so smooth a temper, as shewed he neither was afraid to live, nor ashamed to die. The time between the Sentence and the Execu­tion, he spent in Prayers and applications to the Lord his God; having obtained, though not without some difficulty, a Chap­lain of his own, to attend upon him, and to [Page 64]assist him in the work of his preparation: though little preparation needed to receive that Blow, which could not but be welcom, because long expected. For so well was he studied in the Art of dying (especially in the last and strictest part of his Imprison­ment) that by continual Fasting, Watch­ing, Prayers, and such like Acts of Chri­stian Humiliation, his flesh was rarified into Spirit, and the whole man so fitted for eternal Glories, that he was more then half in heaven, before death brought his bloudy (but triumphant) Chariot to con­vey him thither. He that had been so long a Confessor, could not but think it a release of miseries to be made a Martyr. And as it is recorded of Alexander the great, that the night before his best and greatest Bat­tel with Darius the Persian, he fell into so sound a sleep, that his Princes hardly could awake him when the Morning came; so is is certified of this great Prelate, that on the Evening before his Passeover, the night be­fore the dismal combat betwixt him and death, after he had refreshed his spirits with a moderate Supper, he betook himself unto his rest, and slept very soundly, till the time came, in which his Servants were appointed to attend his Rising, a most as­sured [Page 65]sign of a Soul prepared. The fatal morning being come, he first applied him­self to his private Prayers, and so continu­ed, till Penington, and other of their publick Officers came to conduct him to the Scaf­fold: which he ascended with so brave a courage, such a cheerful countenance, as if he had mounted rather to behold a triumph, then to be made a Sacrifice, and came not there to die, but to be translated. And to say Truth, it was no Scaffold, but a Throne, a Throne whereon he shortly was to receive a Crown, even the most glorious Crown of Martyrdom. And though some rude, uncivil people reviled him, as he passed a­long, with opprobrious Language, as loath to let him go to the Grave in peace, it ne­ver discomposed his thoughts, nor disturbed his patience. For he had profited so well in the School of Christ, that when he was re­viled, he reviled not again, when he suffered, he threatned not, but committed his cause to him that judgeth righteously. And as he did not fear the Frowns, so neither did he cover the applause of the vulgar Herd, and there­fore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People, then to affect the Ostentation either of memory or wit in that dreadful Agony; whether with greater [Page 66]Magnanimity or Prudence, I can hardly say. As for the matter of his Speech, be­sides what did concern himself and his own purgation, his great care was to clear His Majesty, and the Church of England from any inclination unto Popery; (with a per­sivasion of the which, the Authors of our then miseries, had abused the People, and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign.) approving himself a faith­ful Servant to the last. By means whereof, as it is said of Samson, in the Book of Judges, that the men which he slew at his death, were more then they which he slew in his Life: so may it be affirmed of this famous Prelate, that he gave a greater blow unto the enemies of God and the King at the hour of his Death, then he had given them in his whole life before; But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self, which followeth here, according to the best and most perfect Copies.

THis loyal Person was formerly a Ha­berdasher in Fleetstreet, and at the re­moval of the King, left the City of Lon­don, and betook himself to the Service of his Majesty, by whom he was employed in the quality of a Messenger.

On this Employment he was sent to London, his Errand was to signifie the Kings pleasure, that the Term of Michael­mass, should be prorogued, the reason was because the Parliament had caused a new Broad Seal to be made, and issued out Writs and other Processes by virtue of the same, contrary to his Majesties Royal Au­thority, and beyond all the reaches or pre­cedents of any former Rebellion.

With this message, being a Citizen of the place, he was entrusted, and as bound by his allegiance and duty, delivered it ac­cording to the tenour of his instructions: [Page 117]whereupon, contrary to the universal cu­stome and honourable practise of all Na­tions, which gives security and free liberty of passage to all such persons, he was ap­prehended and committed in order to his Tryal by a Court of War; those Barba­rous Tyrannical States-men, not daring to hazard their authority and the justice of the matter to the decision of the Common Law of England.

To this Sanguinous Tribunal, no truly Loyal Person ever was brought, who was within the reach of their griping talents, that ever escaped with his skin; so aptly might that Fable of the Fox to the Lyon be (rather) unmoralized

It was in vain to move either their Ho­nour, Conscience or Duty, or to plead ones own, their ambiguous salvo's and re­serves to themselves, and their forward fa­cing of others out of reason by their Ja­nus-like cause, which was for and against the King, like the Basilisk, killed all whom it directly aspected, or were brought be­fore them.

This Gentlem [...]ns fare was huddled up at Essex House, before a Council of War held there, on the walls whereof any man then might have red the Event. The grand pill [...]r, raiser and support of that un­natural War, being proprietor thereof, and at that present, personally inhabiting it, who was just come from Newbery first Fight, where as yet he had left himself un­revenged.

Without any more adoe therefore, but a setting Mr. Kniveton at their Bar, as the mark and aim of all their impotent malice; he was condemned to be hanged as a Spie, for maintaining and managing intelligence with, and from the Enemy (that was the King whom they said they fought for) but on what Article of War, I never could tell, and I presume the Reader can hardly ima­gine.

Little respit was afforded for the time of Execution, for the Faction were enraged that any man should presume to tell them, that it was Treason to counterfeit the Kings Seal, and if such continual Messages, up­on every of their actions should be brought and declared, it might in time open the eyes of the people to understand the Law, and leave them in conclusion [Page 119]to its Justice, and their due demerit.

He was brought therefore on the day he suffered, as aforesaid, on foot from New­gate, being accompanied with Mr. Benson a Bookseller his acquaintance in Fleet­street, to a Gibbet erected over against the Exchange, where he may most properly be said to have Sealed his Cause with his Blood, being sent of another Message to Heaven, where his Bliss and Happiness shall have no Terme.

THe Execution of this Person was the absurdity of Law, the contradiction of Magna Charta, the infringment and violation of Nature, and if it could be strained higher, than an affront and Rebel­lion against the supreme power of the Uni­verse, it would passe with a lesser ignominy than the merit of this Cause will afford it.

That men tyed by their allegiance, by [Page 120]several Oaths of Fealty, by the benefit of their protection and advantages they re­ceived under the Government of so excel­lent a Prince, were to be dispensed, nay must be discharged from that Duty and Obedience they ought him, and that the Parliament as they had subdued their Law­ful King, might give Law to him, pro­pound their own insolent terms and de­mands, and rigidly insist on them, secure his Person under pretence of publick safe­ty, administer the Kingdom themselves, sequester and seize their Estates who resi­sted them; in these violent and unheard of outrages; all this I say, might be (as o­therwise it could not be helpt, as the sad state of the miseries of the Kingdom then was) with some kind of patience endured; but to see and hear, to be upon the place, where so many undutiful unchristian con­tempts, after the Votes of Non Addresse, were put upon the King, in that place which he had chosen for his refuge and Sanctuary. I can hardly allow any man in this case the glory of Martyrdom, whose frame and temper had but the least ingre­dients of natural (not to pride it in loyal) compassion, if he durst do that, which bravery and courage prompted him to, the [Page 121]Law and his obedience required, and God commanded.

Yet I do not the less wonder, and stand amazed at this butchery, upon several con­siderations, which though they be of dif­ferent respects, yet do center universally in this, that they will make the murder of this person prodigiously infamous to all persons concerned in it.

First, not to meddle with the Laws, whose Divine stamp was most treasonably defa­ced in this act, we will consider this at­tempt of Captain Burleighs, in the invari­able latitude of common humanity.

His pretended crime was the beating of a Drum in the Isle of Wight (upon the news the Islanders had received, that the Par­liament had rejected the King upon their Votes of Non addresse, and had resolved to settle the Kingdom without him) when his Majesty was confined a close Prisoner to Carisbrook Castle. This was misconstrued according to the left-handed learning of those times for Treason, whereas had there been any sympathetical Musick in those Drums, they would have made a noyse and Alarm of themselves, borrowed from those groans and sighs the captive Prince made to his more compassionate walls, who [Page 122]burst to give vent and eccho to those dole­ful notes.

And could men not allow that soft and tender-heartedness to men, to Christians, to Subjects, to a Subject too well reputed and esteemed of in his Island as a good and honest man, one who out of con­science and integrity, and for no other sini­ster end whatsoever, had faithfully served his Soveraign abroad, that is, had crost the Sea to do his devoir, and there having we [...] ­ried himself and his fortunes, had retired to his home, as a shelter against his hard pur­suing destinie, where in privacy he thought to shroud himself. No, he finds death in the place of it; first he is chiefly concern'd in the publick sorrow and distress of his So­veraign, those breaths of grief soon pierce his ears, and those Royal lamentations heightned by a generous Spirit, quickly transport and possess him, and by this most laudable and glorious action, which signi­fied only a courage to rescue what villany had captivated, and hindred their wicked attempts no farther, then by affording a brave and imitable example of Loyal mag­nanimity to all true Subjects, in all exi­gencies and dangers of their Princes, be becomes a sacrifice to their Moloch of Anarchycal Tyranny.

We will view him in the next conside­ration, as his case stood in direct opposition to that of Major Rolfe, then an Officer in the Army, and of very great trust and in­timacy with Cromwell, who was tryed at the same time and Assizes, by the same Commission, Judges and Jury; and then certainly nothing can appear more flagiti­ous and hainously arbitrary than this Gen­tlemans condemnation. Contraria juxta se posit a magis elucescunt, contraries oppo­sed one to another, make each of them ap­pear the clearer, and so will it prove in the memory of this Noble Person, which will hereby appear in a most venerable splendor.

Rolfes Crime was this, he was accused by one Mr. Osborne and another gentleman then attending on the King in the Isle of Wight, where this Rolfe had a Charge, to have cons [...]ired the death of the King, and that particularly, by assassinating him with a Brace of Pistols; the time and place of this Regicide also proved. This Informa­tion was first made to the House of Lords, and avowed by the said two Gentlemen; whereupon, Rolfe being apprehended in Bishopsgate (where he had like to have been torn in pieces by the multitude of people, [Page 124]had it not been for their very strong Guards they sent for him) was carried in a Sedan, to the Gate-house, whence he was sent a­gainst the Assizes, to Winchester, where, at his Arraignment, the whole matter was pun­ctually proved against him, yet for all that, both by Judges and Jury, the then Lord Chief Baron, and some packt desperate Wretches of that County, he was, to the wonder and astonishment of all the world, acquitted and freed, and soon after set at Liberty.

Next followed the Inditement and Ar­raignment of this our Martyr, which was layd for levying war against the King, to which, he duly and of Right and Consci­ence, pleaded Not guilty. T [...]e matter of Fact which was proved against him, was, that he had beaten up Drums in the Isle of Wight, to raise men for to assist the King against the Parliament; such a Contradi­ction in it self, that had but Reason and Loyalty been at market, there had been no such desperate Chapmen in the Country; for without more ado, these wretched Fel­lows bring him in guilty of High Treason, and the Judge gave Sentence accordingly; which was presently after executed.

We will consider Thirdly, that this man­ner [Page 125]of Trial was never offered before, to the Subjects of this Kingdom; those men they murdered upon the Score of Loyalty during the war, were either taken away by their Illegal Ordinances, or Courts Marshal, and Councils of war, they not daring to re­fer their case to the decision of the Law, but here assoon as they had reduced the King, they thought it an easie work to re­duce the Laws, and though his Majesty would not comply with their unlimited de­mands, they would bend the Law to their Lusts, and most absolute will and Tyranny, so that he is the first, who suffered as a Mar­tyr of the English Freedom.

Intercessions were made on all hands for his Life, his poor wife even drowned in tears, imploring their mercy, but there was no Relenting or Compassion to be found among those men. So Feb. 10. be­ing come, the day of his blessed Exchange, he full of Christian Resolution and Com­fort, with Earnest Prayers to God, for the King and Kingdoms Restoration to their former and lasting Happiness, willingly re­signed his Spirit to God; sealing his Glo­rious Cause, with his last Breath and Bloud.

THis Gentleman nor his Ancestry be­ing known unto me, I will not pre­sume to trace him, but as the fruitfulnesse of Nile answers for its original Springs; so the Loyalty and gallantry of this person may satisfie our inquisition after his birth and descent, till his relations will do him the honour, and us the happiness and plea­sure of a full account.

His Death was too lamentably publick, but the cause for which he died was not ge­nerally known, wherefore we will pay these justs and dues to his memory in a brief na­rative, of the latter part of his honourable life.

In the year 1648, when Major Gene­ral [Page 141] Langhorne, Collonel Poyer, and Powel, took up Arms in Wales for the King, this Gentleman out of his Sense of the Kings and Kingdoms misery, the ruine and sacri­ledge daily committed on the Church, freely engaged with the said persons for the restoration of the Laws, and his Soveraign. But it pleased God not to succeed that en­terprise; so that at St. Fagon's that Loyal Army of Welch men was defeated by the Parliament Forces, under Collonel Horton, from whence the remaines of that field be­took themselves to Pembroke Town, which being well fortified and provided, held the Army now recruited with Forces, under Cromwell a three-months Siege, but seeing no hopes of relief, after a hard defence made, the Garrison render'd themselves upon Articles, the main whereof, and to our purpose, were, that the three Collo­nels above named, should be at mercy, all other Officers to depart the Kingdom for three years, not to return before, upon pain of death, and the private Souldiers to go home, en­gaging not to bear Arms against the Par­liament.

In the Article of departing the Kingdom, this valarous Gentleman was concernd, who seeing the distracted estate of the King­dom, [Page 142]and how odious the Faction at West­minster were to the generality of the peo­ple, concluded that there might be some occasion of further service, and that it was base and ungenerous to desert his Prince at those times of exigence which called for, and required every mans helping and assisting hand.

