THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The First Book.

IOHN Lewis de Nogaret, and de la Valette Duke of Espernon, whose History I attempt to write, though he were, in the Progress of a long Life, for the most part the Favourite of Fortune, stood notwithstanding no less oblig'd to Nature for the advantages he came into the world withal by his Noble Extraction. The Dukes Extraction. He was descended from an Illustrious Family in the Higher Gascony, and so ancient, that it has conti­nued above five hundred years from Male to Male, without inter­mission; a truth I could without much difficulty prove, out of the Records, and Evidences in my Custody, did not his Genealogy, already drawn by a more skilful hand, render that pains unneces­sary in this place. I shall therefore only undertake a Narrative of the [...]rincipal Actions of his Life, without troubling my Rea­der, or my self, with a superfluous Catalogue of his Ancestors.

The matter, of which I intend to treat, is of it self so ample, as might find work enough for a better Pen; and although birth be acknow­ledg'd by all to be the foundation, upon which all superstructures [Page 2] of Fortune do ordinarily erect themselves, I should not neverthe­less make any mention of this Dukes, had not the merit and ver­tue of Iohn de Valette his Father such a relation to the History of his Son, as will not permit their names to be separated without manifest injury to the one, or the other.

Finding my self then oblig'd to look a little back, and to say something of his Father before I come to him, I shall tell you (with the best Historians of that time) that he was rank'd amongst the greatest Captains of this Kingdom; and that by the meer conside­ration of his Prudence, and Valour, without any advantage of Favour, he was made Camp-Master to the Light Horse of France, and the Kings Lieutenant General in Guienne; a Province aboun­ding in Nobility, and Gentry, and men of such spirits, as would have made a difficulty of their Obedience to any Superiour, where there had not been an indisputable concurrence of Merit, and Blood. But these two qualities, happily meeting in the per­son of Mounsier de la Valette, gave him so great an interest, if not so absolute a power in that Countrey, that notwithstanding it was during the time of his Government unquiet and mutinous in ma­ny places, and in some even to a contempt of the Kings Royal Power; yet his Authority, never received in those very places the least affront, or contradiction. He commanded Armies in chief, which were led, paid, arm'd, provided for, and kept together by his Conduct and Care; and I my self have seen many Acts and Monuments of that time which sufficiently discover the Power and Dignity he preserv'd entire, even in the most difficult functions of his charge.

It was he, who in the Battels of Dreux, of Iarnac, and of Mon­countour, who in the Ski [...]mishes of Iasennes, of Rene le Duc, and in all the most signal actions of his time, exercising the Office of Comp-Master to the Light Horse, by his courage and conduct won to himself a principal share of the Honour due to the successes of the Royal Arms; and chiefly in the Battel of Iarnac, which he undertook with so much prudence, and fought it with so much bravery, that D' Avila. they who write the Transactions of that time, attri­bute supereminently to him the reputation of that dayes Victory.

It was he that made the brave Retreat of Houdan, one of the most memorable Exploits of that Age, which, though it be re­corded by other Writers, deserves to be recited here; and the cir­cumstances, which I have several times heard repeated to the Duke his Son, will not render a relation suspected that stands justified by our own Mr. De Tho [...] D' A [...]bign [...]. Historians.

The Hugonot Army had laid siege to the City of Chartres, and [Page 3] that of the King was dispos'd to relieve it; but that being a work of greater preparation, and leisure, than the condition of the be­sieged could well admit, the Royal Party conceiv'd, that to di­sturb the Enemies Camp with frequent Alarums would give the defendants some convenient respite, till a sufficient succour might be made ready to come. Mounsieur de la Valette was he that would take upon him to execute this design, Remark­able ex­ploits of Iohn de la Valette the D [...]e's Fa­ther. and accord­ingly keeping himself for the most part on Horseback, he gave so good an account of what he had undertaken, that few dayes past wherein he obtain'd not some signal advantage over the Enemy: Now beating up one quarter, now alarming another, with such an active and unwearied diligence, as put the Enemy to an uninter­mitted duty, and forc'd them continually to stand to their Arms.

The Admiral Coligny, who commanded at this Leaguer under the Prince of Conde, nettled at the inconveniences his Army suf­fered by these frequent inroads of Mounsieur de la Valette, medita­tated with himself a revenge, and to lay a Trap to catch him: to which purpose he stole privately from his Camp with 3500 Horse; Mounsieur de la Valette having but 500 in all, lay baiting his Hor­ses in a Wood for the execution of his enterprize. The Admiral, who had observ'd his motion, surpriz'd him in this posture, set upon him, and charg'd him, almost before perceiv'd: notwith­standing all which, he found a brave resistance, and Mounsieur de la Valette without being astonish't, [...]either at the presence of so great a Captain, or the inequality of their Armies, having given his Souldiers time to mount, charg'd him several times with ad­vantage, and made good his Retreat for six Leagues together in the open Countrey of Beausse, the Admiral never being able, du­ring the retreat, either to break his order, or force him to a gene­ral engagement: an action of so high a repute, that there are few Historians who have not set a particular mark upon it for one of the most memorable of that time.

If we yet pass from his publick actions of Command, to en­quire into the private engagements of his single person, I can per­haps fit you with as remarkable a story of that kind as you have read. Iane Albret Queen of Navarre, a great Fautress to those of the Reformed Religion, of which she her self also made publick Profession, desirous to draw all places within her demean into the same perswasion, presented her self before Leitoure to be there re­ceiv'd. A Town of so advantageous a situation, and therefore so considerable in Guienne, that the successive Governours of that Pro­vince have ever had a particular regard to the preservation of that place, Mounsieur de la Valette who had received private Instructi­ons [Page 4] from King Charles the Ninth, to have an eye to the actions of this Princess, and to frustrate her designs; but with all outward shew of respect (the King being unwilling to break openly with her) having intelligence, that she meant to attempt that place, pre­vented her by his diligence, and at her coming refus'd her entrance into that Town. The Queen highly incens'd at this affront, makes her complaint to the King, who, to satisfie her, seem'd in publick to condemn an action, which in his heart he highly approv'd, commanding him to go as far as Pau, where the Queen then re­sided, and there by all the submissive means imaginable to make his excuse. Mounsieur de la Valette having received this command, attended only by one Page very well mounted, and another infe­riour servant, takes his journey to the Queen; to whom he hum­bly offer'd all the excuses, and submissions, that the dignity of the offended party could reasonably exact from a meaner offender, and for a higher of [...]ence: But this Princess, of a sex and condition not apt to forget an Injury, was by no means satisfied with whatever he could say to appease her; and whether it were, that she dis­cover'd to two Gentlemen of her Court, whereof one was called Pinsons, and the other Bisquerre, that nothing but the death of Mounsieur de la Valette could satisfie her; or that they of themselves (as Courts ordinarily produce wicked instruments enough to exe­cute the passions of the Great) voluntarily meditated his ruine, is yet to be discover'd: But so it was that these two combin'd toge­ther to lie in wait for him by the way he was to return, and to dis­patch him. Mounsieur de la Valette having taken his leave of Pau, without being able with all the submission he could use, and with all the Interest he could make, to reconcile himself to the Queen, was now on his own way home in the same equipage he came, when his servant, looking accidentally back, perceiv'd three men rush out of a Wood hard by, and the two formost (who were arm'd) to come upon the spur directly towards his Master, the third it seems being (as it was afterward reported) one of the Queens Domesticks, sent rather to be a witness of, than an assi­stant in the intended assasinate. Mounsieur de la Valette at the first sight apprehending them for what indeed they were, and their bu­siness for what really it was, immediately commanded his Page to alight, and having mounted his Horse, spur'd boldly upon them, with so much gallantry and success, that he left them both dead up­on the place. I have often seen the Sword he made use of in this occasion, and have often heard the manner of the action related to the Duke in the very same terms I deliver it here.

From this wise and valiant Captain (the Epithetes with which [Page 5] all the Historians of that time have honoured the Vertue of this great man) and from Iane de Saint Lary de Bellegarde, Sister to the Mareschal de Dellegarde, and Niece to the Mareschal de Termes, were descended Bernard, Iean Louis, and another Iean de Nagaret, and de la Valette, the eldest in the year 1553. Iean Louis in May, 1554, and the youngest died almost as soon as born. They had like­wise issue three Daughters, Helene, Catharine, and Mary, the eldest of which having engaged her affection, before her Brother rose to favour, with the Marquess of Rouillac a young Gentleman of good quality in the Countrey, preferr'd him to many others her Brother afterwards offered to her: The second was married to the Count de Bouchage Brother to the Duke of Ioyeuse fellow Favourite with Iean Louis, from which match sprung Catherine de Ioyeuse now Dutchess of Guise. The last married the Count of Brienne, of the House of Luxemberg, and she died without Issue, within a few years after she was married.

The two Brothers Bernard, and Iean Louis, having been brought up in their Fathers House till the ages of thirteen, and fourteen years, were from thence sent to the Colledge of Navarre at Paris, there to continue their studies; where, amongst other instructions, they had particular charge often to see, and diligently to observe Moun­sieur de Villeroy, then Secretary of State, and a man lookt upon as an extraordinary person in that imployment. Mounsieur de la Va­lette esteeming him for his intimate, and assured friend, hoped in him to establish such a friendship for his Children in their greener years, as might one day be of great use and advantage to them: so hard it is, even for the wisest to foresee the events of things, this very man proving at last, amongst all the great Ministers, that go­vern'd the Affairs of that time, the only, or the greatest enemy to their Advancement and Fortune.

After some years continuance of their studies at Paris, Anno 157 [...]. the re­port of a War, spread from all parts, so enflam'd the noble coura­ges of these two young Gentlemen, that it was impossible longer to restrain them from the exercise of Arms. They considered Let­ters now as an obstacle to something nobler they conceiv'd them­selves oblig'd to profess; so that their Governour fearing some sal­ly of youth, should he carry too rude a hand over them, was con­strain'd to give Mounsieur de la Valette timely notice of the disposi­tion of his Sons.

Their Father either unwilling to cross them in their first desires, or loth to discourage so early and so generous resolutions, and con­sidering the maturity of their age, now grown up to Man, and fit to undergo the hardships of War, upon the first intimation [Page 6] call'd them home, to place them by his own side, there to share with him the fortune of War, which chanc'd to be about the be­ginning of the troubles that happened in the year 1570.

Mounsieur de la Valette, having by the great services he had done the King in his Armies attracted the envy or jealousie of the other Chiefs, who were more diligent at Court than he, was by their procurement sent away into his Government to oppose, as was pretended, the designs and enterprizes, that those of the Reformed Religion daily practised in several parts of that Province. And whe­ther this were effectively the true, or but the pretended cause of his dispatch into Guienne, so it was that he was commanded there to re­side, which he accordingly did, and during that residence perform'd many notable exploits, to the advantage of his Masters Interest: amongst which I cannot omit the mention of one, that particular­ly relates to the honour of his second Son, whose History I have undertaken, and to whom his Father had given the name of Cau­mont, The first Exploit of Iean Louis called Cau­mont. by which we shall for some time call him. In an encounter that happened near to Mauvasin, whether Mounsieur de la Valette had carry'd his two Sons, he charg'd so far into the Enemies Bo­dy, that his Horse being kill'd under him, he was himself in ma­nifest danger of his life, when Caumont seeing his Father in that peril, threw himself desperately in amongst them, and being well seconded by some few of the Troop, behav'd himself so well as to disengage and bring him off; paying in this first trial of his Arms, by an act of no less Piety than Valour, part of the obliga­tion due to him from whom he had receiv'd his being. And this was his first exploit.

He past some years at this rate under his Fathers Discipline, Anno 1573. but a Province was a Theatre too narrow for the acts his courage was likely to produce, ambition began already to make him aspire to greater things; which his Father perceiving, and willing to encou­rage so generous a passion, resolv'd to send him, together with his elder Brother, to the Siege of Rochelle, that was then sitting down. He was the rather enclin'd to send them to that place, because he himself was to have no share in the honour of that action, pre­vented by the jealousie of the Mareschals de Byron, and Bellegarde, who although they were both of them his near relations, and the best reputed Captains of their time, employ'd nevertheless their utmost interest to hinder Mounsieur de la Valette, from serving in that occasion. They very well knew his merit, with the favour, and esteem, he had with the Duke of Anjou, who was to com­mand at that Siege, and foreseeing that such a concurrent, as he, was likely not a little to eclipse the glory they intended to engross [Page 7] wholly to themselves, Anno 1574. they carried on their design with that dex­terity, that he was not so much as once call'd to that service. This ill office was so much the more sensible to him, as it made him lose the Mareschals Staff, which had been promis'd him before; an injury that, no doubt, he would have discover'd, how highly he had resented, had he not been prevented by Death, the Arbi­ter of all Humane Controversies. All he could at that time do (to let them see he understood them to be no friends of his) was to forbid his Sons to see them, or to be presented by either of them to the Duke of Anjou; desiring rather they should receive that favour from the Duke of Guise, a Prince with whom he had ac­quir'd a great interest, as having oftern serv'd under his Com­mand; but most signally at the Battel of Dreux, where he fought at the head of the Reserve, with which, when all other hopes were l [...]st, the Duke won that day, and wholly routed the Enemies victorious Army. To him therefore he commanded his Sons to address themselves, for their access to the Duke, an occasion the Duke of Guise embrac'd with so much fervour, and presented them after that obliging manner, with that honourable mention of the Fathers great Merit, and the great hope of his Sons, that they could not possibly have chosen out a man, that could more hand­somly, more obligingly, or with greater integrity have perform'd so important an Office. The infinite civility of the Duke of Guise, together with the singular, and natural art he had to acquire men to him, gain'd Caumont so absolutely to his service, that it was with no little reluctancy, that he afterwards withdrew himself from him; which nevertheless he was shortly after enforc't to do, the divers interests that sway'd the one and the other, looking so several wayes, that it was not possible longer to continue their in­telligence. Their friendship began to grow cold, before it came to an open Rupture; Caumont not having receiv'd from the Duke, that support, and assistance, he promis'd to himself, from so pow­erful, and so sincere a frined, as he took him to be: But that which strook the main blow was this: The death of Mounfieur de la Valette immediately following the Siege of Rochelle, his se­veral Employments lay vacant by his decease, which made Cau­mont repair to Court, in hopes by the Dukes favour at least to ob­tain the charge of Camp-Master to the Light Horse for his elder Brother, (neither of them yet presuming by reason of their youth to pretend to the Lieutenancy of Guienne) which the Duke of Guise not only peremptorily refus'd to intermeddle in, but withal carried on the interest of some other pretenders, with so much vi­gour and efficacy, that in fine he excluded both the Brothers from [Page 8] all their Fathers employments. Upon which unexpected unkind­ness Caumont retir'd so much dissatisfied with the Duke, that since that time, neither his Brother▪ nor he, ever had any complacency for the house of Guise.

The Brothers after this repulse spent some time at home in or­der to a settlement of their own private affairs, which the quiet­ness of that time (a general Peace being before concluded) gave them leisure enough to do. But Caumont Caumonts first J [...]ur­ney to Court. was impatient of this Countrey life, and seeing there was now no more employ­ment for his Armes, he put himself into an equipage to go to Court, to try if he could, by his own endeavours, obtain that for himself, which the memory of his Fathers great services had not power to retain to his forgotten Family. It was about the end of the Year 1574. that he undertook this journey, King Henry the Third being then newly return'd from Poland, a Prince in [...]nitely enclin'd to Peace, and to that, Catharine de Medicis his Mo­ther being also wearied out with the former troubles, they bent their [...]oynt endeavours to the continuing of Affairs in the same quiet posture they then were, to the extinguishing of all old dis­contents, and to the avoiding all possible occasions of new. They knew very well that none had power to beget new mischiefs, or to disturb the present Peace of the Kingdom, except the Duke of Alanson, or the King of Navarre, both which they politickly made, as it were, prisoners to the Court, by the vigilancy of Spies, though without Guards: or other visible marks of restraint. The King of Navarre, as he whose Courage, and great Qualities were more to be suspected, had the stricter eye upon him; and although he profest himself a Catholick, yet his Fortune, and Confederates, obliging him to the contrary Religion, they were in a perpetual jealousie, lest he should at one time or another embrace the Pro­fession, and Party of those with whom his nearest concerns and chiefest interests lay. The Queen Mother, one of the most expe­rienc'd Princesses of her time, and a Woman whose Prudence, and subtlety extended to all the Arts of Government, knowing as well how upon occasion to order the allurements of Peace, as to guide and govern the more important Affairs in the Tumults of War, being no stranger to the amorous inclinations of the King of Navarre, Anno 1575. 1576. by daily invitations to Playes, Masques, Revels, and other entertainments, made the Court continually to shine in all the lustre and temptation of Beauty, if possible to divert the de­signs, and to soften the Martial humour of this Prince, in the more delicate delights of vacancy and peace: which kind of life, it may easily be imagin'd, could not be unpleasant to a man so [Page 9] young, and so enclin'd as the King then was. The Court being now nothing but jollity, the whole Nobility of France had no­thing else to do, but to divide themselves according to their se­veral inclinations into the Parties, and Factions of these two young Princes; amongst which Caumonts particular liking, and Affection to his person, and great vertues having enclin'd him to the King of Navarres side, he was by him receiv'd with so infi­nite respect and kindness, that in a very short time he stood equal to the best in the highest degree of Favour, and trust. Of which the King could not give him a greater testimony, than by disco­vering to him his intended escape from Court, and by commend­ing thereby so important a secret to his fidelity, and assistance.

Our Histories have glanc'd at the grounds upon which the King took this resolution, The me­moires of Queen Mar. which he shortly after executed with great secresie, and a very slender train; For pretending to go hunt in the Parks of Saint Germains, he thence with only four or five of his greatest confidents (of which number Caumont was one) made his escape. I have often heard him say, that he thought himself so oblig'd by that favour, that he had never separated him­self from that Prince, had not he first separated himself from his obedience to the Church.

He accompanied him in his retirement as far as Alenson, Aubigné. whi­ther the King was no sooner come, but that his Physician invited him to be God-father to one of his Children. The Ceremony was performed in the Hugonot Congregation, and after their Directo­ry, as it may be presum'd, it was beforehand determined it should be. Whereupon Caumont, taking the usual liberty the King had ever till that time freely allow'd him, converted all the passages of that Ceremony into Mirth and Laughter: But the King, afraid no doubt lest this should produce some effect that might hinder his main designs, secretly chid him, for what he had already done, giving him caution for the future to forbear such railleries, and to behave himself with more respect in occasions wherein he him­self was so seriously concern'd. Which sharp reproof giving Cau­mont sufficiently to understand, that although the King did not as yet make publick profession of that Religion, yet that he was not­withstanding so moderate, and so lukewarm a Catholick, that he only wanted a handsome opportunity to do it. He resolv'd al­so to quit his service upon the first occasion that fairly presented it self: An effect (besides his own Devotion to the Church) of a so­lemn Promise his Brother and he had joyntly made to their dying Father, never to serve other than a Catholick Prince. From thence­forward therefore, he sought all opportunities, civilly to disingage [Page 10] himself from the service of this King, which soon after a light Indisposition of body gave him a handsome Pretense to do; for finding himself not very well, and continuing fome few dayes in the same distemper without any amendment, Caumont. withdraws himself from the King of Na­varre. he intreated leave to retire into the privacy and convenience of his own house, for the recovery of his health; which the King (though he doubtless well enough understood the meaning of that request) without any difficulty, or the least shew of unkindness, freely permitted him to do.

France began now to see it self threatned with the approaching troubles, which the Duke of Alenson's, and the King of Navarre's departure from Court, (happening much about the same time) shortly after produc'd in the Kingdom; neither could the Queen Mother, notwithstanding her great vigilancy, and care to pre­vent those disorders, the discontents of these two Princes, toge­ther with those of the Hugonot Faction, were likely to bring upon the State, with all her industry and prudence hinder men, in that Crisis of Affairs, from running into the tumult of Armes. It was in this juncture of time, that Caumont prepar'd himself for a se­cond journey to Court: C [...]umont's second journey to Court, and the begin­ning of his Favour. He had had the honour to be known to the King, first at the Siege of Rochelle, and afterwards in his de­pendence upon the King of Navarre; so that these preceding ha­bitudes and acquaintance, made him resolve to go, and tye him­self directly to his Majesties person and service. Having there­fore left his own house with this resolution, he takes his journey to Burdeaux, where the Marquess de Villars, a great friend and an old companion in Armes of Mounsieur de la Valette his Father, and now Governour of Guienne, then resided; and where he was not a little busie to provide against the disorders which at that time threatned that Province. Caumont at his arrival gives him a visit, acquaints him with the true design of his journey, and withal offers his service, if he had any to command him to Court Villars readily accepts his offer, charges him with Letters of Credit to the King, and, the wayes betwixt Burdeaux and Poitiers being very difficult to pass by reason of the continual inroads of the Hu­gonot party, he informs him of the particular state of the Coun­trey, instructs him in the safest wayes he was to pass, and finally gives him a full accompt of the posture wherein his Majesties Af­fairs then stood; that he might thereupon receive new orders from the King and Council. Caumont, being glad to present himself to their Majesties with the advantage of so considerable a service, de­parts, throughly instructed in all the Affairs of Guienne, from Bur­deaux to Angoubesme; where he further discourses about his Go­vernment [Page 11] with the Marquess of Rufee, Governour of that Town, and Countrey, and by him findes matters there to be in no better a condition, than those of Guienne. Rufee had made a late denial of that place to the Heads of the Hugonot party, to whom by the Treaty of Champigny, made with the Duke of Alenson, it should have been delivered up for a Cautionary Town. He informs him­self of the reasons of Rufees refusal in this case, with other things that concern'd the Kings Service in that Countrey, and continues his journey from thence to Poitiers, by the houses of Gentlemen his acquaintance, sometimes with Convoys, but for the most part in the slender guard of his own inconsiderable train. At last by short and wary journeys he arrives at Court, which was then at Blois, though with infinite difficulty and danger; such was the disorder, and confusion, that rag'd in all the Provinces through which he was to pass. I heard him a few dayes before his death re­late all the particulars of this journey, without omitting the least circumstance that befel him by the way; not without admiration, that a man after threescore and odde years should retain so perfect a memory of such petty accidents (if such ought to be call'd so) as gave a beginning to the establishment of so prodigious a Fortune.

Being come to Court, Anno 1577. he presented himself to the King, deli­ver'd the several dispatches he had from Villars, and Rufee, giving his Majesty a particular account of all they had given him in charge. The King immediately commanded him to address him­self to the Queen Mother, and to inform her fully of the same things, being at this first Conference highly satisfied with his dex­terity, and judgement, and mightily taken with his behaviour, and the gracefulness he observ'd, in whatever he said, or did: neither in­deed could there be a more accomplisht Gentleman, than he was at that age of two and twenty, as I have heard men of great judgement say, that very well knew him in those times. His Conference with the Queen Mother prov'd no less to his advan­tage with her, than that he had had with the King had done with him; she was pleas'd to give him a gracious audience, and to take a great liking to his Person; so that the King coming (as it was his constant custom) in the evening to confer about business with her, and asking her if she had seen Caumont, and what her opinion was of him? the Queen made answer, That she had seen, and discours'd with him, and that it was upon men of his condition and merit, that his Majesty ought to repose the Trust, and Confidence of his most important Affairs: which she said as not being unwilling (to the end she might still keep her dominion [Page 12] over the Kings affections) that Caumont, though the King had many Favourties already, should yet make one of that number; that so his heart, being divided amongst many, might not too vio­lently encline to one. The King told her he was of her opinion, and the approbation he found in her judgement having justified his own inclinations, after he had entertain'd her some time with merits of the Father, and the good qualities of the Son, he from thenceforward took a resolution to receive him into a degree of favour, and to place him near his own person,

Yet was it not immediately, notwithstanding this auspicious be­ginning, that Caumont's favour began to appear; neither did he on his part cultivate his springing fortune with an assiduity, and dili­gence unbecoming his Spirit, and Blood, for whatever testimo­nies of favour and esteem the King daily discover'd to him, there was nevertheless no occasion of action, which he did not greedily embrace, and for which he did not continually neglect all Court Interest, preferring his Honour and Duty before all other Advan­tages of Fortune. At his return from one of these expeditions, he soon discern'd a coldness in his Majesty towards him; and his Court Rivals, who very well saw how precipitiously the Kings Affections were bent upon him, had not fail'd on their part, by their ill offices to weaken that interest during his absence, with all the Art, and Malice they had: but his brave services having ac­quir'd his Masters Esteem, he soon recovered his former possession of Grace, and at last settled himself so firm in the Kings Bosom, that the favour, which had for a long time before been divided amongst many pretenders, was at last establish'd without reserva­tion in Ioyeuse, and him, though he had still the greatest share.

