THE Inquiry of your last was very obliging, as it signified an affectio­nate concernment for me: And in testimony of my resentment of the Kind­ness, I shall be large and particular in my Return; which I intend as full as my Af­fairs will permit, because I owe you some Account of the Modern way of Philosophy, and the ROYAL Colledge of Philosophers: [Page 2] And I do not yet know, but that I may have an occasion of making these things publick. Not tha [...] I am so fond to think my little contrasts fit subject for general Entertainment; nor am I so tender and over-weening, as to make it a business to complain in Print of my private Injuries: But I foresee, the Relation I am about will afford me fit and ample opportunity to di­scourse things, which perhaps you may think worth your labour to consider. And what I have to say, tends either to the di­rect recommendation of the ways of Vse­ful Knowledge, or to the detecting the im­morality, weakness, and vanity of the Spi­rit that opposeth it.

Briefly then, as to your Inquiry about the Conference I had with the Grabe Person you mention; You may please to know, That not long since I lighted into the Company of that Reverend Man, who, I suppose you have heard, hath a Reputa­tion for Learning among his Neighbours, and is accounted a Philosopher in the Peripatetick way. I was glad of an opportunity of his Acquaintance, and ap­proach'd him with that respect which I judged due to a person of that Gravity, and of whom I had heard advantageously.

[Page 3]He had been speaking before I came, about Aristotle and his Philosophy; And af­ter our first Civilities were over, he renew­ed the Discourse, and applied it all to me. I confess I was not willing to begin an Ac­quaintance in a Dispute, in which I foresaw there might be danger of heat and animosi­ty. This I intimated, and would have de­clined the occasion; because, though I love modest and temperate Discoursing, yet I am a profess'd Enemy to all captious and re­solv'd Oppositions, which for the most part run into wild Rambles, and end in Quarrels. But the Gentleman, it seems, had warm'd himself by the concernment he took in the Discourse, and was forward to prosecute the Argument in vindication and praise of Beloved Aristotle: Which Carriage, though I thought somewhat too young for the Gra­vity of that Appearance, and more becom­ing the pertness of a Sophister, than the Sa­gess of a Reverend Divine; yet I abstain'd from any displeasing Reflection, and should quietly have permitted him to have satisfi'd himself in his Venerations of that Name, without interruption or disturbance: For I count it not civil to trouble any One in his Worship, or to profess to his face, a contempt of another Mans GODS.

[Page 4]But the Grave Gentleman could not be content only to celebrate and admire his Aristotle; but was pleased to take an occasion to make Comparisons, and to diminish the ROYAL SOCIETY. This Passage, I confess, I thought not hand­som. And methinks the Reverence we owe to the ROYAL FOVNDER and PA­TRON of that Establishment, and the Respect that is due to PRINCES, PRI­VY COVNSELLORS, and PRE­LATES; to the most Learned Men of all Sorts and Professions, Mathematicians, Chymists, Physicians, Anatomists, Anti­quaries, and Philosophers; to the PRIME NOBILITY, and so many of the Learn­ed and Ingenious amongst the GENTRY: I say, I thought that the Regard, which is a debt to such Persons as make up that Ho­nourable Assembly, had been enough to pro­cure it Civil usage among all that had but an indifferent proportion of Modesty and Breeding. And if there were nothing else to oblige men to Respectful Discourse of this Generous Company, I should think the Consideration of their Noble Aims, which no doubt are some of the Greatest, most August, and most Hopeful that ever were, should be sufficient to obtain them at least [Page 5] good words from all that are capable of un­derstanding their Catholick intendments and prosecutions. And these, Sir, are not the little Projects of serving a Sect, or propa­gating an Opinion; of spinning out a subtile Notion into a fine thred, or forming a plau­sible System of new Speculations: but they are Designs of making Knowledge Practical, and accommodating Mankind in things of Vniversal Benefit, by searching into the Creatures of God as they are in his World, and not criticizing upon the Images of them as they lye in that which the Phansies of Men have contriv'd. This my Reverend As­sailant either did not know, or did not con­sider. But supposing that this Society had a design against adored Aristotle, or not so great an apprehension of him as he had been wont to instil into his Pupils, thought fit to bring it under his Corrections; and at his disrespectful Discourse of that Assembly, I felt my self concerned.

I therefore took occasion to speak from somewhat he had newly said, which was to this purpose, [ That Aristotle had more Advantages for Knowledge than the ROYAL SOCIETY or all the present Age had, or could have; and for this strong Reason, [Page 6] because he did totam peragrare Asi­am.] This, Sir, you perceive was said in haste, when Consideration was not at home. And I was much surprised to hear an Asser­tion from one that had not lived in a Cell, which were scarce excusable in a Recluse, who had seen or known nothing of the World, but the Antique Venerable Images of a Religious House. And you will be sensible of the injustice and incogitancy of this saying, and conceive better things of the later Ages, when you reflect and think how many. Arts, Instruments, Observations, Experiments, Inventions and Improvements, have been disclosed to the World since the days of Aristotle, which are vast Ad­vantages for Knowledge, and all Noble and Vseful Inquiries.

But before I come to instance in these Particulars, I must premise, That the ROYAL SOCIETY, and those of that Genius, are very ready to do right to the Learned Ancients, by acknowledging their Wit, and all the useful Theories and helps we have from them: but they are not wil­ling [Page 7] that those, however venerable Sages, should have an absolute Empire over the Reasons of Mankind. Nor do they think, That all the Riches of Nature were disco­vered to some few particular Men of for­mer Times; and that there is nothing left for the benefit and gratification of after-In­quirers. But They believe, There is an in­exhaustible variety of Treasure which Pro­vidence hath lodged in Things, that to the Worlds end will afford fresh Discoveries, and suffice to reward the ingenious Industry and Researches of those that look into the Works of God, and go down to see his won­ders in the deep. This, no doubt, the mo­desty and justice of the Ancients themselves would have confess'd. But besides this, the Modern Experimenters think, That the Philosophers of elder Times, though their Wits were excellent, yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge, or any of the Vses of humane Life; being for the most part that of No­tion and Dispute, which still runs round in a Labyrinth of Talk, but advanceth nothing. And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science, which in so many Centuries never brought the World so much practical, be­neficial Knowledge, as would help towards [Page 8] the Cure of a Cut finger, is a palpable Ar­gument, That they were fundamental Mistakes, and that the Way was not right.

For, as my Lord Bacon observes well, Philosophy, as well as Faith, must be shewn by its Works. And if the Morderns cannot shew more of the Works of their Philosophy in six years, than the Aristoteleans can pro­duce of theirs in more than thrice so many hundred, let them be loaded with all that Contempt which is usually the reward of vain and unprofitable Projectors. But now, That this Procedure hath effected more for the information and advantage of Mankind, than all the Ages of Notion; the Records of the Royal Society alone are a sufficient Evi­dence (as the World will see, when they shall think fit to unfold their Treasure.) I say then, the Mordern Philosophers arrogate nothing to their own Wit, above that of the Ancients: but by the reason of the thing, and material, sensible Events, they find they have an advantage by their Way. And a lame Child that slowly treads the right Path, will at last arrive to his Journeys end; while the swift Footman that runs about in a Wood, wil lose himself in his wandrings.

AND having said this, I come to en­courage your hopes in the present Philosophical Endeavours; and to discourse more largely, what I could but suggest to the Reverend Disputer. And here I am to represent in as many material Parti­culars as I can now call into my thoughts, the Advantages for Vseful Knowledge, which the later Ages have beyond those of the days of Aristotle, and remoter Antiquity. And in order to this, I consider,

That there are Two chief ways whereby Knowledge may be advanced, viz. (1.) By inlarging the HISTORY of Things: And (2.) By improving INTERCOVRSE and COMMVNICATIONS. The HISTORY of Nature is to be augment­ed, either by an investigation of the Springs of Natural Motions, or fuller Accounts of [Page 10] the grosser and more palpable Phaenomena. For the searching out the beginnings and depths of Things, and discovering the in­trigues of remoter Nature, there are THREE remarkable ARTS, and mul­titudes of excellent INSTRV­MENTS, which are great Advantages to these later Ages; but were either not at all known, or but imperfectly, by Aristotle and the Ancients. The ARTS in which I instance, are CHYMISTRY, ANA­TOMY, and the MATHEMA­TICKS: The INSTRVMENTS, such as the MICROSCOPE, TELE­SCOPE, THERMOMETER, BA­ROMETER; and the AIR-PVMP: Some of which were first Invented, all of them exceedingly Improved by the ROY­AL SOCIETY.

TO begin with the Consideration of the ARTS mentioned, I observe, That these were very little cultivated or used in Aristotles Times, or in those following ones in which his Philosophy did most obtain.

For the FIRST, CHYMISTRY, it hath indeed a pretence to the great Hermes for its Author (how truly, I will not dispute) From him 'tis said to [Page 11] [...] come to the Aegyptians, and from [...]em to the Arabians; Among these it was [...]nitely mingled with vanity and supersti­ [...]ous devices: but it was not at all in use [...]ith Aristotle and his Sectators. Nor [...]oth it appear that the Grecians, or the [...]sputing Ages, were conversant in these [...]seful and luciferous Processes, by which Nature is unwound, and resolv'd into the minute Rudiments of its Composition; and by the violence of those Artful Fires it is made confess those latent parts, which, up­on less provocation, it would not disclose. And now, as we cannot understand the frame of a Watch, without taking it into pie­ces; so neither can Nature be well known, without a resolution of it into its begin­nings, which certainly may be best of all done by Chymical Methods. And in those vexatious Analyses of Things, wonderful discoveries are made of their Natures, and Experiments are found out, which are not only full of pleasant surprise and informati­on, but of valuable use, especially in the Practice of Physick; For It directs Medi­cines less loathsome and far more vigorous, and freeth the Spirits, and purer parts, from the clogging and noxious appendices of grosser matter, which not only hinder and disable [Page 12] the Operation, but leave hurtful dregs [...] the Body behind them. I confess, Sir, tha [...] among the Aegyptians and Arabians, th [...] Paracelsians, and some other Moderns Chymistry was very phantastick, unintelligi­ble, and delusive; and the boasts, vanity, and canting of those Spagyrists, brought [...] scandal upon the Art, and exposed it to suspicion and contempt: but its late Cultiva­tours, and particularly the ROYAL SO­CIETY, have resin'd it from its dross, and made it honest, sober, and intelligible, an excellent Interpreter to Philosophy, and help to common Life. For they have laid aside the Chrysopoietick, the delusory Designs and vain Transmutations, the Rosie-crucian Vapours, Magical Charms, and superstiti­ous Suggestions, and form'd it into an In­strument to know the depths and efficacies of Nature. This, Sir, is no small advantage that we have above the old Philosophers of the National way. And we have another,

(2.) In the Study, Vse, and vast Im­provements of ANATOMY, which we find as needful to be known among us, as 'tis wonderful 'twas known so little among the Ancients, whom a fond Superstition de­terr'd from Dissections. For the Anatomi­zing the Bodies of Men, was counted bar­ [...]arous [Page 13] and inhumane in elder Times: And [...] observe from a Learned Man of our own, That the Romans held it unlawful to look on the Entrails. And Tertullian severely cen­ [...]ures an inquisitive Physician of his time, for this practice, saying, That he hated Man, that he might know him. Yea, one of the Popes (I take it 'twas Boniface 8.) threatens to Excommunicate those that should do any thing of this then-abominable nature. And Democritus was fain to excuse his Dissection of Beasts, even to the great Hippocrates. Nor does it appear by any thing extant in the Writings of Galen, that that other Fa­ther of Physicians ever made any Anatomy of humane Bodies. Thus shie and unac­quainted was Antiquity with this excellent Art, which is one of the most useful in hu­mane Life, and tends mightily to the evis­cerating of Nature, and disclosure of the Springs of its Motion. But now in these later Ages, Anatomy hath been a free and general Practice; and particularly in this it hath received wonderful Improvements from the Endeavours of several worthy Inquisi­tors, some of them Ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY, as Sir George Ent, Dr. Glisson, and Dr. Willis. I instance in the most remarkable of their [Page 14] Discoveries briefly; And those I take noti [...] of are, The Valves of the Veins, disco­ver'd by Fabricius ab Aquapendente; Th [...] Valve at the entrance of the gut Colon [...] found, as is generally thought, by Bauhinus [...] The Milkie Veins of the Mesentery, by [...]sellius; The Receptacle of the Chyle, b [...] Pecquet; and the Lacteae Thoracicae, by th [...] same Discoverer; The Glandulae Lacte [...] Lumbares, by Bartholin; A new Ductusi [...] the Testicles, by Dr. Highmore; The Du­ctus Virsungianus, by Io. George Wirsung o [...] Padua; The Lymphatick Vessels, by Dr [...] Ioliffe, Bartholin, and Olaus Rudbeck; Th [...] internal Ductus Salivaris in the Maxillar [...] Glandule, by Dr. Wharton, and Dr. Glisson [...] The external Ductus Salivaris in the con­glomerated Parotis, The Ductus of the Cheek [...] The Glandules under the Tongue, Nose, and Palate, The Vessels in the nameless Glandul [...] of the Eye, and the Tear-Glandule, by Nich [...] Steno; The Sinus of the Veins, and their Vse, by Dr. Willis; The Ductus Renales, by Laurentius Bellini; A new Artery, called Arteria Bronchialis, by Fred. Ruysch. I add, the Origination of those Nerves which were of old supposed to arise out of th [...] substance of the Brain, but are found by late Anatomists to proceed from the Medull [...] [Page 15] Oblongata. And though the Succus nutri­tius be not yet fully agreed upon by Physici­ans, yet it hath so much to say for it self, that it may not unreasonably be mentioned among the New Inventions.

But of all the modern Discoveries, Wit and Industry have made in the Oeconomy of hu­mane Nature, the Noblest is that of the Circulation of the Blood, which was the In­vention of our deservedly-famous Harvey. 'Tis true, the Envy of malicious Contem­poraries, would have robb'd him of the Glory of this Discovery, and pretend it was known to Hippocrates, Plato, Aristotle, and others among the Ancients: But whoever considers the Expressions of those Authors, which are said to respect the Circulation, will find, that those who form the Infe­rence, do it by a faculty that makes all kind of Compositions and Deductions, and the same that assists the Enthusiasts of our days to see so clearly all our Alterations of State and Religion, to the minutest Particulars, in the Revelation of St. Iohn. And I think it may be as well concluded from the first Chapter of Genesis, as from the Remains of those Ancients; who, if they had known this great and general Theory, how chance they spake no more of a thing, which no [Page 16] doubt they had frequent occasions to men­tion? How came it to be lost without me­mory among their Followers, who were such superstitious porers upon their Wri­tings? How chance it was not shewn to be lodg'd in those Authors, before the days of Dr. Harvery, when Envy had impregna­ted and determined the Imaginations of those, who were not willing any thing should be found anew, of which them­selves were not the Inventors? But 'tis not only the remotest Ancients, whom time hath consecrated, and distance made venera­ble, whose Ashes those fond men would ho­nour with this Discovery: but even much later Authors have had the glory fastned upon them. For the Invention is by some ascribed to Paulus Venetus; by others, to Prosper Alpinus; and a third sort give it to Andreas Caesalpinus. For these, though ei­ther of them should be acknowledged to be the Author, it will make as much for the design of my Discourse, as if Harvey had the credit; and therefore here I am no otherwise concerned, but to have Iustice for that Excellent Man: And the World hath now done right to his Memory, Death having overcome that Envy which dog's li­ving Virtue to the Grave; and his Name [Page 17] rests quietly in the Arms of Glory, while the Pretensions of his Rivals are creeping in­to darkness and oblivion.

Thus, Sir, I have done with the Instances of Anatomical Advancements, unless I should hitherto refer the late Noble Expe­riment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another, which I think very fit to be mention'd; and I suppose 'tis not improper for this place: Or however, I shall rather venture the danger of impropriety and misplacing, than omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery, which no doubt future Ingenu­ity and Practice, will improve to purposes not yet thought of; and we have very great likelihood of Advantages from it in present prospect.