Being therefore in London upon the same design (in defiance of those forced Articles, which contrary to all Law, ba­nisht a Subject from his Country, for do­ing his duty, and would expose him to the mercy of other Climates for his affection to his own) he was betrayed and appre­hended, and presently after condemned by a Council of War, for contrarying the said Capitulation, and as a preparatory Offering to that great Sacrifice of the King, which followed in the next moneth; he was shot to death against St. Faith's Door, a good and suitable prop to such constant Loyalty, which he resolutely maintained to his last, and so bravely exposed himself to their bullets.

I Cannot deny this Gentleman a room in this Martyrology (those that came the eleventh hour, shall find entertain­ment) though he was formerly for the Parliament, especially because he was main­ly concernd in this aforesaid businesse of Pembroke. He rendred at mercy, and by order of a Council of War drew lots with the other two for his life, which fell up­on him, and thereupon he was shot, as aforesaid.

I Intend not to write the History of this Pious Prince, so excellently and curi­ously drawn by himself, and those who have traced his memorials and remains, not taking a far prospect of him, which was fair, and beautiful, and pleasant in the beginning of his Reign, but viewing neerer at hand, the black and dismal cloud, which wrapt up and enveloped his setting glories, now by Divine Justice and favour risen again to their full and radiant lustre.

We shall retrospect no further than the beginning of the Scotch War, at which time the Symptomes of a general Rebel­lion first appeared. For what the Scots co­vertly implyed in their undutiful Papers, Declarations and Remonstrances, was soon after avowedly insisted on, by the pre­vailing [Page 145]Faction of the long Parliament. The King was loaded with an heavy im­putation of being led by evil Councellors, that their design was to introduce Popery, to erect an arbitrary Government, as in the businesse of Ship-money, Patents, and Monopolies. That he declined Parlia­ments as the boundaries of his unlimited Prerogative, to the great burden and op­pression of his Subjects. No sooner there­fore had he composed the Scotch War, but to take away and remove all jealousie and distrust of him in his People (though all along his Reign he had found some popu­lar leading Grandees to be the untractable and unsatisfiable Enemies of his Kingdoms Peace) he summoned his last, the long Par­liament in November 1640, which by a gracious Act of his, was not to be dissolved or prorogued without their own consent; and if that should so determine, a Bill also was signed by him for a T [...]iennial or per­petual Parliament, that so his Subjects might rest confident and assured in the due manage and administration of the Govern­ment.

But these favours gave the Faction no other satisfaction, then that they saw they might presume to add other demands; [Page 146]and by how much more gracious his Ma­jesty was to them, they judged they might be the more impudent towards him; in which they failed not a tittle, dasiring, as their only safety from the danger of the Prerogative, the Militia in their own dis­posal, the only defence, and the unsepara­ble right of his Crown.

To attain this, they most insolently by their partisans in the City, tumult him at his Court at White-hall, from which to a­void both the danger and dishonour that rebel rout threatned, he was compelled to withdraw, to see if by his absence that rage and madnesse might be allayed, and the two Houses set at freedom, which by his presence was the more enflamed, and the Priviledge of Parliament prostituted to the licentious and mad frenzy of the mul­titude.

But this afforded them their desired advantage, from hence they calumniate the King, that since he could not dis­solve the Parliament, he would invali­date their Authority, and render them uselesse and unserviceable to those great ends, for which they were called, by re­fusing to concur with them, and departing from that his great Council. With these and [Page 147]such like suggestions they so filled the minds of men, who were predisposed, by some former discontents, and who had their Authority (through some disuse of it) in great reverence, that every where, but especially in London, parties were framed, intelligencies and correspondencies held; Divers Petitions presented in the pursute of these designs to the Parliament, offering to stand by them with their lives and for­tunes, to the attainment of those ends held forth in their Declarations and Resolves, which in conclusion were summed up in that unhappy Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, by the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster; divers of both Houses, either out of fear of the rabble, or conscience of their duty, absenting them­seves, and retired home, or followed the King's Fortune, who having traversed some ground about London from one of his Royal Palaces to another, in hope the di­stemper would abate, and the People re­turn to their reason and obedience toge­ther; at last finding his hopes frustrated, by more unreasonable demands, every message to him from the two Houses came burdened with, he resolved to go for York, and secure his Magazine at Hull. But [Page 148]Sr. John Hotham being newly sent thither by the Parliament, refused the Kings ad­mittance into that Town, unless himself, with some few of his retinue would please to enter; the King passionately complain­ed of this to the Parliament, but with as little redress, as his demand of Justice a­gainst the Authors of the Tumults, this was the Inrroduction to those after violen­ces of his Royal Person and Authority.

For the Parliament forthwith raised an Army, under the command of the Earl of Essex, and the County of York humbly professed themselves to the Service of his Majesty; whereupon August the 22, 1642. he set up his Standard at Nottingham, whence, after he had marched into Shrews­bury, and having raised a considerable Ar­my thereabouts, was on his way to London, he was overtaken by the Earl of Essex, at a place called Edge Hill, where ensued a fierce Fight, with equal loss on both sides, October 23, 1642. where God was plea­sed to cover the Kings head in the day of Battel, and permit him to fall by their execrable hands, in the time of Peace, to which he so often solicitously woo [...]d them. In their Generals Commission, they had tyed him up with a limitation, the preser­vation [Page 149]of the Kings Person, but left their bullets at random. A subtil time-serving distinction between the Cannon and the Axe, which afterwards they trayterously lifted up against his Annoynted and sacred Head.

The Parliament, to strengthen their Cause, treat with the Scots, and for the better mutual assurance, and to difference their abettors and fautors from the Kings Leige People, as well as to lay a baite for all sacrilegious and covetous minded men, to invite them to supplies of money in this rebellion, enter into a Solemn League and Covenant, the main design whereof, was the utter extirpation (as previous and ne­cessary to the Kings destruction) of Epis­copacy, and the established Government of the Church of England; Popery being added also for the greater colour of this en­gagement, against which the King issued forth his Royal Proclamation, laying open the mischievous design thereof, being re­solved to maintain the Religion, so long and so happily professed, and sealed by the blood of so many Martyrs, in this King­dom, to which glory and Crown far above all his other Diadems, this Defender of the Faith, was through so many future ha­zards to aspire.

And the better to clear his innocency from those malicious aspersions, it suffered under (though the Sun at noon-day never was brighter or clearer than his entire pro­fession of the Protestant Religion) of his being in heart a Papist, his Majesty being at Christ-Church in Oxford, in 1643, and prepared to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh, used these publick expressions just before the receiving of the blessed Ele­ments.

But even this most sacred asseveration, and then, which nothing can more oblige belief and confidence, was by these profa­ners of all holy things, rejected and slight­ed, and measured by their own perjurious Oaths and Covenants; wherefore the King, to undeceive the Forein Reformed Church­es (since he could not convince his own Subjects) with whom their Emissaries had tampered, and insinuated the same dete­stable falshood, and who seemed to be o­therwise affected to this their noble De­fender, than their duty required in those his times of affliction, published a Decla­ration in Latin, and sent it abroad, the tenour whereof being of main concern­ment to our purpose, is in English as fol­loweth.

This came very seasonably into the World, as to the Protestant part of it, [Page 154]who never imagined or thought Subjects of their perswasion, would take up Arms, or resist without some grievous alteration in Religion, though they condemn it in any case whatsoever, and therefore the Prote­stant States abroad did wholly decline their owning of them, though they did nothing positively for the Kings assistance, which by this means he could not rationally pro­mise to himself from the Catholick Prin­ces, who would not engage without some great advantages for his Popish Subjects, against which his Majesty was so religiously resolved, though he were most dutifully and cordially served by them throughout the War.

To resume our narrative, the King­dom was all in a flame, the Sectaries eve­ry where finding Friends to their specious Cause, and having the City of London for their inexhaustible Magazine, and supplies of men, money, and Arms. Divers fields were fought, in the chief whereof the King himself was personally present, with various success, till the year 1645, where at Naseby he received that fatal overthrow, which ushered in so many succeeding cala­mities, most unworthy of his great virtues and piety.

I cannot but observe, before I come to repeat the perpetration of all their com­plicated mischief in his murder, how gra­dually his enemies forsook their allegiance; and how the paint of their religious and loyal pretences wore off by time, which will leave their fair-faced impiety indelible. First, their General must go fight with the Kings Army, and rescue him from his evil Councellors, but preserve his Person; this Riddle was resolved in my Lord Fairfaxes Commission (when they had so far engaged their partakers, that there was no way of re­ceding from those dangerous courses) where there was not such a word, but kill and slay without exception. During the War all their importunate desires were, that he would be graciously pleased to disband his Army, and return to his most dutiful Subjects at Westminster, afterwards towards the expira­tion of the War, when he urged what they had so vehemently obtested, they were most ungraciously displeased at the proposal; and so proceeded in conclusion to that heighth of impiety, as Tacitus speaks of another cursed caytiffe, Ferox sce­lerum quia prima provenerant, their suc­cesse in one wickednesse provoking them to more.

For the King being every where worsted and besieged in his Chief Garrison, the University of Oxford, was advised, and re­solved to cast himself upon the Scotch Ar­my, then lying at the Siege of Newark: The News of his Departure from Oxford, was no sooner known to the Parliament, but supposing he would come to London, and rely upon the Affections of the City, (who were reclaimed from those wild Ex­orbitancies, by having emptied those veins of Wealth which were expended in the War, and at last found themselves never the nearer those things they fought for, but were every day affronted, both by the Par­liament and Army) therefore they caused it to be proclaimed, that it should be Treason for any to harbour the Kings Per­son (which makes every place of his Resi­dence a Court, and a kind of Sanctuary) and thereupon, the Lord Mayors House was searched, as for a Malefactor. Oh un­heard of Impudence of Subjects to their Soveraign!

But they were quickly eased of this fear, by an Expresse from their Commissioners in the Scotch Army, that he was arrived there: This put them upon new Coun­sels; so they agree, if they could not get [Page 157]him out of their hands by Treaty, to obtain him by purchase, as our Saviour was sold before by his own. And very satyrical, if true (as it is reported to be) was that Say­ing of Monsieur Bellieure, the French Am­bassador (who came to the King, then at Newcastle) upon his dismissing the Con­voy that brought him into the Parliament Quarters, having a half Crown in his hand, he asked one of the Souldiers, how much it was that Judas sold our Saviour for, who replying 30 Pieces of Silver, just so much, saith he, take among you, for selling your Lord and Master, and therewith gave him the half Crown; in conclusion, for 200000 Pounds the King was bargained for, and brought by the Order of the Parliament, who sent Commissioners to attend him to Holmby, one of his own Houses, where he was so strictly guarded, that none of his Friends, nor his Servants, but who must passe the Allowance of the Two Houses, were permitted to wait upon him, & they were very few, and inconsiderable besides.

Being thus lockt up, and waiting the Pleasure of the Parliaments Consideration of him, who minded him no more, then as if he had been one of their Fellow Sub­jects, he was in the night time hurried a­way [Page 158]from thence, by Cornet Joyce, June 4. 1647. to Childersley, thence, to New-Mar­ket, thence, to Royston, to Hatfield, to Wind­sor, to Cavesham, to Maydenhead, to Lati­mer, to Stoke, to Oatlands, to Sion House, and lastly, to Hampton-Court, being forced to shift his Abode at the pleasure of the Army, who near his Person, with feigned Overtures of Loyalty, and as in order to his Safety and Service, kept alwaies their Head Quarters, when the Design was meerly by his Presence with them (of so great Reverence and Concernment are, and ought to be Princes, though devoyded of all Power, both in Rebels and Subjects esteem, as the King himself excellently in his [...] observed in this juncture) to counterbuffe and balance the unlimited usurped Power of the Parliament, and to shew them that they might not expect to be absolute or masterless, as long as Interest and the Sword could serve them.

Thus was the King driven about, having no place to rest his Head in, which present­ed it not with diversity of sad thoughts and cares, till for some time, the space of three Moneths, he remained, and was continu­ed at Hampton Court, in some shew of Re­gality. During which time, several Con­tracts [Page 159]and Disputes arose between the Par­liament and Army, who then appeared as the Kings Friends, but in truth were no such matter, but used his Name (as the Parliament did, in the beginning of the War) to shrowd their Trayterous designs against him, and to strengthen the weak beginning of their Future projected At­tempts, as the Parliament afterwards in their declination, to bring up themselves, and that Respect, Veneration and esteem they had so wretchedly forfeited, the King serving only as the Beam, to the Scales and Balances of each Faction and Party, which, for a while went up and down, counter­poysing each other, till at last the heavy and sad weight of the Armies Faithlesse­ness, and unparallel'd disloyalty, and Re­bellion, brought him down to his Grave.

For the King having staid at Hampton Court, about the time afore specified, de­bating the Propositions of the Parliament, who were instantly and uncessantly called upon by the People, for a speedy Compo­sure and Compliance with his Majesty, the Grandees of the Army thought it high time to obviate the happy Opportunities of a Settlement, which they saw all good men so desirous of, by the Kings Residence [Page 160]any longer near the City of London, with whom they had lately had a Bickering, and through which, they had insolently in tri­umph marched, to the Affront and Regret of the Citizens, the Grugde whereof, they well knew, was yet fresh and recent, and wanted but the Advantage of the Kings Person and Presence.