I have already observ'd, what an effect Caumonts negotiation about the Affairs of Guienne had produc'd with the King and Queen; neither was he so blind to his own interest as not to see it, nor so negligent as not to improve it with all the industry he had. Nor was his diligence less effectual with the Queen Mother, who bore the greatest sway of Affairs, than with the King himself, she ever receiving him with great demonstration of Favour, and Esteem; which he to continue, or to encrease, contracted great Familiarities with some of the Maids of Honour of chiefest trust about her, and from their Friendship receiv'd no few good Offi­ces in this Foundation of his Fortune.

But neither these good Offices, nor the Favour he was by their procurement seated in, had yet produc'd any thing to his benefit; 'tis true he was look'd upon with an Eye of Favour, the King would often speak to him, and in all apparence he was in a [Page 13] hopeful way, but still this was hitherto only apparence, and he reap'd no other advantage by it until the Duke of Alenfon's expe­dition, which was the first time he tasted of his Masters Bounty. After the Treaty of Champigny, which was a little before this time, the King having design'd absolutely to disingage his Brother the Duke of Alenson from the Hugonot Party, had to that purpose gi­ven him the command of an Army against them. Upon which occasion Caumont fail'd not to prepare himself to make one, which the King so well approv'd of, that coming to take his leave, his Majesty having first publickly commended his generous design, order'd him twelve hundred Crowns of Gold, The King's first Bounty to Caumont. out of his privy Purse, to put him into a handsome posture: A largess so season­able as enabled him to put himself into a better equipage, than otherwise he could conveniently have done; and as he had a mind above his present Fortune, he laid out all the Kings Bounty in Horses, Arms, and other Furniture: but above all, he bought himself the finest Tent, that could possibly be seen. The Rendez­vous of the Army being appointed to be at Romorentin, the King and Queen Mother, being then at Blois, would themselves see it; and there dismiss the Duke of Alenson, with all possible demonstra­tion of Honour, and Kindness. Caumont fail'd not to Muster up his Equipage, upon this occasion; and for the better advantage, caus'd his Tent to be set up in that part of the Camp, that lay most in view of the Queens Lodgings, to the end chiefly, that her Maids of Honour might more conveniently see it. The King who never fail'd (as I have observ'd before) to visit his Mother once a day, as he was one day leaning with her in her Chamber Window, took particular notice of this Tent, which being for its fineness remarkable above the rest, the King and Queen both fancied it to be Caumont's; and the better to be satisfied, sent one purposely to enquire; at whose return, finding it to be so indeed, his gallan­try was highly commended by them both. Soon after coming to take his leave of the King, and to receive his Commands, he was dismist with so high testimonies of Affection, as might for the future give him just occasion to hope for greater things. These observations may perhaps seem light to some upon such a subject; but since Fortune suffers nothing to be lost to happy men, and that she is industrious to collect, and improve the least of their actions to make them succeed to their advantage, I thought it not altoge­ther improper, by her example, to make mention of these passages; which, how inconsiderable soever in themselves, have been never­theless the steps, and gradations, by which this great man after­wards rose to such an eminence of Fortune.

[Page 14] The Duke of Alensons expedition succeeded according to the Kings desire, he took la Charité, and Issoire, and the Army was in a condition to perform greater things, had not the over-strict League, and Friendship betwixt the Duke of Alenson, Caumont follows the Duke of Alenson in the War. and the Duke of Guise (his Lieutenant General in this Employment) be­got a suspicion in the King. To break then this Friendship, the King began to hearken to overtures of Peace; which, although they were not presently concluded, yet the meer proposition was pretense enough to call home the Duke of Alenson, and to give Caumont opportunity to return to Court. At his coming back he was less favourably receiv'd, than he had reason to expect, through the jealousie of those who had been more industrious to improve the Kings Favour, than he had been: Yet could not this hinder him (a new occasion of the Siege of Brouage He goes to the Siege of Brouage. presenting it self) once more to expose, and abandon, his springing Favour to the malicious Offices of his Court-Concurrents. He went to this Siege, where he behav'd himself so well (as he had done before at la Charit [...], and Issoire) that in all these expeditions he still won the great liking, and approbation of his Generals; who, being just to his merit, in the testimony of his actions, confirm'd the King more and more in the opinion, he had before conceiv'd, of his Worth and Valour.

This esteem of Caumont took at last so deep root in this Princes Breast, that it was no more in the power of Envy to shake it; and he had him in so high consideration, that he never us'd him with the least severity, nor ever gave him the least injurious word; an indulgence not common to his other Favourites, who were often subject to very passionate language: But the King in his no­ble nature was pleas'd to spare a heart, which, he had before observ'd, was too stout to submit to Injuries, what advantage soever might accrue by such a patience. Of which (now we are upon this discourse) I shall give you an instance in this place; al­though the thing happened not just at this time, but after Cau­mont's more apparent Favour, not tying my self, in these youthful relations of him, so much to the order of time, as to the truth of things. The King his Master being an infinite lover of neatness in Cloaths, and being none were admitted into the Bed-Chamber without his white Shooes, black Velvet Galoches, his long Stock­ings, and other Vestments wherein they were to observe a punctual Decorum, no wonder if the Favourties, who were continually in the Kings Eye, were especially ty'd to these strict rules of decency. Caumont appearing one day before the King unbutton'd, his Stock­ings untied, and in a greater negligence, and disorder, than he [Page 15] was wont to be, receiv'd a sever check; nay his chiding pro­ceeded so far, as that the King forbad him ever to appear before him again in the like posture. Caumont in his heat interpreting this for an absolute command, without condition, immediately with­draws himself, resolv'd (as I have since heard him say) to take Post, and for ever to retire himself from Court. But the King, who very well knew what an impression his words had made with his Favourite, and fearing lest the rashness of his Youth might make him commit a fault to his own ruine, commanded him pre­sently to be call'd back; saying, That his heat and folly would de­stroy him, if he were left to himself; but that he had in him withal Qua­lities, of which good use might be made: and, that he would therefore have an eye to his preservation. Upon his return the King having chang'd his Humour, Caumont chang'd his Resolution, not without consi­dering upon how light an occasion he was like to have forfeited his Masters Favour, and to have destroyed the hopes of his own rising Fortune; And from the knowledge of his fault drew this advantage, to become less hot, and passionate for the future, and to observe such an elegancy and neatness in his habit, even to an ex­treme old age, as might serve for an example to the younger sort of men.

The Surrender of Brouage His return from the Siege of Brouage to Court. was soon succeeded by a Peace con­cluded at Bergerac about the end of the year 1577. by which cessa­tion Caumont had liberty to return to Court, and there without any more divertion, or impediment, to husb [...]nd his Masters Royal Inclinations towards him.

But as he had many Concurrents in the same Design, Anno 1578. so the King for some time suspended the declaration of his Favour; though Caumont was one of those to whom his Majesty shewed a particular Inclination, and whose freedom, and boldness was no­thing displeasing to him: His Wit, fine Fashion, and a particu­lar Grace he had in performing all his exercises, gave him a great advantage over the other young men of his condition; which he managed so well, that he still out-shone all his equals, and ap­pear'd the true Favourite in mens opinion, though his Favour was not yet so fully manifest. All this year 1578. past in this delibera­tion, and the Court was in suspense which of all the pretenders to favour would prove to be the Favourites indeed, when at last the King in the beginning of the year 1579. Anno 1579. at the Ceremony of the institution of the Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost, appear­ing publick with Caumont, Darques (afterwards Duke of Ioyeuse) St. [...]uc, and D'O in the same Livery with himself, there was then no further dispute of their favour; and upon this discovery, all [Page 16] the Courtiers according to their inclinations, or interest, divided themselves into the several Parties, and dependencies of these four great men.

We have now brought Caumont upon the great Theatre of the World, expos'd, not only to the sight, but also to the censure and envy of most men. We shall hereafter see how he disingag'd him­self from those snares, and designs that were laid by his Adversaries to undermine his greatness, during the space of threescore and ten years, which he liv'd after his first rise of Favour.

From the time of this establishment of his Fortune, he had the good hap to have all the most eminent men about the Court, ei­ther for Arts or Arms, to apply themselves to him. Mounsieur du Perron, one of the greatest Ornaments of his Age, was of this number, together with Rousard, Des Portes, and many other per­sons of great Merit, and Esteem. But amongst them all, Caumont taking particular notice of the great worth of Mounsieur du Perron, and considering his Vertue to be above all the advantages, he in himself was able to procure for him; took an especial care to pre­fer him to the Kings knowledge, and at last, with the a [...]iduity and recommendation of a true friend, plac'd him in his Majesties chiefest confidence; an Office which he afterwards continued with so constant a friendship, as contributed no little to that greatness, to which he was sometime after advanc'd.

Saint Blancard since Mareschal of France, and Duke de Biron, with the greatest part of the Gascon Nobility that then follow'd the Court, put themselves also into his dependence: his Employments, and the great credit he had with the King, having in a short time afforded him means to gratifie a number of gallant Gentlemen, and to acquire many Friends, and Servants, whose Valour and Fide­lity contributed much to the preservation of his Life, and Fortune. But his youth, having been bred up in the rudeness of War, requir'd some necessary improvements, the better to fit him for his Masters conversation, who was himself the most accomplish'd Prince of his time. The King would take care for his second Education, that he might be the more proper for those Employments, which his Majesties confidence in him, and the necessity of the present times, were shortly to call him to; and to that purpose commanded Des Portes to be continually about his Person, which he accordingly obey'd; and not only by his diligence better'd him in the French Tongue, which then first began to purge it self from the Barba­rism of past Ages: but having withal found in him a capacity that out-stript his Precepts, he in a short time infus'd into him such ge­neral notions, as, having open'd his understanding, made him ca­pable [Page 17] of those important negotiations in which he was afterwards imploy'd.

The same affection which had made the King so solicitous to embellish his Mind, made him no less careful to establish his For­tune; though he still conceal'd the daily progress of his Bounty from him, not being willing it seems that he should so much as trouble himself with the management of his own Domestick Af­fairs; but commanded Fontenay Mareuil a Gentleman of quality, and of whose integrity his Majesty had a particular Esteem, to take upon him that care, and twice a week to bring him an account of Caumonts business, as another Person of Quality did of that of Ioyeuse. From these two Gentlemen the King had still advice, of all Offices, and Revenues, that fell vacant; out of which his Ma­lesty made choice of such for his two Favourites, as he thought most proper, and advantageous for them, and commanded their dispatch; which afterward Caumont, and Ioyeuse were to solicit, but without the least dispensation, notwithstanding their Favour, from the due and customary forms of Law; where, if any diffi­culty, or opposition chanc'd to arise, his Majesty ever interpos'd his Justice to over-rule them, if justly they were to be over-ruled: neither did they ever receive any Grace, or Largess, which did not either first pass the Seal, the Chamber of Accounts, or an Act of Parliament.

In these beginnings, the two young Favourites were continual­ly call'd to all the Councils, not to give their advice, from which by their immaturity, and inexperience, they were exempt, but to inform, and to inure themselves to business: Which the bet­ter to exercise them in, the King himself was pleas'd often in pri­vate to propose weighty questions to them, and to make them debate them before him, without exposing their early Opinions to the Experience of his graver Council initiating them with his own Precepts, and forming them with his own hand; and that rather with the tenderness and indulgence of a Father to his Children, than with the authority of a Master over his Servants,

About this time (as I have already observ'd) the Order of the Holy Ghost was instituted, and the first Ceremony was already past: where, although Caumont had no share, by reason of his Youth, but was deferred to the next Creation, which happened a few years after; yet his Majesty, though he judg'd him too young to be admitted into that honourable Fraternity, thought him not­withstanding sufficient to treat with Philibert D. of Savoy, Caumont's Embassy to Savoy. though he were one of the most discreet, and most circumspect Princes of his time. This Prince had rais'd a considerable Army, which he [Page 18] intended to imploy against the Genoveses; and the King, who was oblig'd to protect them, dispatch'd Caumont to the Duke to dis­swade him from that enterprize. His negotiation in this Affair met with great difficulties, and infinite oppositions, both from the House of Austria, the League, and the Pope; which nevertheless he overcame with that dexterity, that having untied all those knots of State, he obtain'd full satisfaction for the King his Master, and acquir'd so much Reputation, and Esteem with the Duke, as at the same time to obtain a signal Favour, and a timely assistance for himself. The occasion this.

The Mareschal de Bellegarde his Uncle, having for some time possest the Kings Favour, was at last, through the ill Offices of some, fallen into disgrace, and had thereupon retir'd himself into the Marquisate of Saluzzo, of which Province he had the Govern­ment; and whither being come, he had chas'd Charles Birague, the Kings Lieutenant in that Marquisate, out of all the Places and strong holds he had formerly possest; which he had taken upon him to do, without any order from the King: and indeed Belle­garde unsatisfied with the Court, rather endeavour'd to fortifie him­self, and to secure his own interest, than to stand upon the nice­ties, and punctillio's of his duty. This disorder gave a hot alarm to all Italy, who knew not to what Bellegardes designs might tend; and the Queen Mother, desirous in time to prevent any ill consequence, had her self taken a Journey to accommodate the bu­siness, and had compos'd it to the Kings satisfaction, and seeming­ly to the Mareschal's too, who had receiv'd a ratification of what­ever he had done: but the Mareschal was no sooner return'd into his Government, than he fell immediately sick, and of so violent a distemper, as in few dayes carried him away, not without vehe­ment suspicion of poison. Many being perswaded, that his tur­bulent spirit having given the Court an apprehension, that a dis­contented man of his Courage, would be hard to be continued in the due limits of his Obedience, they thought it better at once to dispatch him out of the way, than to be at the continual trou­ble would be necessary to contain him in his duty.

His Son, whom he le [...]t very young, and much unsettled in his Government, soon found himself in danger to be turn'd out by the Faction of the People, the whole Countrey in general, favour­ing the Biragues, Gentlemen of good quality, and Natives of that Countrey; whom doubtless they would have restor'd to the Go­vernment, had not Caumont, in the time of his Embassy in Savoy, obtain'd some Troops from the Duke for his Kinsman's assistance, with which he brought him so opportune, and so effectual a suc­cour, [Page 19] that he soon supprest the Faction, plac'd Bellegarde secure in his charge, and left him strong enough to defend himself; until the King, whose interest requir'd a Minister of greater Experience in that Countrey, call'd him from thence to place la Valette, Caumont's elder Brother in his stead, giving to Bellegarde in recompense the Governments of Xaintonge, Angoumois, and the Countrey of Au­luis.

It was during the interim of this Voyage, that the disgrace of St. Luc, one of the Favourites, was concluded. D' Aubigné tell us that he learn'd the cause of this disgrace from St. Luc's own mouth, and thereupon tells an impudent Story: but they who well consi­der this malevolent Author's way of writing, will easily judge it his own invention, to bespatter the Kings reputation; against whom (besides the interest of his Party) he had a particular spleen, having been ill us'd, and slighted upon many occasions. Of which he himself cannot forbear to complain in his History, and which confession in it self is sufficient to discredit all the calumnies he has forg'd against the Honour of this Prince. Here then take the true reason of his disgrace.

The King, falling in love with a Lady of great Quality, St. Luc's disgrace. had made Caumont, and St. Luc the confidents of his Passion; shortly after which Caumont was sent upon the Embassy of Savoy, spoke of before: and St. Luc, in this interval of his absence, discovers the se­cret of the King's love to his Wife, who was of the Family of Brissac, and his Wife immediately to the Queen, who could not long dissemble her discontent to the King her Husband; but re­proach'd him with his Love, and that with so many circumstan­ces, that in effect he could not much deny it. The King infinitely concern'd at the infidelity of his Confidents, to whose discretion he had only intrusted that secret, falls upon St. Luc, Caumont be­ing out of the reach of his anger, complains how basely he was betray'd, and in fine, reproaches him with the discovery. St. Luc excuses himself, and, that he might do it with the better colour, charges Caumont (whose absence expos'd him to that ill office) with the fault; but the King, who had before begun to distaste St. Luc, ever since his Marriage with a Wife, who was very partial to the House of Guise (a Family whose designs were every day more and more suspected to him) was still in his own Judgement more enclin'd to condemn him, than Caumont of the Treachery. Yet for the better clearing of the truth, which he was impatient to know, he addresses himself to the Queen, pressing, and conjuring her, to tell him freely, from whom she had receiv'd the knowledge of his Love, at the same time confessing on his part, the naked, and un­disguis'd [Page 20] truth, the more to oblige her to deal clearly, and candid­ly with him. The Queen though at first she defended her self with many excuses, and was very loath to betray her intelligence, was at last (as there are few secrets which are not communicative be­twixt persons of so near relation) overcome, and confest that it was from St. Luc's Wife she had receiv'd that secret. There need­ed no more to confirm the King in the prejudice he had before con­ceiv'd against St. Luc: and his Majesty believing there was more of design, than levity in this miscarriage, from thenceforth conceiv'd a mortal animosity against him, and was resolute to his ruine; yet would he defer the discovery of his displeasure till Caumont's ar­rival, who was now upon return, that he might first know, how ill an office his companion, and friend had attempted to do him. Caumont was no sooner return'd, than the King ask't him what opinion he had of St. Luc's friendship? who answer­ed, That he took him to be his best friend, as he knew himself to be his; and that there was a particular, and strict friendship be­twixt them. The King told him he must no longer continue in that error, and thereupon acquainted him with the whole story, and with the resolution he had taken against him. Caumont (not­withstanding the ill Offices he had receiv'd) fail'd not in this occasi­on to perform all the duties of a true friend, but employ'd his pow­er with the King, to perswade his Majesty into milder resolutions: but not being able with all he could say to prevail against the just indignation he had conceiv'd against him; and seeing him exas­perated to such a height, as was like enough to transport him to the greatest extremities, he gave notice to St. Luc speedily to retire from Court, which he accordingly did, and fled to Brouage. This is the true story of his disgrace, which I have received from a more faithful, and less passionate hand than that of Aubign [...].

It was at this same time of Caumont's return from Savoy, Anno 1580. that the King found himself engag'd in a more dangerous Affair, than this before related. The Hugonot Party began now to break out into open insurrection: and their Rebellion was of so much the greater consequence, by how much it interrupted, and overthrew all the designs he had laid, to establish the peace of his Kingdom. The King having had, and with great reason, the greatness of the House of Guise long suspected to him, had determin'd with himself, but insensibly, and with all security, to abate that grow­ing greatness; and to bring his designs the better to pass, and with the least noise, he continually dispos'd all the great employments, and most considerable Offices, as they fell void, into the hands of his own Creatures, without distributing any part into the power [Page 21] of the Guises, or of any that he knew depended upon them, or that he suspected to be of their Faction. The House of Guise easily enough penetrating into the depth of this design, had fortified themselves more than ever, in their Confederates and Friends, to oppose by strong hand this project of the Kings; and covering with the pretence of the Catholick Religion (of which they had long assum'd to themselves the titles of Protectors, either their Ambition (or what they call'd by a more specious name) the ne­cessity of their Defence, were ready to break out into open Arms. The King, advertis'd of their designs, was resolv'd to prevent them, and for a time to lay aside his milder Maxims, and to chastise their insolence with an armed hand: but because he should have wan­ted means, and strength, if at the same time, he should undertake the House of Guise, the Hugonot Party (which he also intended to cut off in due time) should appear in Arms, he tried to moderate the last, by commanding all the Edicts that had been made in their Favour, to be strictly, and inviolately observ'd. He granted to the King of Navarre all he could reasonably desire, treating with him like a Prince, that he neither thought it safe to raise too high, nor that he had a desire absolutely to subdue. A proceeding that in all apparence was likely to continue the Peace on that side. And the King had very great reason to hope, that this Prince, and those of his party, would at least give him leisure to suppress the Family of Guise, who as they were dangerous to him, were also their open, and declared Enemies. The suppression of which had at this time been a matter easie, and inevitable, had Affairs conti­nued in this posture. But all these considerations were over-rul'd, and overthrown by so little means, that certainly 'tis worthy our astonishment to consider how light, and how contemptible things will pervert the ordinary course of humane prudence.

The Queen of Navarre in this juncture of time retir'd from Court, much dissatisfied with the King her Brother, as she her self declares in her own Commentaries; and as she was a Princess of a dangerous Wit, a great Spirit, and one that conceiv'd the highest point of generosity to consist in revenge, she thought she could not do the King her Brother a more sensible injury, whose designs she very well knew; nor consequently better satisfie her own revenge, than by stirring up the King her Husband against him. Yet think­ing her own interest too weak of it self to prevail in a thing of this consequence, she thought fit to assault him where he lay most open to her, and where he had the least power to defend himself. Having therefore in her train a great many very fine women, and such as were well disciplin'd in Love Affairs, she won so far upon [Page 22] their obedience; as that they behaving themselves according to her instructions towards the King her Husband, and the young No­bility about him, soon made as many Lovers, Au [...]ig [...]é. as there were Ser­vants attending his Person: and by that means seated her self abso­lute Mistriss of that Court. The King of Navarre pre-possest with these ill Councils, resolv'd upon taking Armes, which he did with that secresie, that the blow was given before the noise was heard. The design was great, and vast (as they usually are in all commotions) but when it came to execution, all their great pro­jects ended in the surprisal of two important places. The first was Cahors [...]etard by the King of Navarre, the other la [...]eré, by the Prince of Cond [...]; Mounsieur Chatillon, in Languedoc, nor Moun­sieur Lesdiguieres, in Dauphine not being able to do any considerable service for their party.