For it is concluded, That the greatest part of our Diseases arise either from the scarcity, or malignant tempers and corrup­tions of our Blood; in which cases Transfu­sion is an obvious Remedy; and in the way of this Operation, the peccant Blood may be drawn out, without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature, which is the grand inconvenience of meer Phlebotomies. So that this Experiment may be of excellent use, [Page 18] when Custom and Acquaintance have hard­ned men to permit the Practice, in Pleuri­sies, Cancers, Leprosies, Madness, Vlcer, Small-Pox, Dotage, and all such like Di­stempers. And I know not why that of in­jecting prepared Medicines immediately in­to the Blood, may not be better and more efficacious, than the ordinary course of Practice: Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathings of the Stomach, and the disabling, clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there, and in the Intestines, in which no doubt much of the Spirit and Virtue is lost. But in the way of immediate injection, they are kept intire, all those inconveniences are avoided, and the Operations is like to be more speedy and succesful, Both these no­ble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY, who have attested the reality of the former, that of Transfusion of Blood, by numerous Tryals on several sorts of brute Animals. Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies, of which we have a good account from Monsieur Dennis: But it hath also since been practiced with fair and encouraging success, by our Philosophical Society. The other of Injection, if it may [Page 19] be mentioned as a different Invention, was also the product of the same Generous In­ventors; though indeed more forward Foreigners have endeavoured to usurp the credit of both. This latter likewise hath succeeded to considerable good effects, in some new Tryals that have been made of it in Dantzick, as appears in a Letter writ­ten from Dr. Fabritius of that City, and printed in the Philosophical Transactions.

I Proceed now to my THIRD Instance of ARTS (if the Reverend Logi­cian will give me leave to use the word in this large sense) which are Advantages for deep search into Nature, and have been con­siderably advanc'd by the Industry and culture of late Times, above their an­cient [Page 20] Stature. And the Instance was,

(III.) THE MATHEMATICKS. That these are mighty helps to practical and useful Knowledge, will be easily confest by all, that have not so much ignorance as to render them incapable of information in these matters. And the Learned Ge­rand Vossius hath proved it by induction in particulars. And yet it must be acknow­ledged that Aristotle, and the disputing Phi­losophers of his School, were not much ad­dicted to those noble Inquisitions: For Pro­clus the Commentator upon Euclide, though he gives a very particular Catalogue of the Elder Mathematicians, yet hath not menti­oned Aristotle in that number. And though Diogenes Laertius takes notice of a Book he inscribed [...], another, [...], and a Third, yet extant, [...]; Yet it appears not that these were things of very great value; and Aristotle's Metaphy­sical procedure, even in Physical Theories, the, genius and humour of his Principles, and the aiery contentions of his Sect, are huge pre­sumptions that this Philosopher was not very Mathematical. And his numerous suc­ceeding Followers, were certainly very lit­tle conversant in those generous Studies. I have elsewhere taken notice, that there is [Page 21] more publish'd by those Disputing men on some paultry trifling Question about ens Rationis, and their Materia prima, than hath been written by their whole number upon all the vast and useful parts of Ma­thematicks and Mechanicks. There was a time when these were counted Coniurati­ons; and I do not very well know the reason of the Reverend Disputers dis­pleasure at my Discourse about Diop­trick Tubes (of which you will hear in the process) except he was under the dread of some such phansie, and believed there was Magick in Opticks. It would require much skill in those Sciences, to draw up the full History of their Advancements; I hear a very accurate Mathematician is upon it: And yet to fill up my Method, I'le adventure at some imperfect Suggestions about the Inventions and Improvements of this kind: And I begin,

(I.) With ARITHMETICK, which is the handmaid to all the other parts of Mathematicks. This indeed Pythagoras is said to have brought from the Phoenicians to the Graecians: but we hear no great mat­ter of it till the days of Euclide: not the Euclide that was the Contemporary of Plato, [Page 22] and Hearer of Socrates; but the famed Mathematician of that Name, who was af­ter Aristotle, and at 90 years distance from the former. This is the first Person among the Ancients, that is recorded by the exact Vossius to have done any thing accurately in that Science. After him it was advanced by Diophantus, methodized by Psellus, illustra­ted among the Latins by L. Apuleius, and in later times much promoted by Car­dan, Gemma Frisius, Ramus, Clavius, and divers more modern Artists, among whom I more especially take notice of that Inge­nious Scot the Lord Napier,

Who invented the Logarithmes, which is a way of computing by artificial Numbers, and avoiding the taedium of Multiplication and Division. For by this Method all those Operations are performed by Addition and Substraction, which in natural Numbers were to be done those longer ways. This Invention is of great use in Astronomical Calculations, and it may be applied also to other Accompts. Besides this, the same Learned Lord found an easie, certain, and compendious way of Account­ing by Sticks, called Rabdology; as also Computation by Napier's Bones: Both these [Page 23] have been brought to greater perfection by others, since their first Discovery; particu­larly by Vrsinus and Kepler.

To them I add the Decimal Arithmetick, which avoids the tedious way of computing by Vulgar Fractions in ordinary Accompts, and Sexagenaries in Astronomy; exceed­ingly and lately improved by our famous Oughtred, and Dr. Wallis a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY. (If I should here subjoyn the Helps this Art hath had from the Works and Endeavours of Ana­tolius, Barlaam, Maximus Palanudes, Ne­morarius, Florentinus Bredonus, Pisanus, Orentius; and in this Age, from those of Adrianus Romanus, Henischius, Cataldus, Malapartius, Keplerus, Briggius, Crugerus, and a vast number reckon'd up by Vossius, I should be tedious on this Head; and therefore I pass lightly over it, and pro­ceed,

(II.) To ALGEBRA, of universal use in all the Mathematical Sciences, in Com­mon Accompts, in Astronomy, in taking Di­stances and Altitudes, in measuring plain and solid Bodies, and other useful Operati­ons. The first noted Author in this Me­thod was Diophantus, who lived long since the Idol of Disputers. He, and those other [Page 24] Ancients that used it, performed their Al­gebraical Operations by Signs and Characters suted to the several Numbers, and powers of Numbers, which they had occasion to use in solving Problems: But the later Ma­thematicians have found a far more neat and easie way, viz. by the Letters of the Al­phabet, by which we can solve many Pro­blemes that were too hard for the Ancients, as far as can be discovered by any of their remaining Works. For there were many affected Aequations (as they call them) that did not equally ascend in the Scale of Pow­ers, that could not be solv'd by the elder Methods; whereas the acute Vieta, a Ma­thematician of this last Age, affirms, he could resolve any Probleme by his own Im­provements. Besides him, our excellent Oughtred another, lately mentioned, did much in this way. But the inimitable Des Cartes hath vastly out-done both former and later Times, and carried Alge­bra to that height, that some considering men think Humane Wit cannot advance it further. I will not say so much: but no doubt he hath performed in it things deser­ving vast acknowledgment, of which you shall hear more anon. And from hence I step,

[Page 25] (III.) To the Consideration of GEO­METRY, which is so fundamentally use­ful a Science, that without it we cannot in any good degree understand the Arti­fice of the Omniscient Architect in the composure of the great World, and our selves. [...], was the excellent saying of Plato; and the Vni­verse must be known by the Art whereby it was made. So that what Galileo notes of Aristotle, is a great sign of his defects, viz. That he reprehended his Venerable Ma­ster for his Geometrical Sublimities, accusing him that he receded from the solid Methods of Philosophizing, through his too much in­dulging that Study; Which is so far from being likely, that Geometry is little less than absolutely necessary to solid and real Philo­sophy; and as I intimated, 'tis next to im­possible to be a judicious and accurate Phi­losopher, and want it. Upon which ac­count, Plato admitted none to his School, but those that were acquainted with that Science: Which practice the mentioned excellent Modern, notes to be directly op­posite to the Peripatetick genius; and some he knew great men of that way, dehorted their Disciples from it; which he intro­duceth [Page 26] one applauding as a wise Counsel, since Geometry would detect and shame the futilities of that National way. But not to take too large a compass, this is certain, That Geometry is a most useful and proper help in the affairs of Philophy and Life. 'Tis almost as clear from those former intimati­ons, that Aristotle was not much enclined that way; and we know that his late Secta­tors, have very seldome applied themselves to Geometrical Disquisitions.

The Result of which is, We must ex­pect the Advantages of this Science, from the declining of his and their Empire; and I need not say expect it, they are both in pre­sent view. And if after this you require accounts of the Improvements Geometry hath received, since the foundation of that Tyranny by the Man of STAGYRA, I shall offer you the best I have; and though I am conscious that they will be scant and defective, yet I hope sufficient for my pre­sent purpose.

I note then from the celebrated Vossius, That Euclide was the first that brought Geo­metry into a Method, and more accurately demonstrated those Principles, which be­fore were scattered among the Greeks and Aegyptians, and not so cogently or carefully [Page 27] proved. And Proclus reckons this Famous man as the Compiler and Demonstrator, not as the Inventor of the Elements; and two of these Books ( viz. 14. & 15.) are ascri­bed to Apollonius Pergaeus, who was his near­est Successor in Fame for Mathematical Abili­ties. This Geometrician improved the Sci­ence by four Books of Conicks, publish'd of old; and three more have been lately (in the year 1661.) translated out of an Ara­bick Manuscript in the Duke of Tuscany's Library, and are now abroad. This Ma­nuscript Iacob Golius procured out of the East. Besides which, this Magnus Geome­tra, as he was called, illustrated Euclide by his Learned Commentary upon him. But Archimedes of Syracuse, was a Person of the greatest renown for Geometrical and Mecha­nical Performances; concerning which, Po­lybius, Valerius, Plutarch, Livy, and others, have recorded prodigious things. This great Wit carried Geometry from general and idle Speculation, to the use and benefit of Man­kind; whereas before him it was an anci­ent and perverse Opinion, That this Know­ledge ought not to be brought down to vulgar Service, but kept up in abstractive Contemplations: upon which score Archy­tas and Eudoxus, those great Geometricians [Page 28] before Euclide, were scared from the Mecha­nical and Organical Methods, to the great hindrance of beneficial Improvements in that way. But the excellent Syracusian under­stood, that this Science is not debased, but promoted and advanced by such Accommoda­tions; and evinc'd the usefulness and excel­lency of Geometry, in his admirable Paradox proposed before King Hieron (Datis viribus datum pondus tollere) [ [...]] This Mathematician flourish'd 160 years after the time of Aristotle, who hath the name of the most ancient that writ in Mechanicks, though that Book of his be not mentioned either by Archimedes, Athenaeus, Hero, or Pappus, Mechanical Authors; and Cardan and Patricius affirm that Work to be none of Aristotle's: Whose ever it was, the Performance hath praise from the Learned, as explaining the gene­ral Causes of Mechanical Geometry. But Archimedes was more practical and parti­cular: And though Plutarch in the Life of Marcellus affirms he writ nothing; yet the contrary is abundantly proved by Gerard Vossius, who hath shewn that the Books extant under his Name, that contain so many great Maxims of Mechanicks, are genuine; and both Strabo and Pappus men­tion [Page 29] them as his. The Design of Archime­des, of combining Mechanism and Geo­metrick Theory, was after happily promo­ted by Hero the Elder of Alexandria, who invented those ingenuous Automata, that move by Air and Wyres; concerning which he writ a Book that was Translated by Fre­dericus Commandinus, as also he did ano­ther De Machinis Bellicis, by which he well improved Geometrick Mechanicks: And Pappus particularly celebrates his exactness in solving the Deliaick Problem, De Cubo du­plicando, acknowledging that he took most of his own Accounts about that matter, from that exquisite Man. Next him, I menti­on Theodosius of Tripoli, who very much im­proved Geometry by his three Books De Fi­gur a Sphaerica, which afforded great assi­stance to Ptolomy, Pappus, Proclus, and The­on, in their Mathematical Endeavours. Me­nelaus also, who lived in Trajan's time, contributed very much to the perfecting the Doctrine of Sphaericks, as Vitellio well knew, who was famous for those things which he borrowed from that Author. The Performances also of Ctesibius, who lived in the time of Ptolomaeus Physcon, are much celebrated by Pliny. He invented many things in Hydraulicks, and according to [Page 30] Athenaeus, he was the first Contriver of Mu­sical Organs. These were Mechanical: but Geminus Rhodius the Master of Proclus Ly­cius, applied Logick to Geometry, out of par­ticular Elements abstracting Vniversals. He demonstrated, That there are only Three similar Species of all Lines, viz. Right, Cir­cular, and Cylindrical: And Perseus follow­ing his steps, enrich'd Geometry with the In­vention of three kinds of Crooked Lines, the Parabole, Hyperbole, and Elipsis; for which he express'd his extatick joy, as Thales, Pythagoras, and Archimedes did upon like occasions, in a Sacrifice to the Gods. But to be briefer, Pappus improved the Sphoe­ricks; Theon more methodically digested the Elements of Euclide; Serenus Antinsensis discover'd, that the Section of a right Cy­lindre, is the same with the Elipsis of a right Cone; Copernicus improved the Doctrine of Triangles; Ramus corrected and supplied Euclide, where his Principles were defe­ctive; Maurolicus writ first of Secant Lines; Clavius much illustrated and pro­moted the Doctrine of Tangents, Secants, Triangles, Right Lines, and Sphaericks, be­sides what he did in his Comment upon Eu­clide. I might mention with These, the worthy Performances of Cusanus, Pitiscus, [Page 31] Snellius, Ambrosius Rhodius, Kepler, Francis­cus à Schoten, and others, who contributed very eminently to the perfections and ad­vancements of Geometry, and were late men.

But none have done in it like the excellent Persons whom I reserve for my last menti­on; The chief are Vieta, Des Car­tes, and Dr. Wallis.

IN order to my giving an account of some of their Performances, I must premise, That no great things can be done in Geome­try, without the Analytical Method; And though some Learned Men conceive the Ancients were acquainted with this way of resolving Problems, yet their skill in it went no higher than the Quadratick Order of Aequations, which They demonstrated by Circles and Right Lines, which They call'd Loca plana: but they were able to do no­thing in the Cubical Aequations, or any of [Page 32] the Superiour Orders; though they endea­vour'd to cover their defects in this Art, by recourse ad Locos Solidos, (viz. Conick Secti­ons) and Lineares, as they called them, such as the Helix, Conchoeides, and those of like nature. But those tortous and cur­ved Lines being described Mechanically by Compound Motions, the Problems resolv'd by them are performed Organically by the hand and eye, not Geometrically.

This was the State of the Analytick Art, as long as Learning flourish'd in Greece; when That was subdued by the Barbarians, their Learning with their Country passed to the Arabians, and also to the Persians, as we have it from Hottinger and Bullialdus: But these Successors of the Greeks did not advance their Learning beyond the imper­fect Stature in which it was delivered to them. In that condition it remained till Cardan and Tartaglia, who made some small addition towards the perfection of it; For they gave some Rules for solving Cubi­cal Aequations, which were certain in some cases, but not in all. Their Invention some other Mathematical men endeavoured to advance, laying down Rules for solving some Cubick and Biquadratick Aequations; but could never find an universal way, that [Page 33] might reach all such: Yea indeed they ut­terly despaired, and held it impossible. At length appears Vieta, who by inventing the Method of Extracting Roots in the most numerous Aequations, and by converting the Signs used by the Ancients into Letters, brought Algebra to a very great perfection, as I have noted above; and by enriching the Analytical Art, by the Accessions of his Exegetice Numerosa, and Logistice Speciosa, he hath contributed infinite helps to Geo­metry. After him, divers other Learned men polisht and adorned his Discourses; among whom I mention chiefly our Coun­trymen Harriot and Oughtred, who altred Vieta's Notes to advantage, and invented Canons to direct our Operations in the Ex­tracting of Roots, both in pure and adsected Aequations.