Therefore with devilish Policy, by an Instrument and Engine of their own, Col. Whaley, they give the King, a kindly (for­sooth) Notice and Information, of an at­tempt and Assassinate intended against his Person, if he should venture to stay any time longer at this his Mannour, and there­fore out of Duty and Affection, earnestly wisht and obtested his Majesty, to consult and provide for his safety elsewhere.

This sudden news, weighed with its pro­bable Circumstances, and the passionate manner of the Discovery, and the King being in the custody of a most perdite sort of men, begot a Resolution of speedily withdrawing himself from the Danger. A­las, how many Vexations and Miseries did this good Prince pass, in his way and pro­gress to more! These men that resolve to murder him publickly, make this impudent Essay of his Courage and Patience, by a [Page 161]counterfeited Parricide to be perpetrated privately.

By this Achitophel, the King is wrought out of this secure and advantageous Mansi­on, and by a swift flight, in company with Two of his Servants, recovered the Isle of Wight, where Col. Hammond (Brother to the most Loyal, and Reverend Dr. Ham­mond, and whose Father was one of the Physitians to Prince Henry, and therefore the rather confided in) was Governour for the Parliament. At his Departure from Hampton Court, he left behind him a Pa­per; which for its sad and pensive matter, but yet (as himself in a Cloud) reflected with Majestick Rayes of pietcing Elegance, wherewith the Spirit of that good Prince was over-burdened and distrest) I have thought fit to insert.

He was no sooner come into the Isle of Wight but Hammond gave notice thereof to the Parl. who were now overawed by [Page 165]the Army Eleven of their Members being impeached of High Treason, as they called it, for their Loyalty and Affection to his Majesty, many not daring to appear in the House, Cromwel and his Faction, Jan. 30. the black Forerunner of that his day of Martyrdom, the next Year ensuing, voted those destructive and cruel Resolves of no more Addresses, which were published with a Preface, in these words, being the hinges on which the sad Revolutions succeeding, so direfully turned.

I shall not descant on the unparalelled unreasonableness of these Votes, but re­flect only on that story of Ahashuerus, re­corded in Esther, to whom, no person of what degree soever durst approach or ad­dress himself, without he held forth his Golden Scepter; whereas here were Sub­jects, ye [...] Christian Subjects, holding their Soveraign off at the Swords point, denying [Page 167]him Access to them, and debarting him Converse with any Persons, but the Instru­ments and Officers of their barbarous dis­loyalty.

Upon these Votes, the Army close with the Parliament, declaring that they would live and die with them in the pursuit of their Resolutions; and now this Pious re­cluse Prince, all humane hopes failing, being shut up a Prisoner, and none of his friends admitted to come near him, betakes himself to the Divine Assistance, spends his sad hours in meditation & devotion, which heightened and perfected in him that Chri­stian Courage and resolution, with which, he so nobly triumpht over the utmost ma­lice of his Enemies. This sweetned and alle­viated those sorrows and unspeakable di­stresses he went through; this afforded him a Calmness and Serenity of mind, amidst the Storms and Tempests of his impetu­ous and angry Fate; this made him infinit­ly more to prize the Crosse then the crown; witnesse those most incomparable solilo­quies (which the Prison wals ecchoed to Heaven) such were these, I care not to be reckoned among the unfortunate, so I be not in the black List of sacrilegious Princes. A­gain, As I have leisure, so have I cause, more [Page 168]then enough to meditate and prepare for my death; for I know that there are but a few steps between the Prisons & the Graves of Princes. But so great and excellent is his variety of divine Consolation and Instruction, that I will not lose the Reader in my Maze of Collections, but refer him wholly to the Original, particularly, to what he hath writ­ten concerning this very Subject.

But it may be a Question, whether their reiterated Proposals, which contained al­waies the same unjust and unconscionable Demands, even to nauseate any man of Reason or Honour, were not more regret­ful and troublesome to him, then this pub­lick Sullenness, and dumb Solennity of laying him aside, Sure we may be, while that Spirit thus possest the Houses, his con­finement and restraint was enlarged into an Heavenly Oratory, wherein he main­tained a constant Intercourse with the Di­vine Majesty, who soon after revived his Cause, and though it gave him not Victory in the Field, yet made him Conqueror o­ver the Affections and Prejudices of many his seduced Subjects.

For the Loyal Party ceased not still to assert, what they had maintained by Arms, and the Irregular Illegal Proceedings of the [Page 169]Parliament and Army every day undecei­ved numbers, who first adhered to them. Petitions upon Petitions are presented to the houses for a Personal Treaty with the King, for the disbanding the Army, and for removal of all other grievances. Major General Langhorn, Collonel Poyer, and Powel, active men formerly for the Parlia­ment, declare themselves for Him; several Towns, together with the greatest part of the Navy return to their obedience. The Scots with a numerous Army, wherto joyn­ed Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with a con­siderable party of English, entred by Ber­wick. The Kentish men rise in a body of 10000 men, part of which afterwards was beleaguered in Colchester. The Prince, his now Majesty, came into the Downs with a Fleet of War well equipped, so that the King appeared almost as formidable as at any time during the War. But through the unsearchable providence of God, who had ordered a more happy and glorious Crown for him, free from those cares and discontents, which in all probability would have attended his Reign here under the management an administration of his Subjects, which was to be the price of his and his Kingdoms Peace; all those en­deavours [Page 170]and Martial Enterprises succeeded not, but in the middle of the year 1648. all things except the fleet were reduced a­gain under the Parliaments power and command.

These dangers however learnt them this wisdom, that it was not safe to trifle long­er, and rely wholly on the Army, the peo­ple being generally averse to them, where­fore it was concluded by them to null those former Votes of Non Addresse, and to make application to his Majesty, which was performed by the Earl of Middlesex and two Commoners, who acquainted the King with the desires of the Parliament, where­upon a Treaty was agreed on, to be held in the Isle of Wight, whereto five of the House of Peers, and ten Commoners were appointed, the King declared to be in full liberty, and to signifie to the two Houses what place in that Island he would particul­larize for the Treaty. Here attended him also such persons he sent for, and were of use to him in the management thereof. September the 18. it began at Newport in the said Isle, where the King, valuing the peace of his Subjects above all concernments of his own, except his indispensable obli­gations of honour and conscience, con­descended [Page 171]so far, and with reason so pre­vaild upon the Commissioners, that they came to some near conclusion, the rest be­ing referred to the Parliament. The Trea­ty ended the 27th of November, and on the fifth of December the House of Commons voted the Kings concessions sa­tisfactory, whereon to ground the settle­ment of the Kingdom: Hitherto the bright side of that cloud presented it self, which with Funeral black soon overcast the three Kingdoms.

For the Army, upon notice of the likely forwardness of the Treity, desired by all good men, who were sensible of the wic­ked contrivances and machinations of Cromwell and his Complices, drew up a large Remonstrance, which was agreed on at Windsor, and presented it to the Parlia­ment, wherein they desired that the King might be tryed by the Laws, and brought to (their) Justice, and all further Treaty with him to be forborn; and forth­with divided themselves, the main body to London, to overcome the Houses, and the rest to seize the King, and take him into their custody.

But before that, the General gave order, by his Letters, to Collonel Hammond to ren­der [Page 172]up his command to Collonel Eures, who was to take charge of the King, but the Parliament countermanded all those orders, and voted the Kings person to re­side still in that Island.

Whereupon, the very day the Treaty ended, of which they had as sure intelli­gence as the Houses, they put on their Pha­risaical vizor of piety, and kept a Fast by themselves, to seek for (that they never found) a blessing in their Counsels, which were in spight of an Oracle to the contra­ry, to murther and destroy, sacrilegiously, and rebelliously to seize on the goods and Estates of the King, the Clergy, and all Loyal Subjects.

The effect of their Prayers shewed to whom they were directed, for immediate­ly and violently, as if acted by Satanical impulses, (while the House was consider­ing and debating the Kings condescen­tions, and were but just come to a resolu­tion of acknowledging the Kings Grace and favour in his condescentions in the a­foresaid Treaty, as may be seen at large in Mr. Prins Speech to his eternalhonour;) they fall upon the Parliament December 6, 1648. seclude above 140 Members, drive away through fear of their exorbi­tancies [Page 173]many others, and pack up a Juncto of the remaining Members, to serve their own designs and cruel, ignorant Ambi­tion.

Herein how observable is it, that God suffered not the Kings most righteous Cause, to pass unevidenced and justified by its adversaries, that how gloomy soever it were in rising and in its course, yet it should set in glory, and have some kind of acknowledgment, though wrapt up in the ambiguous obscure words of that Treaty from its very Enemies, who having their eyes opened, would, when too late, have found the way to our and their common Peace: and greater Testimony cannot be given.

The King, as was partly said before, was now delivered into the hands of Collonel Ewers, Hammond ingratefully as disloyally betraying the bountiful Patron and che­risher of his family, and contrary also to the orders of Parliament, into the hands of the Army; who conveyed him out of the Isle of Wight to Hurst Castle, where they first began their barbarous and ruder incivilities.

From Hurst Castle the King was convey­ed to Winchester, where the poor loyal In­habitants, [Page 174]according to custom, or to hold up the reputation of that Majesty, which those fellows so scornfully and spite­fully abused, caused the bells to be rung; the Mayor, and his Brethren the Aldermen going out of Town to meet the King, be­ing in the midst of a Troop of Horse in the miry way, would have presented him the keys of that his City, with the usual ceremo­ny, but they were soon put from their duty, thrown in the dirt, and beaten for their af­fection, December 21.

From thence he was conveyed next day to Farnam, with the same Military Guards, and thence to Windsor, where they locked him up, and kept as strickt and severe, as in­humane Guards upon him, intruding upon his devotions, upbraiding him with his condition, and most irreverently and im­pudently profaning his Person within his hearing.

He continued here untill he had kept his last Christmass, but so privately, in the most retired rooms of that Castle, that no person, but of their appointment to look to him, was suffered to come near him, till after that the Army had furbisht out a new House of Commons, and prepared the design against his Sacred and most precious [Page 175]Life, he was conveyed by Collonel Harri­son, sitting covered in the Coach with him, (though by Divine vengeance now bare-headed upon Westminster-Hall) with a strong Guard of Horse to his Palace at St. James's, and there lodged by order from their Juncto at Westminster, there to wait the direful preparations for his Tryal, advanced into some kind of method, and lickt into some ravenous form already.

But what words shall we now use, what expiating sense to expresse innocency, and without some taint of guilt, the slagicious­ness of this villany, we are about to relate? what exaggerations of crimes to signifie and declare this Accumulative Treason, a term first invented and created by the Authors of this mischief, to weary and overburden that noble Earl of Strafford with his pre­cious and most useful life, and now ac­complisht? That baneful Prophetical Oracle being without all doubt (and as the immediate direction of God to Fulfil the Measure of the sins of this Nation) ridd­led in this most detestable wickedness.

Herein we may behold at one view, all the miseries and confusions that befel the three Kingdoms, from the commence­ment of our troubles, whose large circum­ference [Page 176]and ambient circles of jealousies and fears centred in this fatal business.

That which Caligula most bloodily wisht, that the City of Rome (that extended to the Empire of the World) had but one neck, these cruel and impious persons had the unhappy enjoyment of, for with this Royal Martyr fell the glory and ho­nour of these Nations, the people where­of, as if the blow had reached their neck too, stoopt and hung down their heads, as ashamed and afraid to lift up their guilty fa­ces towards angry Heaven.

Never were there so many sorrowful and dejected looks, so many sad and oppressed hearts, as at this deplorable occasion. Every man presaged his private ruine from this of the Publick, except those, whose aimes were upon it, and who had designed to themselves, the profit of this Maxime, Kill and take Possession.

Nay, it seemed so barbarous, even to those persons who had instrumentally ser­ved to the grand design, which they thought reached not to this extent, that the Presbiteryan Ministers in and about London, avowedly remonstrated against it, and subscribed their names, laying the sin and impiety of any prosedure against the [Page 177]King at their door, declaring the mischief that would inevitably follow thereupon; all which they inforced and urged also from their Covenant.

While thus we would clear our selves, and particular men from this horrid blood­guiltinesse, how shall we wipe off the stain from the Protestant Religion; it being the impious doctrine of the Church of Rome, That Princes by the Popes Authority may be deposed and murthered. Foraign Churches of our profession, have suffered much under this imputation, by the Papists themselves upon this score, & therefore we will not omit this vindication here, wor­thy to be written upon all our Churches, being this Royal Martyrs words, in his advice to our Soveraign, That he should not be alienated from the Religion established, through any of the injuries and reproaches thrown upon him in this Rebellion, for they were not Protestants that did them.

Indeed they lack names and terms for themselves, and those monstrous facts they perpetrated, nor Turk nor Jew nor infidel will reach them, such was the incomparable innocence, sanctity and virtue of this Prince (and Heaven would have none but perfect Sacrifices) I refer the Reader therefore to [Page 178]that which shews them best, that which themselves dared to publish in this matter, which in short is this.

There were three grand Interests that centred and combined in this fatal busi­ness, The first was that of Oliver Crom­wel, whose often dreamt-of Soveraignty, egged and provoked his ambition, now propt with the power of the sword, put him upon desperate invasion of his Sove­raigns Crown and Life. The second, was that of the Republicans or Common­wealth men, whose great tempting sin to this facinorous act and main ingredient was coverousness, having designed to them­selves the Kings Revenue, and the Churches Patrimony. The third was the Fifth Monarchy Heresie, in whom mad ambition, and pride, and insatiable appe­tite of wealth and riches were at strise for superiority, or else so well blended and mixt, that it was hardly discernable which made the fairest shew in their political and pious claim of worldly power.