The King advertized of this disorder, found himself necessita­ted to alter his first resolutions, and to turn his thoughts to the pre­sent danger; so that instead of pursuing the suppression [...] of the House of Guise, and their League, he was constrain'd that time, not only to wink at their Faults, but to employ their Persons, and make use of their Interest [...]y to stop this unexpected Rupture. In which he carried himself with that wisdom, and diligence, as gave no little astonishment to his Enemies, when they saw he had in a moment set three great Armies on foot, to attend their motion, and to oppose and frustrate their attempts. They had principally built their designs upon the opinion of the Kings negligence, which they interpreted cowardise, and sloth. But they soon perceiv'd themselves abus'd in that belief, and found in this occasion, that the pleasure and ease, he was something addicted unto, had not un­nerv'd him from vigorous action, when his Honour and Interest call'd him abroad. There is one thing very remarkable in this oc­casion, which is rarely observ'd in the order of Humane Affairs, that all things succeeded absolutely according to the Kings Designs; and Fortune, who is wont to delude the wisest Counsels, submitted here to the Kings Prudence, and fore-sight. His Majesty had great reasons not to oppress the King of Navarre, in this conjuncture; and though he had just cause to be angry with him, yet, he had more to preserve him, to the end that he might in his person main­tain a Party to make the League, who were directly opposite to him. He therefore sent against him the Mareschal de Biron, rather to spin out the War in exploits of little moment, than to end it at one blow. Into Dauphine, where there was little, or nothing to be done, no more than in Languedoc, he dispatch'd the Duke of May­enne, Affairs being at this time in such a condition, that his Majesty [Page 23] was constrain'd to serve himself with some of those Heads of the League, who were already sworn to it: but he did it withal in an occasion of so little importance, that the Duke was therein likely to acquire no great reputation to himself, nor no great ad­vantage to his Faction. But on the contrary, for what concern'd la Feré, as being a Town near to Paris, and in Picardy, where the Hugonots had as yet no other footing, such troublesome neigh­bours standing highly suspected to his Majesty, he dispatch'd thi­ther the Mareschal de Matignon a S [...]bject of great Merit, and ap­prov'd Fidelity, to labour in good earnest the recovery of that place. In this Army march'd the Favourites, of which Caumont and Ioyeuse in this expedition got the greatest name; the last by a Har­quebuss shot he receiv'd in his Face, and the other by the taking of the Town; of which success the Historians of that time attri­bute to him the chiefest reputation. He had intreated of the King the charge of Camp-Master to the Regiment of Champagne, that he might have some remarkable employment in this occasion, and with that had obtain'd the command of a Quarter; so that, no­thing necessary being wanting to the advancement of his work he rais'd by the industry of an [...]talian Engineer, a Cavalier by fa­vour of which, having planted a battery, Aubigné. that look'd directly in­to the place, and that shot into the Enemies Defences, he reduc'd them to that extremity, that not daring to shew their heads upon the Walls, they were soon forc'd to a capitulation. The first over­tures of Surrender were made to Caumont, who most prest upon them; which the Mareschal de Matignon, being displeas'd at, as jealous of the honour they had done him, to the prejudice (as he conceiv'd) of the command he had at that Siege, he immediately granted to the Deputies, which Caumont had out of respect whol­ly referr'd to him, their own conditions, without once calling Caumont to the determination; an injury he so highly resented, that he could not govern his passion from breaking out at the instant, but smartly continued his Battery against the Town (notwith­standing the Articles agreed upon, and sign'd) and ceas'd not till the Kings Troops were entred into it. But he shortly after had a better revenge: for departing the Camp, without taking leave of the Mareschal, and arriv'd at Court, he obtain'd from the King the Government of that place, which the Mareschal had importunate­ly sued for, and kept it many years after. By this exploit the War ended, which having been undertaken rather out of a capricious humour, than mature deliberation, had the same success, that com­monly attends precipitous and indigested Counsels. The Peace that follow'd, kept Caumont at Court, where his favour daily en­creas'd, [Page 24] till it came to such a height, that there was no employ­ment, or benefit, with which the King his Master was not highly pleas'd to gratifie him.

Before he obtain'd the charge of Camp-Master to the Regiment of Champagne for himself, he had procur'd for la Valette his elder Brother, that of Camp-Master to the Light Horse; an Employment that had been so worthily discharg'd by their Father; which I have often heard him say, was the first grace he ever begg'd of the King, having it seems a desire to retrive the Offices of his Family for his Brother, and to give him the first advantages of his Favour, re­serving nothing, save future hopes for himself: but those hopes were not long suspended, for the esteem the King had of him, be­ing founded upon his courage, and fidelity, had begot in his Ma­jesty so great a passion for him, C [...]umont's high Fa­vo [...]r. that his thoughts were wholly ta­ken up with the contrivance, how to make him great; and he has often been heard to say, he would raise him so high, that he would not so much as reserve to himself the power to pull him down.

The Historians of that age give him from henceforward an ad­vantage over Ioyeuse in the Kings Favour, and would make us be­lieve it was so apparent, as to beget a jealousie in Ioyeuse; but that is a secret I never learn'd from Caumont's mouth; though it may be presum'd that his carriage, and conduct, was more likely to please the King; Ioyeuse having such a vanity to boast, and make a shew of the credit he had with his Master, and of the favours and libe­ralities he receiv'd from him by inordinate profusions, and expense, as did not only bring many inconveniences upon himself, but great murmurings and discontents upon the King: whereas Cau­mont, who had rather be powerful and esteem'd in effect, than in outward shew, made a sober, and profitable use of the interest he had in the King; and made his greatness more apparent to discern­ing men, by the establish'd constancy that ty'd him fast to his du­ty, than by the exterior [...]opperies of pomp, which are but the faint reflexions of a true shining lustre.

If this stability of his was commendable in any thing, it was much more in the constant aversion he had to the League, to which nothing could ever reconcile him; nor to the heads of that Facti­on: but on the contrary he took all occasions publickly to exaspe­rate, and affront the Duke of Guise, without regarding the reputa­tion of so great a man, or fearing the danger of so powerful an Enemy; his animosity carrying him so far, as several times to beg leave of the King, that he might fight him man to man, desiring with all his soul to hazard his own life, that he might by an honour­able way deliver his Master, from the troubles, and apprehensions, [Page 25] with which the practices of this Duke perpetually afflicted him, though his Majesty would never consent to it. But Ioyeuse liv'd after another manner, maintaining a greater intelligence with the House of Guise, than ought to have been betwixt so oblig'd a Servant, and his Master's open, and declared Enemies; which doubtless was the chief cause of the diminution of his favour, and in truth either prom­pted by the sole ambition of seeing himself Brother-in-law to the King, to which honour he thought he could not arrive without the Duke of Guise's assistance, or by the desire he had to secure his For­tune on all sides, which is very often a ruinous maxim, he ever indu­striously labor'd the friendship of that Family. Some believe that he at first treated with them unknown to the King about his Marriage with a Princess of their House, and Name, Sister to the Queen. 'Tis true he had afterwards the King's permission, and the overture, be­ing once made, was prest by the King himself to a consummation of it: but it was his part to have foreseen the inconveniences of this Alliance, and to have consider'd the consequences before he had embark'd himself.

As one of the King's chiefest cares was to keep such an equality towards his Favourites, Anno 1581. that they might have no occasion to trouble the delight he took in their conversation, with complaints, or diffe­rences; so had he no sooner concluded the Marriage of his Sister-in­law to the Duke of Ioyeuse; but that he would bestow another call'd Christina, upon the Duke of Espernon. I begin here to give him the ti­tle of Duke, A proposi­tion of Marriage for the Duke of Espernon. because he had it before, although the thred of this dis­course permits me not to speak of his promotion to this dignity, till the following page. A temptation delicate enough to flatter a mind so great, and so ambitious, as that of the Duke; nevertheless he ex­cus'd himself with a moderation, highly to be commended in an occasion of this nature; neither was his prudence less to be ad­mir'd, than his moderation: and all the world have believ'd, that a­mongst all the actions of his life, this was of greatest importance to the conservation of his Fortune. Upon this refusal of his, divers Judg­ments were made, all actions of great men, especially Favorites, never wanting interpreters: such as were justest to the Duke highly appro­ved his conduct, that so prudently under the shadow of respect, had rejected an advantage, that in it self carried only noise, and shew; though otherwise it might render him capable of pretending to more solid things, and at least make him rival the extraordinary ho­nor the Duke of Ioyeuse had receiv'd; others that would less favour­ably interpret him, discommended his carriage, as if by this refu­sal he intended tacitly to condemn the Duke of Ioyeuse his Vanity, and Ambition; and these confirm'd themselves in their opinion, by the great disproportion they saw betwixt the moderate expense [Page 26] at the Marriage of the Duke's elder Brother, and the prodigious profusion that was made at that of the Duke of Ioyeuse; The jour­nal of Henry the third. where the expense was so great as amounted to above two millions of Livers, an immense summe in those days, and especially at a time wherein the State was in great necessities. This gave a great occasion of mur­mure, not only to the well and ill dispos'd French, but even to such strangers as were affectionate to the Crown of France; where­as that of Mounsieur de la Valette, which was solemnized at the same time with Anne de Batarnay, was past over with very little noise; not but that the King would also in this occasion have powr'd out his liberality: but the two Brothers, having discreetly avoided an unnecessary expense, soberly husbanded their Masters purse, to his and their own reputation.

From the time that his Majesty had determined to raise his two Favourites to the honour of his Alliance, Anno 1582. he honoured them both with the Dignity of Duke, and Peer; and purchas'd in Caumont's name the Manour of Espernon, to the end, he might bear that Title. But his Letters Patents, having been carried to the Parliament, re­ceiv'd at first some difficulty in their verification, as it had before happened, in the case of Ioyeuse: which difficulty arose from the place the King had given in those Letters to the two new Dukes, having there ranck'd them immediately after the Princes of the Blood, which the other more ancient Dukes, The two Favourites made Dukes and Peers of [...]. being highly displeas'd at, oppos'd; and had so wrought the Parliament to their Favour, that the King was forc'd to send them a peremptory command to pass over all oppositions, telling them (amongst other terms of fa­vour) that having chosen Caumont, and Ioyeuse, for his Brothers-in-law, and intending to place them by this Alliance so near his own person, he could not endure they should make any difficulty of re­ceiving them into the degree, he had assign'd for them; that Ho­nour being far inferiour to what he had already conferr'd upon them by that choice: Upon which, there being no more contest, the thing past according to his Majesties pleasure, and was recorded without reservation.

Though the King seem'd to have his thoughts wholly taken up with these little domestick Affairs, Anno 1583. and to intend nothing but the advancement of his Favourites; yet was he not even in this with­out a further end, and design: for perceiving himself too weak by fine force, to crush the two powerful Factions, that divided the whole Kingdom, he try'd to accomplish that by policy, which he could not effect by power, in depriving both sides of all kind of authority and trust; advancing on the contrary his Favourites, and such as he had confidence in, to all the Offices, and Employments [Page 27] he possibly could; neither was there any grace, or favour to be ob­tain'd, but for them, or for such of their creatures, as wholly re­lied upon their fortune. Neither met this design of his with any opposition from the Hugonot Party; who, the more they were his open and declared Enemies, the less were they in his way, and gave him the less trouble: For the Court being suspected to the King of Navarre, the Prince of Cond [...], and the other Chiefs of their party, kept them at such a distance, as depriv'd them of the means to sue for Governments, Offices, and commands of places; nay, it was a favour to let them enjoy those they already had; so that living retir'd, and at ease, but without credit, or consideration, their inte­rest by degrees mouldred away, and grew weak of it self: which was the posture the King would have them in. But the heads of the League were in a far different condition, they had for many years upheld their credit at Court, had discharg'd successively from Father to Son, the greatest Offices of the Crown, were pos­sest of many important Governments, and very considerable pla­ces, and by the greatness of their Birth, and Services, by the repu­tation of their valour, and other eminent qualities they were Ma­sters of, endeavour'd to eclipse the Majesty of the King; who, be­ing less enclin'd to oftentation, liv'd a more retir'd life than they.

It was necessary to abate the growing greatness of those power­ful, The state of Affairs at Court, and the Kings cond [...]ct. and dangerous Subjects; to effect which (which was the chief and most important Affair of State) the King first exhibited a pub­lick and general prohibition to all sorts of people, excepting the Queen his Mother, and the Queen his Wife, not to presume to ask any thing of his Majesty, whether Money, Offices, or Com­mands; reserving wholly to himself the disposition of all such things, and that of his own voluntary grace, and bounty, and up­on due consideration of the party's Merit. And to the end that the over free access to his person, might not give occasion to those he most suspected to exceed the limits of this prohibition, he secon­ded that with another. That no person of what quality soever, should come into his Cabinet, without he were call'd: but from this general rule he made a particular exception for his Favourites, whom he made free to enter at all hours, like enough on purpose to nettle the House of Guise; though they were not the only men offended at it, almost all the great men about the Court, being sen­sibly concern'd, to be depriv'd of a priviledge, that was now only reserv'd for five or six of his Majesties Creatures.

The Lords of the House of Guise, being by this means exclu­ded from all hope of encreasing their power by new acquisitions of trust, the King began to contrive how he might gently with­draw [Page 28] what they already had, out of their hands; and carried it so, that so often as there was any vacancy, by the decease of any of their creatures, he immediately conferr'd those places upon some of his own; and if at any time any of their Partizans were con­tent to take money for such charges, as they were seis'd of, the King would stick at nothing that might satisfie them, to the end he might dispose places, into secure, and faithful hands. The Duke of Ioyeuse by these two ways, that is by the King's gift when a Government fell void, or otherwise by Contract, had obtain'd the Government of Normandy, with Haure de Grace, [...]aen, and other places: the Government of Anjou for the Compte de Bou­chage, his Brother; the Lieutenancy of Languedoc for his Father, with many other important Governments and Places. The Duke of Espernon had also the Government of Metz, and the Messin Countrey, that of Dauphine, Boulogne, Calice, la Fere, Loches, the Citadel of Lions, and some others.

As it was necessary for these two great ment to find out assured Friends, and faithful Servants, into whose hands they might safe­ly commit so many several places of trust, as the King's bounty had possest them of; so was it the Duke of Espernon's care to pro­vide himself of such persons; and supposing he could find none, who were likely to be more faithful to him, than those of his own Kindred and Relation, he to that purpose call'd the greatest part of them about his person. His elder Brother had by his recom­mendation the Government of Dauphine, The Duke advances his own Re­lations. in which employment he behav'd himself so well, that he preserved that Province entire in his Majesties obedience during all the commotions of the League: neither were his Services confin'd within the bounds of his Government; he passed over several times into Provence, and secur'd that Countrey against the attempts of the said League, when assisted both by Spain and Savoy. He also oppos'd the power of the Hugonots, which was very considerable in both these Provin­ces; so that France has to him only the obligation, that Dauphin [...] is not now in the Savoyard's hands, as well as the Marquisate of Saluzzo. Montcasin the Dukes Cousin was put into Metz, Cajan his Brother had the Regiment of Champagne, and soon after the Lieutenancy of Xaintogne, Angomois, and the Countrey of Aulins. And many other places were dispos'd into the hands of several men of trust, and quality, who depended upon the Duke.

But he had yet a Kinsman in Gascony, to whom, next to his Bro­ther, he had a particular regard above all others, which was Roger, afterwards Duke de Bellegarde, Son to Mounsieur de Termes, the Duke's Uncle by the Mothers side, and Heir to the House of Bel­legarde. [Page 29] This young Gentleman, being bred up according to his condition, to all the exercises becoming a person of his Birth and Quality, was by the Duke brought to Court; where he continu­ed the care of his Education in his own House, keeping him still to his Exercises, till he was grown excellent in them all: but the Duke was not content to oblige, him only in this, he further em­ploy'd his care, and good Offices to place him in the Kings esteem, wherein he succeeded perhaps beyond his own desire; Bellegarde arriving to such a degree of Favour, as grew at last suspected to the Duke himself.

Some years past over in these Court practices; Anno 1584. neither from the time of the Treaty of Peace with the King of Navarre, in the Year 1580. until the beginning of the Year 1584. were there any Affairs of importance, save those of the Cabinet. The King constant to his first Maxims, continually labour'd the ruine of the League, and of the Hugonot Party; neither was he, in his own nature, more inclin'd to advance those he had a kindness for, than he was bent to weaken, and depress those who were suspe­cted to him. The Duke of Guise, The first commotion of the League. the Cardinal his Brother, their Relations, and Confederates, seeing all things directed to this end, and not being able to endure the condition of private persons to which they saw the King endeavour'd to reduce them, set on foot great practices, both within, and without the Kingdom, and try'd all imaginable ways they thought might help to fortifie and se­cure themselves. And as they had hitherto been proceeded against without violence, so had they carried on their practices without noise: but at last finding the King more openly labour'd their ruine, which was already almost inevitable, they would no lon­ger forbear to unmask themselves, nor to publish their long pre­meditated designs by an open Rupture.

In the beginning then of the Year 1585. Anno 1585. the Duke of Guise re­tir'd himself to Ioinville, and there receiv'd into his House the King of Spain's Deputies, together with the Sieur de Meneville Attorney to the Cardinal of Bourbon, who did all the business of the League in France. Where also the Duke of Mayenne his Bro­ther, and divers others of his Partizans, repair'd to him. At which Assembly it was resolv'd to break out suddenly into open Arms, upon such conditions, as the Historians of that time have already declar'd, and which is nothing to my business.

The King, who was soon advertiz'd of this Conspiracy (which was now no longer a secret) to hinder it from taking any dange­rous effect, and in due time to provide for the safety of the Kingdom, assembled, together with the Queen his Mother, such persons as [Page 30] were of chiefest trust about him, and whose Counsels he ever made use of in debates of greatest importance, to deliberate, and advise what, in this posture of Affairs, was best to be done. These were the Dukes of Espernon, of Joyeuse, and of Retz, the Chancellour Chiveruy, Bellieure, D'O, Villeroy, and Villequier. The Duke of Espernon as the youngest, being commanded to give his opinion first of the Proposition in hand, freely Remonstrated.

That so long as the ambition of the House of Guise had contain'd it self within some moderate limits of respect to their Sovereign, he had infinitely commended his Majesties Clemency, that so long had wink'd at their faults, expecting when Subjects of their quality and merit should come to themselves, and see their own error. That in the beginning of great Crimes, Patience was almost a ne­cessary Vertue, and that it had often oblig'd such Offenders into their duty, as it would have been a matter of some difficulty to have reduc'd by force: but that this Patience had its bounds as well as other Vertues, and that the excess of it degenerated into Vices, of all other most pernicious to Princes. That he would ne­ver advise his Majesty to cruelty, because it was dreadful, and in­humane, though it often begot tht Sovereign power a more abso­lute respect. That profuseness begot love, at least in the receivers; and that the other mistakes of Princes were seldom altogether un­fruitful; whereas an excessive toleration render'd them contem­ptible to all the world. That from contempt men fell into hatred, and from hatred ran headlong into attempts. That above all things Princes should fear being despis'd, which is infallibly de­structive to Authority; as on the contrary, Fear and Respect sup­ports it. That it was his opinion, the King without further de­liberation should have recourse to Arms. That his Enemies not having yet the assistance of Strangers, and the Forces they expe­cted at home not being yet united, would be easily supprest. That his Majesty ought not to suspect his own strength in this occasion; that so good a cause as his could want no Souldiers, and that his own Royal Courage would give vigour, and encouragement to all true Frenchmen to maintain his Authority, not only against his Rebellious Subjects, but against all the World.

The Chancellour Chiveruy, the Duke de Retz, and the Mar­quis D'O, were of this opinion, and the King himself had too much experience, and too much judgement, not to be of the same; but the Duke of Ioyeuse, Bellieure, Villeroy, and Villequier, were of a contrary advice: to whom the Queen Mother adhering, [Page 31] the King, who had ever a great deference to her Councils, cool'd in the inclination he had to that of the Duke of Espernon, and was over-rul'd into mildness, and moderation; which as they are usually, the ruine of all Affairs of this nature, so they prov'd to be of this.

They thenceforward therefore began to treat about this War, and that by propositions not like those of a Prince to his Subject; but such as were more proper betwixt enemy, and enemy, that stood upon equal ground. The King, before he would resolve upon the last remedy of Arms, first caus'd the Duke of Guise to be soun­ded, to try, whether or no, he would by fair means be prevail'd with to leave of those practices his Majesty very well knew he en­tertain'd against his Service, and his own Duty: which having in vain attempted, and finding his obstinacy to be such, as was not to be overcome by gentle wayes, he presently dispatch'd away into Germany, and Switzerland, to make speedy Leavies both of Horse and Foot; and conceiving he could not in the present neces­sity receive so prompt, and so certain a succour from any, as from the King of Navarre, his Majesty would try if he could not gain him to his Interest, that they might joyntly oppose the first fury of the League, that erected it self to their common prejudice. In which deliberation there was notwithstanding an almost invinci­ble difficulty, namely the difference of Religion; for the King, what need soever he had of the King of Navarre's assistance, could never perswade himself to joyn with him in Arms, if he were not first a Catholick; wherein the respect to his Conscience prevail'd with him, above the consideration of his Fortune, and King­dom.

This point therefore, The King sends the Duke of Espernon to treat with the King of Navarre. upon which so much depended, was to be discreetly managed: and the Duke of Espernon as Supreme in the Kings confidence, was, before all others chosen to treat with the King of Navarre about this great Affair; which, that it might be carried with the greater secresie, the Duke pretended a visit to Madam de la Valette, his Mother at Caumont, whom he had never seen since his advancement to favour; nor whom (a rare example of Vertue, and Moderation in a person of her Sex, and Condition) he could ever, with all the instance he could use, pre­vail with, to come to Court, nor perswade to leave the sweet re­pose of her own House, nor the modesty, and retiredness of her former life.

Things being thus ordered, the Duke began his Journey from Court with a Train, and Magnificence; that is still remembred in all the places, through which he past. He had above 500 Gentle­men, [Page 32] and many of those men of very great quality in his atten­dance: so great authority and esteem, he had already acquir'd; neither did that authority and esteem ever decline, but were his inseparable Companions during his whole life. The King writ to all the places, through which he was to pass, to receive him with the same respect, and to pay him the same honours they would do to his own person: which was absolutely obey'd, if not over­done, the Duke receiving infinite and unusual civilities, both at Orleans, Poitiers, Burdeaux, Tholouse, and in all the other Cities through which he pass'd. At last he arriv'd at Caumont, where he had the satisfaction of seeing his Mother, who was no more daz­led with the immediate sight of her Son's greatness, than she had been before elevated with the report of it. She discours'd with him of Affairs of State, and of the advantages of his own Fortune, with the Gravity and Authority of a Mother, but of a Vertuous and Prudent Mother: and I have heard him say, That he receiv'd more safe and solid Counsels from the pr [...]dent simplicity of that good Lady, than from the subtlety, and experience, of the most practis'd Courtiers.

After having staid some days in her company, and his chief business being not to receive a dispatch there, he parted thence towards the King of Navarre, who was then in the County of Foix. The King did him the honour to meet him as far as Saver­dun, where they had the first Conference. The second was at Pa­miers, in the same County of Foix, whither the Duke of Esper­non (who could by no means avoid the great crowd of Nobility, and Gentry that came from all parts of Guienne, and Languedoc to see him) came so extraordinarily accompanied; that the King of Navarre, who (designing to continue the same honour to him) intended to have met him a good way out of Town, was advised to expect him on foot at the Gates of the City, his own Friends and Retinue, being too few to make up a number, that might hold any proportion with that the Duke brought along with him.

In these two Conferences the Duke deliver'd what he had in Commission, D' A [...]igné. fortifying the propositions he had to make with so many, and so powerful Arguments; that the King of Navarre clearly satisfied of his own good, discover'd at last a great incli­nation to perform what the King desir'd of him, viz. his Conver­sion to the Roman Catholick Religion. He evidently saw the eminent danger, whereinto this great conspiracy of the League was likely to precipitate him; with the advantages he might have by running the same fortune with the King, of defending himself, and his Interest, by his Majesties Authority and Power.

[Page 33] Requelaure, and many other persons of good quality about him, fortifi'd him in this good deliberation; but he was disswaded from it by a far greater number of the other opinion, who represented to him, the hard usage he had receiv'd at Court, the hazards he had run in his own person, and the persecution those of the Re­form'd Religion, who were his Servants, and Friends, had suffer'd from thence.

They did not stick further absolutely to impute all the hard mea­sure the Hugonot Party had receiv'd to this King; although the greatest violencies had been exercised upon them in the Reign of Charles the Ninth, expressing as passionate a hatred against him, as the League so impudently manifested in their Rebellious Actions. And certainly the Misfortune of this Prince is never too much to be lamented, nor the unsteddiness of his condition too much to be wondered at; having his Kingdom divided by two Factions, so directly opposite to one another that he could never serve him­self by the one, to defend himself from the other; and both sides, though implacable enemies betwixt themselves, concurr'd never­theless always in this, that they both equally desired his Ruine.

At last, after many Conferences, the King of Navarre gave the Duke his final Answer at Pau, whither he had invited him to come, to this effect.

That he was the Kings most humble Servant, that he would justifie himself to be so upon all occasions, and that he would never separate him­self from his Service and Interests, if his Majesty did not constrain him to it, by condescending too much to his Enemies Counsels: but that he could not, for any consideration of Honour, Riches, or any other advan­tages that could be propos'd to him, depart from the Religion he had em­brac'd, and was so firmly establish'd in.