But after these had thus improved the Analytick Art, and well assisted Geometry by it, Des Cartes appears, one of the greatest wits that ever the Sun saw, a Person too great for praise, designed by Heaven for the Instruction of the Learned World, and who no doubt will be the Object of its admiration, as long as there is any Learning in it. This wonderful man [Page 34] in a few Pages, opens a way to mighty Per­formances: He shews us how all the Pro­blems of Geometry may be brought to such terms, that we shall need nothing to the Construction and Demonstration of them, but the knowledge of the length of certain right Lines; and that, as all the Operati­ons of Arithmetick are performed by Addi­tion, Substraction, Multiplication, Division, and Extraction of Roots (which is a species of Division) So in Geometry, for the prepa­ration of Lines that they may be known, nothing needs more to be done, than that others be added to them, or substracted from them; or if the Line be single (which that it may be the better referred to Numbers, may be called Vnity) and beside that, two other Lines, that a Fourth be found which shall have the same proportion to one of these Lines, that the other hath to Vnity, which is the same with Multiplication; or else, that by them a Fourth be found, which may have the same proportion to one of them, which Vnity hath to the other, which is the same with Division; or lastly, That there be found between Vnity, and some other Right Line, two or more mean Pro­portionals, which is the same thing with the Extraction of Quadratick and Cubick [Page 35] Roots. And that he may justifie the intro­ducing of Terms Arithmetical into Geome­try, he observes, That the avoiding there­of was an occasion of much perplexity and obscurity in the Geometry of the Ancients; of which he could give no other conje­cture, but because they did not sufficiently understand the affinity and cognation of those Sciences. But if I should intend an exact History of all his Performances, I must transcribe Him; for he hath said so much in little, that 'tis impossible to abridge those his close Composures. I shall therefore only hint some principal things, referring you to his Writings for the rest.

And I take notice first, That he hath proposed an Vniversal Method for the Solu­tion of all Problems; not only those pro­pounded in Right Lines, Plains, and So­lids: but also all that are made in Angles, a thing of most general Service in all parts of Mathematicks. By It he resolves the fa­mous Proposition in Pappus, which was too hard for Euclide, Apollonius, and all the Ancients. He discourses the nature of crooked Lines, and shews which are fit to be used in Geometrical Demonstrations; Gives Rules for the place where to apply our selves in the Demonstration of any Pro­blem; [Page 36] and tells us, that a Problem after it is brought to an Aequation, and reduced to its least terms, and the unknown Quan­tity is Quadratick, or of two dimensions, that then it may be demonstrated by a Right Lines and Circles: but if the Aequation, after it is reduced to its least Terms, leave the unknown Quantity, Cubick or Biquadra­tick, it must be demonstrated by some one of the Conick Sections. Whereas again, if after the Aequation reduced, the unknown Quantity remain of five or six Dimensions, or more, in infinitum, then the Demonstra­tion must be performed by Lines more and more compound, according to the degree of Composition in the unknown Quantity of the Aequation. But because the way by Lines is perplext and tedious, he gives Rules to reduce Aequations of many Dimensions, to fewer. He shews how to fill up defects, when any Terms are wanting in the Aequa­tion; how to convert the false Roots into true, to avoid Fractions, and to lessen Aequations. He hath demonstrated by a Circle and Parabole the famous Problems so much agitated among the Ancients, viz. the Trisection of an Angle, and the finding two mean Proportionals between two Lines given, with more brevity and expe­dition [Page 37] than any that went before him. And this, Sir, shall suffice by way of intimation, concerning that Prince of Mathematicians and Philosophers.

Since him, others have improved his Method. Schotenius hath demonstrated the Loca Plana of Apollonius: Hadderius hath added Inventions of use and pleasant specu­lation in his Tract of Reduction of Aequa­tions. Florimundus de Beaune hath writ in­genious and profitable things de Natura & Limitibus Aequationum. But 'twould be endless to attempt full Accounts of the Modern Advancements of this Science, or indeed those accessions of growth it hath had since Vieta. And whoever should go about it, must reckon to begin anew as soon as he hath finish'd what he intended, since Geometry is improving daily.

I shall therefore add no more here, but only do right to an excellent Person of our own Nation, Dr. Iohn Wallis, a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY, to whom Geometry is exceedingly indebted for his rare Discoveries in that Science. Par­ticularly, he hath propunded a Method for the measuring of all kind of crooked Lines, which is highly ingenious; and put an end [Page 38] to all future Attempts about Squaring the Circle, which hath puzzled and befooled so many Mathematicians, that have spent their thoughts and time about it. This he hath brought to effect as neer as it can be done, and shew'd the exact performance by ratio­nal Numbers impossible; He hath proposed excellent ways for the measuring all kinds of Plains, and all multangular and solid Bo­dies. But 'tis time now to proceed to the consideration of the next Mathematical Science, viz.

(4.) ASTRONOMY, one of the grandest and most magnifique of all those that lie within the compass of Na­tural Inquiry. I shall not look back to its beginning among the Chaldaeans, Aegypti­ans, and eldest Graecians, in which Times it was but rude and imperfect, in comparison to its modern Advancements. For the great Men among the Greeks are taken much notice of, [Page 39] but for very ordinary and trite things in this Science: As Anaximander Milesius, for teaching, That the Earth was Globous, and the Centre of the World not bigger than the Sun: Anaximines for affirming, That the Moon shone but with a borrowed Light; That the Sun and It were Eclips'd by the Earths interposal; and, That the Stars move round our Globe: And Pythagor as was the first that noted the obliquity of the Ecliptick. This Philosopher indeed was a Person of a vast reach, and said things in Astronomy very agreeable to late Discoveries: But the Di­sputers Omniscient Aristotle made very odd Schemes, not at all corresponding with the Phaenomena of the Heavens, as appears from his Hypotheses of Solid Orbs, E­picycles, Excentricks, Intelligences, and such other ill-contrived Phancies. Be­sides which, if I should descend to consi­der his now palpable Mistakes about the nature of Comets, the Galaxy, the Sphere of Fire under the Moon, and numerous other such, I should oblige my self to a large ramble. Wherefore to be as close as may be in these Notes, I observe, That after Aristotle, Astronomy was cultivated and improved by Theophrastus, Aratus, Ari­starchus Samius, Archimedes, Geminus, Me­nelaus, [Page 40] Theon, Hipparchus, Claudius Ptolo­maeus, and infinite others among the Greeks,

Among later Authors, considerable things have been done in this way by both Latins and Arabians: To omit the latter, I shall give you some particular Instances of the other.

Iohannes de Sacro Bosco ingeniously and methodically explained the Doctrine of the Sphere. Thebit first found the Motion of Trepidation. Regiomontanus published the first Ephemerides, and did excellent things in his Theoricks of the Planets. Wernerus stated the greatest Declination of the Sun. Al­bertus Pighius directed the way to find Ae­quinoxes and Solstices. Baersius framed per­petual Tables of the Longitudes and Lati­tudes of the Planets. Copernicus restored the Hypothesis of Pythagoras and Philolaus, and gave far more neat and consistent Ac­counts of the Phaenomena. Ioachimus made Ephemerides according to the Copernican Doctrine. Clavius invented a most useful demonstrative Astrolabe, and writ an exqui­site Comment upon Sacro Bosco.

But I conclude the last Century with the Noble Ticho Brahe, who performed the glorious Work of restoring the Fix'd Stars to their true places, the assignation of which [Page 41] before him, was rather by guess, than any competent Rules; and the mistakes here, were the very root and foundation of most Errors in Astronomy. For which reason it was, that Copernicus left that earnest ad­vice to his Scholar Ioachimus, that he should apply himself to the restitution of the Fix'd Stars; for till this were done, there could be no hopes of attaining to the true places of the Planets, nor doing any thing to purpose in the whole Science. This ingaged the Noble Tycho to this Enterprise, and he made it the Foundation of all the rest. The Method he used is described by Gassendus. By the help of this noble Per­formance he reformed the elder Astronomi­cal Tables, both the Ptolomaick and Coper­nican. And from his Observations of the new Star of 1572, and six others in his time, he asserted Comets into their place among Heavenly Bodies, shattering all the Solid Orbs to pieces; And he hath done it with such clear conviction, that even the Iesuits, whose thraldom to the Church of Rome, deters them from closing with the Motion of Earth, confess a necessity of re­pairing to some other Hypothesis than that of Ptolomy and Aristotle. I might add to this, That this generous Nobleman invent­ed [Page 42] and framed such excellent Astronomical Instruments, as were by vast odds for use and convenience far beyond any of former times: Himself hath a Treatise concerning them. He hath also made exquisite Tables of the difference that Refractions make in the appearance of the Stars, and done more great things for Astronomical Improvement, than many Ages that were before him; for which reason I could not pardon my self in a curt mention of so glorious an Advan­cer of this Science.

The next Age after him, which is ours, hath made excellent use of his Discoveries, and those of his Elder, the famed Copernicus; and raised Astronomy to the noblest height and perfection that ever yet it had among men. It would take up a Volume to de­scribe, as one ought, all the particular Di­scoveries: But my Design will permit but a short mention. Therefore briefly, I begin with Galilaeo, the reputed Author of the famous Telescope; but indeed the glory of the first Invention of that excellent Tube, belongs to Iacobus Metius of Amsterdam: but 'twas improved by the noble Galilaeo, and he first applied it to the Stars; by which incomparable Advantage, he discove­red the Nature of the Galaxy, the 21 New [Page 43] Stars that compose the Nebulosa in the head of Orion, the 36 that conspire to that other in Cancer, the Ansulae Saturni, the Asse­clae of Iupiters, of whose Motions he com­posed an Ephemeris. By these Lunulae 'tis thought that Iupiters distance from the Earth may be determined, as also the di­stance of Meridians, which would be a thing of vast use, since this hath always been measured by Lunar Eclipses, that hap­pen but once or twice a year; whereas op­portunities of Calculating by the occultati­ons of these new Planets will be frequent, they recurring about 480 times in the year. Besides, to hasten off, Galilaeo discovered the strange Phases of Saturne, on while ob­long, and then round; the increment and decrement of Venus, like the Moon; the Spots in the Sun, and its Revolution upon its own Axis; the Moons libration, collected from the various position of its Maculae; and divers other wonderful and useful Rarities, that were strangers to all Antiquity. Short­ly after Galilaeo, appears Christopherus Schei­ner, who by greater Telescopes viewed the Sun with a curled and unequal Superficies, and in or near the Horizon of an Elliptical figure. He found also, That that supposed uniform Globe of Light, was of a different [Page 44] complexion in its several parts; some bright­er than the main Body, as the Faculae; others darker, as the Maculae. He made more than 2000 Observations of them, and described their Number, Magnitude, Situ­ation, Figure, and Revolutions. But I must contract. Kepler is next, who first propo­sed the Elliptical Hypothesis, made very ac­curate and luciferous Observations about the Motions of Mars, and writ an Epitome of the Copernican Astronomy, in the clearest and most perspicuous Method, containing the Discoveries of others, and divers con­siderable ones of his own; not to mention his Ephemerides, and Book about Comets. Ant. Maria Shirlaeus, with a new Telescope of a larger diameter than ordinary, disco­vered five other Stars more remote from Iupiter than his Satellites, and a kind of vapid Atmosphere about that Planet. Fran­ciscus Fontana observed the same Star, with nine others never leaving it more than ten of its diameters; and in 1636. and 1643. with 8. Anno 1645. with 5, 1646. with 7. on other days with 6. varying their distan­ces one to another, and not to be seen about Mars nor Saturn, nor without extending the Telescope more than was fitting for Fix'd Stars. These Satellites are observed to suf­fer [Page 45] a defection of their Light, when Iupiter interposeth between them and the Sun; whence it is inferr'd, That they have their Light from It, and that Iupiter hath none of his own to impart to them. But to pass on lightly, Longomontanus described the World according to all the Hypotheses of Ptolomy, Copernicus, and Ticho Brahe. Ian­sonius Blaeu made far more perfect and ex­act Celestial Globes than any were extant be­fore. Gassendus writ judiciously of the Stars about Iupiter, and of Mercury in the Sun, and gave the World most excellent Astro­nomical Institutions. Ismael Bullialdus in­rich'd the Science with a new Method to find and easily compute the Paralaxes of Solar Ellipses. Hevelius drew a Graphical Description of the Moon in all its Phases, as it appear'd in the Telescope, accurately de­lineating its Spots, and shewing the inequa­lity and mountanous protuberances of its surface, which lends light to a vast Theory. Both these last named are Fellows of the ROYAL SOCIETY. Of the Selenography of Hevelius, Ricciolus made an Improvement, both as to the Number, Figure, Magnitude, Site, Colour of the Maculae, and the Emi­nencies, Profundities, and Asperities of the Lunar Superficies. Martinus Hortensius [Page 46] found Mercury to have variety of Phases, like the Moon; as, now Horned, then Gib­bous, and at other times Round. But I con­clude this Account with the most Wor­thy and Learned Prelate Dr. Seth VVard, now Lord Bishop of Sarum, who among his other excellent Performances in Astronomy, hath demonstratively proved the Elliptical Hypothesis, which is the most Plain and simple, and performed by fewer Operations than either of the other. This indeed was first discours'd of by Kepler, advanced by Bullialdus, but demonstrated by this accomplish'd and Venerable Bishop, an Honourable Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY.

I Come next (5.) To consider the OPTICKS, whose Improvements are of great importance in the matters of gene­ral Philosophy and humane Life; since the [Page 47] [...]formations of Sense are the ground of [...]oth, and this Science rectifies and helps the [...]oblest of them. Concerning it, there was once a Book of Aristotle's extant, ac­cording to Laertius: but it hath submitted to Time. Since him, this Science hath been cultivated by Euclide, and the ce­lebrated Archimedes, who is said to have done strange things by it, upon the Ships of Marcellus: As Proclus, who impro­ved the Archimedean Artifices, destroyed a Fleet by his Specula Vstoria, that besieged Constantinople. Ptolomy of Alexandria made considerable Improvements of Opticks; and Alhazenus the Arabian, is famous for what he did in It. From these, Vitellio drew his, and advanced the Science by his own Wit, and their Helps. Stevinus corre­cted Euclide, Achazen, and Vitellio, in some fundamental Propositions that were mistakes; and in their room substituted considerable Inventions of his own. Roger Bacon our fam'd Countryman, whom Picus Mirandula calls the Phoenix of his Age, and Vossius, one Learned to a miracle, writ acutely of Opticks. He was accused of Magick to Pope Clement iv. and thereupon imprison­ed: But the Accusation was founded on nothing but his skill in Mathematicks, and [Page 48] the ignorance of his Accusers. After these, the Dioptricks were improved by Kepler, Gassendus, Mersennus, and the noble and incomparable Des Cartes, who hath said the most clear, useful, and improva­ble things about it, that ever were extant on the Subject. But nothing hath so much advanc'd the Science, as the invention of the Telescope by Metius; and that other of the Microscope, concerning which I have to say in the following Instances. I pass therefore to the last I shall mention in the Mathematicks, which is,

(VI.) GEOGRAPHY. In this the Ancients were exceedingly defective. And Aristotle knew the World, by the same figure his Scholar conquer'd it. 'Tis noted by the ingenious Varenius, that the most general and necessary things in this Science were then unknown; as, The Habitableness of the torrid Zone; The flux and reflux of the Sea; The diversity of Winds; The Polar propertie of the Magnet; The true dimen­sion of the Earth. They wanted Descripti­ons of remote Countries, concerning which both the Greeks and Romans had very fabu­lous Relations. They knew not that the Earth was encompassed by the Sea, and [Page 49] might be Sailed round. They were totally ignorant of America, and both the North and South parts of this Hemisphere; yea, and understood very little of the remoter places of their own Asia. Iapan, the Ia­va's the Philippicks, and Borneo, were ei­ther not at all known, or exceeding imper­fectly of old: But all these are familiar to the latter Times. Mexico and Peru, and the vast Regions of those mighty Empires, with the many Isles of the Great Sea are disclosed. The frozen North, the torrid Line, and formerly unknown South, are vi­sited, and by their numerous Inhabitants found not to be so inhospitable and unkind to men, as Antiquity believed. The Earth hath been rounded by Magellan, Drake, and Candish. The great Motion of the Sea is vulgar, and its varieties inquiring every day: The diversities of Winds stated, and better understood: The Treasure of hidden Vertues in the Loadstone, found and used. The Spicy Islands of the East, as also those of the remote South and North, frequented, and the knowledge of that People and those Countries transmitted to us, with their Riches; The most distant being Parts Tra­vell'd and Describ'd. Our Navigation is far greater, our Commerce is more general, [Page 50] our Charts more exact, our Globes more accurate, our Travels more remote, our Reports more intelligent and Sincere; and consequently, our Geography far more per­fect, than it was in the elder Times of Poly­bius and Possidonius, yea than in those of Ptolomy, Strabo, and Pomponius Mela, who lived among the Caesars. And if It was so short in the flourishing Times of the Roman Empire, how was it before, in the days of Aristotle and the Graecians? We have an Instance of it in the Great Macedonian, who thought the bounds of his Conquests to be the end of the World; when there were Nations enough beyond them, to have eaten up the Conqueror, with his proud and trium­phant Armies. So that here also Modern Improvements have been great; and you will think so, if you compare the Geogra­phical Performances of Gemma Frisius, Mer­cator, Ortelius, Stevinus, Bertius, and Guil. Blaeu, with the best Remains of the most celebrated Geographers of the more ancient Ages.