These three Factions thus agreed, hoping when the accursed deed was done to over­reach one another, and attain their parti­cular ends, conspired together, and by their joynt Counsels after they had turned [Page 179]out the Parliament, and erected a select Juncto, by their directions to these men, who were all parties concern'd in the share of the Spoyl. A thing called an Act of Parliament having the Authority of some 50 Commons, some whereof were also dissenters, (the generality of them being new elected Members by Writ of Parlia­ment in the room of those at Oxford) pas­sed that House to bring the King to Tryal, having therein appointed a High Court of Justice, consisting of some 80 persons, all interessed Grandees, to be the Court be­fore which the King should be charged of Divers Crimes, which I abhor to re­late.

This High Court of Justice, the mon­ster of English Judicature, according to the power given by the said Act, having as­sembled first in the Painted Chamber, in order to set and braze their countenances, by staring in one anothers faces, then swelled with Devilish guilt and malice, came in formality with their impudent President to their pretended Court, erected at the further end of Westminster-Hall, where the King soon after was brought and placed in his chair against the face of these effront Rebels. There they exhibited the [Page 180]charge, which the King refused to answer to, or acknowledge that rout for any kind of Authority, which he persisted in all the four times he was convened before them, and in conclusion (as before they had re­solved) by colour of a judicial proceeding, was most trayterously sentenced to be be­headed, to the astonishment and unspeak­able grief of his three Kingdoms, and the horrour and shame of the Christian World. I have thus transiently past over this un­pleasant business, because it is so lamen­tably known, and published at large, in the black Tribunal, to which I reser the amazed Reader.

After that horrid Sentence his Majesty was hurried from their Bar; As he passed down the stairs, the common Souldiers (laying aside all Reverence to Soveraignty) scoffed at him, casting the smoak of their stinking Tobacco in his face (no Smell more offensive to him) and flinging their foul pipes at his fee [...]; But one more inso­lent than the rest, defiled his venerable Face with his spittle, for his Majestry was observed with much patience to wipe it off with his Handkerchief, and as he passed, hearing them cry out Justice, Justice, Poor Souls (said he) for a piece of money, they would do so for their Commanders. That Night being Saturday January 27. the King lodged at White-hall; that evening a Mem­ber of the Army acquainted the Com­mittee with the desires of the King, that seeing they had passed Sentence of Death upon him, and the time of his Execution might be nigh, that he might see his Chil­dren, and receive the Sacrament, and that Dr. Juxon Bishop of London, might be ad­mitted to pray with him in his private Chamber; both which were granted.

The next day, being Sunday, January 28. the King was attended by his Guard, to St. James's where the Bishop of London [Page 187]preached privately before him, his Text was in Rom. 2.16. In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men, by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel.

Monday Jan. 29. His Children were permitted to come to him, where passed this following Discourse, as it was set down in writing by his Daughter the Lady Eli­zabeth, (which Lady Elizabeth some moneths after, being confined to Caris­brook-Castle in the Isle of Wight, died there with grief for the sufferings of her Dear Father.)

Then the King taking the Duke of Glo­cester upon his knee, said, Sweet-heart, now they will cut off thy Fathers head (upon which words the Child looking very stedfastly on him) Mark Child what I say, They will cut off my head, and perhaps make thee a King: But mark what I say, you must not be a King, so long as your Brothers Charles and James do live; for they will cut off your Brothers heads (when they can catch them) and cut off thy head too at last: and therefore I charge you do not be made a King by them. At which the Child sighing said, I will be torn in pieces first: which falling so unexpectedly from one so young, it made the King rejoyce exceedingly.

Tuesday, Jan. 30. (The Fatal Day) He was about 10 of the Clock brought from his Palace at St. James's to Whitehal, march­ed on foot, (guarded with a Regiment of foot Souldiers) through the Park, with [Page 191]their Colours flying, and Drums beating, his private Guard of Partizans about him, D. Juxon Bishop of London on one side, and Col. Tomlinson on the other, both bare­headed, bidding them go faster, saying, That he now went before them to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less solitude, then he had of tentimes bid his Souldiers to fight for an earthly Diadem. Being come to the end of the Park, he ascends the stairs, leading to the long Gallery in Whitehal, and so in­to the Cabinet-Chamber, where he former­ly used to lodge; there his Majesty with the Bishop of London, continued for some time in Devotion, and received the Bles­sed Sacrament from the hand of the said Bi­shop; at which time, he read for the se­cond Lesson, the 27th. Chapter of S. Mat­thews Gospel, which contained the History of the Death and Passion of our Blessed Sa­viour, the Communion ended, his Maje­sty thanked the Bishop for selecting so sea­sonable and comfortable a Portion of Scrip­ture. The Bishop modestly replied, no thanks was due to him, for it was the Chap­ter appointed by the Rubrick of the Church for the second Morning Lesson for that day, being Jan. 30. Here the King con­tinued at his Devotion, refusing to dine, [Page 192]only about twelve of the Clock, he eat a a Bit of Bread, and drank a Glass of Cla­ret; from thence, about one a Clock he was accompanied by Dr. Juxon and Col. Tomlinson, and other Officers, formerly ap­pointed to attend him, and the private Guard of Partizans, with Musketeers on each side, through the Banquetting-House; adjoyning to which, the Scaffold was erect­ed, between VVhitehal Gate, and the Gate leading into the Gallery from S. James's: The Scaffold was hung round with Black, the Floor covered with black Bayes, and the Axe and Block laid in the middle of the Scaffold. There were divers Companies of Foot of Col. Prides Regiment, and se­veral Troops of Horse placed on the one side of the Scaffold towards Kings-street, and on the other side, toward Charing-Cross, and the multitudes of people that came to be Spectators very great. The King being come upon the Scaffold, it was expected he would say somwhat to the Peo­ple, the which he did.

THis Noble Lord, Noble in his Life, nobler in his Death and Memory, no­blest in his Posterity, who fill the trumpet of Fame, that summons all men to render them their deserved honours, though he was not like some of our foregoing Mar­tyrs, viz. Sr. Charles Lucas, and Sr. George Lisle, murthered in the instant of the rendition of Colchester, having quarter for life given him by the General, yet did not long survive their hard fate, being brought with more solemnity (more perfidiousness) though alike glory to his Death, which he suffered with a Christian and (no Roman but Colchester) Spirit and resolution.

He was no great Captain, nor ever un­dertook such a charge, serving without any signal command in his Majesties Armies, though no doubt sufficient thereto, yet he is no less to be eternized for his indeavours, his courage, constancy and faithful adhe­rence [Page 210]to the King, when deserted by a great part of the Nobility, parting with, and hazarding a great and ample Estate, which was sequestred from him, and in conclusion laying down his life, so that he may justly be stiled, one of the Wor­thies of the English Nobility, and his name ever to be honourably mentioned, according to that of the Psalmist, Psal. 112.6. The Righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance.

He was Son and Heir to Sr. Arthur Ca­pel of Hadham Hall in Herefordshire, a Gentleman of Great Estate, and who lo­ved and followed the old mode of our Na­tion, kept a Noble and bountiful House, and shewed forth his Faith by his charity, extending it in such abundant manner to the poor, that he was bread to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, eies to the blind, and legs the the same, so that he might justly be stiled Great Almoner to the King of Heaven.

As this diffusive charity and bounty spread it self abroad, no less did his Rela­tive love and Paternal affection bestow it self on this his Son, whom he most libe­rally educated, to a perfection in Learning, as his rich expressions and elegant stile in [Page 211]his Book Printed after his death, and in other letters do best evidence.

Sr. Arthur dying, as this Noble Lord in­herited his Estate, so did he his Virtues, his pious bounty appearing so conspicuous, that some envious persons, who hate good works in others, because they will do none themselves, have maliciously traduced him as inclining to Popery. But as such as­persions amongst persons of understanding, signifie nothing more than the speakers malice, so wrought it in others a deserved commendation of this Noble Person, espe­cially in those times (and our own are worse) when Charity lay bed-rid, and Faith only and such hungry notions were talkt of, whereas his Faith appeared by his works.

From the degree of Knight the ancient Dignity of his Family, now advanced to the Earldom of Essex, he was made Baron Capel, of Hadham, a little before the time the Earl of Strafford received his Tryal, which in this brave Lords conscientious Judgment of himself, was his original con­demnation in foro coeli.

During the Rebellion and those diffe­rences between the King and Parliament, he constantly and faithfully adhered to [Page 212]his Majesty, contributing both in purse and person to his aid and assistance, being appointed in that time for his eminent wisdom and prudence Councellour to the Prince by the King his Father, whom he abandoned not till the disbanding of my Lord Hopton's Army in Cornwall, from whence his Highness took shipping to Scilly, giving my Lord an honourable, but sorrowful dismission and conge to return home and attend, (though his heroical mind spur'd him on to pursue) his most unworthy fate.

For at his coming home upon those Ar­ticles, having scarce warmed himself there after his long absence from thence, but some hopes appearing of the King's re­stauration to his former Authority, by the coming in of Duke Hamilton with a po­tent Army, as also by the Welch Insurre­ction, and the rising of several Counties, who declared for the same purpose, he with a select number of his friends, ac­quaintance, and servants, joyned himself with the Lord Goring, Sr. Charles Lucas, and others, who with a considerable Army were then in Essex, and after a long Siege were forced to surrender their Garrison of Colchester.

In the Articles of that rendition, this right noble Lord was included, and had quarter given him for life, though it was afterwards unhansomly unsaid again by him that gave it, who left him, after his Parol given, to a High Court of Justice; upon this surrender he was committed to the Tower, where whilst he remained, he endeavoured to escape, which he well ef­fected; but crossing the water, through some discourse he let fall, Jones the Waterman, conceiving what he was, upon his landing discovered him, had him re­taken, and committed again in order to his Tryal.

In the middle of March 1648, he was brought before the said High Court of Ju­stice, where he said enough in reason and justice to have cleared himself, insisting upon his Priviledge as a Peer, and claim­ing the benefit of the Laws, which owned no such arbitrary Power as this, against the life of any Subject, especially a Noble Man, and in sum denied their Jurisdiction, and pleaded his quarter given him as a­bovesaid, but nothing would avail, they proceeded to Judgment, and with Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, Earl of Norwich, and Sr. John Owen, sentenced [Page 214]him to be beheaded, which was executed accordingly on the ninth of March.

We will now take a view of him after the tmie of his Condemnation, when he was to encounter and look Death in the face. He alwaies kept a very chearful and well composed temper of mind, which proceeded from true Christian Prin­ciples, he would often say, it was the good God he served, and the good cause he had served for, that made him not to fear Death, adding, that he never had the temptation of so much as a thought to check him for his engage­ment in this quarrel, for he took it for his Crown and glory, and wished he had a grea­ter ability, and better fortune to engage in it.

The afternoon before his suffering, he was a great while in private with a Mini­ster, where bewailing, with that sense which became a true, and not despairing penitent, the sins of his life past, the great­est he could remember, was his voting my Lord of Straffords death, which though, as he said, he did without any malice at all, yet he confessed it to be a very great sin, and that he had done it out of a base fear (his own words) of a prevailing party, of which he had very often and very heartily [Page 215]repented, and was confident of Gods par­don for it. Then he desired to receive the Blessed Sacrament before he dyed. Af­ter this (being afraid of some danger to the Minister that attended him, for that work of Love) and some Conference in order to his preparation, both for his pro­vision and his voyage, the Sacrament and his death, he desired to go to Prayers, which being performed, he returned to his private devotions.

The next morning being the day of his death, he desired the Minister, who was with him before, to hear, and joyn with him in Prayers, which he did, for half an hour in an excellent method, very apt Expressions, and most strong, hearty and passionate affections; First confessing and bewailing his sins with strong cries and tears, then humbly and most earnest­ly desiring Gods mercy through the Me­rits of Christ alone. Secondly, For his dear Lady and Children with some passion, but for her especially with most ardent af­fections, recommending them to the Di­vine Providence with great confidence and affurance, and desiring for them rather the blessings of a better life than of this. Thirdly, For the King, Church and King­dom. [Page 216]And Lastly, For his Enemies, with almost the same ardour and affection.

After Prayer ended, my Lord of Nor­wich and Sr. John Owen being sent for, the Minister read the whole Office of the Church for Good Friday, and then after a short Homily for the occasion, he received the Sacrament again, in which action he behaved himself with great Humility, Zeal and Devotion.

Being demanded after the receiving thereof how he found himself, he replyed very much better, stronger and cheerfuller for that heavenly repast, and that he doubt­ed not to walk like a Christian through the vale of death in the strength of it. But he was to have an Agony before his Passion, and that was the parting with his Wife, el­dest Son, now Earl of Essex, his Son in Law, two of his Uncles, and Sr. T.C. especially his parting with his dearest La­dy, which indeed was the saddest specta­cle that could be. In which occasion, as he could not choose but shew and confesse a little of humane frailty, yet even then, he did not forget both to comfort and counsel her, and the rest of his friends; particularly in blessing the yuong Lord, he commanded him never to revenge his [Page 217]death, though it should be in his power, the like he said unto his Lady. He told his Son he would leave him a Legacy out of David's Psalms, and that was this, Lord lead me in a plain path. For Boy (saith he) I would have you a plain honest man, and hate dissimulation.

After this was past, with much adoe his Wife and the rest of his Friends were per­swaded to begone, and then being all a­lone with the Minister, he said, Doctor, the hardest part of my work in this World is now past, meaning the parting with his Wife. Then he desired the said Minister to pray preparatively for his death, that in the last action he might so behave himself, as might be most for Gods Glory, for the in­dearing of his dead Masters memory, and his present Masters service, and that he might avoid the doing or saying of any thing, which might savour either of ambition or vanity. This being done, he was con­veyed with the other two Lords, who suf­fered with him to Sr. Robert Cottons, where the Minister staid with him till he was cal­led to the Scaffold, whither the Guard of Souldiers permitted him not to come, so that my Lord took leave of him there.