It was in this pleasant Palace of Pau, and amongst the magni­ficences and delights, that place then abounded in, that the Duke had first the honour to see the Lady Catharine, the King of Na­varre's only Sister, since Dutchess of Bar; in whom the Duke's Merit, who was then in the flower of his youth, and the meridi­an of his favour, made such an impression, that she began from that time to honour him with her favour, which she continued to him to her death. And it is certain that the King her Brother (who perhaps did not think himself so near that height of for­tune, to which he soon after arriv'd, and who doubtless would have been glad to have engag'd the Duke absolutely to his Inte­rests) made him some propositions of Marriage with this Prin­cess; but the condition of the time, and intervening accidents, permitting that Treaty to pass no further, the Duke was forc'd to [Page 34] content himself with the advantage of so glorious a friendship, which was ever after dear, and precious to him, the whole remain­der of his life.

The King of Navarre to multiply still more entertainments, and favours upon the Duke, would needs have him yet to give him the satisfaction of another visit at Nerac; which the Duke could not handsomely deny, though the Kings commands were something pressing for his return to Court: and as it is likely the King of Navarre spun out the time, that he might more maturely delibe­rate upon an Affair of so great importance; so was it the Duke's interest to give him that leisure he desired, if possible to make his negotiation succeed according to the King his Masters desire. But in the end finding he could not overcome those traverses, and diffi­culties, that his Majesties enemies still strew'd in his way, he pre­par'd himself for his departure; and then it was, that opening the last, and most secret part of his Commission; he told the King of Navarre, That though he had denied his Majesty the satisfaction he de­sired of him, yet that the King nevertheless considering him as his Kins­man, and next Heir to the Crown, if God should please to dispose of him without Issue, had given him in charge to let him know, that he would be well pleas'd, he should use his best endeauour to preserve himself in a condition to oppose the League, that was confederated to the ruine of the Royal House and Line. That since they could not unite their Arms to resist their common Enemies, he should at least assure himself of the places already in his possession; which his Majesty took to be much sa­fer, and much more at his devotion in his hands, than those that should hereafter be possest by the League. And that although in the present state of Affairs he could not openly favour his designs, by reason of their diffe­rence in Religion; nor avoid being instant for the restitution of those cautionary places, that had been granted to him; yet that he should ne­vertheless be very well satisfied with whatever he should do to his own advantage. After this Declaration, which was receiv'd by the King of Navarre with infinite demonstrations of Obligation and Re­spect, the Duke took post for the Court at Lions, where the King impatiently expected his return.

He was now arriv'd within view of the City, and all the Court were mounted to honour his arrival, the King himself having much ado to forbear going out to meet him; when a strange, and unexpected Accident was like to have turn'd all the Honours prepar'd for his welcome into the Funeral Pomp of his Obsequies: For one of the Gentlemen, who came out to meet him, having ac­cidentally intangled the Chape of his Sword in the Duke's Bridle, the Horse took such a fright at it, that he immediately ran away [Page 35] with his Master; nor could the Duke stop him with all the art, and force he had, from throwing himself, and his Rider headlong into a dreadful precipice; the place, very remarkable by the great­ness of the fall, and the wonderful escape, is to this day call'd Es­pernons Leap; neither was there any man present, who did not confidently believe the Duke certainly bruis'd to pieces: an opini­on so firmly grounded in every one, that the report of his Death was immediately carried to Lions, which made as many several im­pressions in mens minds, as their inclinations were different, to­wards him. But the King was afflicted beyond imagination, though his Majesty was not long in that error: For some of the company, having immediately descended the precipice, found the Horse, who by good fortune fell plum upon his feet, and bore the whole weight of the fall, kill'd stone dead; but the Duke mi­raculously escap'd, with only a slight hurt in the Shoulder. This accident set all the Court Wits on work; neither was there any, who did not write something upon this occasion; but that which most pleas'd the Duke, was an Emblem, that was presented to him. The body of the Emblem was a figure of the Duke him­self, hanging upon the brow of a precipice; so as that he seem'd to be irrecoverably falling from that prodigious height; when For­tune running to his succour, withdrew him from the danger, with this Motto in Italian, the first words thereof expressing his name, Eper non lasciarti mai. A Motto the Duke at first took for a good Omen; which time, and his own good conduct after turn'd into a kind of Prophesie; and causing it to be grav'd in a Cornelian, and set in a Ring, he wore it many years upon his Finger, as a mark of his gratitude to Fortune, or rather Providence, which is effectu­ally that we call Fortune; to which he ever attributed all the suc­cesses of his life, rather than to his own conduct.

By this accident the Kings affection to the Duke seem'd to be augmented, The League makes the Duke of Es­p [...]rnon's Voyage a Pretense to stir up the people. at least it made a greater shew of tenderness, than in former occasions, his Majesty never almost departing his Cham­ber during the time he was constrain'd to keep his Bed: and it was in this condition that he gave the King a full account of his Journey, and Negotiation; a thing that furnish'd the League with a sufficient pretense to decry the Kings actions; neither did the Chiefs of that Faction fail to cause it proclaim'd in the Pulpits (as it is usual to make Holy Places and Religious men the Scenes, and Instruments to blemish the Actions of Princes) that his Ma­jesty was strictly united with Hereticks: and that this slander might the better be believ'd, the Duke of Espernon's Voyage (whom they endeavour'd to render odious to the people, by cal­ling [Page 36] him the Abetter of that Party) was first brought upon the stage; they publish'd that Negotiation to be a conspiracy against the Catholick Religion, which was no way to be oppos'd, but with their Swords in their hands: So that this was the first Pre­tense they made use of, to colour their Rebellion.

But before they would proceed to the effects of so violent a Ru­pture, The Duke of Guise at­tempts to win the Duke of Es­pernon to his side by gi­ving him his Daughter. the Duke of Guise, who would have been glad to have won the Duke of Espernon to his Party, by that means to remove those Obstacles which the Dukes Vigour and Fidelity ever had, and were still likely to oppose to his Designs, caus'd him to be treated with about a match with his Daughter, since Princess of Conty: a Princess that for the beauty of her person, the vigour of her mind, and many other endowments, and excellent qualities, had few rivals in the Kingdom; neither was the Duke of Esper­non so blind, as not to see the honour he should receive by this al­liance, had it been propos'd in a more quiet time; or had the Duke her Father been upon better terms with the King: but knowing he must by such a match abandon his duty, or at least be oblig'd to favour designs he could by no means approve, the last consideration so absolutely prevail'd above the other, that he scarce deliberated upon a thing that was likely to stagger his fidelity; and how dangerous soever it were to declare himself an open enemy to the Duke of Guise, which he must of necessity do by refusing his alliance; he rather chose to run that hazard, than to faulter in the least in the duty he ow'd to his Prince and Benefactor.

It is hard to judge, what passions of grief, and despite, the Duke of Guise was possest withal, to see his designs so frustrated, and his offer so despis'd by this refusal, which was in it self no light offense; neither did he afterwards meditate any thing more, than his revenge; and how to destroy him he could neither by ci­vilities, nor by threats acquire unto him: but his fury was rais'd to the height by a new Honour the Duke and conferr'd upon him: which was the second Pretense the League took hold of to justifie their proceedings. The second pretense of the League.

The King had some time before this bought the Duke of May­enne out of his charge of Admiral of France, which the Duke had the rather laid down in favour of the Duke of Ioyeuse; and his Majesty desirous to conferre upon the Duke of Espernon also some Office of the Crown (to continue the same equality he had ever observ'd in their Fortunes) propos'd to the Duke of Guise a very advantageous recompense in lieu of his Office of Grand-Mai­stre to the Kings Houshold; and it seem'd probable he would fol­low the example of his Brother the Duke of Mayenne, who doubt­less [Page 37] had not quitted so important a charge without his elder Bro­ther's advice: but the Duke of Guise notwithstanding would never comply with his Majesties desire; and though the King would never permit him to exercise any function of his charge, thereby to make him weary of it; yet was he still more obstinately bent to keep it, nor would ever consent (as he said) That his Enemy should possess any of those charges he had exerciz'd, and been invested withal. The King seeing him so obstinate, and perhaps not more solicitous to advance the Fortune of his Favourite, than willing to spite the Duke of Guise, resolv'd with himself to erect, purposely for the Duke of Espernon, an Office, so honourable, and so great, as should by its authority and power infinitely surpass all other the highest, and most important employments both of the State and Crown: The Office of Colonel General of France ere­cted. and this was that of Colonel General of France; an Of­fice formerly divided into two, on this side, and on that side the Mountains, of which Andelot had possest the one, and Strozzi the other; and after Andelot's death they were united in Strozzi, who remain'd sole Colonel. After Strozzi's decease, the King ha­ving by an Edict re-united these two Offices into one, made it an Office of the Crown, under the Title of Colonel General of France, caus'd that Edict to be ratified in Parliament, attributing to it the absolute power to name in general Officers for all the vacant pla­ces in the French Militia, without so much as excepting from this nomination, that of Camp-Master to the Regiment of Guards: He establish'd for the Colonel a Sovereign Court of Justice, or Coun­cil of War, to determine of the Lives and Honours of Military men, without calling any other to it, than his own Officers; ad­ding to it besides several Graunts, Priviledges, and Pensions, and finally (to sum up all his bounty) his Majesty delivering the Com­mission into the Dukes hands, told him, that nothing troubled him, but that he knew not how to invest him into a more absolute Au­thority, and that he could not adde a part of the Royal Dignity to his charge. And it is certain, that in giving the Duke the Govern­ments of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, his Majesty would have given them in Sovereignty, and have demis'd to him the Title of the Crown: but the Duke displeas'd with this proposition, as an in­jury offer'd to his Obedience and Loyalty, complain'd to the King, that his Majesty, honouring him with so noble an employment, should go about to deprive him of the dearest Relation he had, which was that of his Majesties most humble, and obedient Sub­ject, an honour that in his soul he preferr'd before all titles of Sovereignty, and all the advantages of Fortune his Majesty could prefer him to; and thereupon receiv'd both the Govern­ments, [Page 38] and the charge of Colonel General, under the Kings Au­thority.

From this new advancement the League, as I have said be­fore, deriv'd their second pretense for the taking of Arms; they look'd upon the Duke of Espernon's new Honour, as an offence to their whole Party; and the Duke of Guise took it for a particular injury to himself, and thereupon openly pub­lish'd.

That there were now no more Employments, The Duke of Guise's complaints. Riches, or Honours, save only for the Duke of Espernon, and la Valette his Brother. That the State was only impoverish'd by profusions made in their favour. That they were the true causes of the peoples oppression. That the Treasure, set apart for the extirpation of Heresie, was by them per­verted to their own uses, and particular profit. That the greatest Dignities, the most important Places, and Governments of great­est concern, were too many advantages for their ambition. That whilst the Kings good Servants were neglected, and kept under, there were new Offices, with unheard of Priviledges, contriv'd, and erected for them. That if the power they had over the King were longer suffer'd, they would equally ruine the State, and Re­ligion. That the Duke of Espernon was therefore to be remov'd from Court, if men desir'd to see an end of publick Miseries. That his Majesty being deliver'd from his Counsels, which were equally violent, and interessed, would doubtless for the future be more favourable to his good Subjects, and better inclin'd to the Catho­lick Cause.

At the same time a Manifesto was publish'd by the Cardinal of Bourbon, who was the declared Head of that Faction, con­taining principally the foregoing complaints, and immediately after follow'd the rising into Arms. The League takes up Arms. The first design of the League was upon Metz, as if they meant to strike at the heart of the Duke of Espernon's Fortune; a place so considerable, that the Duke had reason to look upon it, as the surest founda­tion of his greatness: neither did he in his latter years conde­scend to any thing with more unwillingness, and reluctancy, than to the surrender of that place, that proposition seeming to him, as though men were bent to the total ruine of his House; nor could he ever have been perswaded to have stript himself of such a defense, upon a less consideration, than the investiture of his Son the Cardinal of la Valette into that Go­vernment; who being younger by forty years, than himself, [Page 39] he might reasonably hope, it would continue in his Family at least during his life: but God was pleased to dispose it other­wise.

To make a right judgment of the importance of this place, it will be necessary to consider its Site, and condition; and the share it has ever had in the Duke's Fortune does indeed require it should be something insisted upon. The descri­ption of the City of Metz, and i [...]s impor­tance. Metz then is a City some­thing bigger than Burdeaux, or Orleans; that is to say, one of the greatest, and the fairest in the Kingdom, full of Inhabitants, and those a rich and industrious people; to whom the neigh­bourhood of Germany gives great facility, to an advantageous Commerce. She was in former times thought beautiful enough to be the Metropolis of Austrasia, once the Inheritance of one of our Kings: but when the Empire of Germany began to decline, and that the Princes who were Subject to it began to withdraw themselves from their obedience (every one being ambitious to be Sovereign in his own Dominions) many Cities, which were also in the same subjection, allur'd by the tempting sound of Liberty, follow'd the same example. Of these Metz was one, who for many years took leave to govern her self by her own Laws, annually creating Sovereign Magistrates, disposing absolutely of the Lives and Estates of her Subjects, Coyning Money, and in all things taking upon her the Authority of a Sovereign Jurisdi­ction; in which condition she maintain'd her self, till the Year 1552. that the Constable Montmorency, passing with the King's Army that way, totally freed her from all kind of Homage to the Empire, and settled it under the Protection of the Crown of France. 'Tis true that King Henry the Second, in whose Reign this Conquest was made, continued to this City her ancient pri­viledges; but withal to assure himself of his possession, he did exceedingly fortifie it, establishing a Governour of his own, and causing a Citadel to be built, which was mightily cryed up, for one of the best, and most exact of that time: but this was be­fore Sieges were turn'd into a Science, and that the industry of man had left little to Fortune, in this kind of War. It does not now carry that Reputation; and in this condition it was when the Duke entred upon his Government, only with this difference, that what its own Laws had formerly perform'd by their own Virtue, during its independency, was now executed by his order, under the Authority of the Royal Name, the Duke (as I have said before) absolutely refusing to accept it upon other terms. He an­nually appointed, and created the Supreme Magistrate, whom they call [...] Sheriff. Maistre Eschevin, and appointed him his Council, and [Page 40] Judges, who were to determine in Sovereignty, upon the Lives, Honours, and Estates of all the Inhabitants: but withal the Duke had Authority upon occasion to censure them, had pow­er to remove them from their Magistracy within their year, if he saw cause; or to continue them beyond their term, if he thought fit. It is then no wonder if he were infinitely respected in a place, where all things so absolutely depended upon him: but that which was indeed very rare, and very commendable, was, that in so unlimited a power, and in the course of above threescore years, that this City continued in his Custody, he be­hav'd himself with that Justice, and Moderation, that not so much as any one Citizen ever complain'd of his administration; neither is there any now living, that do not yet remember, with a kind of delight, the indulgence, and sweetness of his Govern­ment.

Whilst the Duke stood seiz'd of a place of this consequence, and so dispos'd to his service, it was no easie matter to cut him off; such a retirement being a sufficient refuge from all sudden danger: neither (the Town being intrusted in the hands of valiant, and faithful friends) had it been convenient (even when he was most remote from it) to provoke him; lest a place of that importance, should have taken part in his disgrace, and follow'd the humour of his discontents. It was therefore by the taking of this Town, that the League would begin to labour the Duke's ruine, and in that the advancement of their own Affairs.

The most considerable Forces, the League had then on foot, were those of the Duke of Lorain; a Prince who having till this time contain'd himself Neuter in all the Affairs of France, up­on this occasion thought fit, it seems, to declare himself partial to his Family, in hopes nevertheless to joyn Metz, Toul, and Verdun to his own Dukedom: neither was his design unlikely to suc­ceed; for the two last having made no great difficulty of receiving the Duke of Guise, he had reason (considering the intelligence he had in the City) to expect the same from Metz, had not the Duke of Espernon by his vigilancy prevented him, seasonably re-infor­cing the Garrison, with divers Gentlemen his particular Servants, and a good number of Souldiers; by whose coming it was so well secur'd, that the League thought it not fit to attempt it.

This great storm, thus blown over, the Duke, alarm'd by the late hazard this City had run, resolv'd to establish himself in that important possession, so as that for the future it might be secur'd from the like danger; and to that purpose some of his friends ha­ving rendred the Governour suspected to him by some carriage of his [Page 41] at such time as the Army of the League were approaching towards him, though the grounds of this mistrust were not in the Dukes opinion clear enough to countenance an open rupture with him; yet were they sufficient to make the Duke remove him from that trust, and to call him about his own person, instituting Sobole, who before was only Lieutenant of the Cittadel, in the absolute authority both of the City, Cittadel, and Messin Countrey; adding withal ten thousand Crowns in Gold to mend his Equipage, that he might with the more honour support the honourable charge he had seated him in; a bounty we shall hereafter see how Sobol [...] requited: but that being the business of another time, I shall re­fer it to another place, and pursue my former Subject.

The Leaguers not contenting themselves with those petty succes­ses in Lorain, The Pro­gress of the League. and being made wise and active, by the example of the Kings ruinous supineness, who sate still, in vain expecting the arrival of his Foreign Forces, almost at the same time by the several Captains they had dispos'd into divers Provinces, surpriz'd a great many of the chief Cities of the Kingdom, and made no light attempts upon the rest. The Duke of Guise after the taking of [...]oul, and Verdun, (which I have spoke of before) possest himself yet of Meziere, by which he assur'd to himself the whole Coun­trey of Champagne: The Duke of Mayenne took the City, and Castle of Dijon, which made him Master of the D [...]tchy of Bur­gundy: la Chartre seiz'd of Bourges, Entragues of Orleans; the Count de Brisac of Angiers, and many other Cities of that Pro­vince. Vaillack had hop'd to have done as much by Bordeaux, by the neighbourhood of Chasteau-Trompette, of which he was Go­vernour: but the Mareschal de Matignon broke his design, and Mars [...]lles, by the Loyalty of her good Inhabitants, maintain'd it self against the Faction of some who labour'd to betray it into the power of the League: but the enterprize of the Cittadel of Lions succeeded better with Mandelot, who was Governour of the City, and one of the Duke of Guise's firmest Adherents; who having been formerly awed into his duty by the Cittadel, in which le Passage had been plac'd by the Duke of Espernon, to preserve a City so important to his Majesties Service; he who before-hand had been made privy to the Duke of Guise's Designs, as soon as ever he heard they were in Arms, failed not suddenly to begirt the Cit­tadel; and being assisted by the people (who naturally hate to be bridled by a Fortress) having surpriz'd le Passage, who little suspe­cted any such thing, made himself Master of the place, and im­mediately raz'd it to the ground.

It was upon this occasion that the ill will which had so long [Page 42] been conceal'd; yet had continually been fostering in the Bosoms of the Duke of Espernon, and Mounsieur de Villeroy, broke out; from which quarrel, in the succession of time, sprung so many, and so important consequences, The Ru­pture be­twixt the Duke of Espernon and Villeroy. as do not only take up a large share of the Dukes Life, but also make up a considerable part in the gene­ral History of that time; which obliges me in this place to dis­course, both what I have receiv'd from the Dukes own mouth, and what I have gather'd from the Commentaries of Mounsieur de Villeroy himself.

Mounsieur de Villeroy had been from the Dukes infancy Secreta­ry, and Minister of State; a friend to Mounsieur de la Valette the Fa­ther, and a man of great Credit, and Interest, in the King's Coun­cil; he had seen the beginning, and encrease of the Dukes Favour, at which he ought not in reason to repine: but on the contrary had cause to believe, that such a friend as he, would fortifie him with the King, and be no little assisting to support that Trust he al­ready possest in the management of Affairs. And in effect the Duke had a true affection, and esteem for him, who as he was ever very respective, and constantly fix'd to all his Fathers Interests (whose memory he had in the greatest veneration) it is certain had a particular consideration for all his Friends; of which num­ber Mounsieur Villeroy being one, the first years of the Duke's Fa­vour were past over in a strict correspondency with him: but at last Villeroy perceiving the Dukes Credit proceeded so far, as whol­ly to possess that interest in the Kings Bosom he pretended to share, he began in the end to grow jealous of a Prosperity, he ought so much the more to have cherish'd, by how much it was likely to be more useful to him; and thenceforward began openly to thwart all his opinions in Council, rais'd up a party against him, to lessen his Reputation there: and the Queen Mother nettled to see her Authority weakned with the King, by the great power the Duke had with him; desiring nothing more, than to have him remov'd, that she might recover her former possession, could find no one so ready as Mounsieur de Villeroy to second her Passion, and the animosity she had conceiv'd against him. They joyntly ad­vis'd that it was necessary to sacrifice the Duke to the malice of the League; and that the King ought to abandon him for the general satisfaction; a Counsel that had been voluntarily fol­low'd by the Duke himself: and I have heard him say, he would as willingly have retir'd then from Court, as he did not long after, could he have obtain'd the Kings permission: but his Majesty ve­ry well perceiving that his Favourite was only a pretense the League made use of to cover their own ambition, that it was the [Page 43] Royal Authority they aim'd at, and that their design was only to remove so good a Servant, with less difficulty to make themselves Maisters of Affairs; the more obstinately they insisted upon that Article, the more resolute his Majesty was to protect him.

The Duke very well inform'd that Villeroy was one of those, who contributed most to his Persecution, and seeing how pub­lickly he profess'd to desire his ruine, resented it with an Animosity proportionable to the Injury receiv'd; which was the more violent, by how much the offense came from a person he had never done any ill Office to, and whom he had ever made it his business to ob­lige. They were in this posture of unkindness, on the one side, and the other, when happned the taking of the Cittadel of Lions; before which time it was thought, Villeroy had secretly treated of a Marriage betwixt Alincourt his Son, and Mandelot's only Daugh­ter; not having dar'd publickly to do it by reason of the intelli­gence Mandelot held with those of the League: but having upon this occasion taken up Mandelot's Interests against le Passage; that is to say, against the Duke himself, le Passage being his crea­ture, he offer'd to undertake for Mandelot's fidelity to the King, pro­vided his Majesty would please to consent to the Marriage pro­pos'd, and settle upon Alincourt the Government of Lions in rever­sion, in favour of the match; which the King, being reduc'd to the necessity of taking all men for friends, who were not actually otherwise, was sorc'd to allow of, and to ratifie what he could not well impeach; by that means trying to draw Mandelot over to him: but the Duke exasperated to the last degree could no longer smo­ther his passion, nor dissemble his animosity against Villeroy; but spoke freely, and aloud to his disadvantage, and of the Correspon­dence he held with the League, which was the first effect of their open, and declared Hatred.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Second Book.

AFter the Surrender, or rather the Revolt, of the ma­ny places already mentioned, the Duke of Guise, conceiving it necessary to press nearer the King, the sooner, and with less difficulty to obtain his ends, order'd the General Rendezvous of his Ar­my to be at Chalons. Which place he made choice of for two Reasons; first, because by the nearness of it to Paris, The Duke of Guise ap­proaches with his Army near Paris. (being but three little days Journey from thence) his presence would be apt to fortifie the Citizens in their Devotion to him, and secondly, the number of his Confederates being so great, and some of them of so great Authority in the City, he could by their means continually infuse into the people such dispositions, as might best serve his purpose: hoping by this means, either to incline the King, to satisfie all his demands; or at least to be able to raise such mutiny and confusion in the City, as might give him oppor­tunity, at one time, or another, to effect that by fine Force, he could not obtain by the more moderate ways of Addresses, and Treaty.