THus, Sir, I have touched upon some of the Improvements of the ARTS that search into the recesses and intrigues of Nature, with which latter Ages have assist­ed Philosophical Inquiries. And in these I see I have struck farther than I was aware, in­to the account of those things also which lead us to the grosser Phaenomena; and my Remarques about Geography are all of that nature. However I shall not alter my Me­thod; but after I have discours'd the IN­STRVMENTS I mentioned for Use­ful Knowledge, I shall consider somewhat of NATVRAL HISTORY, which reports the Appearances, and is fundamen­tally necessary to all the Designs of Science. As for the INSTRVMENTS then, that are next, before I come to give you [Page 52] the Notes I intend concerning them, I ob­serve, That

The Philosophy that must signifie either for Light or Vse, must not be the work of the Mind turned in upon it self, and on­ly conversing with its own Idaeas; but It must be raised from the Observations and Applications of Sense, and take its Accounts from Things as they are in the sensible World. The Illustrious Lord Bacon hath noted this as the chief cause of the unpro­fitableness of the former Methods of know­ledge, viz. That they were but the Exer­cises of the Mind, making Conclusions, and spinning out Notions from its own native store; from which way of proceeding, no­thing but Dispute and Air could be expect­ed. 'Twas the fault that Great Man found in the Ancients, That they flew presently to general Propositions, without staying for a due information from Particulars, and so gradually advancing to Axioms: Whereas the Knowledge from which any thing is to be hoped, must be laid in Sense, and rai­sed not only from some few of its ordinary Informations; but Instances must be ag­gregated, compared, and critically inspected, and examined singly and in consort. In or­der to which Performances, our Senses [Page 53] must be aided; for of themselves they are too narrow for the vastness of things, and too short for deep Researches: They make us very defective and unaccurate Reports, and many times very deceitful and fallacious ones. I say therefore, they must be assisted with Instruments that may strengthen and rectisie their Operations. And in these we have mighty advantages over Aristotle and the Ancients; so that much greater things may well be expected from our Philosophy, than could ever have been performed by theirs, though we should grant them all the superiority of Wit and Vnderstanding their fondest Admirers would ascribe to those Sages. For a weak hand can move more weight by the help of Springs, Wheels, Leavers, and other Mechanick Powers, than the strongest could do without them. And that we really have these Advantages, must be shewn by Instance: I mentioned Five that are considerable to that purpose, which I took notice of among many others; and they were the TELESCOPE, MI­CROSCOPE, THERMOMETER, BAROMETER, and AIR-PVMP.

(I.) The TELESCOPE is the most excellent Invention that ever was, for assist­ing the Eye in remote Discoveries. The di­stance [Page 54] of the Heavens is so vast, that our unaided Senses can give us but extreamly imperfect Informations of that Upper World; And the Speculations that Anti­quity hath raised upon them, have for the most part been very mean, and very false: But these excellent Glasses bring the Stars nearer to us, and acquaint us better with the immense Territories of Light: They give us more Phaenomena, and truer Ac­counts; disperse the shadows and vain Ima­ges of the twilight of naked sense, and make us a clearer and larger prospect. By these Advantages they inlarge our Thoughts, and shew us a more magnificent Representa­tion of the Vniverse: So that by them the Heavens are made more amply to declare the Glory of God, and we are help'd to nobler and better-grounded Theories. I have mentioned in my Account of the Advance of Astronomy, some of the most remarka­ble Discoveries that have been made by these Tubes, which exceedingly transcend all the Imaginations of Elder Times; and by the further improvement of them, other things may be disclosed as much beyond all ours. And the present Philosophers are so far from desiring that Posterity should sit down con­tented with their Discoveries and Hypothe­ses, [Page 55] that they are continually sollicitous for the gaining more helps to themselves, and those that shall follow, for a further pro­gress into the knowledge of the Phaenome­na, and more certain judgments upon them. So that these Glasses are exceedingly better­ed since their Invention by Metius, and ap­plication to the Heavens by Galilaeo; and several ingenious Members of the ROY­AL SOCIETY are now busie about improving them to a greater height. What success and informations we may expect from the Advancements of this Instrument, it would perhaps appear Romantick and ri­diculous to say; As, no doubt, to have talk'd of the spots in the Sun, and vast in­equalities in the surface of the Moon, and those other Telescopical certainties, before the Invention of that Glass, would have been thought phantastick and absurd. I dare not therefore mention our greatest hopes: but this I adventure, That 'tis not unlikely but Posterity may by those Tubes, when they are brought to higher degrees of perfection, find a sure way to determine those mighty Questions, Whether the Earth move? or, the Planets are inhabited? And who knoweth which way the Conclusi­ons may fall? And 'tis probable enough, [Page 56] that another thing will at last be found out, in which this lower World is more immediately concerned, by Telescopical Observations, which is, the most desired Invention of Longitudes; upon which must needs ensue yet greater Improvements of Navigation, and perhaps the Discovery of the North-west Passage, and the yet unknown South. Whatever may be thought of these Expectations by Vulgar and narrow Minds, whose Theories and Hopes are confin'd by their Senses, those that consider, that one Experiment discovered to us the vast Ame­rica, will not despair. But 'tis time to pass from this, to a second Modern Aid, where­by our Sight is assisted, which is,

(II.) The MICROSCOPE. The Secrets of Nature are not in the greater Masses, but in those little Threds and Springs which are too subtile for the gros­ness of our unhelp'd Senses; and by this In­strument our eyes are assisted to look into the minutes and subtilties of things, to discern the otherwise invisible Schematisms and Structures of Bodies, and have an ad­vantage for the finding out of Original Mo­tions; To perceive the exactness and curi­osity of Nature in all its Composures; And from thence take sensible Evidence of the [Page 57] Art and Wisdom that is in its Contrivance; To disclose the variety of living Creatures that are shut up from our bare Senses, and open a kind of other World unto us, which its littleness kept unknown. This Instru­ment hath been exceedingly improved of late, even to the magnifying of Objects a thousand times, and many useful Theories have been found and explicated by the no­tices it hath afforded; as appears by the Microscopical Writings of those ingenious Mechanicks, Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY, Dr. Power and Mr. Hooke.

But (III.) The THERMOMETER was another Instrument I mentioned, which discovers all the small unperceivable varia­tions in the heat or coldness of the Air, and exhibits many rare and luciferous Phaenome­na, which may help to better Informations about those Qualities, than yet we have any. And as to this, I observe with the great Verulam, and the other Bacon the Il­lustrious Mr. Boyle, That Heat and Cold are the right and left hand of Nature. The for­mer is the great Instrument of most of her Operations; and the other hath its Interest. And yet the Philosophy of Aristotle hath nei­ther done nor as much as attempted anything toward the Discovery of their [Page 58] Natures; but contented it self with the jejune, vulgar, and general description, That Heat is a Quality that gathereth together things of a like nature, and severs those that are unlike; and Cold congregates both. But now if we will know any thing deeply in the business of Rarefaction and Condensation, the Doctrine of Meteors, and other mate­rial Affairs of Nature, other Accounts about these things must be endeavoured; and the bare informations of our Senses, are not exact enough for this purpose; for their Reports in this kind are various and uncer­tain, according to the temper and disposition of our Bodies, and several unobserved acci­dental mutations that happen in them. This Instrument therefore hath been invented to supply their defects; and it gives far more constant and accurate, though perhaps not always infallible Relations: but the justest are afforded by the Sealed Thermometer. And besides the Vses of this Instrument I suggested, it will help very much in fra­ming the History of Weather, which may be applied to many excellent purposes of phi­losophy, and services of Life.

But (IV.) The BAROMETER is another late Instrument very helpful to Vseful Knowledge. That there is gravity even in the Air it self, and that that Element is only comparatively light, is now made evident and palpable by Experience, though Aristotle and his Schools held a different The­ory: And by the help of Quicksilver in a Tube, the way is found to measure all the degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere, and to estimate exactly any accession of weight, which the Air receives from Winds, Clouds, or Vapours. To have said in Elder Times, That Mankind should light upon an Inven­tion whereby those Bodies might be weigh'd, would certainly have appeared very wild and extravagant; and it will be so accounted for some time yet, till men [Page 60] have been longer and are better acquainted with this Instrument: For we have no rea­son to believe it should have better luck than the Doctrine of the Circulation, the Theory of Antipodes, and all great Discoveries in their first Proposals. 'Tis impossible to per­swade some of the Indians that live near the heats of the Line, that there is any such thing as Ice in the World; but if you talk to them of Water made hard and consistent by Cold, they'l laugh at you as a notorious Romancer. And those will appear as ridi­culous among the most of us, who shall affirm it possible to determine any thing of the weight of the Wind or Clouds. But Ex­perience turns the laugh upon the confident incredulity of the Scoffer; and he that will not believe, needs no more for his convi­ction, than the labour of a Tryal. Let him then fill a Tube of Glass of some Feet in length, with Quicksilver; and having sealed one end, let him stop the other with his Finger, and immerge that which is so stop'd into a Vessel of Mercury, the Tube being perpendicularly erected; let him then sub­stract his Finger, and he will perceive the Quicksilver to descend from the Tube into the subjacent Vessel, till it comes to 29 Di­gits or thereabouts; there, after some Vi­brations, [Page 61] it ordinarily rests. The reason that this remainder of the Mercury doth not descend also, is, because such a Mer­curial Cylinder is just equiponderant to one of the incumbent Atmosphere that leans up­on the Quicksilver in the Vessel, and so hin­ders a further descent. It is concluded therefore, That such a Cylinder of the Air as presses upon the Mercury in the Vessel, is of equal weight to about 29 Digits of that ponderous Body in the Tube. Thus it is when the Air is in its ordinary temper: but Va­pours, Winds, and Clouds alter the Standard, so that the Quicksilver sometimes falls, sometimes rises in the Glass, proportiona­bly to the greater or less accession of gravity and compression the Air hath received from any of those alterations; and the Degree of increase beyond the Standard, is the measure of the additional gravity. This Experiment was the Invention of Torricellius, and used to little more purpose at first, but to prove a Vacuum in Nature; and the deserted part of the Glass- Tube was by many thought an absolute void, which I believe is a mistake: But it hath been since improved to this De­sign of weighing the degrees of compression in the Air; a thing that may signifie much, in giving us to understand its temper in se­veral [Page 62] Places, on Hills and in Caves, in divers Regions and Climates, which may tend to the disclosing many excellent Theories and helps in humane Life. And the Air is so Catholick a Body, and hath so great an influence upon all others, and upon ours, that the advantage of such an Instrument, for the better acquainting us with its na­ture, must needs be very considerable, and a good Aid to general Philosophy. And who yet knows how far, and to what Discove­ries this Invention may be improved? The World a long time only rudely star'd upon the Wonders of the Loadstone, before its use was found for the advantage of Navigation; and 'tis not impossible, but that future Times may derive so much benefit one way or other from this Invention, as may equal its esteem to that of the Compass. The ROYAL SOCIETY, by their Care and Endeavours in the using this Instrument, give us hopes, that they will let none of its useful Applications to escape us. And I know not whether we may not mention it as the first great benefit we have from it, that it was an occasion of the Invention of Mr. Boyle's famous Pneumatick Engine: And this is the other Instrument I noted, and call'd

[Page 63] (V.) The AIR-PVMP, concerning the usefulness of which, that excellent Per­son himself hath given the best Accounts, in his Discourse of Physico-Mechanical Ex­periments made in that Engine, by which he hath discovered and proved a rare and luciferous Theory, viz. the Elastick Power or Spring of the Air, and by this, hath put to flight that Odd Phancy of the Fuga Vacui, and shewn, that the strange Effects which use to be ascribed to that general and ob­scure cause, do arise from the native self-expansion of the Air. The extent of which Elastical Expansion, he hath found divers ways to measure by his Engine, which also discovers the influence the Air hath on Flame, Smoke, and Fire; That it hath none in Operations Magnetical; That it is proba­bly much interspersed in the Pores of water, and comprest by the incumbent Atmosphere, even in those close retreats; What operati­on the exsuction of the Air hath on other Liquors, as Oyl, Wine, Spirit of Vinegar, Milk, Eggs, Spirit of Vrine, Solution of Tartar, and Spirit of Wine; The gravity and expansion of the Air under Water; The interest the Air hath in the vibrations of Pendulums, and what it hath to do in the propagation of Sounds; That Fumes and [Page 64] Vapours ascend by reason of the gravity of the Ambient, and not from their own posi­tive levity; The nature of Suction, the cause of Filtration, and the rising of Water in Siphons; The nature of Respiration, and the Lungs illustrated by tryals made on se­veral kinds of Animals, and the interest the Air hath in the Operations of Corrosive Li­quors. These, and many more such like beneficial Observations and Discoveries, hath that great man made by the help of his Pneumatick Engine; and there is no doubt but more, and perhaps greater things will be disclosed by it, when future ingenuity and diligence hath improved and perfected this Invention. (For what great thing was absolute and perfect in its first rise and be­ginning?) And 'tis like this Instrument hereafter will be used and applied to things yet unthought of, for the advancement of Knowledge and conveniences of Life.

THus, Sir, I have performed the first part of my promise, by shewing what Advantages the latter Ages, and par­ticularly the ROYAL SOCIETY, have for deep search into things both by ARTS and INSTRVMENTS new­ly invented or improved, above those en­joy'd by Aristotle and the Ancients.

To my Discourse about the Dioptrick Tubes, the Telescope and Microscope, the Reverend Disputer replied, [ That our Glasses were all deceitful and fallacious.] Which Answer minds me of the good Wo­man, who when her Husband urged in an occasion of difference, [ I saw it, and shall I not believe my own Eyes?] Replied brisk­ly, Will you believe your own Eyes, before your own dear Wife? And it [Page 66] seems this Gentleman thinks it unreasonable we should believe ours, before his own dear Aristotle.

For an assurance of the credit of those Glasses, I told him he might try them up­on objects near, and easily visible by the un­assisted sight; and if he made the tryal, he would find they altered the objects in nothing but their proportions, which are represented larger for the advantage of vision in things small and remote; and we have all the like reasons to distrust our Eyes, as these Glasses (for their informations are the same in all things, but the mentioned difference) and there is no man so much a fool, as not to make allowances for that. Never was any yet so grosly deceived by the Micro­scope, as to be perswaded that a Flea is as big as a Lobster; nor did the Telescope ever make any one believe that the Moon was at the end of his Tube: But if the former re­presents that little Creature as bristled and Ja [...]ar'd, and the other makes the Planet mountanous and uneven, we have no reason to believe but that their reports are sincere, though our unaided Senses are too gross to perceive either the one or other; since, if the mentioned bristles and ja [...]ars are in the Glass, and nor in the Animal, they [Page 67] would appear in like manner in all the small Creatures which in the same light and position are look'd on through the Mi­croscope: And if the ruggedness of surface were in it, and not in the Moon, the same would be seen upon all other distant ob­jects, that are view'd through the other Optick Instrument. And if there be deceit in those Glasses, Seamen had need beware how they trust them, since the Flags which appear to be those of their Friends in the Perspective, may be really the Colours of their Enemies.

Upon these accounts, Sir, which afford plain and sensible evidence, I wondered much at the Disputers strange suspicion, which had been scarce pardonable in a vul­gar head; and I know not what to call it in one, that would be thought a Philosopher: But the wary man gave a reason, which made me as much wonder at his Argument, as his Doubt. And to this attend Ye Phi­losophers of the ROYAL COLLEDGE, and prepare your selves to answer a Demon­stration from Experience, against your Glas­ses; Raise your Expectations for a wonderful, convictive Experiment; Let the Mountains travel, and the Birth will follow. [ Take two Spectacles (saith the Experimental [Page 68] Sage) use them at the same time, and you will not see so well as with one singly.] Therefore your Microscopes and Telescopes are impostors. This man, Sir, is a Logician, and no doubt you perceive so. O how I admire this rare faculty of arguing! How dull are our Wits, to those subtile, Eagle­ey'd Schoolmen, who see Conclusions so far off, through the more unerring Telescopes of their own piercing Understandings? Did ever old man before make this use of his Spectacles? But to leave wondring, let's endeavour to understand this Philosophy of Chue. How a man may see by Spectacles, that Perspectives are deceitful. [ We can see better through one pair, than two] saith the deep Philosopher. Most sagely observ'd! The Argument begins strongly: But in the Name of Aristotle, whence comes the Con­sequence? Therefore Perspectives are falla­cious.