The same day he died, he wrote this following Letter to his Wife.

He hath also left behind him an excellent Book of Meditations, and some other Miscellaneous things, especially an Exher­tation to stir up the hearts and endeavours of men to have saved the precious life of the King, &c. which being to be had, will need no other Commendation.

When the other two Lords were be­headed, he was brought last to the Scaf­fold, where he spake as followeth.

CAPEL. No, I have taken my leave of him: and perceiving some of his Servants to weep, he said, Gentlemen, refrain your salves, refrain your selves; and turning to Lieut. Col. Beecher, he said, what? did the Lords speak with their hats off, or no?

Col. Beech. With their Hats off: And then coming to the front of the Scaffold, he said, I shall hardly be understood here, I think, and then began his Speech as follow­eth.

Capel. The conclusion that I made with those that sent me hither, and are the cause of this violent death of mine, shall be the beginning of what I shall say to you: When I made an address to them (which was the last) I told them with much since­rity, that I would pray to the God of all mercies, that they might be partakers of his inestimable and boundless mercies in Jesus Christ; and truly I still pray that Prayer; and I beseech the God of Hea­ven forgive any injury they have done to me, from my Soul I wish it. And truly, this I tell you as a Christian, to let you see I am a Christian. But it is necessary I should tell you somewhat more, that I am a Pro­testant: And truly, I am a Protestant, and very much in love with the profession of it, after the manner as it was establish­ed in England by the Thirty nine Articles; a blessed way of profession, and such an one as truly, I never knew none so good. I am so far from being a Papist, which some body have (truly) very unworthily at [Page 221]some time charged me withall, that truly, I profess to you, that though I love Good Works, and commend Good Works, yet I hold they have nothing at all to do in the matter of Salvation; my Anchor­hold is this, That Christ loved me, and gave himself for me; that is that that I rest up­on.

And truly something I shall say to you as a Citizen of the whole World, and in that consideration I am here condemned to die, truly contrary to the Law that go­verns all the World, that is, the Law of the Sword: I had the protection of that for my life, and the honour of it, but tru­ly I will not trouble you much with that, because in another place I have spoken ve­ry largely and liberally about it. I believe you will hear by other means what Argu­ments I used in that case: But truly, that, that is stranger, you that are English-men, behold here an English-man here before you, and acknowledged a Peer, not con­demned to die by any Law of England, not by any Law of England; nay, shall I tell you more? (which is strangest of all) contrary to all the Laws of England that I know of. And truly I will tell you, in the matter of the civil part of my death, and [Page 222]the Cause that I have maintained, I die (I take it.) for maintaining the fifth Com­mandment, injoyned by God himself, which enjoyns reverence and obedience to Parents: All Divines on all hands, though they contradict one another in ma­ny several opinions, yet all Divines on all hands do acknowledge, that here is inten­ded Magistracy and Order; and certainly I have obeyed that Magistracy and that Order underwhich I have lived, which I was bound to obey: and truly, I do say very confi­dently, that I do die here for keeping, for obeying that fifth Commandment given by God himself, and written with his own finger. And now, Gentlemen, I will take this opportunity to tell you, that I cannot imitate a better, nor a greater in­genuity than his, that said of himself, For suffering an unjust judgment upon another, himself was brought to suffer by an unjust judgment. Truly, Gentlemen, that God may be glorified, that all men that are concerned in it, may take the occasion of it, of humble repentance to God Almigh­ty for it, I do here profess to you, that I did give my Vote to that Bill against the Earl of Strafford; I doubt not but God Almighty hath washed that away with a [Page 223]more precious blood, the Blood of his own Son, and my dear Saviour Jesus Christ; and I hope he will wash it away from all those that are guilty of it: truly, this I may say, I had not the least part nor degree of malice in doing of it; but I must confess again to Gods glory, and the accusation of mine own frailty, and the frailty of my Nature, that truly it was unworthy Cowardize, not to resist so great a torrent as carried that business at that time. And truly, this I think I am most guilty of, of not courage enough in it, but malice I had none; but whatsoever it was, GOD I am sure hath pardoned it, hath given me the assurance of it, that Christ Iesus his Blood hath washed it away; and truly, I do from my Soul wish, that all men that have any stain by it, may seri­ously repent, and receive a remission and pardon from God for it. And now, Gen­tlemen, we have had an occasion by this intimation to remember his Majesty, our KING, that last was; and I cannot speak of him, nor think of it, but truly I must needs say, that in my opinion, that have had time to consider all the images of all the greatest and vertuousest Princes in the World; and truly, in my opinion, [Page 224]there was not a more vertuous, and more sufficient Prince known in the World, than our gracious King CHARLES that died last: God Almighty preserve our King that now is, his Son; God send him more fortunate and longer dayes; God Almighty so assist him, that he may exceed both the vertues and sufficiencies of his Fa­ther: For certainly, I that have been a Councellour to him, and have lived long with him, and in a time when discovery is easily enough made, for he was young (he was about thirteen, fourteen, fifteen, or sixteen years of age) those years I was with him, truly, I never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person than in him; great judgment, great understanding, great apprehension, much honour in his nature, and truly a very perfect Englishman in his inclination; and I pray God restore him to this Kingdom, and unite the King­doms one unto another, and send a great happinesse both to you and to him, that he may long live and Reign among you, and that that Family may Reign till thy King­dom come, that is, while all temporal power is consummated: I beseech God of his mercy give much happinesse to this your King, and to you, that in it shall [Page 225]be his Subjects, by the Grace of Iesus Christ.

Truly I like my beginning so well, that I will make my conclusion with it, that is, That God Almighty would confer, of his infinite and inestimable Grace and mercy, to those that are the causers of my coming hither, I pray God give them as much mer­cy as their hearts can wish; and truly, for my part, I will not accuse any one of them of malice, truly I will not; nay I will not think there was any malice in them: what other ends there is I know not, nor will I examine; but let it be what it will, from my very Soul I forgive them every one. And so the Lord of Heaven blesse you all, God Almighty be infinite in goodnesse and mercy to you, and direct you in those wayes of obedience to his Commands, to His Majesty, that this Kingdom may be an happy and glorious Nation again, and that your King may be an happy King in so good and so obedient a people. God Al­mighty keep you all, God Almighty pre­serve this Kingdom, God Almighty pre­serve you all.

Then turning about, and looking for the Executioner (who was gone off the Scaf­fold) said, which is the Gentleman? which [Page 226]is the man? Answer was made, He is coming; He then said, Stay, I must pull off my Doublet first, and my Wastcoat: and then the Executioner being come up­on the Scaffold, the Lord Capel said, O friend! prethee come hither: Then the Executioner kneeling down, the Lord Ca­pel said, I forgive thee from my Soul, and not only forgive thee, but I shall pray to God to give thee all grace for a better life: There is five pound for thee; and truly, for my clothes, and those things, if there be any thing due to you for it, you shall be fully recompenced: but I desire my be­dy may not be stripped here, and no bo­dy to take notice of my body but my own Servants. Look you Friend, this I shall de­fire of you, that when I lye down, you would give me a time for a particular short Prayer.

Lieu. Col. Beecher. Make your own sign my Lord.

Capel. Stay a little: Which side do you stand upon? (speaking to the Executio­ner;) Stay, I think I should lay my hands forward that way pointing ( fore-right) and answer being made, Yes; he stood still a little while, and then said, God Almigh­ty blesse all this people, God Almighty slench this blood, God Almighty stench, [Page 227]stench, stench this issue of blood; this will not do the business, God Almighty find out another way to do it. And then turning to one of his Servants, said, Bal­dwin, I cannot see any thing that belongs to my Wife; but I must desire thee and beseech her to rest wholly upon Jesus Christ, to be contented and fully satisfied: and then speaking to his Servants, he said, God keep you; and Gentlemen, let me now do a business quickly, privately, and pray let mee have your prayers at the mo­ment of death, that God would receive my Soul.

L. Col. Beecher. I wish it.

Capel. Pray at the moment of striking joyn your Prayers, but make no noise (turning to his Servants) it is inconveni­ent at this time.

Servant. My Lord put on your cap.

Capel. Should I, what will that do me good? Stay a little, it is well as it is now. As he was putting up his hair.

And then turning to the Executioner, he said, honest man, I have forgiven thee, therefore strike boldly; from my Soul I do it.

Then a Gentleman speaking to him, he said, Nay, prethee be contented, be [Page 228]quiet, good Mr. — be quiet.

Then turning to the Executioner, he said, Well; you are ready when I am ready, are you not? and stretching out his hands, he said, Then pray stand off Gentlemen. Then going to the front of the Scaffold, he said to the People, Gentlemen, though I doubt not of it, yet I think it convenient to ask it of you, That you would all joyn in Prayers with me, That God would mercifully receive my Soul, and that for his alone mercies in Christ Iesus. God Almighty keep you all.

Execut. My Lord shall I put up your hair?

Capel. I, I, prethee do; and then as he stood, lifting up his hands and eyes, he said, O God, I do with a perfect and wil­ling heart submit to thy will: O God! I do most willingly humble my self: and then kneeling down, said, I will try first how I can Lye; and laying his head upon the Block, said, Am I well now?

Execut. Yes.

And then as he lay with both his hand, stretched out, he said to the Executioner, Here lie both my hands out, when I lift up my hands thus [ lifting up his right hand] then you may strike.

And then after he had said a short Pray­er, he lifted up his right hand, and the Executioner at one blow severed his head from his body, which was taken up by his Servants, and put (with his body) into a coffin.

THis Lord in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr, was his special favourite and peculiar friend; so that after that assassinate upon the Duke of Buckingham, he was made Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, having been newly before from Baron Rich of Kensing­ton, raised to the Honour of the Earldom of Holland, and sent Colleague with the Earl of Carlisle in that splendid Embassy in­to France, about the marriage of the Queen Mother.

Notwithstanding all these favours so freely conferred on him, so uncertain, va­riable and unobligeable are the minds of men (for I cannot impute his siding with the Parliament to have been from any dis­gust or dislike he received from the King) especially when Religion becomes the bone of contention; he was one of those Lords [Page 231]that remained at London, and made up a House of Peers, although he never took up Arms, Command or Employment a­gainst his good Master and Soveraign.

About the middle of the War sceing how unreasonably the Parliament persi­sted in carrying on the War, being so often fruitlesly courted by the King to an accom­modation, he and the Earl of Bedford for­sook their part and quarrel, and escaped to the King at Oxford, where finding not that kind and favourable reception they expect­ed, being looked on shily by the Court there, especially this Lord, he privately de­parted to London again, having left a fair account of himself to the King.

But when the War was ended, and the Parliament had refused to treat with his Majesty, and so to settle the Kingdom, he then took up Arms in earnest in the Kings behalf, being real and cordial on this his last undertaking, and engaged with him the Duke of Buckingham, Earl of Peterborough, Lord Francis Villers, and Lord Peter, who with a gallant company of men rendez­vouz'd at Kingston, where immediately Sr. Michael Livesey set upon them, and routed them. The Earl fled to St. Neets in Bedfordshire, where in his Quarters he [Page 232]was taken by Collonel Scroop's Regiment of Horse, where Collonel Dolbier was kil­led, and by order of the Parliament sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle.

He continued there for the space of six moneths in pretty good health, both of body and mind, but as soon as he heard of the murther of the King, his heart failed him, and sickness seized on him, so that he never dawed day afterwards, nor could en­dure to stir out of his chamber, lamenting the loss of his gracious Master, and provid­ing for his own violent dissolution the same way, which being condemned by the same High Court of Iustice, with my Lord Ca­pel and Duke Hamilton, he suffered on the same Scaffold.

FOR the everlasting memory, and the obliging Ruines of this Town and Castle, together with the memory of these Persons, we must repeat from the begin­ning, and tell the world how far, and how much beyond all other Fortresses and pla­ces, this Garrison continued for the King; and was valiantly defended, pru­dently maintained, couragiously and bravely rescued and freed; and in conclu­sion, made its own glorious Sepulcher and Monument.

This place, infamous formerly for the death of King Richard the second, for the Execution of Richard Woodvile Earl of Rivers, and the rest of those unhappy relations to the Wife of Edward the 4th. hath now redeemed it self by the price cur­rent of Loyal Blood, and is consecrated in its demolitions and ruines to the venera­tion of an Altar, whereon so many ac­ceptable [Page 242]sacrifices to Heaven have been laid and offered.

Not to summon the Genius of that place to an account, we will derive the cruelty of those sanguinary perpetrations upon the lives of these men from asstrange and hidden Notions. Nothing but most unexpiable malice contracted from the hardned guilt of rebellion, could have vio­lenced the insolent Victor into so much inhumanity and baseness, nay, barbarous and detestable cruelty; but some fierce and most compulsive Engines of merciless Tyranny and Ambition, who in this noble and most loyal Garison reared, and dis­played their compleat Conquest.

In the defence hereof many noble persons were concerned at several times, as the advantages and difficulties of that place successively required; many brave exploits and attempts were often perfor­med to the honour of themselves, and the terrou [...] of their Enemies, partic ularly in that memorable business of Col. Rains­borough, who quartering ten miles from the Leager ( Pontefract being then besieg­ed by Sir Edward Rhodes, and other Coun­ty Forces:) and being ordered to com­mand in chief, and finish that piece of ser­vice, [Page 243]was by a resolute small party of Horse, who sallied from thence in spight of the Besiegers, killed in his Inne, having first refused quarter, and fell as an expia­tory victime to the slaughter, and murder of Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir George Lisle, shot to death a little while before at Col­chester.