Then it was that his Majesty perceiv'd the manifest peril his [Page 46] Person, and his Affairs were in, and then would he take up Arms for his own defense; which he had no sooner resolv'd, but that at the same time he saw it was too late, and impossible to be done. The Reiters which he had rais'd in Germany could not come to him, (the Duke of Lorain having deny'd them a passage through his Countrey) and all the Forces within the Kingdom were either engag'd with the League, or with the King of Navarre; so that the King was left utterly naked of all defense, save of those few Servants he had about his own person: Nay even those who, in the beginning of these troubles, would with all their hearts have assisted him to punish to Duke, whilst meerly in the condition of a Rebel, durst not, now he was grown to that formidable height, and become the head of a strong Party, attempt to succour a weak, and disfurnish'd Prince, against an armed and prevailing Subject.

The thoughts of War then being altogether fruitless, and im­possible in the posture the King then was, he must of necessity have recourse to the Treaties of Peace; to which resolution he was further necessitated by the King of Navarre's breaking into Arms, at the same time, which I should not however have mention'd for a second Motive his Majesty had to satisfie the League, had this Prince pretended no further, than simply to defend his own For­tune with those Forces he had already had in France; for then his designs might have been favourable to the King, and either have kept the Army of the League wholly imploy'd; or at least have diverted their designs: but he fearing at once to be opprest by the Union of two Catholick Armies, had recourse to strangers for aid. The King knew he had treated with the Queen of England, and with the States of Holland, who both of them assisted him with Men, and Money, and that all the Protestant Princes of Germany, made extraordinary Provision to send him a powerful succour; so that he now evidently saw, he must in good earnest close with the League, and joyn with one of the Factions, to preserve himself from being a Prey to both.

The Queen Mother had for many years been employ'd Media­trix in all the accomodations of Peace that had been concluded in France; The Queen Mother sent to Treat of a Peace. and it was commonly believed, she was not then altoge­ther without such an Interest in the Duke of Guise, as might have establish'd this to the Kings satisfaction: I never heard the Duke of Espernon say she was partial to that Faction; and though he receiv'd several ill Offices from her in his declining Favour, he not­withstanding ever retain'd a constant Respect for so great a Prin­cess, who was his Masters Mother, and ever defended her Honour [Page 47] against all the calumnies of the time. 'Tis true he thought she was not altogether displeas'd that there should ever be a party on foot in France, such as might oblige the King her Son to make use of her Counsels and Mediation; her great, and ambitious spirit ill digesting the calms of peace; and worse enduring to be de­priv'd of an employment; in which she had ever been as success­ful as necessary. Her therefore the King passionately entreated to labour an Accommodation with the Duke of Guise, an Office she as chearfully undertook, and two dayes after began her Journey to­wards Espernay, where she had appointed the Duke to meet, and whither he accordingly came, together with the Cardinal of Bourbon. In the first overtures she found a spirit puft up with suc­cess, and wholly averse to Peace: but when he had more delibe­rately consider'd, that it was not yet time to weaken the King's Authority (which he thought was absolutely at his mercy) that there would afterwards remain the King of Navarre a powerful, active, and diligent Enemy, back'd with great Forces within, and ready to receive greater from without the Kingdom; he conceiv'd it requisite to subdue him first, that he might afterwards dispose of the Kings Affairs with less opposition: so that he altogether fell from the extravagancy of his first demands, and only insisted vpon the suppression of the King of Navarre, which he call'd the extirpation of Heresie; though it was in effect in order only to the establishment of his own Power.

The King had so openly declared himself an Enemy (as effe­ctively he was) to this new Religion; and it so much imported him to clear himself to his Subjects from those aspersions the League had cast upon him, that he was now necessitated to declare against the King of Navarre in the most severe Form, the League could themselves invent; yet was it not without the greatest relu­ctancy imaginable, that his Majesty was constrain'd to that extre­mity against a Prince, whom (as has been said before) it was not his interest wholly to suppress: but having lost the opportunity he once had, whilst they were weak, and inconsiderable, of chasti­sing the Heads of the League, he saw himself now necessitated to grant them that, he could no longer, without apparent Ruine, re­fuse. His Wisdom then prompting him to submit to the necessity of Affairs, he made a show of complying in all things with their desires; and that he might with less difficulty encline the Duke of Espernon to consent to a resolution he had ever before been so much against, he privately told him, That he did not consent to those things that were exacted from him without very great Aversion, but that he hop'd to reap from thence a signal effect, and a very great advantage to [Page 48] his Affairs; that the Party of the League was now too strong to be sup­prest by force: that they had brought their Armies to the G [...]tes of Pa­ris, and that Paris it self was corrupted in their Favour: That he ve­ry well saw the time to chastise them was now past, and that he now knew (but too late) what he had lost in letting the occasion slip, wherein they might have been punish'd, when he had advis'd him to it; but that such an opportunity would certainly return again, and that then his evil Counsellors should never disswade him from making better use of his time: That in the mean time it was necessary to dissemble, that they might the better look into their Enemies Interests, to discover their weakness, and to make use of that discovery to their ruine: That there was no Party so strong that was not defective somewhere: That it was necessary to dis­cover where that defect lay, and that it was impossible to make that dis­covery, without engaging with, and being interested in the cause they meant to overthrow: That being Head of the League, as they would have him declare himself to be, he should be able to strew such difficul­ties in the way of their Designs, as that they would find themselues per­plex'd in every enterprize they should undertake. Though the Duke of Espernon had much rather his Majesty would have defended his Honour, and trampled Authority, by the Arms of those few good Catholick Servants he had, and to have joyn'd with the King of Navarre (with whom he did not think an accommodati­on impossible) and with such Foreign Forces, as were affectionate to the Crown; yet seeing it was now expedient to submit to the necessity of the time, he humbly acquiesc'd in the good Pleasure of the King his Master.

In this posture of Affairs the King writ to the Queen his Mo­ther, that she might conclude the Treaty upon such Conditions, as she thought fit; and, for a further testimony of his Candour, and sincere intention herein, sent the dispatch by the Duke of Esper­non, whom all the world knew to have the greatest power with him, and the greatest Antipathy for the League; to the end that the Lords of Guise might not in the least doubt the observance of a Treaty, that was ratifi'd on his part, by a person who liv'd in so eminent a degree of favour with him.

This employment of the Duke's, though it was only intended to countenance the Queens Negotiation, and to make it more ea­sily succeed, did nevertheless incense her in the highest degree against him. She look'd upon his interposition, as proceeding from a diffidence the King had in her, and not daring to manifest her dissatisfaction to him, she threw it wholly upon the Duke, and took from thence a new occasion to augment the ill will she had formerly conceiv'd against him. The Treaty was notwithstanding [Page 49] concluded at Nemours, wherein the Lords of Guise had the full of their own demands, whether against those of the Hugonot Par­ty; or in their own particular favour. They were to command the Armies, The Treaty concluded at Nemours. that should be set forth against the Hugonots; and over and above the great, and advantageous Governments they were already possest of, the King delivered over twelve, or fifteen of the best Cities in the Kingdom into their hands; together with vast summes of money: And then it was, that men were undeceiv'd, and that all men plainly saw they minded more their own private Interest, and the establishment of their own great­ness, than they regarded the advancement of the Catholick Re­ligion.

The Treaty then being concluded, the Duke of Guise came to kiss the Kings Hands at St. Maur des [...]aussez, his Majesty so order­ing it purposely to defeat the Duke of the Parisians applause; from whence after the Ratification of the Articles, the Duke re­turn'd into his own Government of Champagne, dismiss'd with some feign'd Demonstrations of Favour, which was also on his part receiv'd with the same dissimulation.

From thence forward the King began with great artifice to spin out the violent designs of the League, The War begun by the King against the Hugonots. manifesting nevertheless such an animosity against the Hugonots, and so firm a resolution vigorously to effect what had been concluded against them, as he conceiv'd necessary to satisfie a people jealous of his sincerity, and apt to take up new suspicions upon every instigation of their own corrupted fansie: And in order thereunto he went to the Parlia­ment in great Formality, and State, to cause an Edict to pass against those of the Reform'd Religion; where after a revocation of the cautionary Towns, of the Chambres Mi-parties, Chambres Mi-parties were Courts of Justice establish'd in divers▪ Cities of France, in favour of the Hugo­nots, of which Reli­g [...]on the one half were, and the other half Catho­licks. of the li­berty of Conscience, and of other Concessions that had former­ly been granted in their Favour, they were prescrib'd by a day prefix'd, either to abjure their Religion; or to be declar'd enemies to the State, and punishable to the last degree.

This first Act thus play'd, his Majesty assembled the Provost des Marchands, and the Eschevins of Paris to demand money of them for the prosecution of the War they had so ardently desir'd; which he also propos'd to the Clergy, who had shewed them­selves no less zealous than they: but finding both the one, and the other equally cold in the business, after he had reproach'd them with their unseasonable violence, which he said, had hin­der'd him from bringing about by easie, and infallible ways, the utter extirpation of Heresie (a thing he more earnestly desir'd, than any of them) he told them flatly, that since by them this bu­siness [Page 50] was first set on foot, it was reasonable, that they who had been the promoters of it, should likewise be at the charge of the War.

His Majesty thought by grasping thus at their purses to take off their edge of fighting, and by representing to them the charge, and incommodities of War, he should at the same time imprint in them a hatred, and aversion to it. But what reasons can pre­vail with a pre-possess'd, and exasperated multitude? The people displeas'd at the difficulties the King laid before them, and suf [...]er­ing themselves to be seduc'd by the malepert Preachers of the League, who by their seditious Sermons had soon perswaded them into commotion, impos'd upon the King a necessity of beginning the War; and forgetting the respect due to the Majesty of their Prince, gave him in plain terms to understand, that he should not be safe in his own Louvre, if he did not forthwith betake him­self to Arms.

The condition of the time, and the conditions of the Treaty lately concluded with the League, equally obliging the King to fall into speedy action, and also to serve himself with some of the Heads of that Party in this Expedition; his Majesty to comply with his own necessity, and likewise to satisfie that Article, dis­patch'd the Duke of Mayenne into Guienne, against the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise himself desiring to remain in his Go­vernment of Champagne, to guard the Frontiers, and that he might have in the other Armies. He was also to set on foot such persons, as he knew were faithful to him: He sent the Mareschal de Biron into Xaintonge against the Prince of Cond [...], and the Duke of Ioyeuse into Languedoc, reserving for the Duke of Espernon, as a Servant in whom he repos'd the greatest trust, the Employment of Provence: The Duke of Espernon sent with an Army into Provence. A Government which being a little before left va­cant by the Death of the Grand Prior of France, Bastard of Va­lois, had been conferr'd upon him; and a Province wherein (of all other) his Majesties Authority had the greatest need of sup­port, having formerly been much weakned by the two contrary Factions that divided the State: Whereof one was commanded by the Sieur de Lesdiguieres, Head of the Hugonot Party; and the other by the Sieur de Vins, the Kings Lieutenant there, but a man very partial to the League. His Majesty therefore desiring, amidst the confusion that was made by these two Parties, to se­cure the Countrey to himself, sent thither the Duke of Espernon, with a good Army, appointing Mounsieur de la Valette his Bro­ther, for his Lieutenant in that Service; neither was he deceiv'd in his choice: for in less than four months time, Province, and [Page 51] Dauphiné were wholly settled in his obedience, the only part al­most of the Kingdom, where his Majesty was effectively, and truly serv'd; and had he had many more such Servants to em­ploy, his Affairs had certainly, and in a very little time, chang'd their face, and the Royal Authority been rescued from the Rebel­lious Insolence, that trod it under foot in most Provinces of France.

The Office of Colonel General having given the Duke absolute Authority over the Infantry, there was great contest amongst the old Regiments, which should be preferr'd to follow him in this action, in which he made shift to satisfie the ambition of the greatest part; his Majesty (who gave him absolute power in mat­ters of greater difficulty) being content, that his best Souldiers should serve under his trustiest Captain: so that he drew out a good part of the Regiment of Guards, of that of Ficardy, and Champagne, with other Companies out of other Regiments, to the number of ten thousand Foot; to which was added twelve hundred Horse, and twelve piece of Cannon, with their Equi­page.

The Duke, Anno 1586. having about the end of Summer led his Army in­to Provence, put them immediately into vigorous Action. Vins was the first he undertook, who, having before been worsted by Lesdiguieres, was in no condition of making any great resis [...]ance; and Lesdiguieres, though victorious over the League, finding yet himself too weak to oppose the King's Army, conducted by so experienc'd Commanders, by withdrawing into his own strength, gave the two Brothers liberty to make themselves Masters of Seynes, Breoules, Chorges, and many other Considerable places as well in Provence, as Dauphiné with wonderful expedition: so that by these successes the two Factions, which had so long afflicted those two good Provinces, being equally supprest, the Duke had leisure to return to Court, where his presence was not a little ne­cessary to countermine such Practices (of which Mounsieur de Villeroy says in his Mesmoires the Duke suspected him to be Au­thor) as were by his Enemies set on foot against him. Neither did the Duke need to make any great difficulty of retiring from Provence, considering the good posture he had brought Affairs in­to, and that he left his second self upon the place, not only in fi­delity, and zeal to the King's Service, but also in valour, and ex­perience; namely, Mounsieur de la Valette his Brother: a man whose Vertues had acquir'd so great a Reputation with all worthy men, that he is never to be spoke of, without very worthy men­tion, and the highest Characters of Honour. But the Duke had [Page 52] no sooner turn'd his back of Provence, and taken back part of the Army with him, than the contrary Factions, encourag'd by this Division of the Army, made head anew: so that it was necessary to set another Army on foot to oppose them; the care of which now wholly rested upon Valette: nor did there need a more active and experienc'd Captain. His principal Exploits were against the League, to whose succour the Duke of Savoy came in person, an ambitious Prince, and one that watching all opportunities of en­larging his own Dominion, had from the Leagues first taking Arms, joyn'd himself with the Countess of Saut, the Sieur d [...] Vins, the Compte de Carses, and other persons of Quality of that side; neither has he (what Treaties of Peace soever have been con­cluded with the League) ever desisted from his first design of keep­ing that Countrey by force of Arms. But la Valette after having won from him the so celebrated Battel of Vignon, did so unces­santly press upon him, and in several other encounters obtain'd so many advantages over him, that he forc'd him to retire beyond the Alpes, and to let Provence alone. Neither did Dauphiné escape his diligence, for Lesdiguieres finding himself too weak to meet him in the Field, gave him opportunity to withdraw Geyssens from the Cittadel of Valence, which he held in the name of the League, having been plac'd in that command by the Duke of Mayenne, and to recover Gap into the King's Obedience. So that the two Facti­ons, that of the League, and that of the Religion, being equally weakned by his Valour and Conduct; he then so establish'd those two Provinces in their duty, that it was afterwards no hard matter for him to continue them in that posture of Obedience, until the death of the King.

Whilst Mounsieur de la Valette was employ'd about these brave Services for the Crown, Mounsieur de Villeroy, a declar'd Enemy to the Duke his Brother, New discon­tents betw [...]xt the Duke & Mounsieur de Vill [...]r [...]y. was no less busie, with all the ill Offices he could contrive, to ruine both their Credits with the King: Which though the Duke had long observ'd, and as long forborn to take notice of; yet could he at last no longer restrain himself from breaking out to a high, and publick Rupture with him. It was at St, Aignan that it happened, at the time the Army of Rei­ters were preparing to enter the Kingdom; and that the King was consulting of the means to hinder their passage. I have al­ready given an account of the Animosities betwixt these two great Ministers, and the Causes that produc'd them, which per­haps I should not so punctually have done; neither should I now do it, had not D'Avila an Authour of great Repute for the History of that time enlarg'd himself more thatn ordinary upon this Dif­ference, [Page 53] as upon an accident very considerable, and of great im­portance to the general Affairs that were then in agitation.

The Duke then, and Villeroy being upon these ill terms, the King at the especial instance of the Duke had assigned a summe of 20000 Crowns only, for the entertainment of Mounsieur de la Va­lette's Army, a proportion very inconsiderable for the great end to which it was design'd; but very great considering the necessi­ties the State was then in: which mony Villeroy (notwithstand­ing his Majesties Order) having diverted to the Payment of the Grand Provost, and his Archers, the Duke discover'd it to the King in open Council, complaining that a summe so dispropor­tionable to the utility of his Brothers Services should be diverted to another use. To which Complaint Villeroy who was present reply'd aloud in his Majesties Presence, That what the Duke had said, was not true. It is easie to judge, whether the Duke, who was then rais'd to the highest degree of Favour, were surpriz'd with so tart, and so unexpected an Injury. I have heard him say, That in his whole life, he was never so sensibly offended; neverthe­less he had so much power over himself, as to forbear all kind of violence in the Kings Presence, so much as from any extravagan­cy of words: neither made he other reply to Mounsieur de Ville­roy but this, That the Presence of the King which had encourag'd him to give that Language, oblig'd him to be Silent: but that he should re­pent it.

The King both disquieted, and displeas'd at this Quarrel, and willing to interrupt them from proceeding further, went immedi­ately out of the Closet, expecting the Duke should follow him; but he staying behind, and being now no longer aw'd by the Re­verence due to his Majesties Person, fell very severely upon Moun­sieur de Villeroy for the words past: some say he proceeded to high threats, that he had his hand up to have strook him, and that he gave him some very unhandsome language; though I never heard the Duke confess so much, in the many times he has discours'd of that business: But Mounsieur de Villeroy immediately went and complain'd to the King of the Duke's Threats, demanding Assu­rance, and Protection from him; where receiving no very satisfacto­ry answer, he waited time, and opportunity, by working his own revenge to procure his own Safety, which happened not long af­ter, when we shall see the Duke's Valour frustrate all his Enemies Designs. But let us in the mean time return to the general Busi­ness.

We have already observ'd, that from the first insurrection of the League, the King of Navarre not doubting, but that all their pre­parations [Page 54] were chiefly intended against him, had earnestly solici­ted all the Confederates of his Religion, not only at home, but in Foreign Parts to his aid: but when he understood, that, by the mediation of the Queen Mother, The entry of the Rei­ters into France, and the Kings prudent conduct in this War. the Treaty of Nemours, had been sign'd by the King himself at St. Maur; he, then foreseeing the storm that was ready to break upon him, very well knew, that he should infallibly be overwhelm'd, without a speedy succour. He therefore again press'd his Allies immediately to send their Forces, if they desir'd to find him in a condition to receive the ef­fects of their Assistance, his Enemies so passionately precipitating his Ruine. The German Princes spurr'd on by this new Solicita­tion, and having yet been ancient Allies to the Crown of France, would, it should seem, proceed with some shew of respect, and thereupon concluded amongst themselves to send first an honour­able Embassy to the King, before they would engage in so impor­tant a Quarrel. In this occurrence all the Court expected some Civil Remonstrance on the German Princes part; but they soon found themselves deceiv'd; for the Ambassadours either prevail'd upon by their Confederates in France, or transported with their own Zeal to Religion, and the passion they had for those of that Party, having publickly reproach'd the King with his breach of Faith towards his Protestant Subjects, it evidently appear'd, that their design was not to mediate an Accommodation; but to push things on to the decision of Arms, by giving the King a premedi­tated Affront. I have heard the Duke say that he was present at the delivery of this Oration, and that the King justly nettled at so sau­cy an Embassy, after having in the heat, and apprehension of so great an injury, spoken with greater eloquence, than ever till that time he had heard him do, he positively, and for a final answer, return'd the lye to whoever should reproach him with the breach of his Faith. The Ambassadors dismiss'd after this manner, fail'd not at their return home, to exasperate their several Princes to the last degree; who, being before resolv'd upon a War, made spee­dy and great Leavies, and soon set such an Army on foot, as they thought, joyn'd to that the King of Novarre had already of his dependants, should be able absolutely to subdue the Catholick Party in France.

The King, as he very well foresaw what inconvenience the entry of such a multitude of strangers must of necessity bring upon his Kingdom, so did he by all imaginable ways try to pre­vent their coming: and seeing that nothing, but satisfying the King of Navarre could possibly divert that mischief, he once more try'd by the means of the Queen his Mother, if possible to [Page 55] win him to a timely accommodation. Which being by her under­taken, after many delayes, scruples, and jealousies on both sides, a Conference was at last concluded on at St. Brix, a private house seated upon the Banks of Charente near Coynack: but this Con­ference nevertheless being able to produce no good effect, by reason of that invincible difficulty, the difference of Religion, and the German Princes hasting away their Armies into France, his Majesty was forc'd to prepare himself to oppose them. A Resolution that he effected with so good orders, and so prudent a Conduct, that their defeat ought to live for a perpetual Monument of this Princes Wisdom, no man else having any voice in that deliberation. It was he alone who by his own Wise Counsels rendred all the attempts of his Enemies fruitless; it was he alone that overthrew them, and that having by his own prudent orders made them suffer those incommodities that unnerved them, and put them out of all de­fense, gave the Duke of Guise an opportunity, to win a great deal of Honour, with little trouble, and danger. So great an advantage it is to live in the publick opinion.

The King having employ'd all his care, and art to hinder the Reiters from entring into the Kingdom, and all to no purpose, and finding all Treaties, and all moderate wayes ineffectual to divert the blow, that was intended against him, he at last put on his wonted resolution, and determined bravely to encounter that danger, he then plainly saw he could not with all his dexterity prevent. Having therefore in this determination assembled his Council, to the end he might advise with his principal Ministers, about an Affair of this important consequence; and having there laid open the business to them, he found their opinions very dif­ferent; neither is it strange that men of several judgments should dissent in a resolution of this high nature: some advised him to advance with his Army out of his own Con [...]ines, and there to expect, and fight the Enemy: others were of a contrary opini­on; neither did the one, nor the other want reasons, or example to justifie their advice. At last the King himself deliver'd his own opinion, which was, To permit the Enemy quietly to enter the King­dom, but withal to make them pass through so many difficulties, and to suffer so many necessities, that they should be already as good, as over­come, before they should come to fight. He remonstrated to them, that to encounter them fresh, and in their trim, as they came out of their own Country, animated to War by the Interest of Religion, and by the compassion of their Confederates, were to expose things to a doubtful event. That the loss of a Battel, in the flourishing condition those of the Reformed Religion would be after such a Victory, would endanger [Page 56] France, and the Catholick Religion. That he had a desire to preserve both the one, and the other, and to ruine his Enemies more leisurely: but withal more surely, and that there would nevertheless be Honour enough in the Victory, provided it were absolute, and entire.

This being then the final Resolution, his Majesty gave order forthwith, that his Armies should be all ready in Iuly following, to appear at Meaux, which he assigned for the general Rendez­vous; and, besides the present Forces that he intended to set on foot, he commanded that in every Province, the Nobility, and Arriere­bans, which upon exami­nation I find to be in effect the same thing with our Train-bands Train-Bands should be ready to march at the first Summons. He dispatch'd also several Commissions for new Leavies, to the end, they might either serve to fill up the old Troops, as they should grow thin; or to stand for a reserve in case any thing should hap­pen amiss to the main Army. He sent Commissaries on purpose to beat down all the Ovens, and Mills that were in his Enemies way, from the Frontier, as far as the place he had appointed for his own Quarters. He caus'd all the Grain of the▪ Country to be fetch'd in, and stor'd up in the good Towns, with all Artificers, and Trades­men of what condition soever. He caus'd all the defensible Cities to be fortified with Men, Victuals, and Ammunition; and on the contrary, demolish'd all such places as were not tenable, nor able to withstand a Siege. He commanded all the Bridges to be broken down, all the Fords to be spoil'd, and generally all things to be destroy'd, that might any way contribute to his Enemies advantage, or subsistance. He further sent to the Duke of Lorain, that it stood with his Interest, in this occasion, to do the same in his Territories; and having thus dispos'd all things, and the Duke of Espernon having highly applauded what he had done, he told the King with his wonted freedom, that there was one thing yet left undone; which, though it were more in his Majesties Power, and Royal Disposition, than all the rest, would nevertheless be the hardest for him to execute. The King commanded him to ex­plain himself, and to tell him what that thing was, promising withal to satisfie him in it; whereupon the Duke growing more serious, told him, That he humbly besought his Majesty to command his Army in Person, and alone without a Competitor that might dispute with him the Honour of a Victory, that, by his Prudent disposition of Affairs, was as good as certain to him. Which the King solemnly promis'd him he would: but afterwards, according to his cu­stom, giving too much ear to the Counsels of others, and not enough relying upon his own wisdom, he alter'd that resolution, and dividing his Army into two, gave the better part to the Duke of Guise; and so depriv'd himself of the whole glory of that Action, [Page 57] to bestow it upon another. The Duke of Guise expert, and va­liant, as any Prince of his time, had those Forces no sooner com­mitted to his charge, but that he immediately march'd them away to the Frontiers of Champagne, to observe the Enemies motion, and to oblige them by his lying so near to march close together; which, considering the spoil that had before been made of the Country, was as great an inconvenience as they could suffer. The Duke of Ioyeuse had also an Employment against the King of Navarre, to hold him in play in Guienne, and to hinder him from joyning with the Foreign Army, that came to his assistance. But the Duke of Espernon was reserv'd by his Majesty to attend upon his own person; as one in whom he repos'd an entire confidence, and as a man whose sole and utmost aim, the King evidently saw, was equally directed to his Majesties Honour, and to the Kingdoms safety: To him the King gave the command of the Vantguard of his own Army; in which Employment he so be­hav'd himself, both with his Valour, his Advice, and his Expe­rience, that the very Historians of that time, M [...]smoires de la Ligue. though envious, as the greater part of men are, of the greatness of Favourites, could not forbear notwithstanding to attribute to him a very consider­able share in the success of that memorable Defeat.