This fits his purpose to discredit new Discoveries, 'tis no matter how it follows. This Gentleman, you must know Sir, useth to have his word taken among his admiring [Page 69] Neighbours, and so is not wont to be put to the trouble of proving: but I was so un­mannerly as to expect it, chusing rather to see with mine own Eyes, than his infallible Spectacles. We can see better—saith the Disputer. How doth he know that? If Perspectives deceive us, though naked sense witness for them, Why may not his single Spectacles be as deceitful as they? These represent things bigger than they are to the unaided sight; and the Philosophical Glasses do but the same thing, in a higher degree of magnifying the Object. But we allow him the benefit of his single Spectacles, though he will not be so courteous to our Glasses, and confess his Reverend Experiment of the use of two, but are inquisitive about the Consequence. The Reason of which cer­tainly must be (if any be intended in it) that our Telescopes and Microscopes have a Glass at each end, which the Man of Sapi­ence thinks answers the two pair of Specta­cles, and therfore must render the Re­presentation deceitful. If this Philosopher had spared some of those thoughts to the profitable Doctrine of Opticks, which he hath spent upon Genus and Species, we had never heard of this Objection, which is as much a reason against the credit of all [Page 70] perspective Glasses whatsoever, as the Phi­losophical ones he would discredit. And without more Opticks than those of natu­ral Vnderstanding, he might, if it had pleased him, have known, that we see bet­ter through the two Glasses in Perspectives, than any single one; because they are so fashioned and ordered, that the visive rays are better gathered and united by them for the advantage of sight: But in the two Spe­ctacles, the case is contrary. These things I suggested, and some others from the Di­optricks, in which this Sage Person was pleased then to conceal his knowledge; and how great that was in these matters, will appear by the Learned Problem he pro­posed at this period of our Discourse, viz. [Why we cannot see with two pair of Spectacles, better than with one singly? For, saith the Man of Axioms, Vis unita fortior?] A pleasant piece of Phi­losophy this; and I'le shew the Disputer how strongly he infers from his Maxim, by another Question like it. Why cannot he write better with two Pens, than with a sin­gle one, since Vis unita fortior? When he hath answered this Quaere, he hath resolved his own. I said in the Discourse, That the reason he gave why one would expect [Page 71] it should be so, is the reason why 'tis not; and this is plain enough to sense, from the confusion of Vision, which shews, that the rays are not united after the way requisite for the aiding the sight (as I just now inti­mated) and how that should be, I had here shewn, but that I am ashamed to add more in earnest about a grave foolery. And I confess, Sir, I account these personal matters a kind of Digression from the main thing I intended. To return therefore to my Subject.

HAving discourst the modern Help [...] vseful knowledge hath for deep Re­search, I am next

(2.) To recount what Aids it hath re­ceived from our better acquaintance with the Phaenomena. For this I must consider NATURAL HISTORY more par­ticularly, [Page 72] which is the Repository wherein these are lodg'd. How this may be com­piled in the best order, and to the best ad­vantage, is most judiciously represented by the Immortal Lord Bacon; and to shew how highly It hath been advanced in modern Times, I need say little more, than to amass in a brief Recollection, some of the Instan­ces of newly-discovered Phaenomena, which are scatter'd under the Heads of the Arts and Instruments I have discours'd, with the Addition of some others: As,

In the HEAVENS, those of the Spots and Dinettick motion of the Sun, the moun­tanous protuberances and shadows in the bo­dy of the Moon, about nineteen Magnitudes more of Fixed Stars, the Lunulae of Iupi­ter, their mutual Eclipsing one another, and its turning round upon its own Axis; the Ring about Saturn, and its shadow upon the Body of that Star; the Phases of Ve­nus, the increment and decrement of Light among the Planets, the appearing and dis­aprearing of Fixed Stars, the Altitude of Comets, and nature of the Via Lactea. By these Discoveries, and more such, the History of the Heavens hath been rectified and augmented by the Modern Advancers of Astronomy, whom in their place I have [Page 73] cited. In the AIR Its Spring, the more [...]ccurate History and Nature of Winds and Meteors, and the probable height of the Atmosphere, have been added by the Lord Bacon, Des Cartes, Mr. Boyle, and others. In the EARTH, New Lands by Colum­bus, Magellan, and the rest of the Disco­verers; and in these, new Plants, new Fruits, new Animals, new Minerals, and a kind of other World of Nature, from which this is supplied with numerous con­veniences of Life, and many thousand Fa­milies of our own little one are continually fed and maintained. In the WATERS, the great Motion of the Sea, unknown in elder Times, and the particular Laws of flux and reflux in many places, are disco­ver'd. The History of BATHES aug­mented by Savonarola, Baccius, and Blan­thellus; of METALS by Agricola; and the whole SVBTERRANEOUS WORLD described by the universally Learned Kircher. The History of PLANTS much improved by Matthi­olus, Ruellius, Bauhinus, and Gerard, be­sides the late Account of English Vegita­bles publish'd by Dr. Merret, a worthy Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY. And another excellent Virtuoso of the same [Page 74] Assembly, Mr. Iohn Evelyn, hath very considerably advanced the History of Fruit and Forest-Trees, by his Sylva and Pomona; and greater things are expected from his Preparations for Elysium Britannicum, a no­ble Design now under his hands: And cer­tainly the inquisitive World is much in­debted to this generous Gentleman for his very ingenious Performances in this kind, as also for those others of Sculpture, Picture, Architecture, and the like practical, use­ful things with which he hath inrich'd it. The History of ANIMALS hath been much inlarged by Gesner, Rondeletius, Al­drovandus, and more accurately inquir'd into by the Micrographers: And the late Travellers, who have given us Accounts of those remote parts of the Earth, that have been less known to these, have described great variety of Living Creatures, very dif­ferent from the Animals of the nearer Regi­ons; among whom the ingenious Author of the History of the Caribbies deserves to be mentioned as an Instance. In our own BODIES Natural History hath found a rich heap of Materials in the above-men­tioned Particulars of the Venae Lacteae, the Vasa Lymphatica, the Valves and Sinus of the Veins, the several new Passages and [Page 75] [...]landules, the Ductus Chyliferus, the Ori­ [...]ination of the Nerves, the Circulation of [...]he Blood, and the rest. And all the main Heads of Natural History have receiv'd [...]ids and increase from the famous Verulam, who led the way to substantial Wisdom, and hath given most excellent Directions for the Method of such an HISTORY of NATURE.

THus, Sir, I have dispatch'd the FIRST Part of my Method pro­posed in the beginning; but stand yet in­gaged for the other, which is to shew,

(II.) That the later Ages since Aristotle have had great advantages of him, in re­spect of Opportunities and Helps for the spreading and communicating Knowledge, [Page 76] and thereby of improving and enlarging it And methinks the very mention of Age [...] and Aristotle, by way of comparison in this case, hath so much of absurdity in it, tha [...] I am almost ashamed to proceed further in the proof of such a Proposition as this, viz. That the Advantages of Mankind in the Succession of two thousand years, are more than those of a single Person who lived but sixty three. Certainly those that have the fondness to think the contrary, have a Faith that exceeds all the Extravagancies of Fiction: For never any Romance was so absurdly vain, as to feign an Heroe whose single strength and valour exceeded Armies of other Mortals. And 'tis not less absurd to suppose the Wit of one man, and he an Idolater and an Heathen, to transcend the joynt Understandings of all the wiser World, though assisted by his Knowledge, the Light of Christianity, and the aggrega­ted Informations and Endeavours of many Learned Ages: But my Reverend Op­posite had this belief, and hath thereby out-done the largest excesses of Poetry. For his sake therefore, and those others that are of this more than hyperbolical Faith, I add the SECOND Part of my proposed Method, though what I have said already [Page 77] upon the First, is, I judge, more than suf­ficient for that purpose; And yet I think it not impertinent to subjoyn those other Considerations, both because they will fur­ther discover the unreasonable vanity of the doating Spirits, that oppose all gene­rous Endeavours for the advance and im­provement of Knowledge; and (which may signifie more) will excite and encourage Hopes of Modern Attempts: and Hope is the fuel of Activity and Endeavour.

I descend to demonstrate then by pal­pable and undeniable Instances, That we have Advantages above Aristotle, and, which is much more, above all elder Times, for mutual Communications, and impart­ments of our Notices, Observations, Expe­riments, and Performances for the increase of Science. My Instances are THREE, PRINTING, the COMPASS, and the ROYAL SOCIETY.

For the FIRST, PRINTING, It was, according to Polydore Vergil, the In­vention of Iohn Cuthenberg of Mentz in Germany, though others give the honour to one Fust of the same City, and some to Laurentius a Burger of Haerlem. But who­ever was the Author, this is agreed, That this excellent Art was first practiced about [Page 78] the year 1440. and was utterly unknown i [...] elder Times; at least in all the parts of th [...] World that are on this side the Kingdom o [...] China, which they say had it more early but it signifies not to our purpose. Now by reason of the Ancients want of this In­vention, Copies of excellent things could not be so much dispersed, nor so well pre­serv'd either from the Corruptions of Tim [...] or Design. The Charge of Books was very great, forgeries frequent, and mistakes o [...] Transcribers numerous. They were quickly swept away out of those few Libraries in which they were, by Fire and Violence, o [...] spoiled by Dust and Rottenness. And in th [...] absence of this Art, 'twas easie enough fo [...] one Aristotle to destroy the most considera­ble Remains of the Ancients, that the power of his great Scholar put into his hands which, 'tis credibly reported of him, tha [...] he did, to procure more Fame for his own Performances: as also to conceal his thefts and injurious dealings with those venerable Sages, whom he seems to take a great de­light to contradict and expose, as I have else­where proved. But now, by this excel­lent Invention, the Knowledge that is lodged in Books, is put beyond the danger of such Corruptions, Forgeries, or any fatal [Page 79] inconvenience. We communicate upon easie [...]terms at the remotest distance, converse with the Wisemen that went before us, and se­ [...]rely convey down our Conceptions to the Ages that shall follow. So that by this means Knowledge is advantageously spread and improved; especially since the Assi­stance modern Ingenuity hath brought us, in that other admirable Invention,

(2.) The COMPASS. How defe­ctive the Art of Navigation was in elder Times, when they Sailed by the observati­on of the Stars, is easie to be imagin'd: For in dark weather, when their Pleiades, Helice, and Cynosura were hidden from them by the intervening Clouds, the Mari­ [...]ner was at a loss for his Guide, and exposed to the casual conduct of the Winds and Tides. For which reason the Ancients sel­dom or never durst venture into the Ocean, but steer'd along within sight of the safer Shore. So that the Commerce and Commu­nications of those Days were very narrow; Their famed Travels in comparison were but domestick; and a whole World was to them unknown. But it hath been the happy pri­viledge of later Days to find the way to ap­ply the wonderful Vertues of the Loadstone to Navigation; and by the direction of the [Page 80] Compass we securely commit our selves t [...] the immense Ocean, and find our path i [...] the vastest Wilderness of Waters. So tha [...] Commerce and Traffique is infinitely impro­ved, the other half of the Globe disclosed and that on this side the great Sea better un­derstood. The Religions, Laws, Customs and all the Rarities and Varieties of Art and Nature, which any the most distant Clim [...] knows and enjoys, are laid open and made common; and thereby the History of Nature is wonderfully inlarged, and knowledge is both propagated and improved.

Who it was that first discovered this excellent Mystery, is not certainly known [...] But one Flavius Goia of Amalphis in the Kingdom of Naples, is said to be the Au­thor; and to have found this incomparable Rarity about 300 years ago. 'Tis pity that one of the greatest Benefactors to man­kind that ever was, should lie hid in so ne­glected an obscurity; when the great Trou­blers of the World, who have vex'd it by the Wars of the Hand and of the Brain, have so dear and so precious a Memory. For my part I think there is more acknowledgment due to the name of this obscure Fellow, that hath scarce any left, than to a thou­sand Alexanders and Caesars, or to ten times [Page 81] the number of Aristotles. And he really did more for the increase of Knowledge, and advantage of the World by this one Ex­periment, than the numerous subtile Di­sputers that have lived ever since the erection of the School of talking.

And methinks it may not be improper for me here to take notice of that other great German Invention, that useth to be mentioned in the Company, viz. That of GVNPOWDER and ARTILLE­RY, which hath done its Service also for the help and propagation of Knowledge, as you will perceive, when you shall consider; that by the assistance of these terrible En­gins of Death, the great Western Indies were presently subdued, which likely had not been so easily effected by the ancient and ordinary Methods of War. 'Twas this Thun­der and Lightning, and the invisible Instru­ments of Ruine, that destroyed the Courage of those numerous and hardy People, took away the hearts of the strongest Resisters, and made them an easie prey to the Conquer­ing Invaders.

And now by the gaining that mighty Continent, and the numerous fruitful Isles beyond the Atlantick, we have obtained a larger Field of Nature, and have thereby [Page 82] an advantage for more Phaenomena, and more helps both for Knowledge and for Life, which 'tis very like that future Ages will make better use of to such purposes, than those hitherto have done; and that Science also may at last travel into those parts, and inrich Peru with a more precious Treasure than that of its golden Mines, is not im­probable. And so these Engines of Destru­ction, in a sense too are Instruments of Knowledge. Of the first Author of this Experiment we know no more, but that he was a German Monke, who lighted on it chance, when he was making some Chymi­cal Tryals with Nitre, near about the time of the Invention of the Compass; but his Name and other Circumstances are lost.

Now whoever considers, with the Noble Verulam, how much the state of things in the World hath been altered and advanced by these THREE EXPERIMENTS alone, will conceive great hopes of Mo­dern Experimental Attempts, from which greater matters may be looked for, than those which were the Inventions of single Endeavourers, or the results of Chance.

And of all the Combinations of Men that ever met for the Improvement of Science, therewere never any whose Designes were [Page 83] [...]etter laid, whose Encouragements were greater, whose Abilities were more pro­mising, or whose Constitution was more ju­diciously or advantageously formed, than the ROYAL SOCIETY.

THis Noble Institution, Sir, was the THIRD Advantage I mention­ed, that the Modern World hath for the Communication and Increase of Knowledge. And just as I am come to this Particular of my Method, I find I am happily prevent­ed, and see I need not say much about it; For their HISTORY, that is newly come abroad, gives so full and so accurate an Account of them and their Designs, that perhaps it may be superfluous to do more in This, than to recommend that excellent [Page 84] Discourse to your perusal, which I do with some more than ordinary zeal and concern­ment, both because the Subject is one of the most weighty and considerable that ever afforded matter to a Philosophical Pen, and because it is writ in a way of so judici­ous a gravity, and so prudent and modest an expression, with so much clearness of sense, and such a natural fluency of genuine elo­quence: so that I know it will both profit and entertain you. And I say further, that you may remember to do your self this right, That the Style of that Book hath all the properties that can recommend any thing to an ingenious relish: For 'tis manly, and yet plain; natural, and yet not care­less: The Epithets are genuine, the Words proper and familiar, the Periods smooth and of middle proportion: It is not broken with ends of Latin, nor impertinent Quotations; nor made harsh by hard words, or needless terms of Art: Not rendred intricate by long Parentheses, nor gaudy by flanting Meta­phors; not tedious by wide fetches and cir­cumferences of Speech, nor dark by too much curtness of Expression: 'Tis not loose and unjointed, rugged and uneven; but as polite and as fast as Marble; and briefly, avoids all the notorious defects, and wants none of [Page 85] the proper ornaments of Language. I say, proper; for Styles are Cloathes that must be fitted to the Subjects they are upon, and altered according to the different kinds of things they describe and express.