Among the rest of such gallant Spirits related to that Garison this Mr. Beau­mont, a Minister of the Orthodox Prote­stant Religion, was much noted for his loyal, resolute and constant adherence, and maintenance of the Royal Cause. This his loyaltie was employed as well without as within that Garison; being by the venerable respect to this Order (not so rudely profaned then in those parts of the Nation) more freely permitted, and un­suspectedly suffered to entertain, and har­bour and transact with all manner of men according to the unbounded and unlimit­ed use of his Function: but neither his heart, nor his house were open to any but faithfull Subjects, with such, of whom upon the surprizal of Pontefract the third of July 1648. by Major Morris & others, this Gentleman held correspondency.

All this time every good man put to [Page 244]his helping hand to the restoring of the King; and this being an Important Ser­vice, making the Royal Interest conside­rable in the North, much care was taken by the well-affected people adjacent thereto for a supply of that place with all manner of provision of Arms and sustenance.

The care whereof Mr. Beaumont reso­intely took upon himself, and before any formal siege, the Parliament-Forces be­ing otherwise employed, had several re­courses thereto, maintained a strict intel­ligence, was often out upon Parties with them, and had regulated and stated the Contribution from the places therea­bouts, which was either freely paid, or as couragiously forced, till after the defeat of Duke Hamilton at Preston in Lanca­shire, they were wholly surrounded, and block'd up.

This distress of his Friends further ob­liged him to their assistance, so far was the danger from detering of him, therefore he adventured in his own person to go and see in what condition they were, and to take a view of the likeliest means of relief, and give an account of the Ene­mies strength, and advantages, or weak­ness, [Page 245]and most attemptible place of their Lines and entrenchment.

But in this design he was surprized and taken, and immediately brought before a Council of War, who enraged at the death of Rainsborough, and insolenced by their late many Victories, & Flesh'd with the carnage and blood of so many pre­ceding Sacrifices, especially that of the King's, they made no bones of him, but condemned him to the Gibbet with such fury and hast, that they would scarce afford him time to recommend himself from their merciless Bar to the merciful and just Tribunal of Heaven, which would ere long judge righteously in his cause between his Enemies and himself.

He was not long in preparation for his dissolution, having as well learned as taught the necessity of Death; improved to him into an easie suffering, & undergo­ing of it by the glory of his cause, so that he quietly submitted to their Sentence; and with Christian resolution, owning his actions in order to his duty, laid down his life the day and year aforesaid, and will therefore deservedly among the rest of his glorious Company be had in precious and everlasting remembrance.

Not long afterwards followed the ren­dition of Pontefract-Castle, surprized as aforesaid by Col. Morris; they had stood it out to extremity, there being no place in England for the King besides, & there­fore were forced to accept of very hard Conditions: which were, that six of the garison, whom they should chuse, should be left at discretion. The reason of this calling out this Number was a resolution to Sa­crifice them to the ghost of the said Rains­borough, being assured, that those that per­formed that exploit were then in the Castle, & might be discovered upon view.

Among those, or rather for those this Gentleman was taken, being the Governor of the place, and with Cornet Michael Blackbourn, and the others brought to the City of York, and committed to that Goal until the Summer-Assizes held there by Baron Thorp for that County, when an In­dictment of Treason was brought against them for levying War against the Parlia­ment; & therupon found guilty by a pack'd Jury and after Sentence of being hanged, drawn, and quartered, they were executed the day and year aforesaid, the rigour of dismembring them being only abated. At their death they spake as followeth.

THis learned Gentleman was descend­ed of an antient family in Oxford-shire, whose chief seat and residence was near Botley, within a mile of the Univer­sitie. His education was truly generous, his profession the Civil Law, wherein he was graduated a Doctor, and in which he was excellently known before these Wars.

But when these uncivil broils began, he laid aside the practice of that Law, which was not onely silenced, by the de­pression, and annihilation of the Hierar­chy, in whose Courts it is most general­ly used, but also despair'd of for any fu­ture resuscitation during the Troubles; and he took himself to the service of his So­vereign, then most unlawfully and unci­villy assaulted and affronted by the Mem­bers at Westminster.

He continued most part of the War in the Gar [...]ison at Oxford, and his own adjacent dwelling, till such time as the surrender of the said City into the hands [Page 255]of the Parliament, where he had the same terms, and was concluded in the Articles of that Capitulation; which be­ing forced to accept, and lay down his arms, he again resumed his wonted studies.

From these he was again avocated by those monstrous and horrid actions of those times, which indulged not any man his private concerns in the danger and trouble of the publick, nor could he forsake, or desert his first cause with its fortune, and serve the times by a base and abject indifferency.

He had to the infinite distraction of his mind, and trouble of his soul, seen the barbarous Regicide perpetrated upon the life of his Sovereign; the Royal Fa­mily renounced and banished, all the friends thereof in most eminent danger to be destroyed, and undone for adhe­hering to them, and the Laws in the late War, the Church and State renversed, and a sad confusion and ruine of the Kingdom (unless obviated by Providence, and means therewith used) to be impen­dent and unavoidable.

Upon these and the like considerations, this Gentleman, very considerable in [Page 256]his numerous acquaintance, prudence and integrity, became engaged for the Son our present Sovereign, as before for his Roy­al Father; several consultations, and pri­vate meetings were held by him, and o­thers, in order to this service, to which purpose he also received Commissions from the King, then in France, for several Officers of these Forces designed to be raised, and other Instructions, as the af­fair proceeded.

The Common-wealth, as it was then called, was in its infancy, which made its politick Guardians very cautious, and jealous of attempts upon it; the Kings interest was no whit the less formidable, because his person was beyond the Sea, the just indignation, and noble anger of his Subjects being ready to boil over up­on any sudden motion; they had also so oppressed the generality of the people with grievous & insupportable Taxes, that they might well fear and suspect some more forcible and prosperous enterprise against them, by how much their imp [...]e­ties, and high provocations had further incensed both heaven and earth.

Therefore they employed their Emissa­ries and Spies to give them intelligence, [Page 257]if any such designs were on foot, and so to countermine all plots against them. Their sagacious industry in this soon an­swered their expectation: for these flies prying up and down, engaging in all companies, assimulating themselves to their complexion, opinion, and study, light at last upon some glimpses of this busi­ness, which they followed so close, that at last they made a perfect and full disco­very of the main businesse, and that this Doctor Levens was the chief Agitator and manager thereof, in whose breast the Cabal was principally lodged and entrusted, and upon whose apprehension they might be informed and satisfied in every circumstance.

An Order was thereupon made by the Council of State, and a Warrant signed by Bradshaw the President to seize, and bring him before them, and to search his Chamber, and break up his Trunks for papers, he then being at London, the place most expedient for the design, which accordingly was done, a file or two of Musketeers guarding, and securing the house, where the said Papers were, among which there were blank Commissions signed by the King to the purport afore­said, [Page 258]were found with him, and carried to the Council, who thereupon ordered him to be proceeded against as a spie, and referred him to a Council of War.

Accordingly he was soon afterwards tried by a Court Martial, where he did not excuse himself, or extenuate his fault, but very modestly & handsomly acknow­ledged their allegations against him, and the justice of his cause, of which he told them he was no way ashamed, but, if it must be so, would willingly lay down his life in the owning of it. He told them moreover, that he was bound indispensa­bly by the Laws of God and this King­dom, to do what he did, and so referred himself to them. They very earnestly pressed him to reveal the other parties engaged with him, and gave him some fal­lacious hopes of life, if he would freely declare them, but those offers prevailed not with him, being resolved to suffer and take all upon himself, rather then to ruine others, whom they could not fasten upon without his discovery.

So the Court proceeded to Sentence, which was, that he should be hanged o­ver against the Exchange in Cornhill, [Page 259]in Exchange time, which after some little preparation was executed, he be­ing brought in a Coach from the Mews, with the Executioner vizarded with him, and a Troop of Horse to guard him to the said place, where the Sheriffs re­ceived him into their charge. After he alighted, and some words passed be­tween them concerning the said disco­very, he told them they should not ex­pect it, and desired them to forbear any further trouble to that purpose, and so ascended that ladder, which reached un­to heaven, wherein he prayed very fer­vently for the King, and the Church, and commended his soul into the hands of the Redeemer, and so concluded his last breath, which at the falling of his body mounted his soul to heaven, in whose blissful mansions he nows sings Hallelujah for ever.

THis Gentleman, a most sincere and religious Protestant, being by pro­fession a Counsellour of Grays-Inn, and who during the War had followed the Kings fortune out of Conscience of his obedience, and duty, was most wickedly trapand by the said Council of State and their Officers to his lamentable death; a Narative of the whole take as followeth.

On Monday the 24 of March, 1649. Collonel Andrews was taken prisoner at Graves-end by Major Parker, and by a Troop of Horse that night conveighed to the George in Kings-street Westminster. The next day he was convented before the President Bradshaw, Sir Henry Mild­may, and Thomas Scot; three members of the said Council delegated by them for the taking of the Examination of him, and of Sir Henry Chichley, Doctor Henry Ed­wards, and Mr. Clark, casually found in the same Inne with Mr. Andrews.

These Gentlemen examined him so punctually to every action and circum­stance, that had passed on his part since he [Page 261]took up Armes, and especially since the render of Worcester, and his return from thence to London, and also concerning his several Lodgings, Names, Acquain­tances, Removes, Abodes in the Country, correspondencies by Letters, and interests in places, and persons, as if they had kept a Diary for him. Which considered, and that Sir John Gell Baroner, Major Bernard, Captain Smith, Captain Benson, and Capt. Ashley (with whom he had the last and most questionable correspondency) were all in custody; he found himself to be betrayed, but could not at present guesse by whom: but well saw, that he had bet­ter be fair in his Confession, then to deny what he saw by the perfectness of his Exa­miners would be proved against him by the discovery of those formerly secured, and examined before his coming up, and so resolved to bear the worst, and not so much to shame himself, or the matter, as to deny things evident, or easily prove­able, but rather to cast himself upon God; and come off as well as he could with a truth in his mouth.

In his Answers he would have been circumstantial, but was kept close to the Question, At his departure he desired he [Page 262]might set down his own Narrative accor­ding to his own sense, which was granted him to prepare, and to send, or bring them as there was opportunity. And, ha­ving totally, and as much as in him lay ex­cused his fellow-prisoners as to any thing related to his Delinquency, he was with them committed to the Gate-house.

Wednesday following he was re-con­vented and re-examined; and on Friday again convented, and delivered in his Narrative to the Lord President, and by him without further words returned. On Saturday he was re-called, and then as at all times before used and treated with ci­vility, being only much pressed to disco­ver some great Persons his supposed Con­federates; their aym being, as he supposed, at Sir Guy Palms, Sir John Curson, and Sir Thomas Whitmore, &c. But it was a great blessing in his unhappiness, that it was not cumulative, nor fatal to any of his friends and familiars, who yet knew no­thing of the reason of his imprisonment, more then by common same.

On Sunday next he was called out of his bed, and by two Messengers, his kee­per, and his man, brought into a Boat at Kings-bridge Westminster, and thence car­ried [Page 263]to the Tower, The Warrant which was read at the Lieutenants house, impor­ted, That he was committed close priso­ner for high Treason, in endeavouring to subvert the present Government, to be kept till delivered by Law.

He was designed for a Prison-lodging by Col. West the Lieutenant; but upon notice of his quality he was put into the custody of Mr. Slaidon, one of the War­ders in his house, equally convenient with the best. At his first coming to the Tower he had but two shillings in his Purse, and supposing he should be provided for at the States-charges, he sent to the Lieutenant to know what he would order for him; who returned, that if he had money he might have what he would, but at his pro­vision nothing.

His keeper was upon his delivery to his charge commanded to keep him safe, and if he escap'd threatned to be hanged, and a Sentinel set immediately at his door; and that day two Gentlewomen, coming to see him, were all imprisoned in the Round-house, and next day carried to the Council of State, and strictly exa­mined.

His Waterman that week brought him [Page 264]some money, for which, and some affe­ctionate words spoken of him, he was brought before the President, examined, rebuked, and dismissed, and a Centinel set at Mr. Andrew's window that he might not speak to any without.

His Case was this:

His Engagement for his late Majesty began in 1642. and continued until the surrender of Worcester 1645. He com­pounded not for his Delinquency, not having a considerable, and not willing to own an inconsiderable Estate. He took neither Protestation, Solemn League and Covenant, Negative Oath, nor subscri­bed Engagement.

At his return to London to a private practice in his Calling for his necessary support; John Bernard, sometimes a Major under him, by reason of his good parts, and sober demeanor, being in his good opinion frequently visited him, and imparted to him such Occurrences, as he met abroad in discourse, and did intimate the discontents of the Levellers and A­gitators, and the proceedings of a certain Committee of Officers, to which he was [Page 265]Clerk, upon a printed charge against some of the Parliament for oppression, &c. By such discoveries he at last obtruded on the Colonel the acquaintance of one Capt. Helmes, who soon after brought with him one Benson, who pretended to have served under Sir John Gell, who fre­quently produced Letters, transcripts of Letters (with the copying, whereof he pretended to be intrusted by Mr. Rush­worth) which appeared to purport mat­ters of State, to be delivered to Mr. Bushel to be sent beyond-Sea.