And here give me leave without being blam'd for a digres­sion from my Subject, Anno 1587. and that upon the Duke of Espernon's word, a man better read than any whosoever in the business of that time, to oppose his Testimony against a Scandal D'Avila has publish'd; not only to the discredit of the Duke of Ioyeuse his Favour: but also to the infinite prejudice of his Honour. He says that the King, at the Duke's dismission to go to the Army his Majesty had given him in command, gave him this reproach. Che la Corte lo teneua in concetto di poltrone, é chegli era bene di levarsi questo fregio dal viso: which is to say, That the Court look'd upon him as a Poltron, and that he should do well to wipe off that blemish. Towards the Dukes latter end, I read this History to him, which was then newly publish'd in France; and the Duke had very high­ly commended the Author, though in many particulars he had not spoken very favourably of him: above all he infinitely commen­ded the exact care he had taken to inform himself of the secret motives, by which the several interests of that time were carried on; of which he does in truth for the most part render a very precise, and very often, a very true accompt: But when he heard these words, which were so highly injurious to the Duke of Ioyeuse, he could not forbear crying out, [...] hat D'Avila was a lyar, that he himself was present when the Duke of Joyeuse took his [Page 58] leave of the King; that his Majesty could never have had so great a kindness for a man of whom he had once entertain'd so mean an opinion; that on the contrary be esteem'd him to be as valiant, and as brave a Gentleman, as any was in his Kingdom: And where D'Avila conti­nues to say that he was become burthensome to the King, that the King could no longer bear it; and that he therefore sent him upon this expedition purposely to be cut off: the Duke of Es­pernon bore witness, That he saw the King weep at the Duke of Joy­euse his departure, than which there could not be a greater evidence of his tenderness and affection to him. That had the King had a mind to have been rid of him, and to have expos'd him to the King of Navarre's Forces, he would never have set him out with an Army, almost twice as strong, as that he was employ'd against, and made up of as good Souldi­ers as any were in the Kingdom: so that if he lost the Battel of Cou­tras, it was rather through the chance of War, or through the Valour, and good fortune of the King of Navarre, than by any default of his Army. And to answer yet further to what has been writ concern­ing his Favour, of which D'Aubigné only speaks by hear-say, ma­king stories, as it is his custom at the random of his own passion, and fancy: The Duke has told me that the King was indeed grown colder towards the Duke of Ioyeuse, than he had formerly observ'd him: but that he only attributed that to the Alliance the Duke had contracted with the House of Lorain, and that it was only a diminution of [...]avour, and never grew to a disgrace; and indeed, had his Majesty conceiv'd a positive aversion to him, would he have given such publick evidences of sorrow for his Death as he did? would he have honour'd his dead Body with that excessive Pomp, and those unusual Obsequies? which were such as gave all the Nobility occasion to murmur, having never before been allow'd to any, save to the Princes of the Blood, and to the Constables of France, exclusively to all other great men of the Kingdom. The Historians of that time have further dis­cours'd of the jealousie betwixt the two Favourites: to which I can answer on the Duke of Espernon's behalf, that I could never find by any thing I could ever gather from him, that he had been in the least touch'd with that passion; neither is it very likely, con­sidering the advantage the Duke visibly had in the Kings Opini­on, there could be any jealousie on his part; but if there had for­merly been any such thing betwixt them (as it is hardly possible but there must have been some emulation betwixt two concur­rents in so high a pretense as that of a Kings Favour) the Death of the Duke of Ioyeuse, and a long series of time having worn out those impressions, there now remain'd nothing more in the Duke [Page 59] of Espernon's memory, than the remembrance of their near Re­lation, and former Friendship.

Some time before the Duke of Ioyeuse his Death, the knot of that Alliance had been broken by the death of Catherine de Noga­ret, and dela Valett [...], the Duke of Espernon's Sister; who having at the King's motion, and to the common satisfaction of both the Favourites been married to the Count de Bouchage, younger Brother to the Duke of Ioyeuse; after they had for four or five years only liv'd together in a most perfect harmony, this Vertu­ous Lady died, leaving one Daughter only behind her, namely Cathe [...]ine de Ioyeuse, the same, who having formerly been Dut­chess of Montpensier, is now Dutchess of Guise; a Princess of undisputed Vertue, and such as has ever shone equally bright, throughout the prosperities, and afflictions that have divided her life. The C [...]mpte de Bouchage after having lost his Wife, finding no­thing in the world either to allure him, or to comfort him, re­tyr'd himself from it amongst the Father Capuchins; where he took upon him the Habit of that Order, and there continued some years, under the name of Father Ange de Ioyeuse. 'Tis true, the Pope having since enjoyn'd his Superiours to perswade him abroad again, to the end he might be Head of the League in Lan­guedoc, that he obey'd his command: but it was to return after­wards into the same order again, as soon as Affairs would give him leave, where he continued to his death, and died in great opinion of Sanctity.

And since, upon occasion, I have been drawn aside to mention this Marriage out of its due order, it is reasonable that I now speak of that of the Duke, The Mar­riage be­twixt the Duke of Espernon and Mar­guerite de Foix, and de Candalle. which happened at this time. The Duke therefore having been offer'd a match with the Sister-in-law of his King, and having been esteem'd not unworthy to marry with the King of Navarre's Sister, her Brother being at that time im­mediate Heir to the Crown: It is to be presum'd he might rea­sonably pretend to the greatest Fortune whatsoever in France but amongst the many were propos'd to him, he preferr'd that with Marguerite de Foix, and de Candelle, Daughter and Heir to Henry de Foix, and de Candelle, and to Mary de Montmorency, before all the rest. The Father, and Mother of this Lady died both young, her Mother of Sickness, and her Father at the Siege of Sommi­eres. For the Duke de Anville his Brother in law, having under­taken that Siege, A [...]igné. the Compte do Candelle rais'd two thousand men amongst his Tenants in Gascony to favour his Design; a very considerable supply in the weak condition the Duke de Anville's Army then was; where being come, and finding the breach al­ready [Page 60] made, and the assault ready to be given, he intreated the Honour of the first Assault might be conferr'd upon his men, who he desir'd might give immediate proof of their Valour. A fatal request, which having been granted to him, his men went on with very great courage to the assault; where, being as reso­lutely receiv'd, they were at last beaten back: but the Compte de Candalle, not being able to endure such a repulse, return'd to the Assault, and putting himself in his Doublet only at the head of his men, he repell'd the Enemy, and won the top of the Breach; when being now upon the point to carry the Town, an unfortu­nate Musquet shot in his Throat laid him dead upon the place. An accident, by which the Town, already as good as taken, was again lost with the life of the Conquerour. By the death of this Compte, his Daughter being then but three years old, was left to the Tuition of Francis de Foix, and de Candalle Bishop of Aire, her Uncle by the Father's side, a Prelate who, having to the dig­nity of his Birth, added a singular knowledge in the profoundest Sciences, and chie [...]ly in the Mathematicks, had the reputation of one of the most excellent Men, not only of his own time, but also of all Antiquity; Yet did not his diligence in study, though he were immeasurably addicted to it, hinder his due care of his Niece, either as to the Education of her Person, or as to the ma­nagement of her Fortune; for he deliver'd her over when very young, to the Connestable de Montmorency her Aunt, a Lady of sin­gular Vertue, who had earnestly desir'd it, that she might bring her up, as one of her own Daughters; which she accordingly did: and under her excellent Tuition this young Lady grew up to so great a perfection in all vertuous Qualities, that she won the general Applause, and was admir'd above all others of her Qua­lity in the Kingdom. To these eminent endowments of Mind she had yet the advantage of her Birth, and the reputation of her Fortune: For the first I shall need to say no more, than that she was ally'd to almost all the Crowns of Europe, Tho [...]. and that from her Family descended the House of Navarre, that her Family had oblig'd Hungary with a Queen, Bem [...]. and France with a Gaston de Foix, with other Captains of so incomparable Valour, as took place of the most eminent Leaders of their time. Their Estates had al­so been very great, and there yet remain'd in fair demeasnes to the value of above fourscore thousand Livers annual Rent; though to say truth, the Affairs of that Family had of late years been so ill managed, that there now remain'd but a very small part of that vast Revenue clear, and unincumbred with Debts. Her Estate therefore requir'd both a discreet manager to husband it, [Page 61] and a man well furnish'd with money, to disengage it, and to restore it to that Splendor, and Reputation, in which it had for­merly been: And if the Person of this Lady I speak of, was not endow'd with all those Criticisms of form the curious will have concurre to the making up of a rare, and illustrious Beauty, she had yet so much, and that set off with so graceful, and so winning a Fashion, as oblig'd the Duke to become her Suitor; after which it was not long before the King concluded the Marriage. The Solemnity was held at Bois de Vincennes, the 7th. day of August, in the Year 1587. the King being then going against the Reiters, who were already enter'd the Borders of France. It is not long since I saw the Articles of that Contract, with the Inventories of the Dukes Estate, both Personal and Real, then taken in the pre­sence of the Countess de Ryberac, and a Gentleman sent for that purpose on the behalf of the Bishop of Aire, and by his Letter of Attorney authoriz'd to manage that business. For the Bishop, what hopes soever they could give him of the obtaining of a Car­dinals Hat, if he would come to Court, he could never be drawn from his Books, nor tempted to leave his Study: and his Ambi­tion lying another way, that is, rather to search into the solid Truth, than the vain Apparence of things, he found a greater contentment of mind in his retirement, and solitude, than in all the lustre and bustle of the Court. There were few Writers of that time that do not make mention of the Dukes great Riches, and of the Kings unlimited liberalities towards him; and yet upon this occasion there was only found in Land, The D [...]ke's Estate at h [...]s Mar­ri [...]ge. Jewels, Plate, and other Furniture, to the value of thirteen hundred thousand Crowns; which if a man consider the difference berwixt this Fortune, and those of many others, that we have since known, not only Favourites, but also men of very mean beginnings, that have been rais'd to far greater Riches, in a much shorter time, than the Duke was a Favourite, will appear no such prodigious pro­portion. His Hostel at Paris was also part of this Estate, which I have heard the Duke say, was then the best House next to the Queen Mothers, now call'd l' Hostel de Soissons, and so little infe­riour even to that, that after the Queens death he might have had it, advancing 10000. Crowns, in exchange for his own. I have made this observation that we may consider to what a degree of State, and Beauty the Structures of these latter times are got, when this House, that was then the second in Paris, has now scarce any name, amongst the many Structures that have been erected since.

Men have since been very liberal in their censure of the Duke's [Page 62] Oeconomy, and which many unjust to his Honour, and not ve­ry kind to him, have blemish'd with the name of Avarice: I cannot deny but that the Oeconomy of his House was great, nei­ther do I see why that should not have its due Honour amongst his other Vertues; he being in this as much a Steward for the publick, as for his own private Interests: for who does not know that the Profusions of Princes, and the Prodigalities of Favou­rites, are ever to be repair'd by the Oppression of the People? He was a good Husband 'tis true, but his good Husbandry, far from the meanness of Avarice, serv'd only to maintain his greatness, and to enable him the better to support the lustre of his Expense without being chargeable to the King. It has ever been such, that from his first rise to Favour, during the whole course of his life, no man ever maintain'd a nobler Table at Court, a better Stable of Horses, a more numerous train of Attendants, and those men of Quality, and good Fashion, more stately Furniture, nor a greater number of inferiour Servants than the Duke did. His ex­pense in Building infinitely exceeded all others of his condition, and all this without the least abatement in his ordinary way of living, without any visible incommodity in his Affairs, or with­out ever importuning the King his Master; which can only be attributed to his Oeconomy, and the prudent government of his Affairs, many other great Persons, of far greater Estates than he, having never been able to do such things, as he did with great ease, without apparent inconvenience, and great disorder.

The King, willing upon this occasion of the Dukes Marriage to continue his Liberalities, made him then a gift of four hun­dred thousand Crowns: but the Duke had never other advantage by it, than the bare testimony of his Masters good Inclinations towards him: For the Treasury being either wholly exhausted, or containing no more than was necessary to defray the immediate War, the money could no ways have been rais'd, but by a new Tax upon the People, which would have bred new Discontents; and though his Majesty notwithstanding desir'd such an Imposition might be laid; the Duke a truer Servant to his Masters Interests, than a Friend to his own, would never consent, but obstinately oppos'd it. The Papers are yet to be seen amongst those that were found at his Death, for an eternal monument of this good Masters Affection, and for a testimony of the small accompt the Servant made of a Benefit, that must be exacted with the cla­mours of the People, and that was likely to pull down a popular Odium upon his Benefactor.

Amongst the preparations that were made for the Duke's [Page 63] Marriage, the King was still intent upon his business, not omit­ting any due care that might fit his Army to receive the stran­gers; who were now upon their March, under the command of the Baron de Dona, and were already advanc'd to the Frontiers of Lorain. The Reiters enter into France. There it was that the Germans first began to be sensible of those inconveniences his Majesties prudent Conduct had strew'd in their way, which still as they advanc'd further into France, where they promis'd to themselves a great abundance of all things (upon the false hopes wherewith their Leaders were prepossest, that the whole Court favour'd the King of Navarre, and that they had only the Duke of Guise to wrestle with) they found more, and more to encrease upon them, all things re­mov'd out of their way that should any ways contribute to the support of so great a Body. And then it was that they plainly saw the vanity of those aiery promises that had been made them; they found themselves in a few days opprest with hunger, thirst, and sickness, their Arms with rust dismounted, and useless, their Horses unshod, and themselves expos'd to all the other miseries, with which great Armies in long Marches, and in an Enemies Countrey are usually afflicted: By which misfortunes their eyes being opened, they began to fear, and to foresee those, that in a short time fell upon them: but amongst all those difficulties, that which troubled them the most, was their encounter with the Duke of Espernon; who, whilst they were trying to find a pass over the River Loire, having continually coasted them, and attended their motion with eight hundred light Horse, and five hundred Harquebusses on Horseback, and having by his activi­ty, The Duke Beats up a Q [...]arter of the German Horse. and vigilancy found an opportunity to beat up a Quarter of twelve hundred Light Horse, and to take the Cornets from them, they plainly saw by that action what they were likely to expect; for they had been made to believe that the Duke was won over to the King of Navarre's Party, a slaunder (which, ha­ving been first spread abroad by the League) those of the Refor­med Religion made good use of, De [...] de Ligu [...]. to encourage the strangers to en­ter the Kingdom: but they, having receiv'd so smart a proof of the contrary, were now undeceiv'd: and the more clearly they were convinc'd of their error, the more did their fears encrease; which begetting at first private mutterings, and growing on to publick murmurs, proceeded at last to an open Mutiny.

The Duke, well enform'd of this disorder in the Enemies Camp, began with great dexterity to manage their discontents to the King's advantage; he treated therefore for an accommodati­on, both with the Reiters, and the Swisse: the latter of which [Page 64] made up a considerable part of that Army, all their Infantry al­most being rais'd out of the Swisse Cantons; pressing nevertheless with his flying Army the Rear of the one, or the other; at the same time that he disturb'd their March, and their Quarters with his Armies entertaining them with overtures of Agreement, put­ting them at once in fear of the King's Force, and in hopes of his clemency: by which different ways of proceeding to one and the same end, the two Nations, equally perplex'd, at last hearkned to an Accommodation: which notwithstanding was concluded on­ly with the Swisse at that time, and with them the Articles were agreed upon, and Sign'd under the King's good Pleasure, the 18. of November 1587. Which being afterwards ratified by his Ma­jesty, they immediately retir'd into their Confines.

This great body thus separated from the Reiters, the remain­ing Army was in such perplexity, that there was now nothing, but disorder, and confusion amongst them; so that their courages being abated, by the extreme necessities they suffer'd by their be­ing abandoned by their Confederates, who made up the best part of their Army, and by the fear of worse michiefs to come, they now thought of nothing more, than of retiring from the extreme danger they saw themselves envellop'd in: and then it was that they hearkened in good earnest to the Propositions which were then offer'd to them afresh by the Duke, though much harder than the former; neither could all the Intreaties, or Authority of their Leaders, as well French, as those of their own Nation, pre­vail any thing, or disswade them from concluding a composition, and from retiring at last into their own Country. The Reiters come to Compositi­on, and re­tire. The Articles with them were Sign'd the eighth day of December, in the same year by the same Duke: by which it appears, that his courage, vi­gilancy, and Wisdom contributed not a little to the diversion of this dangerous storm, and to the preservation of the Kingdom from so powerful an invasion, as that of an Army consisting of forty thousand fighting men. Yet is it not to be denyed but that the Duke of Guise did also very brave service in this occasion; he defeated great numbers of them both at Vilmory, and at Aulneau: but in the condition they then were, ruin'd, and disarm'd by the King's forecast, beaten, and Disunited by the Duke of Espernon's Skirmishing, and Practices, it infinitely much facilitated the Duke of Guise his Victories, to have an Enemy reduc'd to such streights before he came to engage them.

But if the War was carried on with good success to the King in the forementioned engagements, things succeeded much other­wise on his Majesties part with the King of Navarre: for the [Page 65] Duke of Ioyeuse having precipitated the Battel of Coutras, the advantage of his Forces having blinded him even to a Contempt of the Enemy (an ordinary presage of Ruine to whoever is too secure of his Fortune) he there lost the Battel, The loss of the Battel of Coutras. with his Life, the twentieth of October, in the same year; together with as consider­able a number of Nobility, and Gentry, as have almost fallen in one day in any one Battel in France.

Some have believ'd that the King was neither so much dis­pleas'd at the loss of this Battel, nor conceiv'd himself so much prejudic'd by it, as he imagin'd himself eclips'd by the Victory he soon after obtain'd over the Strangers; a deplorable effect of this Princes misfortune, who could neither be afflicted with his losses, nor yet absolutely satisfied with his success. We have al­ready told you the Reasons the King had not to desire the King of Navarre's Ruine; so that he enjoyed in part his own de [...]ire in the loss of this Battel, which made for the support of the King of Navarre, and his Party; by whose assistance he thought with less difficulty to mate the ambitious Designs of the League: Where­as the Victory obtain'd over the Reiters, only serv'd to augment the Duke of Guise's Glory, who was his real, and capital Ene­my. Hence therefore proceeded his disquiet, and affliction; and this was it that turn'd even the prosperous successes of his Arms to his vexation, and trouble.

His Majesty fearing left the Duke of Guise puft up with the vanity of the popular esteem, and the opinion of his own me­rit, should take upon him the assurance to ask some of the Offi­ces, which were vacant by the Duke of Ioyeuse his Decease, con­ferr'd them all immediately upon the Duke of Espernon; who was in one day made Admiral of France, The Duke of Espernon gratified with all the Offices va­cant by the Death of the Duke of Ioyeuse. Governour of Nor­mandy, Caen, and Havre de Grace: and the dispatches were deli­ver'd to him at Gergeau, the seventh of November, 1587. the Death of the Duke of Ioyeuse hapning but in the end of October the same year.

Neither was this the only advantage the Duke reap'd from the ill success of this Battel; for his Cousin Bellegarde, Governour of Xaintonge, As also those of Bellegarde kill'd at that Battel. Angoumois, and the Country of Aulnis, having there receiv'd a mortal Wound, and dying soon after, the Duke had also the Governments vacant by his decease conferr'd upon him: which, as we shall hereafter see, at his departure from Court af­forded him the benefit of a secure, and honourable Retreat.

Although the Victories obtain'd from the German Army were very great, and of great moment; yet were not the Designs of the Enemy utterly ruin'd by the Defeat, and Dissipation of those [Page 66] Forces beyond the Loire. For the Hugonot Party, who were infi­nitely solicitous to adde all the vigour and encouragement they possibly could to their cause, were principally careful to re-inforce Mounsieur Lesdiguieres, who was effectually a very brave Com­mander, and one of the main pillars of their Faction. There had been therefore four thousand Swisse drawn out of the main Body of the German Army, Des Me­moires de la Ligue. and sent away into Dauphine to as­sist him there, and to make him able either to oppose Mounsieur de la Valette, or (if Fortune so favour'd their Arms) absolutely to drive him out of that Province, a Force, like enough to cut out a great deal of work in those parts: But la Valette's Fortune being here constant to his Valour, their coming only administred to him an opportunity, wherein to share with the Duke his Bro­ther the Honour that was to be acquir'd in the Defeat of that Fo­reign Enemy: For opposing that great Body with only two thou­sand Foot, and three hundred Horse, he cut them all off in their passage over the River Lizere. Mounsieur de la Valette Def [...] part of the Fore [...]gn Army. De [...]hou. Mounsieur de Thou says that there were not fifty Prisoners remaining; so that this may be reckon­ed amongst the other great losses that Nation sustain'd in this Ex­pedition. And that which makes it yet more remarkable, is, that Lesdiguieres, and Chatillon being advanc'd on the other side of the River with three thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse to favour their passage, were beaten back, and constrain'd to look on, whilst their Confederates were all cut in pieces before their eyes, without being able to give them the least assistance. By this hand­some action so happily perform'd, the hopes those of the Reli­gion had conceiv'd, of reaping any signal advantage from their Victory at the Battel of Coutras, and by uniting with the Foreign Army, were utterly frustrated. Neither can I forbear in this place to give Colonel The same who in D' Avila is called Al­phonso Corso. Aphonso, afterward Mareschal d' Ornano, his due share of honour, who fought it with singular Valour; but still under Mounsieur de la Valette's Conduct, and by his directions; with whom no man can dispute the absolute honour of that no­table Defeat,

After so many brave exploits atchiev'd by the King for the de­fense of his Kingdom, Anno 1588. and after so considerable services perform'd by the Duke of Espernon, and by la Valette his Brother, for the publick safety; who would have imagin'd but that his Majesty should have been welcom'd home with a thousand blessings of his people, and that so good Subjects should have received the praises due to their Fidelity, and Valour? Nevertheless all these Victories, with the care, industry, and hazards that produc'd them, wrought a quite contrary effect▪ through the blind affection [Page 67] the giddy multitude had violently plac'd upon the Duke of Guise. There was now no other discourse at Paris but of him; the Pul­pits, Courts, and Publick Assemblies rung with his Name: it is to him only that they owe their Lives, and Liberties, and 'tis on­ly his presence they desire. The King's own Person, and those of his most faithful Servants, are become odious to the Parisians. They talk high of transferring the Regal Dignity to the Duke of Guise. They scatter up and down Printed Libels, wherein from railing against the King, proceeding on to the King of Navarre, they would have him declar'd incapable of succession to the Crown, to the end there might remain no title to dispute the Duke of Guise's Possession. Nay to such a contempt of his Per­son and Royal Dignity they were grown at last, that these dis­courses were frequent, and loud in the Kings own Family; his most oblig'd Servants not daring almost to reply; renouncing by that poor and unmanly toleration, their own interest, whilst they abandoned that of their Sovereign and Benefactor. Neither was there any, save only the Duke of Espernon, a man that slight­ed his own danger, and despis'd the malice of all mankind, when his Masters Honour lay in the Ballance, who generously expos'd himself upon all occasions, to the publick violence, that he might preserve the integrity of his Duty. Of which to give you an instance, it hapned one day, in a great deal of company, that the Archbishop of Lions, a Prelate of a ready Wit, and great Elocution, but passionately zealous for the League, openly maintain'd, That the Pope had Power to absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their lawful Prince: To which the Duke highly of­fended, as he had reason to be at so dangerous an Argument, made answer before them all, That it would be as hard to perswade him to that, as to make him believe that the Pope could grant a Dispensa­tion to a Prelate to lie with his own Sister: Now you must know it was generally believ'd at Court, that this Prelate was too fami­liar with a person related to him in that degree; and as injuries make the deeper impression, by how much nearer they approach to truth: this so touch'd him to the quick, that he from thence­forward conceiv'd against the Duke a mortal, and implacable ha­tred. Neither was he long in finding out a way openly to express it; for his Arms being his Tongue, and his Pen (reputed one of the most eloquent of his time) he employ'd them both with all the rancour imaginable, to blemish the Duke's Honour; he set upon him with a thousand injurious Writings; nor did he fail, for so much as in him lay, to stir up a popular Fury against his Life.