Thus, Sir, you see I am not infected with that base Envy, that always speaks de­tractingly or sparingly of the most worthy Performances of Contemporaries. And be­cause of this general ill nature in Mankind, few men can bear large commendations of others, though they are never so just; but will endeavour to find all the faults that malicious Wit can suggest, against any thing which hath a great character of worth up­on it, especially if it be of modern date; a baseness which no doubt hath been a great discouragement to many noble Designs and Endeavours. For my part, I thank God, I am inclined by my particular complexion, as well as by my Reason, to take as much pleasure to do right to the deserts of excel­lent Things and Persons, as some are to malign and defame them; and in what I have said on this occasion, I have not only gratified that humour, but I hope done you a kindness, by disposing you to a care­ful reading of what I have so earnestly recommended: And in that you will see [Page 86] what were the Reasons of forming such a Combination as the ROYAL SOCIE­TY, what is the Nature of that Constituti­on, what are their Designs, and what they have done. You'l find there a Collection of some (among numerous others that are in their Repository) of the Experiments, Ob­servations, and Instruments which they have invented and advanced for the Improvement of real, useful Knowledge, and a full vin­dication of the Design, from the dark suspi­cions and objections of jealousie and igno­rance.

BUT that I may not wholly refer you, which may look lik a put-off, I'le here of­fer you something for a present stay to your Appetite, concerning this Establishment, as it is an Advantage for the communication and increase of Science. I say then, That it was observed by the excellent Lord Bacon, and some other ingenious Moderns, That Philo­sophy, which should be an Instrument to work with, to find out those Aids that Pro­vidence hath laid up in nature to help us against the inconveniences of this State, and to make such applications of things as may tend to universal benefit. I say, They took notice, that instead of such a Philosophy as this, That which had usurp'd the Name, and [Page 87] obtained in the Schools, was but a combina­tion of general Theortes and Notions, that were concluded rashly, without due infor­mation from particulars, and spun out into unprofitable niceties, that tend to nothing but Dispute and Talk, and were never like to advance any Works for the benefit and use of men.

This being consider'd, the deep and judi­cious Verulam made the complaint, represen­ted the defects and unprofitableness of the Notional way, proposed another to reform and inlarge Knowledge by Observation and Experiment, to examine and record Particulars, and so to rise by degrees of Inducti­on to general Propositions, and from them to take direction for new Inquiries, and more Discoveries, and other Axioms; that our Notions may have a Foundation upon which a solid Philosophy may be built, that may be firm, tite, and close knit, and su­ted to the Phaenomena of things: So that Nature being known, it may be master'd, managed, and used in the Services of hu­mane Life.

This was a mighty Design, groundedly laid, wisely exprest, and happily recommen­ded by the Glorious Author, who began no­bly, and directed with an incomparable con­duct [Page 88] of Wit and Iudgment: But to the car­rying it on, It was necessary there should be many Heads and many Hands, and Those formed into an Assembly, that might inter­communicate their Tryals and Observations, that might joyntly work, and joyntly consi­der; that so the improvable and luciferous Phaenomena, that lie scatter'd up and down in the vast Champaign of Nature, might be aggregated and brought into a common store. This the Great Man desired, and form'd a SOCIETY of Experimenters in a Ro­mantick Model, but could do no more; His time was not ripe for such Performan­ces.

These things therefore were consider'd also by the later Virtuosi, who several of them combined together, and set themselves on work upon this grand Design; in which they have been so happy, as to obtain the Royal Countenance and Establishment, to ga­ther a great Body of generous Persons of all Qualities and sorts of Learning, to over­come the difficulties of the Institution, and to make a very encouraging and hopeful progress in their pursuits. For the account of which particulars, I refer you to the History, and only take notice, How igno­rantly those rash and inconsiderate people [Page 89] talk, who speak of this Assembly as a com­pany of men whose only aim is to set up some new Theories and Notions in Philoso­phy; whereas indeed, Their first and chief Imployment is, carefully to seek and faith­fully to report how things are de facto; and They continually declare against the esta­blishment of Theories, and Speculative Do­ctrines, which they note as one of the most considerable miscarriages in the Philosophy of the Schools: And their business is not to Dispute, but Work. So that those others al­so that look on them as pursuing phancy­ful Designs, are as wide and unjust in their ill-contriv'd Censure: Since Their Aims are to free Philosophy from the vain Images and Compositions of Phansie, by making it pal­pable, and bringing it down to the plain objects of the Senses; For those are the Fa­culties which they employ and appeal to, and complain that Knowledge hath too long hover'd in the clouds of Imagination. So that methinks this ignorant Reproach is, as if those that doated on the Tales of the Fa­bulous Age, should clamour against Herodo­tus and Thucydides as idle Romancers. For the main intendment of this Society is to erect a well-grounded Natural History, which takes off the heats of wanton Phan­sie, [Page 90] hinders its extravagant excursions, and ties it down to sober Realities.

But this, Sir, I only touch en passant; and though I am not close upon the main thing I intend, yet I cannot forbear taking notice of an insulting Objection that we hear frequently in this Question, What have they Done?

To this I could answer in short (as I have once already suggested) more than all the Philosophers of the Notional way, since Aristotle opened his Shop in Greece. Which Saying may perhaps look to some like a fond and bold Sentence: but whoever com­pares the Repository of this society, with all the Volumes of Disputers, will find it neither immodest nor unjust. And their History hath given us Instances sufficient of their Experiments, Observations, and In­struments, to justifie a bolder Affirmation. But I insist not on this: The thing I would have you observe is, That those who make the captious Question, do not comprehend the vastness of the Work of this Assembly, or have some phantastical Imaginations of it. They consider not the Design is laid as low as the profoundest Depths of Nature, and reacheth as high as the uppermost Story of the Vniverse; That it extends to all [Page 91] the Varieties of the great World, and aims at the benefit of universal Mankind. For could they expect that such mighty Projects as these should ripen in a moment? Can a Cedar shoot up out of the Earth like a blade of Grass? or an Elephant grow to the vast­ness of his bulk, as soon as a little Insect can be form'd of a drop of Dew?

No; The true knowledge of general Nature, like Nature it self in its noblest composures, must proceed slowly, by de­grees almost insensible: and what one Age can do in so immense and Undertaking as that, wherein all the generations of Men are concerned, can be little more than to re­move the Rubbish, lay in Materials, and put things in order for the Building. Our work is to overcome prejudices, to throw aside what is useless, and yields no advantage for Knowledge or for Life; To perswade men that there is worthier Imployment for them, than tying knots in bulrushes; and that they may be better accommodated in a well-built House, than in a Castle in the Air. We must seek and gather, observe and examine, and lay up in Bank for the Ages that come after. This is the business of the Experi­mental Philosophers; and in these Designs a progress hath been made sufficient to satisfie [Page 92] sober expectations: But for those that look they should give them the Great Elixir, the Perpetual Motion, the way to make Glass malleable, and Man immortal; or they will object that the Philosophers have done nothing: for such, I say, their impertinent Taunts are no more to be regarded, than the little chat of Ideots and Children.

BUt, Sir, I think I am fallen into things of which the Ingenious Historian hath somewhere given better accounts, and therefore I draw off; though before I quite take leave of this Head of my Dis­course, I think fit yet further to shew the injustice of the Reproach of having done no­thing, as 'tis applied to the Royal Society, by a single Instance in one of their Mem­bers, who alone hath done enough to ob­lige all Mankind, and to erect an eternal [Page 93] Monument to his Memory. So that had this great Person lived in those days, when men Godded their Benefactors, he could not have miss'd one of the first places among their deified Mortals. And you will be con­vinc'd that this is not vainly said, when I have told you, I mean the Illustrious Mr. BOYLE, a Person by whose proper Me­rits that noble Name is as much adorned, as by all the splendid Titles that it wears. And that this Honourable Gentleman hath done such things for the benefit of the World, and increase of Knowledge, you will see, if you converse with him in his excel­lent Writings, where you will find the greatest strength and the gentilest smooth­ness, the most generous Knowledge and the sweetest Modesty, the noblest Discoveries and the sincerest Relations, the greatest Self-denial and the greatest Love of Men, the profoundest insight into Philosophy and Nature, and the most devout, affectionate Sense of God and of Religion. And in say­ing all this, I do not fear the Envy that great praise excites; for that cannot be so impudent to deny the justice of this acknow­ledgment.

But, Sir, I consider the commendation of this incomparable Person was not the [Page 94] thing I undertook; but a succinct and ge­neral representation of his Philosophical Per­formances: And to that I now address my self, without more Preface.

(I.) In his Book of the AIR, we have a great improvement of the Magdeburg Ex­periment, of emptying Glass Vessels by ex­suction of the Air, to far greater degrees of evacuation, ease, and conveniences for use; as also an advance of that other fa­mous one of Torricellius, performed by the New Engine, of which I have said some things above, and call'd the AIR-PVMP. By this Instrument (as I have already inti­mated) the Nature, Spring, Expansion, Pres­sure, and Weight of the Air; the decrease of its force when dilated, the Doctrine of a Vacuum, the Height of the Atmosphere, the Theories of Respiration, Sounds, Fluidity, Gravity, Heat, Flame, the Magnet, and several other useful and luciferous Matters, are estimated, illustrated, and explain'd.

And (2.) The great Doctrine of the Weight and Spring of the Air is solidly vindicated and further asserted by the Illu­strious Author, in another BOOK against HOBS and LINVS.

(3.) In his PHYSIOLOGICAL and EXPERIMENTAL ESSAYS, [Page 95] he nobly encourageth and perswades the making of Experiments, and collecting Ob­servations, and gives the necessary Cautions that are to be used in such Designs. He im­parts a very considerable luciferous Experi­ment concerning the different parts and re­dintegration of Salt-petre; whence he de­duceth, That motion, figure, and disposi­tion of parts, may suffice to produce all the secondary affections of Bodies; and conse­quently, That there is no need of the sub­stantial Forms and Qualities of the Schools. To this he adds a close History of Fluidity and Firmness, which tends mightily to the elucidating those useful Doctrines.

(4.) In his SCEPTICAL CHY­MIST he cautions against the sitting down and acquiescing in Chymical and Pe­ripatetical Theories, which many do, to the great hinderance of the growth and im­provement of Knowledge. He therefore adviseth a more wary consideration and ex­amen of those Doctrines, before they are subscribed; and for that purpose he assists them with many very considerable Observa­tions and Experiments.

(5.) In his VSEFVLNESS of EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSO­PHY he makes it appear how much that [Page 96] way tends to the advance of the Power and Empire of Man over the Creatures, and the universal Benefit of the World; confirm­ing and illustrating his Discourse with in­numerable new and useful Discoveries.

(6.) In his HISTORY of COLD, he hath to wonder cultivated that barren Subject, and improved it (as is noted by the Philosophical Transactions) by neer 200 choice Experiments and Observations. He hath there given an account of the defe­ctiveness of common Weather-Glasses, the Advantages of the new Hermetical Ther­mometers, and an Inquiry concerning the cause of the Condensation of the Air, and Ascent of Water by Cold in the ordinary Weather-wisers; All which afford valuable Considerations of light and use. But these are only Preliminaries: The main Discourse presents us with an Account what Bodies are capable of freezing others, and what of being frozen; The ways to estimate the degrees of coldness; How to measure the intenseness of Cold produced by Art, be­yond that imploy'd in ordinary Freezing; In what proportion Water will be made to shrink by Snow and Salt; How to measure the change produc'd in Water between the greatest heat of Summer, the first degree [Page 97] of Winter-cold, and the highest of Art; How to discover the differing degrees of Coldness in different Regions. A way of freezing without danger to the Vessel. What may be the effects of Cold, as to the preserving or destroying the texture of Bo­dies. Whether specifick Vertues of Plants are lost through congelation, and then thaw­ing. Whether Electrical and Magnetick Vertues are altered by Cold. The expansion and contraction of Bodies by freezing; how they are caused, and how their quantity is to be measured. The strength of the expan­sion of Water freezing, and an Inquiry into the Cause of that prodigious force. The Sphere of Activity of Cold. How far the Frost descends in Earth and Water. An Experiment shewing whether Cold can act through an hot medium. A way of ac­counting the solidity of Ice, and the strength of the adhesion of its parts: What Liquors are its quickest Dissolvents. An Experiment of heating a cold Liquor with Ice. These, and many more such instructive and useful things, are contained in that excellent Di­scourse: To which is annex'd a very inge­nious Examination and Disproof of the common obscure Doctrine of Antiperistasis, and Mr. Hobbs his Notion of Cold.

[Page 98] (7.) In his EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY of COLOVRS, he hath laid a foundation in 150 Experiments at least, for grounded Theory about these mat­ters. He hath shewn the grand mistake of the common belief, That Colours inhere in their Objects; and proved they depend up­on disposition of the external parts, and the more inward texture of Bodies. He hath stated and explained wherein the Disparity consists between the Real and Exphatical; explicated the Nature of Whiteness and Blackness; rectified some Chymical Princi­ples; compounded Colours by trajecting the Solar Beams through tinged Glasses; Shew­ed how by certain Tinctures it may be known, whether any Salt be acid or sulphu­reous. Hath proved, there is no necessity of the Peripatetick FORMS for the produ­ction of Colours, by making Green by nine kinds of mixtures; compounded Colours real and phantastical; turned the Blew of Violets by acid Salts into a Red, and by the alcalizate into a Green; and performed ma­ny other extraordinary things on this Sub­ject, for the advantage of Knowledge and the uses of Life.

(8.) In his HYDROSTATICAL PARADOXES he shew'd, That the [Page 99] lower parts of Fluids are press'd by the upper; That a lighter may gravitate upon one that is more ponderous; That if a Body contigu­ous to it, be lower than the highest level of the Water, the lower end o [...] the Body will be press'd upwards by the Water beneath; That the weight of an external Fluid suffi­ceth to raise the Water in Pumps; That the pressure of an external Fluid is able to keep an Heterogeneous Liquor suspended at the same height in several Pipes, though they are of different Diameters; That a Body under Water that hath its upper surface parallel to the Horizon, the direct pressure it sustains is no more than that of a Columne of Water, which hath the mentioned Horizontal Su­perficies for its Basis. And if the incumbent Water be contained in Pipes open at both ends, the pressure is to be estimated by the weight of a Pillar of water, whose Basis is equal to the lower Orifice of the Pipe paral­les to the Horizon) and its height equal to a Perpendicular, reaching to the top of the Water, though the Pipe be much inclined, irregularly shaped, and in some parts broad­er than the Orifice; That a Body in a Fluid sustains a lateral pressure from it, which in­creaseth in proportion to the depth of the immerst Body in the Fluid; That Water may [Page 100] be made to depress a Body lighter than it self; That a parcel of Oyl lighter than Water, may be kept from ascending in it; That the cause of the ascension of Water in Syphons, may be explained without the no­tion of abhorrence of a Vacuum; That the heaviest Body known will not sink of it self, without the assistance of the weight of the Water upon it, when 'tis at a depth greater than twenty times its own thickness, though it will nearer the Surface.

This is the sum of the general Contents of that Discourse, which contains things ve­ry useful to be known for the advantage of Navigation, Salt-works, Chymistry, and other practical purposes.

(9.) In his Book of the ORIGINE of FORMS and QVALITIES, he delivers the minds of men from the imagi­nary and useless Notions of the Schools about them, which have no foundation in the na­ture of things, nor do any ways promote Knowledge, or help Mankind; but very much disserve those great interests, by set­ting the Understanding at rest in general obscurities, or imploying it in aiery niceties and Disputes, and so hindring its pursuit of particular Causes, and Experimental Reali­ties. In this Treatise he lays the Foundations [Page 101] and delivers the Principles of the Mechanick Philosophy, which he strengthneth and illu­strates by several very pleasant and instru­ctive Experiments. He shews, That the most admirable Things which have been taken for the Effects of substantial Forms, and are used as proofs of the Notional Hy­potheses, may be the results of the meer texture and position of parts; since Art is able to make Vitriol, as well as Nature; and Bodies by humane skill may be produ­ced, whose supposed Forms have been de­stroyed. He gives many very ingenious in­stances to prove, That the Mechanick mo­tions and order of the Parts is sufficient to yield an account of the difference of Bodies, and their affections, without having re­course to the Forms and Qualities of the Schools; as in the restoration of Camphire to its former smell and nature, after its dis­solution and seeming extinction; in the changes of the colour, consistence, fusibleness, and other Qualites of Silver and Copper; in the odd Phaenomena of a certain anoma­lous Salt, and those of the Sea-salt, dried, powder'd, and mix'd with Aqua-fortis; and in the Sal mirabilis, in the production of Silver out of Gold by his Menstruum Peracutum, in the transmutation of Water [Page 102] into Earth in a certain Distillation of Spirit of Wine and Oyl of Vitriol. I say, This ex­cellent Gentleman hath by Experiments rare and new about these Subjects, made it evi­dently appear, That the internal motions, configuration, and posture of the parts, are all that is necessary for alterations and diver­sities of Bodies; and consequently, That substantial Forms and real Qualities are needless and precarious Beings.