These two insinuated what interest they had in the Reformadoes, and the ad­vantage would be done by them for the Royal Party, and magnified Sir John Gells interest in his Country; and his re­gret and reluctancie for what he had done for the Parliament. Barnard then pro­pounded that a design formerly in the War laid by him for the taking of the Isle of Ely might by the said assistance, and Sir John's aid be revived and executed, but this project failed.

In December 1649. Helmes brought the Col. instructions to draw up a Pe­tition for Sir John Gell for his Arreares: this procured a meeting, where Sir John [Page 266]took notice of his ill requital for his Ser­vices, and desired to be represented to his new Majesty as his Loyal Subject for the future, and no more passed.

There coming out soon after an Act, commanding Cavaliers to depart the Ci­ty of London, being in treaty about tran­splanting himself into Sir Edward Plow­dens Plantation in New- Album; He was again visited by Major Barnard and Ben­son, who gave him notice of a c [...]nside­rable design laid, ond friends and mony to back it; and that he should have 200 pound, and power to draw more by bills of Exchange, if I would go over and pro­mote the said design with the Prince, and then in general terms acquainted him that it was an easie matter, the Ca­valiers going out of Town, by correspon­dence in all Counties, to surprize uhe Horse of the Army in their several Quar­ters; the Col. answer was, that if the mony were ready, he would entertain the motion.

Next day after they came again, and told him that the Gentlemen of Kent, Buckingham and Dorset, would presently be near the Town, and would joyn in an Engagement, and raise mony; that Sir [Page 267] John Gell would engage likewise, and might easily bring in his Friends Sir An­drew Knevela, Sir Guy Palmes, Mr. Fieq­herbert, &c. and therefore desired the Co­lonel to draw an Engagement (which he did in a loose Paper, according to the sense they instructed him) and to move Sir John Gell in the business, but pressed not the Coll. then to joyn in the same.

Accordingly he spoke with Sir John, who refused to joyn, or meddle in the de­sign, not daring to trust Benson, but re­newed his desire to the Col. if he went over to possess the King with a good opi­nion of him. This answer did not alto­gether unsatisfie Barnards, who appoint­ed [...]the same few days after a meeting at the Yhree-crane-Tavern in the Savoy, for a meeting where should be present the Gentlemen of the aforesaid Counties, but they met not, only Barnard and B [...]nson, and one Capt. Ashley. Barnard produced Letters that the Kentish Gentlemen were come to Rochester, and would come, but within 12 miles of London, that night he durst go no further that day for fear of Col. Blunt; and that they did the mony, and had sent for him with a Guide to bring him to them, so he departed to take [Page 268]Horse, while the other two pressed him again to get Sir John Gell to seal an En­gagement which Benson had engrossed; which he refused, and told them, he was able to satisfie any body of Sir John Gel's reality, though not actually engaged. That same night comes a Messenger unknown to him from Barnard, highly blaming the Col. and Sir John Gell of backwardness in with-holding their hands from the En­gagement, and that thereupon his Kentish friends would proceed no further; as this Smith the Messenger took upon him to be informed from them; but the Col. insisting, that Sir John was not to be urg­ed further. This Smith, and Ashley de­parted [...], and promised to pay the mony the next night at the Pals-graves-heads.

But failing of their promise, and the next day the Colonel according to the Act being to depart the Town. Ashley delivered him that night a Letter from Barnard, pressing him to subscribe the Engagement which Benson engrossed, and that done he would go the next [...]day with him to Graves-end, where the Kentish Gentlemen should not fail to mee [...] him.

Being come to Graves-end alone, Bar­nard, [Page 269]as Benson pretended being at Tat­tenham Court with the Bucking ham shire Gentlemen, there were none of the Kentish Gentlemen come thither: but two days after comes Barnard and Smith with a Letter from Benson, intimating, that if Sir John Gell would not engage with those whose names were subscribed, they would go over to the King and spoil his Reputation, and the Colonels both there; and that he had Letters from Sir John to produce which should make him repent his refusal, and therefore desired Col: Andrews to write to Sir John Gell, which he did, laying the Case before him; so they parted from the Colonel agree­ing, if they got Sir John's Seal to come down to Gravesend, and so to Rochester for the mony, and performance of the Confederacy, or else to let the businesse fall, and return the Col. his Seal and En­gagement. And while the poor betrayed Gentleman was in this suspense, he was seized at his Inn in Gravesend by a party of Horse, and brought prisoner to Lon­don. This Narrative of his own was postilled with this Address to the three that examined him.

Shortly after he was called again, and was confronted with Sir John Gell; and avowed what he did neither directly de­ny, nor was troubled that he did aver. And then declared to Bradshaw, that he looked upon Sir John Gell as upon him­self, a betrayed man, and so was dismist that time.

The noble Colonel, understanding those Gentlemen taken with him were in restraint, writ to Sir Henry Mildmay con­cerning them in these words:

These were seconded with several o­ther Petitions, especially one to the Parliament, and back'd with Letters to the Speaker, and the Lieutenant of the Tower, in referrence to maintenance, and freedom of persons coming to him, which with great difficulty, and by ex­press order too of the Council, was hard­ly obtain'd by a Gentlewoman of quality his friend.

Having endured a tedious imprison­ment of sixteen weeks, having nothing altered from those cruel Statesmen; he was at last in the Month of August brought to his tryal before a High Court of Justice, against whose Jurisdiction, and Authority he learnedly, and bravely spoke, and a; large denyed their power of trying and condemning any Freeman of England; their Erection being con­trary to all the Laws of the Kingdom; the beginning of his first argument from not pleading to his Charge, was this:

ABout the same time he made his Will, a taste whereof take in these few following lines. — If it be the un­alterable and uncontrolable Will of God, that I Eusebius Andrews, Esq shall for my manifold and high Provocations of his Divine Majesty be shipwrackt by that storme which impendeth over my head, I most humbly and chearfully submit unto such his good will and pleasure, and for­give, &c. and desire, that my body may be privately interred in the Parish Church of Alhallows Bark. in London, as near as may be to the Reverend Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, there with him to expect a joy­ful resurrection. I beseech God to bless my daughter Mavilda Andrews, and to supply to her, what by my improvidence, and the accidents of the late tempestuous times, as in my being taken away became deficient; and that he would preserve her from want and dishonour, and from being by any evil Counsel, or example, led aside into the foul errors of this Nation in matters concerning her souls health, &c.

Here he gave her, and the whole world, an account of his faith, which was equal­ly distant from Popery, Presbytery, and [Page 280]Independency, all which he charactered, professing himself a true son of this Church, as governed by Episcopacy, and conluded thus; I desire such, who approve my profession, to cover my faults in their charity, and to let me be sweet in their memory. As for the rest, I wish them a seasonable repentance, but set no price either upon their opinion or report, Vivat Rex, currat Lex, floreat Grex; fiat voluntas Des modo in mina mea.

He was shortly after beheaded, and enrolled into the noble army of Martyrs in Heaven, the day and year above­said.

Barnard, his accuser and betrayer was hanged four years after at Tyburn, for robbing Colonel Winthorps house at Westminster; so did God avenge the blood of this Royal and pious person, by signal testimony of his unjust and mercilesse prosecution.

AFter this Rebellion had assumed its various shapes, put all by, and made up with its several interests, till it had quite outed the manner of true Re­ligion, when there was no Law left but the arbitrary Will and Powers of the Grandees at Westminster: no man can wonder at this Turkish Example in the sad fate of this Honourable Person.

The truth is, he was the noble Brother to that excellently prudent States-man, the Right Honourable Earl of Clarendel, Lord Chancellor of England. But we must de­tract from this Martyrs merit, if we involve it in his Brothers, whose capa­cious influence upon the Councels and affairs of this Nation, hath rescued all honest and loyal men from the brinks of misery and ruin ten thousand times worse then Death.

It is a sad Subject to Comment on, especially because we may repeat nothing here, but what has been most favourably, and that at his honourable Relations im­portunity quite forgiven, though I hope that pardon extends not beyond the Memory of the sufferer, whatever it reaches to in the Oblivion of the Actor.

He was sent, as he avowedly declared at his death as a Messenger only from our Sovereign King Charles the second, soon after the murther of his Royal Father to the Grand Seignior; that Office he aptly himself termed an Internuncio, which to his and the Kindomes Enemies sounded worse then the jealousie of Popery.

I make use of that term to discover the occasion of this his fate; since it hath its diversity of Names according to the customes and Languages of Na­tions, as Envoy, &c. in the French, but throughout the World barbarous or ci­vil, unlesse by sinister and bribed Arti­fices, the very name of such persons were feared, and had in publique Vene­ration.

He was bred a Merchant, who tra­ded to the Levant; and who by expe­rience had gained, not only a conside­rable Estate therewith, but also a Repute and Estimation amongst the Turkish Company; who, considering him as an intelligent Person in the businesse and management of that Traffique and en­tercourse, made and constituted him their Consul at the Morea; which place, with what integrity he discharged, and how discreetly and advantagiously for the benefit of the said Company, he went through and performed, we need not offer to the Test, since so universally approved.

For the convenience therefore of that concerning which the King had them at [Page 296]the Port, this Gentleman was pitch upon and sent thither, but what he would have transacted there, if not opposed, is not to be ascertained; only thus far we may be assured, that there was little of pub­lique matter therein, especially of preju­dice to this Nation, or that Commerce in particular, as was most falsly and scan­dalously noised by his Enemies, as may appear by a little instance. For, near the same time, the Right Honourable the Lord Wentworth, being sent Ambassadour from the King to the Emperour of Rus­sia, to acquaint him with the horrid mur­ther of our Sovereign his Royal Father; and to desire some assistance from him in order to the reducing of his Revolted Kingdomes; whereunto the Emperour frankly offered, besides what he would disburse of his own, the whole Estates, Goods, Merchandizes of the English re­siding in his Dominions; my Lord ut­terly refused the motion, acquainting the Emperour, that the King never had har­boured any displeasure against his Mer­chant Subjects, of whose loyaltie and af­fection to him he was very well satisfied, though it was out of their power and abi­lity to serve him.

So that it was a groundless and unrea­sonable calumny framed on purpose to render him odious to the people: that his design and errand to Constantinople was upon the Merchants there in relation to their Estates, and that he was sent in the room of Sir Thomas Bendish, to be his Majesties Leiger there for that purpose; a scandal which obliquely hit Sir Henry to the taking away his life, but was doubly aymed at his Majesty, whom they would render to his Subjects (as they in their Traiterous Papers had called him) an E­nemy to the Common-wealth.

At his going to Constantinople, seve­ral Messages past betwixt him and Sir Thomas Bendish, in order to his audience, which usually is prepared by the Resident there, which his mistakes and jealousie was a long time delayed, and at last fru­strated. The Vizier being wrought up­on to betray him, and to send him away for England by the Ships then bound thither from Smyrna, in one whereof (contrary to his Designation, and rein­fect with some of Sir Thomas Bendishe [...] men, who sided with him in obedience to the Kings Authority) he arrived at [Page 298] London, and was presently committed to the Tower, where he past his Examina­tion.

I shall omit any further account, but refer the Reader to that Apology or De­fence, which Sir Thomas Bendish lately published, in excuse of himself, and to free and clear his Reputation, charged with the guilt of this Martyrs death, and more especially to what Sir Henry himself said: a view whereof you have in the subsequent leaves.

After some while imprisonment, he was brought before the High Court of Justice, and heard in defence of his life, wherein he would have used, and desired to speak in the Italian Language, being through long disuse of his Mother-tongue not so ready and expressive, as that impor­tant matter required he should be; which request, by the folly and madnesse of his Judges was imputed to him as an affected pride and vanity. In conclusion, by a Power intrusted and lodged in that High Court of Justice, by Authority of Parliament, he was sentenced to be be­headed, and the place and day assigned for the Execution.

The main incentive to this villany was without doubt the nearnesse of his Honourable Brother to the King, at whom this blow glanced; if also they did not remember and reckon their two presumptuous Emissaries, and Agents, Dorislaws and Achtan into the score.

However it was, Sir Henry nothing dismaid at this outrage against his Life and Honour, quietly submitted to his doom; and at his death, though accom­panied thereto with many diseases and Infirmities, couragiously asserted his Cause, owned his Master the King; and cleared them both from any As­persions, and so rendered his Soul to God.

THis person was ingaged and trapan'd into the same unfortunate business with Colonel Andrews, on purpose by his means to draw in also Sir John Gell, of whom before, he having been a ser­vant and retainer to the said Knight many years before. He had also born office, and had a command under him du­ring the time Sir John serv'd the Par­liament, and numbred himself afterwards amongst these, who being uncommissioned, were generally known by the name of Re­formadoes.

Upon these accounts he became ob­noxious to them, especially of the men at Westminster, who by their instru­ments searching into his discontents, soon worked him into the Plot. A capacious design it was, which comprehended and included all interests, Cavalier, Presby­terian, and Leveller, together with those formerly cashier'd Officers under Essex, and which had it taken its wicked in­tended effect, would have made them appear so cunning and terrible, so dis­heartned [Page 321]and terrified all men against op­posing, or endeavouring against the ty­ranny, that their new Common-wealth would have been a solitude or wilderness, where like beasts, not men, we should have been afraid one of another.

Col. Andrews at his taking, was of o­pinion that this person was of the gang that betrayed him, but in appeared to the contrary, for Barnard had clearly pos­sest him with the reality and feasibleness. of the design, into which he was so rati­onally as he thought, and upon such sure grounds engaged, such and such great persons being nominated as principal therein, that not onely it was his belief, but his confidence, on which he had raised great hopes of advantage to himself, that this meritorious piece of service would take effect.