[Page 68] Neither did the Duke of Guise labour his overthrow with less vehemency on his part, than the Bishop did on his: and as he knew the Duke's Interest to be very great, and his spirit inflexible, and hardly to be reconcil'd; so was he not content to endeavour his ruine obliquely, and underhand, but openly declar'd himself the Author of what he did, the better to effect his desire. And see the means he persu'd to work his purpose.

After the Reiters were driven out of the Kingdom, the Duke of Guise, accompanied with the principal Heads of his Party, re­tir'd to Nancy; where seeing the great Forces he had about him, and promising to himself wonders from the precipitous affection of the People, he resolv'd to prepare some Articles, which should be presented to the King in the Name of the League: Wherein, as he conceiv [...]d himself in a condition to carry by a high hand, whatsoever he should propose, he principally insisted upon the Duke of Espernon's removal from Court; pretending him to be a great abettor of the Hereticks, the better to colour the persecu­tion he intended against him: interpreting after this sort the af­fection the Duke had for the King of Navarre, and for all the Royal Family, though grounded upon principles far distant from being any ways interested in that Princes Religion, as his actions ever had, and then did most clearly demonstrate.

But as it was very unlikely that the King to satisfie his Enemies, should consent to the disgrace of his beloved Favourite, the Leaguers of Paris, to impose upon him a necessity of accomplish­ing the desires of their Party, conspir'd thenceforward to seize upon the person of the King, that so they might remove all fu­ture difficulties that might lie in the way of their Designs: neither did they fail much of executing that accursed Resolution. The Council of sixteen was at that time first set up in Paris; neither is any ignorant what that Council was, how impudent their Pro­ceedings, and how great their Authority with the People, even in the very face of the King himself. In this Council it was one day agreed upon to seize upon the King as he came from hunting from the Bois de Vencennes; D' Avila. and it had accordingly been executed, had not the King (advertiz'd of their purpose) doubled his Guards at his return. That Plot therefore failing, A Conspi­racy of the sixteen upon the Kings Person. there were divers other Ambuscado's laid for him during the Carnival, that often put him in great danger of being made a Prisoner to his own Sub­jects; which being all happily evaded, by the timely informati­on of one Nicholas Poulin, a Lieutenant in the Provosty of the Isle of France, who was privy to all these Cabals: Many of the Court, (who (as it is believ'd) favour'd the Designs of the League) [Page 69] endeavour'd to render Poulin's Intelligence suspected, that the King discrediting his report, might at one time or another fall in­to his Enemies snare: But the Duke of Espernon in an occasion of this consequence, making no difficulty of hazarding his own life, to search out the depth of these practices, franckly expos'd himself to infinite danger, that so he might discover the certainty of so necessary, and so important a truth. Being therefore adver­tis'd by the same Poulin, that the sixteen had concluded an Assassi­nate upon him himself at the Fair of St. Germains, whither the Duke usually repair'd to divert himself, Du journal de Henry III. with the entertainments of the season; he resolv'd to run the hazard, and accordingly went. The Plot was to have been executed by the Scholars, un­der whose name the Inhabitants of the Suburbs of St. Germains were order'd to slip in to fortifie the attempt; all which being discover'd to the Duke, it was certainly a dangerous, and almost desperate adventure, he thrust himself into; and which must proceed from an unparallel'd affection, and a vertuous care he had of his Princes safety, to run so great a hazard in so critical a time, when even the Court it self was corrupted in the Conspirators favour. And the Duke might excusably enough have forborn going to a place where the danger was immediately directed against his own person, and might have made the experiment, and have penetrated into the bottom of this Conspiracy, by another, without endangering his own life: and doubtless he had done so, had he had only his own Interest to consider in the case; but then things would afterwards have been left doubtful, and the King's life had been still expos'd in the uncertainty of the truth of those cautions had been given him; which the Duke resolv'd by all wayes imaginable to put out of future danger. He went therefore to the place where he knew himself to be threatned with death; but that could not affright him, provided he might secure the life of his Master; and being thither come, found the intelligence had been given him, to be punctually true: neither did they fail much of effecting their design; for a sort of young people being gather'd about him, began to murmur, and from murmuring grew lowder into clamours, making shew at last, as if they would proceed to execute what they threatned: whereat the Duke not frighted with their noise, put himself into a posture to resist the violence intended against him; by which resolute carriage, having with as much courage, as good fortune, disingag'd himself, he lei­surely retyr'd towards the Louvre, not a man daring to attempt any thing upon him, as if even his Enemies had been struck with a kind of reverence due to so brave, and so honourable an Action.

[Page 70]After there was no further doubt to be made, but that Poulin's intelligence was true; and by how much the King's danger still encreas'd, by so much the greater was the Duke of Espernon's dili­gence, zeal, and ardour for the security of his Majesties Person: so that there passed not a night, wherein sometimes with two, some­times with three, or four Companies of the Regiment of Guards, he walk'd not the Round into the most seditious Quarters of the City: and if at any time he had notice of any extraordinary As­sembly, thither it was that he immediately repair'd with a stronger Party; nor did he ever go to rest, till he had first settled all things quiet, and had carefully provided for his Masters safety. So that it is not to be believ'd how many of the Enemies Conspiracies against the King's Person, were countermin'd, and frustrated, by his vigilancy and diligence. The sixteen seeing their Designs thus travers'd, and fearing to be prevented (for they now no longer doubted but that their Treasons were discover'd) dispatch'd away in all haste to the Duke of Guise, pressing him by all means, to make what speed he could to Paris; hoping by his arrival in the first place to be sheltred from the King's Justice, and in the next to reap the fruits of their inordinate desires▪ Neither was the Duke long deliberating upon this Journey; the time as he conceiv'd, being as favourable, as he could possibly wish, for him to raise his Fortune to that prodigious height, to which his ambition had al­ready design'd it: For the danger of the Foreign Army being al­ready blown over, and the King of Navarre so depress'd since, that it was almost impossible for him ever to rise again, he thought he could never meet with so happy an occasion, and consequently prepar'd himself without further delay for his Journey▪ Of which resolution the King being advertis'd, and knowing that he was now on his way, and already advanc'd as far as Soissons, he dis­patch'd away the Sieur de Bellieure to meet him, and to forbid him from coming to Paris; a command that added spurs to his desire, which usually in great spirits grows most violent, where it meets with most difficulty, and is most eager when most forbidden. But by this message the Duke presently imagining that his Designs were discover'd, and doubting that if he did longer defer to drive them on to their intended end, he was in danger to be prevented, and to see himself involv'd in the disaster, that commonly attends men who deliberate too long upon the execution of great Enter­prizes, he made all the haste he possibly could; and turning aside from the ordinary Road, for fear of meeting another command, which notwithstanding (his Ambition still presenting to him the image of that greatness to which he aspir'd) he was resolute not [Page 71] to obey; he came at [...]ast with extraordinary diligence to Paris, surprizing all men with his sudden and unexpected arrival.

At this time (which made still better for the Duke of Guise) the Duke of Espernon was gone to take possession of his Govern­ment of Normandy: where he had been receiv'd with great accla­mations of the people both at Rouen, Caen, and the other princi­pal Cities of that Province; so that all places there continued quiet, and firm in the King's Obedience, Havre de Grace only ex­cepted, which alone stood out for the League▪

But before the Duke's departure into Normandy, the King ha­ving (as it was his custom) taken him one day in his company to [...]resne, his Majesty there in a private Conference discover'd to him the trouble, and disquiet the Duke of Guise's Resolution of coming to Paris had put him into, with the danger, to which his arrival (the absolute power the Duke had with the People duly consider'd) would expose both his Person, and Affairs; and there his mind equally possest with foresight, and jealousie, ma­king him penetrate into the events of things, as if they had been present before him, he prophesied to the Duke almost all the mis­fortunes that befel him in a few days after. Whereupon the Duke freely told him that he saw only one way to avoid those mischiefs his Majesty foresaw, and that was to cause the Duke's Head to be strook off, even in the Louvre it self, should he be so impudent as to come to Paris contrary to his Majesties express command; an advice which he fortified with so many reasons, that the King bound himself with an Oath to do it; though when it came to the test, his resolution appear'd no more constant in this than it had done before in other occasions, as we shall presently see.

But if things were thus determin'd on the King's part, the Duke of Guise was no less diligent on his, and had omitted no­thing that might any way conduce to the effecting of his De­signs: and that he might not, at his coming to Paris, lie at the mercy of his Enemies, he had secretly, and by several ways sent thither divers of his best Commanders beforehand, with order to prepare all those of his Faction in readiness to appear in Arms up­on the first occasion: and having thus provided for his safety, came himself to the City the ninth of May, in the year 1588. and attended only with D' Avila says but se­ven, De S [...]r­res says eight. twelve, or fifteen Gentlemen alighted at the Queen Mothers Lodgings; who though infinitely surpriz'd at his coming, went immediately along with him to the King: by whom he was receiv'd (notwithstanding that his Majesty had been before disswaded from his first resolution) with so great a dis­order in his countenance, as plainly denoted the contrary passi­ons, [Page 72] that were then strugling in his mind. Which the Queen Mother perceiving, and knowing what a determination the King had put on against him; the execution of which she perhaps thought neither safe, nor easie; or perhaps willing to preserve the Duke, she took the King aside, and wrought so effectually with him, that she absolutely chang'd his mind (which was then wa­vering, and irresolute) from his premeditated purpose. Yet could she not so qualifie and appease him, but that he gave the Duke of Guise very manifest tokens of the highest Indignation: but after a few words, and those exceedingly bitter on the Kings part, the Duke retyr'd to his own house, where he more than ever continued his ambitious Designs, and seditio [...]s Practices. For his vast Courage, the excess of which had rais'd him above the condition, and debauch'd him from the obedience of a Subject, would (as it is believ'd) now perfect the work had been so long before contriv'd, and strike home to the main Design. All which though the King very well knew, and though he endeavour'd all he could to prevent him, and to deprive him of those means by which he was most likely to effect his purpose; yet those his Ma­jesty employ'd, proving too weak to divert so great a mischief by their vain oppositions, only made the Torrent to swell higher, which soon after overflow'd the Banks with greater violence.

All the world has heard of the Barricades of Paris, The Barri­cades. a day of all others the most infamous to the French Name, and to the inviolate respect that Nation has ever born to their natural Princes, that ever hapned since the first foundation of that Monarchy. Of which, to write the particulars, were to deviate impertinently from my Subject: It shall therefore be sufficient to say, that the Duke of Espernon was not at Paris, when this disorder fell; but they there found his richest furniture, upon which the hatred, and avarice of the people wreak'd their utmost spleen, and extremest rancour.

This storm of popular fury having continued the space of three days without intermission, or abatement; and the King, after the disarming of his Guards, and some other Forces he had then in Paris, having now no means left to defend his Person, which he saw in danger every moment to fall into his Enemies hands; the multitude preparing on every side to beset the Louvre, he made a vertue of necessity: and to evade the danger that still encreas'd up­on him, walking out at the back Gate of the Tuilleries, he pre­sently took Horse in the Garden near to the Stables, and, attended only by sixteen Gentlemen, The King retires to Chartres. retir'd with all possible diligence to Chartres.

[Page 73]The Duke of Espernon was no sooner advertiz'd of this disor­der, but that he presently hasted from Rouen (where the news was first brought him) to the King; The Duke of Esper­non's arrival at Chartr [...]s. and as he did believe, with very good reason, that his Majesties Enemies would not satisfie them­selves with what they had already done, so he thought it fit to go well accompanied; neither did he a little revive the Court at his ar­rival, having above five hundred Gentlemen in his Train.

They who have undertaken the History of that time, variously report the Duke's Reception at this place: D' Avila says his enter­tainment was very cold, and that the King looking upon him as his Enemies Pretense, for all the mischiefs they did, began to di­staste him; yet he says soon after with a kind of contradiction, that his Majesty never went less in his affection to him, nor in the confidence he repos'd in him, from the first beginning of his Favour. Contradi­ctions a­mongst the Historians about the Duke's Re­ception at Court. Others write that he was receiv'd with great demonstra­tions of Favour and Esteem: of which both the one and the other say true; observing the due order of that little space betwixt the Dukes Entertainment at his first arrival, and that he receiv'd af­ter he had been two hours in private Conference with the King.

It is most certain that this Prince afflicted with his Misfortunes, and reduc'd more than ever to the necessity of dissimulation, did not at first receive him with that excess of kindness he had for­merly done; and it is likewise true, that apprehending at first sight some just reproach from the Duke's passionate affection to his Service, for that his Majesty had not put in execution what he had resolv'd upon at Fresne, his Majesty put on an unusual gravity at his arrival: But after he had talked with him, and that the Duke who was too discreet, at such a time, to offer the least syllable that might afflict his Master, had on the contrary rais'd his Spirits with new hopes, he then opened his Bosom to him more than ever; and having receiv'd his wonted good Counsels, entertain'd again the joy, and vigour, which seem'd to have been stifled in his Misfor­tunes, and began to meditate the means, and that with good hopes of success, of restoring his Affairs to their former Condition. And then it was that he caress'd the Duke with his accustomed free­dom, honouring him in publick with as high demonstrations of Favour, as ever. It was at this Conference, that the Duke gave his Majesty an accompt of his Voyage, of the good condition, where­in he had left his Government, and what his Majesty might ex­pect from thence: How all things were so well dispos'd there, that excepting Havre de Grace, the League possess'd nothing in that Province; and that even he who commanded there, had given very good hopes of returning shortly to his Duty: That [Page 74] the Sieur de Cara [...]ges, Governour of Rouen, formerly enclin'd to fa­vour the League, was made firm to his Majesties Service, and that the people in general were as well dispos [...]d, as good Subjects could possibly be: An Account so highly satisfactory to the King, that he presently [...]esolv'd upon a Journey into that Province; it seeming to him neither decent, nor suiting with his Honour to continue at Chartres; where to make a longer stay, would look, as if he were there shut up, and forbidden all the other parts of his Kingdom.

Neither was it without design, that the Duke spoke so advan­tageously to the King of the Forces of Normandy: And he could have wisht his Majesty had conceiv'd the same opinion of all his other Provinces; to the end that growing confident of his own Power, he might entertain the thoughts of Arms: For he certain­ly believ'd, that should his Majesty once undertake a War in good earnest, it would succeed infinitely to his advantage; that he would soon be in a condition to re-establish his neglected Autho­rity, and to make himself fear'd of all his Subjects. But the King had already form'd other Designs, and the Duke of Guise seem­ing to him so strongly supported, that he could not depress him by open force, without endangering at once himself, and his King­dom; he thought it safer, though less honourable, to lull him asleep with the hopes of Peace, than by open War to provoke his already approved Power.

The Duke of Guise also seeing the King escap'd out of his hands, and that he could no more impose upon him those con­ditions he had propos'd to the Queen Mother during the Barri­cades, was likewise not averse to an Accommodation. So that both Parties concurring in the same disposition, the business was quickly set on foot by the Queen Mother; who as she had been of the first, was now the Mediatrix of this Peace also. She had continued at Paris after the King's departure, and had not fail'd upon all occasions to possess the Duke of Guise, that the King was willing to be reconcil'd to him, and to forgive the Parisians upon their due Submission. Whereupon the Duke, the better to sound the King's intention herein, order'd the Parliament to at­tend his Majesty at Chartres, and there to offer him the first excu­ses for a fault which in its own nature admitted none: But the Provost des Marchands going before, and the Eschevins following after, both the one, and the other return'd with great satisfaction: Which the Duke of Guise seeing, and interpreting this flexibility in the King to an effect of Fear, he re [...]assum'd his former hopes, and again set on foot the same propositions, which he had before [Page 75] so arrogantly insisted upon; to wit, that War should be pro­claim'd against the King of Navarre, that there should be Con­vocation of the States General, and that the Duke of Espernon should be banish'd from Court, with a privation of all his Offi­ces: Upon which last Article he chiefly insisted, openly declaring, that there could be no durable Peace, nor no sincere reconciliati­on, so long as he had so great an Enemy as the Duke in the Kings Bosom.

The Queen Mother, as has been said before, had long been jea­lous of the Duke of Espernon's Power, with the King her Son; neither indeed could she well brook any Favourites, but those who stood immediately oblig'd to her for their Fortune; an hu­mour had made her so much the more impatient of the Duke's greatness, because it was an advantage for which he was indebted to none, but to his Masters bounty. She had often therefore prest the King for his removal, as the only means to satisfie the League, had propounded several honourable Employments to colour his disgrace, and not long before would have had him sent Ambassa­dour to Rome to justifie the King from the aspersions, the League had cast upon him to the Holy Sea: but his Majesty who was as perfect in the Nature, and Designs of the Queen his Mother, as she was in his, had still been constant to his Servants Protection; and the Duke, having been bred up in the School of so politick a Master, had learn'd so much cunning, as had hitherto ever ren­dred all those Artifices ineffectual, by which she had so often, and so industriously labour'd his Ruine.

But at last the Queen (knowing how important the present oc­casion was to the Kings Repose) embrac'd it with that fervour, that in the end it procur'd the Dukes so long wish'd for removal. She had the management of the Treaty in hand absolutely com­mitted to her, with the choice of any two of the King's Council to assist her; of which, such as she knew were affectionate to the Duke, you may be sure msut have nothing to do in this business; so that it was no hard matter, all parties concurring in the same design to conclude his disgrace: and in conclusion, the King was plainly told, that it was absolutely necessary for him to dismiss the Duke of Espernon, if his Majesty intended to have that Peace, he seem'd so passionately to desire.

To the same end there was then Printed a Manifest, The League Print a Ma­nifest against the Duke of Espernon, and his Brother. subscrib'd by the Cardinal of Bourbon, as Head of the League; wherein the whole Faction were very importunate for the Duke's total Ruine, together with Mounsieur de la Valette his Brother; his bare remo­val from Court being now too little to satisfie their Malice: the [Page 76] League in this sole point comprehending the suppression of the Hugonot Party (of which they said the two Brothers were the Protectors with the King) the redress of the people (opprest to enrich them) and the satisfaction of the great ones; who might easily be contented with those Offices, and Governments, which the two Brothers now possest to their common prejudice.

The Duke who very well foresaw that he must either comply with the time, or reduce the King to a necessity of taking up Arms to protect him (which would have made him responsible to his Majesty for any sinister event that might happen) chose the lesser evil; The Duke resolves to give way to the time, and to re­tire. and would rather alone undertake the defense of his own Fortune, than be any ways the occasion of so great a mis­chief. He saw the Kings mind perpetually fluctuating, and con­tinually alarm'd with the Counsels of his Enemies; which, in his Majesties astonishment, grew still more, and more prevalent with him; he saw the powerful Faction of the League wholly Arm'd against his Person; neither was there any who did not conclude his ruine inevitable in so dangerous a conjuncture, should he be once, though but a moment, remov'd out of the King's Prote­ction: but he had courage enough to run the hazard, and his un­daunted Spirit (notwithstanding he very well understood his danger) made him resolute with his own single Interest to stand the shock of all his Adversaries. I ought here to adde yet another Motive the Duke had to retire from Court, a thing which will perhaps hardly be believ'd, though it be precisely true: but it me­rits a due place in the Duke's History, as the noblest testimony of a generous heart, and this it was. The Duke had understood something of the King's intention to cut off the Duke of Guise, by those ways by which it was afterwards effected at Blois; and not being able to divert that resolution, he chose rather to absent himself, than to be present at an action he thought so unworthy of his Masters Authority, and Greatness, though it redounded to his own particular preservation. 'Tis true, that in the first moti­ons of the League, he had advis'd the King to take up Arms, to chastise him; that he had afterwards counsell'd him to cut off his Head at the very Gate of the Louvre, when the Duke came in contempt of his command to raise that Commotion in Paris; and that he had offer'd himself to fight him hand to hand in Duel; but he could by no means consent that his Majesty should com­mit an Act so unworthy of his Name: And this in truth was as powerful a Motive as any, to oblige him to retire.

There is great diversity of Opinions amongst the Historians of that time about this retirement of the Dukes, whether, or no, it [Page 77] were franckly; and of his own motion; whether he were dismist with the King's good Opinion, and Favour; or whether he went not away in a real disgrace; which they severally report, Several opinions upon the Dukes re­tirement. every man according to his particular passion: But D' Avila much better inform'd in the Affairs of the Cabinet, than the rest, enclines to the more favourable opinion, and says (very truly) that the Duke resolv'd upon this retirement of his own voluntary inclination, and that to the King's great grief; who notwithstanding, com­pell'd by the necessity of the conditions imposed upon him in the Articles of Peace, consented to it: And of this truth there are two evident proofs; One, the great familiarity, and privacy the Duke had with the King some days before his departure: and the same D'Avila records, a very remarkable, and a very true passage upon this occasion. That the night preceding this separation, the Ab­bot del Bene, a great confident of the Duke's, and a man in great esteem with the King, for his excellent parts, (of which his Ma­jesty made continual use in his Politicks, a study in which he was strictly regular) was shut up alone with the King in his Cabinet for many hours; not so much as the Grooms of his Majesties Chamber permitted to come in all the while; by which he con­jectures, and very rightly, that his Conference was in order to some Instructions, which were to be convey'd by the Abbot (who was to accompany him in his retirement) to the Duke, for his future Conduct, during the time of his absence: And I have heard the Duke say, that he never in all his life receiv'd so many Testimonies of his Masters Affection, as he did at this time. His Majesty being pleas'd not only to chalk him out what he would have him do, and what he would have him avoid, during his re­tirement; but also adding a thousand Protestations, that he would sooner abandon his Crown, than his protection; and that he had not consented to his departure, but with a resolution to re­call him speedily back to Court with greater Honour, and to con­fer upon him greater advantages, than he had ever yet done: Com­manding at the same time the Abbot del Bene, not to stir from him, to have a care of his Person, and to be assisting to him with his Counsels, in whatever Accidents might happen, and in all the difficulties, and dangers he well foresaw would by his Enemies be prepar'd against him. The other proof, that the Duke was dismist in a high state of Favour, was this, that his Majesty made him at his departure, Generalissimo of his Armies in the Provinces of An­jou, Maine, Perche, Poictou, Xaintonge, Angoumois, and the Country of Aulnis, with absolute Power to command: which certainly he would never have done, had his disgrace been really true, and not [Page 78] meerly dissembled to satisfie the insolent demands of the League, and to comply with the necessity of the time.