THese, Sir, are some brief and gene­ral Hints of those great things this incomparable Person hath done for the in­formation and benefit of Men; and besides [Page 103] them, there are several others that He hath by him, and the Inquisitive expect, in which real Philosophy and the World are no less concern'd. I received a late Account of them from an ingenious Friend of his, Mr. Oldenburgh, Secretary to the ROYAL SOCIETY, who also renders himself a great Benefactor to Mankind, by his affecti­onate care, and indefatigable diligence and endeavours, in the maintaining Philosophi­cal Intelligence, and promoting the De­signs and Interests of profitable and general Philosophy. And these being some of the Noblest and most Publick Imployments, in which the Services of generous Men can be ingaged, loudly call for their Aids and Assi­stances, for the carrying on a Work of so universal an importance.

But I shall have a fitter place to speak of this, and therefore I return to the Illustri­ous Person of whom I was discoursing. And for Philosophical News, and further evidence of the Obligation the World hath to this Gentleman of Honour, I shall give you the List of what he hath more, yet unpublish'd for its advantage and instruction. And I take the boldness to do it, because himself hath been pleased to quote and refer to those Discourses in his publish'd Writings; con­cerning [Page 104] which, the generous Secretary's Account is more particular, and he re­ceiv'd it from the Noble Author's immedi­ate information. It speaks thus.

(I.) Another Section of the Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy, as to the Empire of Man over inferiour Creatures; where he intends to premise some general Conside­rations about the Means whereby Experi­mental Philosophy may become useful to Hu­mane Life; proceeding thence to shew, That the Empire of Man may be promoted by the Naturalists skill in Chymistry, by his skill in Mechanicks, or the Application of Mathematicks to Instruments and Engins; by his skill in Mathematicks, both pure and mixt: That the Goods of Mankind may be much increased by the Naturalist's insight into Trades; That the Naturalist may much advantage men, by exciting and assisting their curiosity to discover, take notice, and make use of the home-bred Riches and Advan­tages of particular Countries, and to in­crease their number, by transferring thither those of others; That a ground of high ex­pectation from Experimental Philosophy is given, by the happy Genius of this present Age, and the productions of it; That a ground of expecting considerable things [Page 105] from Experimental Philosophy is given by those things which have been found out by illiterate Tradesmen, or lighted on by chance; That some peculiar and concealed property of a natural thing, may inable the knowers of it to perform, with ease, things, that to others seem either not feisible, or not practicable without great difficulty; That by the know­ledge and application of some unobvious and unheeded Properties and Laws of natural things, divers Effects may be produced by other means and Instruments than those one would judge likely; and even by such, as if proposed, would be thought unlikely; That the knowledge of peculiar Qualities, or uses of physical things, may inable a man to perform those things Physically, that seem to require Books, and dexterity of hand proper to Artificers; That the uses of scarce one thing in Nature, to Humane Life, are yet thorowly understood; That a great Inducement to hope for considerable mat­ters from Experimental Philosophy, may be taken from the mutual assistance that the Practical and Theorical part of physick may be brought to afford each other; That we are not to make our Estimates of what may be hoped for hereafter, when men shall be assisted with the History of Nature, a method [Page 106] of imploying it, and true Principles of Na­tural Philosophy, and associated Endea­vours, by what is already performed with­out any of those Assistances. (2.) He hath also in a manner promised Essays touching the concealments and disguises of the Seeds of living Creatures. (3.) An Appendix to the Physico-Mechanical Treatise concern­ing the Air. (4.) Something concerning Heat and Flame. (5.) The Sceptical Na­turalist, shewing the imperfections of Na­tural Philosophy as we yet have it. (6.) A Discourse of improbable Truths. (7.) The production of Qualities by Art. (8.) Se­veral useful Series of Inquiries and Directi­ons of his, whereof divers are extant in the Philosophical Transactions; as, (I.) Gene­ral Heads for a Natural History of a Coun­try small or great. (2.) Observations and Directions about the Barometer. (3.) In­quiries touching the Sea; and, (4.) About Mines. (5.) Quaeries and Tryals propo­sed, for the improving of that Grand Ex­periment, for the transfusing Blood out of one live Animal into another. (6.) Others for the finding the Effects of the Rarifying Engine exhausted, in plants, Seeds, and Eggs of Silk­worms. Besides These, he hath a great many other unpublish'd Inqui­ [...]es, [Page 107] and Series of Experiments and Obser­ [...]tions of the most considerable parts of [...]tural Philosophy. As, (I.) About Pre­ [...]us stones. (2.) Fermentation. (3.) Heat [...] Flame. (4.) An Account of a new kind [...] Baroscope, which he calls Statical, and [...] advantage it hath above the Mercurial. [...] 5.) A New Experiment, shewing how a [...]onsiderable degree of cold may be sudden­ [...]y produced without the help of Snow, Ice, ail, Wind, or Nitre, and that at any time [...]t the year, viz. by Sal Armoniack. (6.) A [...]ay of preserving Birds taken out of the [...]ggs, and other small Foetus's

This, Sir, is the Account I received of [...]hat Noble Persons further Designs, for the [...]dvantage of useful Knowledge; and [...]ough he hath not made an absolute Pro­ [...]ise of those Discourses to the Publique, [...]et he is known to have such, and they are with probability expected, since he is too generous to detain from the capable and in­ [...]uisitive those his excellent Discoveries, which tend to the common Benefit. And thus I have said what may suffice for gene­ral Information about the ROYAL SO­CIETY, and the hopes we may justly conceive of this Constitution. And in what I have discoursed, I have not so much de­clined [Page 108] from the proof of my undertaking which was to shew the advantage that th [...] latter Age hath, for the promotion and i [...] crease of Knowledge, above those of fo [...] mer Times: For by describing the Reason [...] Nature, and some of the Effects of th [...] Establishment, I have not obscurely suggeste [...] the Helps that the World hath and ma [...] expect from Them, for those Grand and C [...] tholick Purposes; and 'tis easie to see in th [...] very frame of this Assembly, that they ar [...] fitted with Opportunities to amass togethe [...] all the considerable Notices, Observations and Experiments, that are scattered up an [...] down in the wide World; and so, to mak [...] a Bank of all the useful Knowledge that is among men. For either by their whole Bo [...] dy, or some or other of their particul [...] Members, they hold a Learned Correspon [...] dence with the greatest Virtuosi of all th [...] known universe, and have several of their own Fellows abroad in Forreign Parts, by reason of whose Communications, they know most of the valuable Rarities and Phaenomen [...] observed by the curious in Nature, and all considerable Attempts and Performances of Art, Ingenuity, and Experiment. To which consideration, if you add the inquisitiveness of their Genius, and the way of their Pro­ [...]edure, [Page 109] by particular and cautious Observa­ [...]ion; the coldness and shiness of their As­ [...]ent, and the numbers of judicious men that [...]urefully examine their Reports; I say, If [...]hese Particulars be weighed, it will appear [...]o the unprejudiced, That the World had [...]ever such an advantage for the accumula­ [...]ing a Treasure of substantial knowledge, as [...] hath by this Constitution; for single In­quisitors can receive but scant and narrow [...]nformations, either from their own Expe­ [...]ience, or Converses; and those they have, [...]e frequently very imperfect, or very mista­ [...]en: There is often either vanity or credulity, [...]norance or design in their Relations, which [...]herefore are many times false in the main [...]atter, and oftner in the circumstance: So [...]at the Histories of Nature we have hither­ [...] had, have been but an heap and amassmen [...]f Truth and Falshood, vulgar Tales and Ro­ [...]antick Accounts; and 'tis not in the pow­ [...] of particular unassociated Endeavours to [...]fford us better. But now, the frame of [...]his Society suggests excellent ground to [...]ope from them sincere and universal Re­ [...]tions, and the best grounded and most [...]seful Collection of the affairs of Art and Nature, that ever yet was extant. And [...]s they have peculiar Priviledges for the [Page 110] gathering the Materials of knowledge, [...] They have the same for the impartment a [...] diffusion of them. And by this time I ho [...] you will acknowledge, That I have ma [...] good also what I undertook in THIS [...] last and Great Particular.

THus I have shewed in plain and m [...]terial Instances, the vanity and wea [...]ness of the Disputer's Affirmation a [...] belief, That Aristotle had more Advantag [...] for Knowledge than all the later ages. An [...] so I have done with his Proposition: But h [...] Reason also is to be considered, and th [...] was,

Aristotle had these Advantages above [...] the World, because he did Totam pe [...]agrare Asiam. How wisely said an [...] concluded this was, will appear after [...] [Page 111] have taken notice, that his Reason is defe­ctive both in what it affirms, and in what it would infer. For the first, 'tis evident, that Aristotle and the Ancients did not know all ASIA; for that part which lay be­yond the River, was in a manner a Terra In­cognita unto them: so that they knew scarce any thing of the Indies that lie on the other side of Ganges, little or nothing of the vast Kingdom of China, nothing of Iapan, or the numerous Oriental Islands, besides the defects in the ancient Geography, noted above; and these made a great if not the best part of Asia; of which though Aristotle might have heard, yet we have no shadow of Reason to believe he had any Information from thence. And then I con­sider,

(2.) That the Account he had from the best survey'd Regions, were but from Hunt­ers, Fowlers, Fishermen, and such kind of Inquisitors, who were like enough to make vain and mistaken Reports, and he was fain to depend upon the credit of their Relati­ons; and therefore his History of Animals contains many things that are frivolous, and many that are palpably false. To which I add,

(3.) The Observation of my Lord Ba­con, [Page 112] That though Aristotle made some use of those Experiments and Observation she had from those Informers, yet it was after he had concluded and decreed. For he did not use and imploy Experiments for the erecting of his Theories: but having arbi­trarily pitch'd his Theories, his manner was to force Experience to suffragate, and yield countenance to his precarious Propositions. And on this account, the Great man saith, he was less excusable than the Schoolmen, who altogether quitted and neglected the way of particular Industry and Experiment. Thus then Aristotle neither knew all Asia, nor had certain Relations of that part there­of, of which he had the best Informations; nor did he use those he had as he ought; which were enough to bring the Dispu­ters Reason to nothing. But I consider further, That though these things had been otherwise, and as much for the interest of his Affirmation as he could wish, yet,

(2.) His Inference must fail, since the latter Ages have a much larger World than Aristotle's Asia; We have the Ame­rica, and the many New Lands that are discovered by Modern Navigators; we have larger and more perfect Geography even of the old World, infinitely more [Page 113] acquaintance and better correspondence in all the parts of the Vniverse, by our gene­ral Traffique, than the Ancients, whose Commerce was narrow, and knowledge of remote Parts consisted but in hearsays and doubtful Rumors. We have besides, New Heavens as well as a New Earth, a larger and truer prospect of the World above us. We have travell'd those upper Regions by the help of our Tubes, and made Discoveries more becoming the Wisdom and Magnifi­cence of our Creatour, and more agreeable to the appearances of things, than the arbi­trary phansies and conjectures of Aristotle and his Schools. We have a greater world of Arts, Instruments, and Observations, as in all Particulars my Discourse hath made good. And what are Aristotle's peragrati­ons of Asia, to all these? To the great We­stern Indies; to the full and clearer know­ledge of the Ancient Lands; to those nobler Accounts we have of the Heavens, and uni­versal Nature; to our vast Improvements of Chymistry, Anatomy, Arithmetick, Geo­metry, Astronomy, Geography, Opticks, Na­tural History, Navigation, and all things else of benefit and instruction? I say, what are the gleanings of a few mercenary Hun­ters, Fowlers, and Fishermen, over one part [Page 114] of Asia, to these Advantages? And what are the Reports of a few ordinary Fellows, and the Tryals of a single person, to the learned Inquiries and Endeavours of many sagacious inquisitive Ages, and the perfor­mances of a numerous Company of deep, wary, diligent, and eagle-ey'd Philosophers, who have the help of those Observations, and the addition of an infinite number more?

Upon these accounts, Sir, the Disputer, you see, will need a great deal of Logick to make any thing of his Proposition or his Reason, both of which are very lame, and I know not where he can find a prop for their feebleness. I shall not therefore im­ploy more force to overthrow such sickly Reasonings, that have not strength enough to bear their own weight; but out of pity to those infirmities, shall let them go with­out further castigations. And I hope you have not so understood me, as if the aim of what I have said hitherto, was only to disprove this Disputer (which were a poor project, and would signifie but very little.) But my Design is, by representing the advantages and hopefulness of the Mo­dern way, to kindle an ardour in you to­wards the generous Experimental Research­es, to vindicate Philosophy from the impu­tation [Page 115] of being notional and unprofitable, and to keep you from adhering to that which is so, and hath been the occasion of the scandal. And as for those that yet stick there, I have some things to observe con­cerning the Reasons of their Devotion to that aiery disputative Philosophy, and their Enmity to the Practical.

I Consider then, That easie youth in its first addresses to Learning, is perfectly passive to the Discipline and Instructions of its Teachers, whose Documents are promi­scuously received with ready submission of Understandings, that implicitely depend on their Authority. We suck in the first Rudi­ments as we do the common Air [facili hau­stu] as my Lord Bacon expresseth it, without discrimination or election, of which indeed [Page 116] our tender and unexercised minds are not capable. And, I confess, 'tis necessary we should do so; nor were there any hurt in this innocent easiness, did not most men all their lives worship the first thing they saw in the morning of their days, and ever after obstinately adhere to those unexamined Receptions. But this is the mischief, we infinitely believe every thing when we are Children, and most examine little when they are Men, but settle in their first impressions, without giving themselves the trouble to consider and review them. And these pre­judices by custom and long acquaintance with our Souls, get a mighty interest, and shut them against every thing that is of a diffe­rent colour from those Images of Education. This is a general fault and infirmity of hu­mane Nature, and from hence it comes to pass, that the tutour'd Youth sides easily in­to the belief of the first Principles of Phi­losophy, which they are taught, and are confirm'd in them by their Exercises and Disputes, and Books and Converses: By these their Vnderstandings, which before were White-Paper, are dyed and deeply tinctured by the colour they have imbibed; And these infusions insensibly grow as 'twere in­to the very substance of the Mind, and are [Page 117] upon all occasions appealed to as its un­prejudiced, unsophisticate Dictates. So that having spent some time in learning and trimming those Notions, the most divert to Business or other Studies, without troubling themselves with any more Philosophical pursuits; but being satisfied with those Notices which their first Education lodg'd in their Minds, they seek no further, nor do care to be wiser in those matters, than they were in the disputing infancy of their Knowledge.

All this while no other hurt is done, but that men thus are injurious to themselves, and hinder their own Improvements. But 'tis much worse when they fondly fix these as the pillars of Science, and would have no body else go further than their laziness or their cares will permit them to travel; but rail spightfully at all Endeavours for the advancement of Philosophick Wisdom, and will be angry with every one that hath out­grown his Cherry-stones and Rattles, speak evil at a venture of things they know not, and like Mastives are fiercer for being kept dark. These are the great Enemies of the useful, experimental Methods of Philosophy: They take it ill that any thing should be accounted valuable, in which they are un­instructed. [Page 118] being loth to learn in an Age wherein they expect to Dictate; and the Satyrist hath told them another reason.