Nay, so certain was he, that in the last trick put upon Colonel Andrews in rese­rence to the drawing in of Sir John Gell, which was a menace, that if the Colonel did not procure Sir Johns hand and seal, the Confederates would themselves go over to the King in Holland, and give such an account of the affair to his Ma­jesty, as should tend little to the credi­and [Page 322]honour of them both; that Mr. Ben­son was inveigled in the head he should be the man intrusted with the delivery thereof, and receive the designed mony for the Colonel to defray the manage­ment of that service. This conceit was so rooted in him, that he quitted it not till he was really surprised and in cu­stody.

Nay, when there, so strong was his fancy, and so set upon the issue of this businesse, that he complained to himself of the Colonel, through whose back­wardness and slow procedure therein, he thought it only miscarried, not yet dream­ing that he was made the stalkingly-horse to his as well as their destruction.

It was imagined that they would have contented themselves with that industri­ous service he did them, by so exactly re­alizing their counterfeit plot, as a bird set to chirp others, by his merry note, into the snare; but no such matter, having mist the great ones they would be sure of the small, to give some satisfaction to their unsatiable thi [...]st of blood, and in order to some accomplishment of their design, sacrifice one of a sort, and inte­rest to their policy and Government, and [Page 323]him they marked out for a Reformado, of whom by their claim of arrears due to them for service, there was some danger, and this was the most speedy and easie way of paying them.

At his Execution he spoke very little, saving of his regret, that he had ever ser­ved such Masters; wished prosperity to the King and Kingdom, and so was thrown off the ladder, a spectacle more of their shame then his own.

NOw their hand was in, all went to the stake; The High Court of Ju­stice, proceeded in their blood-bound track, and their huntsmen rowzed their game. An old sault which had been re­medied long ago, was brought into play again, that these journey men Butchers might not want work, for the preparation whereof they had so often adjourned a­bout this time their terrible Session.

Captain Brown-Bushel was the next criminal for his Loyalty, being secured in the Guard at White-hall in 1648. and from custody to custody till this time, when he was brought from the Tower to his Trial. The objected offence made up into a Charge of high Treason, was his delivering of Scarborough, where he had some kind of Command from the Parliament to the King, being himself a sea souldier, and then a Captain of a man of War.

He was a very expert and valiant per­son, well esteemed of by all sea-men, as he was well reputed by all honest & loyal people for this his last service, being not inconsiderable for his fortune. At the re­volt of the Fleet to their due obedience under Sir William Butten to the Prince in the Downs, this Gentleman was in Lon­don: the War being finished, and like to renew again, where he lay waiting his opportunity of doing further service to his Majesty.

The rancour of that business festred in the minds of the party at Westminster, so that not having any of those Commanders and Captains, who were actively diligent in that businesse in their hands, they re­solved [Page 325]to wreak their fury and displeasure upon this Gentleman, and to quit scores with him for the trespasses and fractures of others.

He had lain so long under restraint, that he was hard put to it for sustenance and necessaries of life, his poor wife run­ning twice a day from Coven Garden to the Tower, to bring and provide his daily meat, besides a hundred jaunts to the Par­liament and Council of State with Petiti­ons to obtain his liberty, or at leastwise get him blotted out of that roll, wherein the just number of those who were to be tried at that high Court, was before as­certained.

But all availed nothing, they had de­signed more for the slaughter then they or their Engines could bring into the snare, and therefore be must die for num­ber, that whatever else they wanted, they might not fail in that, so that after some adjournments of the Court, as before is specified, they called him to the Bar, and for that crime aforesaid condemned him, he in vain obtesting and imploring their favour, as in a matter wherein the State and their cause had received little preju­dice or disadvantage, but seeing their se­verity [Page 326]could not be mitigated by words, he frankly told them he was not afraid to die for his cause, and composed himself for his sentence, which was pronounced against him after some aggravations of his fact with more then usual acerbity.

Much stir there was made for a reprieve for him by his wife, and friends of hers, then in Authority, but reason of State, as they told her, prevailed against all pleas and arguments for mercy, though she was flattered but the day he died, he should be reprieved and finally pardoned, which glad tidings the poor overjoyed woman carried him about noon to the Tower, where they were merry and solacing toge­ther, in which pleasantness of mind about two a clock she left him, and at four came the Warrant for his present Execution (a most devilish cruelty) which, as is suppo­sed, for fear of the sea-men, by whom he was well beloved, was executed at six of the clock the night aforesaid, upon the ground under the Scaffold, where he fear­lesly and Christianly suffered, and resign­ed his soul into the hands of his Creator.

WHosoever shall look upon the sad Historie of this Princely person must be armed against all humanitie; if he condole not this miserable Traggedie: e­very circumstance whereof is a Scene of sorrow, which alike moves indignation and compassion.

If we deduce him from his glorious ori­ginals, we see him descended from a most ancient and illustrious Family, in which Loyaltie was one of the Gentilitions in he­rent vertues, derived in the succession of those Heroes, who to this day adorn'd the noble name of Stanley, so memorated and famed in our Annals, especially in the Reign of Henry the 7th. direct Ancrestor to his present Majestie.

The signal Services done at that time to this Crown and Kingdom, both by Victo­rie and Advice in the blessed union of the Houses of York and Lancaster; were so placed, that they seem to have directed only the imitation of their most Honou­rable Posteritie, without the affectation of any thing but duty. For those He­roick [Page 332]actions have been ever since as Spurs and Incentives to the same Gran­deurs of Loyaltie, manifested in all oc­casions and Affairs of the Crown through the whole current of Succession.

But this Noble Earl, whose unworthie Fate we now deplore, came nearest that great Pattern; the Times, concurring with the activity of his mind, afforded him the advantage of employing and ex­ercising that stock of Prudence and Va­lour, which had so long been treasured up in the loines of his Princely Progeni­tors; and yet to the scandal and reproach of that Age, rewarding all his Honourable Attchievements with a most lamented Catastrophy.

If we also consider therefore his great and personal merit and obligations upon this Kingdom, we shall find his Services, not to come short of those of his Ance­stors, (though clog'd with the burden­some glory of giving a Crown) in de­signment and attempt; however they failed of their most probable effects.

But to mitigate the Envy of his Fate to innocent Posteritie, I will not presume with so rude a Pen to write their Monu­ment, and at large relate them. He that [Page 333]hath heard of a Latham-House, and Mar­ston-Moor (as I suppose all men have) will easily confess his glories, which shone brightly in the Sphear of all Military worth to the setting of Charles his Wain.

In those gloomy and black dayes, he withdrew himself to a shelter in his Roy­altie of the Isle of Man, awaiting a new opportunity of serving his present Ma­jestie, which not long after offered it self, and was with all readiness of duty en­certained by him.

For the King having resolved ( Crom­wel being gotten into Fife in Scotland) to pass into England over Sterling-bridge by the advantage of three daies march, gave present intimation thereof to the Earl, who in order to some other design had some forces in readiness: with these according to his instructions upon the Kings advance that way he landed, in Lancashire where his Interest and Power lay, and joined with his Majestie, who leaving him some forces to aid and assist him in his new Levies, against the Parlia­ments Forces then marching thitherward to suppress them, marched directly for Worcester.

As soon as the King was departed, Col. Lilburn was upon him, and at Wiggon in that County, with thrice his number fell upon the Earls small party, not amounting to above 600 men, and after a sharp en­counter (which favourably promised Vi­ctory at the first, but through want of Re­serves failed the Earl in conclusion,) put him to the rout, where a many gallant Noble men and Gentry were slain and ta­ken: as my Lord Widdrington and others, and the Earl himself hardly escaping to the King at Worcester, being in the way forced to shelter at Boscolet, the recepta­cle afterwards by my Lords direction of the King himself; who being worsted at Worcester by the Rebels under Gromwel, (where his Majestie and his Nobilite dis­charged the place of brave Captains and Warriours, particularly, this undaunted Earl not yet wearied with his ill fortune) was constrained to abandon that City, and betake himself to a swift flight, in Com­panie with this faithful Lord, and other Honourable Persons.

At White-Ladies, whither by the dire­ction of the Earl the King was guided; he took his leave of his Majestie, having first taken care of his security, where also [Page 335]he himself might have found a subterfuge, but that he would not hazard his Maje­sties safty, by a divided care of his Guar­dians for two, and that number though but so small might not betray him.

At his departure he fell on his knees and wept, and then conjured the Pendants to be faithfully careful of his Majesties person, dearer to him then ten thousand lives; and so betook himself again to flight in company of the same retinue, who made after the road the Scotch horse they had taken under David Leshly.

At Newport in Shropshire they over­took them, but with the same Col. Lilburn at their heels, who fell into the Town, and after a short dispute, dispersed and took most of the party, among the prin­cipal whereof was this Noble and unfortu­nate Earl, the Earl of Landerdale, Lord Sinclare, and others, the Duke of Buck­ingham strangely making his escape.

Becoming thus the prey of those bar­barous rebels, he was a while detained there till at last Orders came for his re­moval to Chester, where shortly after he was convented, by instructions of them at Westminster, where the Earl desired to be heard in person, before a Council of War, [Page 336]all of them base and mechanick fellows, and of no great Command in their army, a barbarous shame, that the Honour of so great a personage, in a Country, where he was so well esteemed, reputed and reverenced, both for his own superlative vertues of liberality and bounty, and the continued obligements of his Ancestry, should be so violenced and profaned by a rascally sort of men, who assumed to themselves, and arrogated the power of life and death upon a Peer of such mag­nitude and veneration; an indignity worse by far then those outrages commit­ted and perpetrated by Jack Cade, and Wat Tyler, and the rest of those rabbles, who in their mad fury did such-like pranks, whereas here th [...]s murther was countenanced by a colour of Law Martial, and done in the form and process thereof, but in this he imitated his dearly beloved Soveraign, who was reviled, contemned, and mocked in the same manner at their irreverent High Court of Justice, which no question did much sweeten that bitter Cup, which by the triumphant malice and revenge of his enemies, was given him b [...]im full to drink.

But that which chiefly conduced to the [Page 337]quiet and composure of his spirit, was the lense and acknowledgement of Gods de­termination and good pleasure in the disposing of him, and bringing into that sad condition, which he meekly and hum­bly underwent, submitting to that hand which so afflicted him; And questionless great was that heavenly support which God ministred unto him, many the al­terations of those contumelies intended against him, as we may see in the time, and in his way to his Execution, of which I shall say no more, but onely in­sert an omission in the black cribunal, and which I had from unquestionable credit, that the souldiers themselves, who were upon the Scaffold, could not refrain from weeping, but shed rears abundantly, and that this other passage also, that having laid down his head, and given the sign, the Executioner being not ready, he lift up his head again, and with a soul-pier­cing accent said to the Headsman, Thou hast done me a great deal of wrong, thus to disturb and delay my bliss; and then sub­mitted it to the fatal stroke, and was re­ceived into glory.

HAving nothing but the History of the War for my direction to this Gentlemans memory, I will confine my self within the compass of that dis­covery, and venture not to derive him any further, hoping his honourable Re­lations, will for their own, as well as his sake be pleased to vouchsafe a full and perfect account of him hereafter to the embalming his fame to Posterity.

He was engaged in the unhappy Defeat at Wiggan with theafore said noble Earl, to whose assistance, whether he came with the King, and was left by him there with those small Forces could be spared, or that he voluntarily joyned, or came from the Isle of Man with that Party I cannot determine; this is for certain, he was ta­ken prisoner at that unlucky overthrow in Lancashire, and secured afterwards till the Grand Business was over at Worce­ster.

Upon the coming back of the Forces assigned to Cheshire for their stationary Quarters, and the bringing of the Earl of Derby thither, they were both impri­soned at Chester: and after the Trial and Condemnation of the Earl of Derby, was likewise brought before the said Court-Martial; and as no better was, or could be expected by him or any o­ther person, had likewise the said Sen­tence, only differing in time and place.

He behaved himself at his Death cou­ragiously and Christianly; telling those Monsters of men the foulness of their faults: and confidently averring, that the Justice of God would at last overtake them, if they timely returned not to their duty; and after some few prayers, and among them one for the Kings preserva­tion, which yet was in doubt, he resign­ed his Soul to God, and hath added one to the glorious Company of Mar­tyrs.

I Must confess my self at a losse here but though I could receive nothing else but his Name; yet to that there is so much due on this account of Martyr­dome that I durst not omit him, putting hereby an occasion into the hands of this Gentlemans Relations, to rescue his, and perpetuate their Name to after Ages.

I conceive him to be one of those loyal Gentlemen, who came in with the Earl of Shrewsbury, then Lord Talbot, or Colonel Howard, my Lord Howard of Esericks Son to the King at Worcester; and, who for his former Services done the King in the War before, was obnoxi­ous to their malice.

Most certain it was, he was taken no­tice of, and observed to be very active in that Engagement at Worcester, in the flight from whence he was taken, though most of the other English escaped by the favour and concealment of the Country; (nor did ever the Scots finde civiller usage after a Defeat) save those who [Page 360]through their glorious valour fell, and e­scaped the better way to Heaven.

After he was taken he was conveigh­to Shrewsbury, a place which the King from Worcester had summoned by a Let­ter to Colonel Mackworth the Gover­nour, which Royal Command they thought fit to question with loyal Blood: as they pretended to expiate the storm­ing of Bolton by Prince Rupert with the murder of the Earl of Derby.

Whatever the reasons of their pro­ceedings there against him might be, I cannot ascertain; thus much from all hands we have, that he went not lesse in his death then in his life, maintaining his Religion to God, his Duty to the King, and his Innocency to the World, to the last minute of his breath: which found se­veral wayes to expire by their Bullets, and to ascend with his Soul to Heaven with a Quinque Domine, &c.