I will not say how much of this I take to be the case of our Reverend Dispu­ter; only this, He imployed his younger Studies upon the Philosophy of Disputation, and, 'tis like, gained an ability to out-talk many of his Contemporaries in that way. He confirm'd himself in these Notions by in­structing others in them, and upon these Foundations hath built himself the Repu­tation of a great Scholar and a Disputant among his Country-Admirers. So that you are not to wonder that he is vehemently dis­pleased with the ROYAL SOCIETY, and Experimental Philosophers, since their De­signs take away the honour of his Craft, and in this way he is upon the same level with those that are but beginning; the thought of which must needs be distasteful to a self-assured and imperous mind. And yet because you shall not think that I say any of this out of envy to his Fame, I shall do him all the right I can, by acknowledging,

That I take him for a Person that under­stands [Page 119] the Quiddities and Haecceities, the Prae­cisiones formales and the Objectivae, the Homo­geneities and Heterogeneities, the Catagore­matice's and the Syncatagorematice's, the Sim­pliciter's and the secundum Quid's. He knows, no doubt, that First Matter that is neither Quid, nor Quale, nor Quantum; and that wonderful Gremium materiae, out of which Forms were educed that were never there. He can tell you fine things of the fiery Ele­ment under the Moon, and the Epicycles of the Stars; Can resolve all Questions by the compendious way of Formalitèr, Materiali­tèr, Fundamentalitèr, and Eminentèr; Tell you the difference between Quodam modo and Modo quodam, and shew the causes of all things in Sympathy, Antipathy, Combina­tion of the Elements, and Insfluences of the Heavens. He sees clearly by his Spectacles, That the Milky-way is but a Meteor, and Comets only kindled Vapours, in spite of the contrary information of the deceitful Tele­scopes. He can, no doubt, dispute roundly about the composition of Entia rationis and Vniversals, the Praedications of Genus and Species, and the manner of their conservati­on in Individuals; of the number of the Praedicaments, and what Being is in this, and what in another; of the inherence and pro­pagation [Page 120] of Accidents, the real essence of Relations, the nature of Vbi and Quando, and a thousand other Logical tricks about Shuffling and ordering Propositions and forms of Syllogism. In Physiology he can discourse of the nakedness of First Matter, the edu­ction of Forms out of its bosom; shew, that the want of a Being is a Principle of it, how forms of Elements are refracted in mix'd Bodies; Dispute subtilly about the Primum incipiens in Motion, the instantane­ousness of Generation, the Maximum quod sic, and the Minimum quod non, and infinite more of such wonderful, useful, significant Speculations. And in the Metaphysicks I acknowledge him in the words of the in­comparable Droll;

These, and other such profundities, are some of the main things of that Philosophy to which our Disputer is so zealous a Vo­tary. But for the Mechanick, that attempts material and intelligible Accounts of things, and is in its grounds much ancienter than that of Aristotle which he admires, for the Experimental Methods and late Improve­ments [Page 121] of useful Knowledge; as for these, I say, I had no reason to judge by his Discourse that he had any acquantance with them; nor doth he, as far as I can per­ceive, pretend it: But having it seems con­cluded, That nothing more was to be known, than he knew, when he disputed in the Schools, he hath sate down ever since, and hugg'd himself in his own Omniscience and Infallibility, without caring to be in­formed, what the inquisitive World hath been doing in this late Age of Inquiry. And if it be any thing more than what he hath understood in his Circle of Disputations, 'tis phantastical and unprofitable, and not worthy his care or notice, which is very prudently concluded; For if it should be otherwise, the Disputer would lose the credit of his Superlative Learning.

ANd on this occasion, Sir, I observe the incompetency of their judgements who are Enemies to the Real Experimental Philosophy, in that they do not (as I inti­mated) at all, or very little, understand what they condemn. This I have some rea­son to say, since in the whole compass of my Acquaintance, which is not very narrow, I profess I know not one who opposeth the Modern way, that is not almost totally un­acquainted with it. And on the other side, upon the most careful turn of my thoughts among my Philosophick Friends, I cannot light on one of all those that are for the Free and Experimental Procedure, but who have been very well instructed in the Peri­patetick Doctrines, which they have desert­ed, and most of them much better than those who are yet zealous contenders for them.

[Page 123] And for my own part, I must confess, that in my younger and Talkative Age, I was much delighted with those subtilities that exercise the Brain in the niceties of Notion and Distinctions, and afford a great deal of idle Imployment for the Tongue in the Combates of Disputation: In which I acknowledge I was none of the most back­ward, but being highly pleased with those engagements, I found as much diversion in them, as in my dearest Recreations: Yea, and in this Recital methinks I feel a kind of sweet relish upon my mind, of those past complacencies. But after I had spent some vears in those Notional Studies, perhaps with as good success as some others, I be­gan to think CVIBONO, and to consi­der what these things would signifie in the World of Action and Business, I say, I thought; but I could find no encourage­ment to proceed from the Answer my thoughts made me: I ask'd my self what accounts I could give of the Works of God by my philosophy, more than those that have none, and found, that I could amaze and astonish Ignorance with Distinctions and words of Art, but not satifie ingenious In­quiry by any considerable and material Reso­lutions. I consider'd I had got nothing all [Page 124] this while, but a certain readiness in talk­ing, and that about things which I could not use abroad, without being Pedantick and ridiculous. I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more, than the instructing men in Notion and Dispute; That its Design was mean, and its Principles at the best uncer­tain and precarious; That they did not agree among themselves, nor at all with Nature. I examined the best Records I could meet with about the Author of those current Hypotheses, but could not be assu­red that Aristotle was he. I saw many Rea­sons to believe, that most of the Books that bear his Name, are none of his; and those that are most strongly presumed to be so, are mightily altered and correupted by Time, Ignorance, Carelesness and Design. I per­ceived that the Commentators and late Di­sputers had exceedingly disguised and chan­ged the Sense of those very Writings, and made up a Philosophy that was quite another thing from that which those Books contain. So that by these means I was by degrees taken off from the implicit Veneration I had for that Learning, upon the account of the great Name of Aristotle which it wore. And in the process of my Inquiries, I light­ed upon several excellent Authors, who [Page 125] said and proved very evil things of that Philosopher himself; As, That he was im­pious in his Life and many of his Doctrines, a Persecutor of the most venerable Sages, and corrupter of the Wisdom of the Ancients; That he was of no such superlative account in the wisest Times, but much opposed and slighted by the First Fathers; That he grew into his Magisterial Authority by chance, in Times of blackest Ignorance, and held an unjust Empire over the free-born Minds of Men, who since they are enlight­ned by the Rays of the glorious Gospel, have less reason to bow down to the Dictates of an Idolater and an Heathen. I say, I found these things, and many more, urged against the School-Philosopher, by men of great Learning and Name. Nor could I ever light on any thing in his most devoted Admirers, that tended to the answering or disproof of any of those grand Accusations, most of which seemed to me to have too much evi­dence, to be easily disabled; not to men­tion how many Reasons I saw my self for the worst of those Characters, in the Books that are ascribed to him, if really they are his.

These things then I ponder'd, and in the heat of my Thoughts, and a youthful In­digntion, [Page 126] I drew up the charge, and gave in the full of those bold Accounts to the pub­lick, in a Letter about Aristotle, which perhaps you will not do amiss to consider. Thus the great impediment was removed, and the prejudcie of Education overcome, when I thought further, That useful Know­ledge was to be look'd for in God's great Book the Vniverse, and among those gene­rous Men that had converst with real Na­ture, undisguised with Art and Notion. And still I saw more of the justice of the excel­lent Poet's Censure of the sons of Aristotle, when he saith,

From this Philosophy therefore, and these Men, I diverted my eyes and hopes, and fixt them upon those Methods that I have re­commended, which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations.

And here I think fit to add a Caution which I have given in another Discourse, and do it once more to prevent a dange­rous [Page 127] misunderstanding, viz. [And it is, That I have said nothing of this to discou­rage young Academiasn from applying themselves to those first Studies which are in use in the Vniversities. Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning; and so much knowledge of it, as inables for those Duties, is requisite and fit. Nor do I deny, but that those Speculations, raise, quicken, and whet the Vnderstanding, and on that account may not be altogether un­profitable, with respect to the more useful Inquisitions; provided It keep it self from being nice, aiery, and addicted too much to general Notions. But this is the danger, and the greatst part run upon the Rock. The hazard of which might in great mea­sure be avoided, if the Mathematicks and Natural History were mingled with these other Studies which would indeed be ex­cellent Preparatives and Dispostions to fu­ture Improvements. And I add further, that the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notions as the bounds and Perfections of Knowledge; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theroies, as establish'd and infallible Certainties: But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses, and as things they are [Page 128] to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important. I say, the Peripatetick Studies thus temper'd, will not, I suppose, be desallowed by the men of the Practical Method; and so the Vniversity-Establishments can receive no prejudice from the Spirit that dislikes a perpetual ac­quiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schools.

I HAVE now done with the Philosophi­cal Considerations I intended here, and am so fond as to believe, that I have said enough about the main business of our Conference; from which the Disputer at last shew'd an inclination to draw off, and [Page 129] endeavour'd to engage me in other things that were aside and irrelative to our Di­scourse: Particularly, I perceived he made towards the Controversies between the Calvinists and Remonstrants, and offer'd me several Temptations to fall in there. I knew it was a Design to draw me into his Road of talking, and consider'd that our Spirits were too much moved, and our Time too short for those deep and endless Debates. And I have long since resolved never to treat with any one about them, that is not very free, thoughtful, modest, and benign, without which praedispositions in the Subject, I know the clearest and great­est evidence in the World can make no im­pressions. Upon these accounts I declined the bait; but in the process of our ram­bling Talk, was insensibly led into a Di­scourse as extrinsick, which was concern­ing the Method of the Scriptures. About this I said,

That those Holy Oracles were not written methodi­cally; Meaning, not according to the Rules of our Methods; especially I instanc'd in the Prophetick Writings, which are very [Page 130] little suted to the ways of our Order. And in consequence of this, I affirmed, That God was pleased in those Inspirations to apply himself much to the Imagi­nation of the Prophets; which Faculty, I said, was desultory, and did seldom tie it self to strict coherence. This was the sum of all from whence the Disputer took occasion for loud out-cries. He told me, [ That my Affirmations were Atheistical; That God was the God of Order, and not of Con­fusion; and dealt with the noblest Faculty, which is the Understand­ing] I was astonish'd at the haste of the wilde and groundless Censure, and answer­ed to the Argument, That he might as well conclude, That all the Blades of Grass, and Flowers of the Field, should be placed in Knots, and a Garden-order, and the Stars set in Rank and File, because God is the God of Order, as the other Proposition he would infer.

I said there was no doubt but that the Divine Wisdom, which had made all things in Number, Weight, and Measure, [Page 131] had an Order and Idea to it self, according to which it framed them: But then I ad­ded, That as his ways were above ours, so were many of the Methods of his Working besides them; and consequently, I thought it somewhat too bold and presumptuous to bring down Infinite Wisedom to our Rules, upon that score reproving the Cu­stom of some Formal Preachers, who spend much pains to little purpose, in finding long Series of connection, where many times none were intended.

This is the whole substance of what I said in this Affair, and at this period of the Conference the Disputer lost all patience, and with sufficient spight and rage told me, That I was an Atheist; That he had indeed desired my Acquaintance, but would have no more on't; and so turn'd his back, and went away, giving me time only to Answer, That I had no great reason to lament the loss of an Acquaintance that could be so easily forfeited. Thus, Sir, you have the sincere Account of those Sayings, about which the Disputer hath raised such Tragical Stories. In them he hath accused me of Atheistical Assertions, and affirmed that I said, The Scripture was only written to mens phansies: [Page 132] Which Proposition he hath so ordered, as that many impious absurdities are deduced from it, and those must go for my Opini­ons. When as 'tis so far from being true, that that Proposition came from me, that I understand not what it means: Only I can collect from it the Disputers Wrath, or somewhat he would be less willing to ac­knowledge. For either he really believes the Proposition he reports, to be the sense of mine, or he doth not; If really he doth, I cannot excuse his Vnderstanding; if not, I wonder at his Conscience. But that I may together explicate what I meant, and defend it, I add a brief account of my Saying, [That God did much apply himself to the Imagination of the Prophets;] As to which, I observe,

That both the Schoolmen ond others usually divide Prophesie into Intellectual and Imaginary. The former is from a Light immediately infused into the Vnderstand­ing; the latter, when the Prophetick Spirit makes its first Impressions on the Imagina­tion, by sensible and material Represent­ments. As for the First, it was so rare, [Page 133] that not above one or two Instances are pro­duced by the Learned in the kind, viz. MOSES and St. PAVL. Now com­monly the degree of Mosaical Inspiration was distinguish'd from the Prophetical; and the difference is plainly enough express'd Deut. xxxiv. x. And there arose not a Pro­phet since in Israel like unto MOSES, whom the Lord knew face to face. For the other Prophets, God saith, I will make my self known unto him in a Vision, and will speak unto him in a Dream: My Servant Moses is not so, with him I will speak mouth to mouth, Num. xxii. v, vi.—intimating a transcendent Priviledge to Moses above the Prophets, in the immediate way of ap­plication to his mind, without the mediati­on of sensible Impressions. And upon this account 'tis said in the New-Testament, They have Moses and the Prophets; implying the difference of the dignity and degree of their Inspiration.

As for the second Instance of St. Paul, his case mentioned ii Cor. xxii. was Extasie, and may be omitted in our Discourse that concerns Prophetick Revelation; But ad­mitting it, this must be granted however, That the immediate Intellectual way was very rare, and therefore by way of emi­nency [Page 134] and distinction, 'tis among the Rab­bins call'd the Gradus Mosaicus.

But for the second kind, viz. the Ima­ginary and Sensible, this was the ordinary sort of Inspiration, and this the meaning of my Assertion. That it was the usual way of influx upon the Prophets, appears from the mentioned place of Deut. xxxiv. And I will make my self known unto him in a Vision, and speak unto him in a Dream; which was most evidently fulfilled in the latter days of Prophesie, when the Prophetick Illumina­tions went much this way. It might seem superfluous labour to give particular In­stances in Ieremiah's Boyling Pot, his Rod, his Basket of Figs—In Daniels Tree and Four Beasts—In Ezechiel's Chariot, Wheels, Living Creatures—and such like, which in the Prophetick Writings scarce leave a page without example. Now it will not I con­ceive be denied by any one that under­stands what he saith, that these Represen­tations were made upon the Stage of Imagi­nation, and those Visa imprest on the Phan­cy. Upon this account it was that the En­thusiasms of later Prophets were much in Similitudes, Parables, and Allegories; and so Ezechiel complains, Ah Lord, they say of [Page 135] me, Doth he not speak in Parables? And a Lapide gives it for a general Rule, Prophe­tarum Visions & Revelationes communiter fuerunt Sensiles, sive Imaginarie. Rabbi Albo calls Prophesie an Influence from God upon the Mind by the mediation of the Phancy; and Maimonides saith, That all the Degrees of Prophesie are contain'd in those two, a Dream and a Vision; and Io­el ii. xxviii. mentions these as comprehen­sive of all the Degrees of Prophesie. But this thing is every where so clear in the Scripture, in the Rabbins, and the Wri­tings of all Learned men that deal in those matters, that I think I need not say much more for proof.

Only I take notice, That 'twas the ge­neral belief of the Iewish Writers, and of the Christian Fathers and Schoolmen univer­sally, confirm'd by the Authority of Scripture, That Angels were ordinarily the immediate Efficients by whose Ministry the Scene of Pro­phetick Representations was drest and order'd. This hath been evidently proved by the Learned Mr. Smith, in his Discourse of Prophesie; and from hence I could infer, if there were need of more, That their menage of this Affair doth reasonably infer, That the Imagination had such a concern in [Page 136] it as I affirm. For 'tis generally denied by the Schoolmen, whose Authority no doubt is great with our Disputer and others, That Angels can immediately imprint Con­ceptions and Apprehensions on the Vnder­standing; which indeed, among other ab­surdities that I omit, would infer, That they have that grand Prerogative of the Omniscient, the [...], Knowledge of Hearts, which the Scripture every where vindicates and appropriates to God only. What they do therefore, must be by Phan­tasms and Idea's imprest on the Phancy. They are the Internuncii and immediate Causes which present the Prophetick Visa; and consequently, the Imagination and Sense are the chief Stage of their Represen­tations. Now this was done divers ways, and the noble Picus Mirandula hath colle­cted out of Maimonides no less than ele­ven, all which he calls Gradus Ima­ginarii, in opposition to the Gra­dus Mosaicus, which is the In­tellectual.

But 'tis not proper for me to insist long­er on a thing that is extrinsick to the main design of my Discourse. And it was too [Page 137] but the Conclusion and smallest part of our Conference; Though the Disputer (as far as I can hear) reports nothing else as the matter of our difference, but these two things, about the Method of Scripture, and Gods applying to the Imagination of the Pro­phets; either because he is ashamed to own the main Discourse, or else hath a Design to throw the odium upon me of He­terodoxy in Religion. When as indeed these came in but accidentally, and we had but a short Contrast about them, which I have faithfully related.