Things being thus dispos'd, the Duke went to take his leave of the King, and to receive his Majesties final Commands; where, his affection in so great an extremity, suggesting to him the honest liberty, a passionate, and faithful Subject may justly take, he freely told him, That it was not without an extraordinary violence upon himself, that he came to beg leave of his Majesty, that he might re­tire into his Governments, where he hop'd nevertheless to do his Majesty better service, than if he should continue about his Person. That to his extreme grief he saw of late his Majesties safest Determinations, and the Counsels of his most faithful Servants perverted by the Artifices of those evil Ministers, who had usurp'd a greater share in his Royal Trust, and Confidence, than was consistent with the prosperity of his Affairs. That the Queen his Mother (however an excellent and prudent Princess) was notwithstanding abus'd, as his Majesty himself was. That seeing no cure for this evil, he had rather chosen to deprive himself of the Honour of being near his Majesties Person, than to be an unprofitable Spectator of those inconveniences into which his evil Counsellors were about to precipi­tate his Affairs. That as to that hour no man could reproach him that any of his Actions had been contrary to his Majesties Service; so he would not for the future, by a toleration unworthy a good Subject, and an ho­nest Man, draw any jealousie upon his Intentions. That by an excess of bounty, and oftentimes contrary to his own desire, his Majesty had en­rich'd him with so many Possessions, Honours, and Offices, that he had nothing left to desire of Heaven, but Moderation in a Prosperity rais'd so infinitely beyond his Hopes. That having receiv'd these benefits to no other end, than to employ them in his Majesties Service, he should be ready to surrender all upon command, if by his Spoils any advantage might accrue to his Majesties Affairs. That for the sum of all Obligation, and for a final Testimony of his Majesties good Inclinations towards him, he had only two Requests to make: the first, That his Majesty would never confer any of his Offices upon any of the League; and the other, that so often as his Enemies should by their Malice seek to ruine him in his Majesties Favour, he would please to recollect the infinite Obligations he had laid upon him; which was the greatest pledge of Fidelity, a good Servant, and an honest Man, as he pretended to be, could in his absence possibly leave with so good a Master.

The King though already prepar'd for the Duke's departure, yet touch'd with so sad a Farewel, could not refrain from Tears; and his friendship producing the usual effects that all true friend­ships ordinarily do in such occasions, made him forget the condi­tions he was bound to perform, and once more to reiterate all [Page 79] sorts of perswasion to make him stay: In which importunities, though some have believ'd there was more of dissimulation, than real truth; yet it is certain, that his Majesty in this proceeded with a most sincere affection, and that looking more narrowly into the condition of his Affairs, and considering he was about to surren­der his Person into the hands of his Enemies, by whom he saw himself already environed, he could have been content to have retain'd a Servant of so approved Valour, and Fidelity about him. But the Duke having so often try'd, and so often found it impos­sible to settle the King's mind to such resolutions as were most proper to secure his Dignity with Honour, could never delibe­rate to look on, and see the continuation of those evils, for which he could neither see, nor hope for any possible Remedy.

Remaining then firm in his resolution to depart, he made a voluntary surrender of his Government of Normandy into the King's hands, which was as soon transferr'd to the Duke of Montpensier, a Prince of the House of Bourbon, very affectionate to the King's Service, and Father to Henry of Bourbon, likewise Duke of Montpensier; the same, who in succession of time came to be the Duke's Nephew by a Marriage with Catherine de Ioyeuse his Neece, she, who (as we have said before) is now Dutchess of Guise. And this, of all those Offices the Duke stood seiz'd of, was the only resignation the King would consent to, whatever D' Auila is pleas'd to say to the contrary. He says that the King im­portun'd the Duke to make a surrender of all his Employments at once, excepting his Government of Provence: but that the Duke, Who was a man of exceeding great understanding, and bred up by the King himself in all the Stratagems of State, rais'd so many difficul­ties, and made so many exceptions against the persons of all those who were propos'd to succeed him, that suddenly departing, be­fore any thing was concluded, he dexterously disingag'd himself from so nice, and so dangerous a Proposition. It is certain not­withstanding that the Duke was never press'd to lay down any of his Offices: and if he did surrender his Government of Normandy, it was not only a voluntary act, but founded upon mature deli­beration, and great judgment, as a Province that was near neigh­bour to Paris, separated many Leagues from all the rest of his Governments, and in which his Enemies had so great Interest, that his Presence would be necessary to secure it; neither consi­dering the strong Faction they had within, was it certain to be secur'd. So that not being able amongst so many persecutions, as he saw prepar'd against him, to maintain all his Charges at once, he rather chose to part with that he was not likely to keep, at least [Page 80] without exposing all the rest, than to abandon the other strong Holds, and Places in his Possession; which though (particularly con­sider'd) they seem'd to promise less, than so important a Govern­ment as that of Normandy; yet that by their vicinity to one an­other were more likely to be kept, and to be more serviceable to him.

Thus then parted the Duke of Espernon from Court in Iune 1588. and retir'd himself to Loches, though far otherwise than in the equipage of a declining Minister, or attended like a Favourite laps'd into disgrace; but with a numerous train of above three hundred Gentlemen, and those of so good Quality, as that he em­ploy'd the most of them for the raising of such Forces, as he had order from his Majesty speedily to set on foot. But that which rendred him every where more considerable, than this outward shew of greatness, was his brave, and unbated Courage, of which he had given so many signal testimonies in his Prosperity, that there was nothing left, but such a disgrace as this, to give it the ut­most test, The D [...]ke re [...] into his Govern­ments. and the last tryal of a noble Constancy. Being come to Lochis, he presently set himself to look into the state of those Provinces newly committed to his charge; where by establish­ing such order as he thought convenient, by the dispatch of his Levies, and by disposing his men into the most important places, he prepar'd himself betimes to encounter such Accidents, as the se­verity of the time was likely to produce.

Soon after the Duke's departure, the King went his Journey into Normandy: where the greatest Obstacle, being now remov'd, the Treaty of Peace went on without any further impediment, and was presently after concluded; the King (who had already determin'd how to dispose of the Duke of Guise) making no great difficulty to grant him what he was resolv'd he should not long enjoy.

The Peace concluded, the Edict of Union was publish'd, first at Rouen, and then in all parts of the Kingdom; after which they immediately fell to the raising of Arms, for the utter suppressi­on of the King of Navarre, and his Party. But above all things, the King was careful to hasten the necessary Dispatches for the Convocation of the States General at Blois, in the beginning of October next ensuing, an Assembly equally desir'd by the King, and the Duke of Guise; but to different ends: The Duke ho­ping there by the joynt suffrages of the several Orders of the King­dom to see himself plac'd in that degree of height, to which his great Spirit, and vast Ambition, had so long aspir'd; and the King resolving there, and at that time to quench his restless and inordi­nate [Page 81] Ambition in a torrent of his own Blood. Thus do we often see the purposes of the greatest Politicians deluded, who, when they think they have brought their Designs by the most infallible Rules, and Maxims of Humane Prudence to an almost certain Issue, find themselves deceiv'd, and usually meet with effects quite contrary to their expectation; giving us to understand, that we ought not to commit our actions to the blind conduct of our own frail and erroneous foresight, but into the hands of Pro­vidence, that governs all, and that brings all things to their de­terminate end.

The Edict of Union being sworn, the Duke of E [...]pernon re­mov'd from Court, and the King [...]atisfied (at least in apparence) with the Duke of Guise's, and the Parisians excuses; the Duke confident in the Queen Mother, The D [...]ke of Guise comes to Court. (who was of late become abso­lutely powerful with the KIng) had nothing now to hinder his coming to Court; so that upon his Majesties return out of Nor­mandy, he immediately repair'd to him, and having found him at Chartres, he there in person deliver'd the same Apologies, he had not long before presented by the Mediation of others. All which his Majesty received with a Dissimulation, that was not on­ly natural to him; but that by a long Practice, and by the conti­nual traverses, and difficulties of his Reign, was grown to such a habit in him, that it was no hard matter for him to put on any kind of Language, or Behaviour, on any occasion wherein he was most likely to be surpriz'd: So that in outward shew the King was so well pleas'd with no Company (as indeed it was al­most all he had) as with the Duke's, his Relations, and Confede­rates. Amongst which the Cardinal of Bourbon, who was now also come to Court, was entertain'd with extraordinary marks of Favour, and Respect; neither was there any Commands, or Offices, Military or Civil, granted to any, but by their recommen­dation: insomuch that some have thought the Duke of Guise by winning, and submissive carriage, had made some real impres­sion upon the Kings Inclinations, and that his Majesty was dis­pos'd really to love him, as he had formerly done, if he could have moderated his Ambition, and would have laid aside those designs which rendred him suspected to him.

In a conjuncture so favourable to their Designs, neither the Duke of Guise, nor those of his Faction slept in their Business; but with all possible industry, still more, and more labour'd the Duke of Espernon's total Ruine, as a thing that imported most of all to the confirmation of that Authority, and Trust, to which they saw themselves by his removal already advanc'd: So that [Page 82] the King being daily afflicted with a thousand Accusations against him, and wearied by their importunities, was at last so far over­come, as to consent that many of his Offices should be taken away, being not yet to be prevail'd upon for his absolute Ruine. Whilst the Duke was present, he continually by his good Services forti­fied his Masters mind, against all impressions of calumny, his Enemies could invent, to the prejudice of his Fidelity, and Ho­nour, and had ever triumph'd in his Majesties good Opinion, over the Envy and Malice of his Detractors: but he was no sooner remov'd out of his Eye, than that Confidence began to stagger, his detractors representing him for an Enemy to the Crown, a Friend to the King of Navarre, and one that seducing daily all the Garrisons in his Government to a Revolt, was upon the point to Proclaim open War against the King himself.

In the mean time the Duke had very good Intelligence of all that pass'd at Court; he very well knew that his Enemies made use of all imaginable ways to destroy him, that the King was by them perpetually socilited against him; and that consequently it con­cern'd him in common discretion to frustrate their Designs, and to provide for his own safety in the strength of those places he pos­sess'd: Neither was he much surpriz'd at the unexpected news of what the King had consented to against him, he was very well acquainted with the constitution of the Court, and had very well foreseen what would certainly be attempted against him; but he could hardly perswade himself, that his Majesty could ever forget his Fidelity, and good Services; yet did he not for all that neglect his own preservation, that he might live to do him one day more, and better Service: the only revenge this faithful honest Servant meditated for the ingratitude of his Master.

He fell therefore presently into Consultation with his Friends, what course he were best to take; a Debate wherein Opinions were very different: some there were who advis'd him to return to Court, representing that his presence would infallibly disperse all those shadows of mistrust, which by his absence his Adver­saries had had opportunity to possess the King's mind withal; that his tried Fidelity would soon recover its former place in his Maje­sties Opinion, and that then he would soon be in a condition to return the mischiefs had been intended against him, upon the heads of the first contrivers. Others there were who gave him coun­sel to put himself into Metz, others to make immediately for Pro­vence, and some of those there to joyn with the King of Navarre; That to that purpose he should first go into Angoumois, whither he might suddenly, and with great facility convey himself, where [Page 83] he had a strong City to retire unto, and where he would be in a Country very convenient to favour his Passage into Provence, by the way of Guienne and Languedoc; the Friends he had in those two Provinces being enough to make his way, through the one, and the other, should he be put upon a resolution of retiring thither.

The first propositions being accompanied with great, and al­most invincible difficulties, the Duke wholly adher'd to the last advice, and so far follow'd it, as to retire to Angoulesme, without joyning himself nevertheless (though infinitely solicited so to do) with the King of Navarre. A thing impossible for him to re­solve upon, had he been so enclin'd, for two Reasons; First, by reason of that Princes Religion, and secondly, because being a declared Enemy to the King his Master, the Duke would rather have perish'd a thousand times, than appear to favour, much less to engage with such, as he knew acted positively against his Majesties Service.

One of the Duke's old Servants De Guez was Bal [...]c's Father. De Guez by name, a man of fourscore and eight years old, but notwithstanding so entire in his Judgment as discover'd nothing of the infirmities of Age, gave me not long since a full Relation of all these Circumstances. He was at this time about the Duke's Person, and (as one of his principal, and most trusty Servants) present at this Deliberation; when the Duke asking his particular Opinion of all had been propounded to him, De Guez told him, that he believ'd the reso­lution he had already taken, to be without all dispute the best, pro­vided it were put i [...]to speedy execution: but that it was to be fear'd, that whilst he stood deliberating with his Friends what was best to be done, his Enemies, who were very powerful, and already resolv'd what to do, might effect something to the prejudice of his Fortune; and that the least moments were to be husbanded in a business of so great consequence as this. An ad­vice that being soon consider'd of by the Duke, he immediately commanded that every one should make himself ready to depart within two days; neither did he longer defer it, but accordingly put himself upon his way to Angoulesme, and that very seasonably, as by the following discourse will suddenly appear.

But before the Duke left Loches, he was presented with a dis­course, by way of Apology in the behalf of himself, and his Bro­ther, against the Calumnies contain'd in the forementioned Mani­fest, of the League: a piece so eloquently couch'd, and set forth with so many powerful, and so pertinent Arguments, that it is certain the Leaguers could afterwards have wish'd they had ne­ver assaulted the Duke by the way of writing, that so they might [Page 84] not have drawn upon themselves so tart a Reply. I forbear to transcribe it in this place, because it would swell this Volume with things that are elsewhere, and in better language, The Duke publishes an Answer to the Mani­fest of the League. than I should perhaps express it, to be found: But Mounsieur de Thou, one of the most celebrated Historians of these latter times, thought it a Discourse worth inserting at length in his History; and having translated it out of the Original, into his own elegant Latine, has commended it to all the Nations of Europe, where his works are read with an universal applause. And although the Duke never thought of justifying his actions that way, and that he had so little a share in this answer, as neither then, nor ever since, to know his name, who undertook his Quarrel and Interest with so friendly a Zeal (a thing somewhat hard to believe, that a man who would oblige the Duke at so kind a rate, should deprive him­self of the thanks justly due to so great an obligation) he never­theless took it upon him, and publish'd it in his own name, that all the world might be satisfied both with his and his Brothers Innocency: and certainly it wrought upon all disinterested spirits impressions very disadvantageous to the covert practices of the League.

Having caus'd this Declaration to be publish'd, The Duke arrives at Angou [...]esme. he departed to­wards, Angoulesme, where he safely arriv'd in Iuly; and where the several Orders of the City contented with great emulation, which should give the greatest testimony of joy for his Arrival. Being thither come, the Duke would needs take up his Lodging in the Castle; which although it was only a rude pile of stone, and na­ked of all defense, (though by him afterwards fortified, and made more con [...]iderable) and though there was in the same City a Cittadel, much stronger, and more commodious, commanded by the Sieur de Bordes, a particular creature of the Dukes; yet to shew the Inhabitants how entire a Confidence he repos'd in them, he would rather choose to lie in the other, and that with so much civility to the Town, as that he permitted not one of the Souldiers he brought along with him so much as to come within the Walls of the City.

Two days after his Arrival the Sieurs Nesmond, Chief Justice, and Normond Consul of the City receiv'd dispatches from the King, Sign'd by Moun [...]ieur Villeroy, wherein his Majesty positive­ly commanded them, The King commands the Inha [...]i­tants of the City not to receive the Duke. not to admit any whomsoexer with any Forces into their City, without his express Order; whatever they might pretend, or what Commissions soever they should pro­duce to the contrary. And indeed his Majesty had been so impor­tun'd to exclude the Duke from this important place (being withal [Page 85] made to believe that he had only left Loches in order to a closing with the King of Navarre) that being unwilling to have that Fa­ction strengthened, by so powerful, and so active a Confederate, he had consented to this dispatch: but the Duke's diligence ha­ving prevented this command, But too late so frustrated the execution of it, that whereas it had before (had these orders come in time) been a very easie matter to have kept him out, it was now impossible to obey the Kings desire, he being got in, or to thrust him out again, who had already made himself Master of the place.

The Consul notwithstanding communicated the Orders he had receiv'd to some of his Relations, and most intimate Friends; where the greater part of those he consulted about this business, being enclin'd to the League (and it is hardly to be imagin'd how strangely that contagion had diffus'd it self throughout the whole Kingdom, no Family almost being without one, or more of their Party; no City without some notorious Ring-leader of their Faction; nor no Province wherein their Interest was not grown to a formidable height) it was soon resolv'd upon, that (since the Kings pleasure could not now be fulfill'd in the precise Form his Letters prescrib'd) to propose to his Majesty other ways, by which (as they conceiv'd) they might work as considerable, if not a more advantageous effect, for his service, than they could have done, by that it was now too late for them to perform. The Consul therefore dispatch'd away to Court one Souch [...]t his Bro­ther-in-Law, a notable Leaguer, and a bold Factious Fellow, to acquaint the King with his Design; which was, to seize upon the Duke's person, and to detain him Prisoner in the City, till his Majesties further Order: who accordingly arriving at Court, and addressing himself to Mounsieur de Villeroy, made this Proposition to him, and was by him very well receiv'd. Villeroy promising to acquaint the King with the good affection of the Inhabitants, and to give him a speedy answer. I shall not here make shie of delivering plainly what I have receiv'd from the Duke's own mouth upon this occasion, and that without fear of reviving Ani­mosities long ago extinct; the Duke, an Mounsieur de Villeroy having often since (and that with some kind of delight) discours'd themselves into a better intelligence about this Subject: So true it is, that time is a Sovereign Remedy for the most violent passions, no former unkindness betwixt these two great Ministers being of force to hinder the mutual esteem they had of one anothers Ver­tue in their later years, from ending in a most sincere, and per­fect Friendship.

The King's answer to Villeroy was, that he should be glad to [Page 86] have the Duke within his power, Anno 1558. that so he might hinder him from joyning with the King of Navarre; but withal, if it could not be done without endangering his Person, that they should by no means attempt in, his Majesty being neither willing to have him destroy'd, nor exasperated, but only restrain'd within the bounds of his Duty: Which were the very words his Majesty repeated to the Duke at his return to Court, graciously adding, that it was in order to a speedy recalling of him about his own Person, where he intended to use him like a Son (a title by which his Majesty was ever pleas'd to Honour him in his Letters, and ordinary Discourse) as hitherto he had ever done. But this was too nice a Commission for his Enemies to work upon, who would by all means make use of this occasion the hair-brain'd Citizens presented to them, to take a full revenge of former injuries: for after the business had been communicated to the Duke of Guise, it was told Souchet by Mounsieur Villeroy, that it was the King's desire, they should take the Duke Prisoner, and that they could not do his Majesty a more acceptable service. Whereupon Souchet having reply'd, that it would be an enterprize hard to execute so, as to meet with no opposition; and that in such a case he de­sir'd to know how they were to behave themselves: he was fur­ther order'd to take the Duke alive, or dead; that such was his Majesties intention, and that it was a business of so great impor­tance, that both he, and all others, who should be employ'd therein, might certainly expect a recompense proportionable to the merit of the Action. Some have further added, and it was a common report, that a man utterly unknown to Souchet was dis­guis'd in his Majesties Cloaths, and taught to pronounce this Command, as if it had come from the King's own mouth: but however it were carried, certain it is that Souchet could not have re­turn'd more fully perswaded, than he did.

At his return he acquaints the Consul with his Instructions (at a private place without the City) who hoping to do the King a signal Service, communicated the Order he had receiv'd to forty, or fifty, all active and resolute men, of his most intimate Friends, and conferr'd yet further with some Gentlemen of the Duke of Guise's Faction about it; so that having made himself as strong as he could, and having writ to the Vicount Aubeterre, who was Head of the League in that Province, to be ready to assist in an acti­on so important to the Service of the King, and the Catholick Union, he at last receiv'd the Deputy into the City upon St. Lau­rence Eve, the day following without further delay being design'd for the execution of the Enterprize.

[Page 87]There are few Historians of any note, of those times, who have not given a full description of this days business, The Con­spiracy of A [...]goules [...]e against the Duke of Espernon. and who have not thought it (though only relating to a particular person) an action for the Novelty, and handsome performance of it, worthy to be recorded amongst the general Transactions of that time. Mounsieur de Thou, D' Aubigné, and D' Avila, have all made long Relations of it; and there were many Printed Reports of it current in France immediately after the thing was done, of which several old Copies yet remain; to all which I could refer my Reader, and spare my self the pains of repeating it over again, could a business so highly important to the Duke's Honour be left out of the recital of his Life, without making my self guilty of an omission, Posterity might justly blame me for. Take here therefore what I have collected, both from the Duke's own mouth, and from some of his Servants; who, as they shar'd in the danger of this Conspiracy, had also the Honour to do their Master signal Service in so memorable an Action.

The Duke living in great security in the City, and behaving himself very obligingly to all the Inhabitants in general, but more particularly to those he saw bore the greatest sway amongst them, spar'd no kind of good Entertainment, that he thought might win the Consul over to his Devotion: a man, who besides the addition of his Authority, was very considerable in his own Per­son, as being descended from one of the best Families in the City, and a man of great sagacity and valour. The morning of his en­terprize therefore being St. Laurence day, he going early, as it was usual, to give the Duke a Visit, was by him entertain'd with extraordinary civility; the Duke not suffering him to depart, till he had made him a promise to come again to Dinner: which the Consul, thinking by that means to have his access into the Castle more open, and free, for the effecting of his purpose, rea­dily engag'd himself to do: And in the mean time returning home, he found Souchet, and with him some dozen of the most resolute Fellows, and fiercest Leaguers of all the Town, got thither before him. These were to begin the work, and the others to the number of five and forty, or fifty, were lodg'd in the Houses near­est to the Castle, to be ready to second them, when they had gi­ven the first Assault. Neither were these all in the Conspiracy, for there were divers others dispos'd into the several Streets of the City to alarm the rest of the people (altogether ignorant of the Enterprize) by telling them that the Hugonots had taken the Ca­stle, by the Postern-gate that look'd into the Park, and to make them by this device run to their Arms to repel them.

[Page 88]Things being thus order'd, the Consul first entred the Castle, taking along with him Souchet Booted, and Spurr'd, as if he new­ly arriv'd from Court, with another in the same Equipage; and being come into the Hall, where he met with some of the inferi­our Servants, he of them enquir'd for the Duke, saying, He had there two Courriers to present to him, who brought him good news from Court. Whereupon the Servants who saw him every day with the Duke, and receiv'd with great Demonstrations of Favour, and Respect, made no difficulty to tell him, that he was in the Wardrobe: But whilst they were thus talking, six more of the Inhabitants, who were also of the Plot, were come in under pretense of paying their Service to the Duke, and to wait his coming out to present themselves: And all of them, both the Consul, and the rest, Arm'd under their Cloaks with Curasses, or Coats of Mail, short Swords, and Pistols.

The three first having pass'd through the Hall, and the next Chamber, without giving any suspicion, came into the Ward­robe, where they expected to find the Duke, who by good For­tune was just gone into his Closet, having taken in with him the Abbot d' Elbene, and the Sieur de l' Isle Marivault, two persons in whom of all others he repos'd the greatest Confidence; and where they were reading a Scandalous In wh [...]ch L [...]bel the Duke of Espernon was compa­red to Pierce Ga­veston, as I [...]an de Serres re­ports. Libel, publish'd to the King's dishonour, that had been sent the Duke that morning. The Conspirators, without taking notice who were in the Wardrobe, vigorously assaulted the first they met; and at their first entrance letting fly their Pistols, betook themselves to their Swords, crying out as loud as they could, Kill, Kill: At this noise the other six (who, dazled with the Cupboard of Plate in the Hall, had staid behind to pilfer) ran presently to their Fellows, and all together joyn'd in the Assault: The first that oppos'd their Fury in the Wardrobe, was Signior Raphael Girolami, a Florentine Gentlemen, and Sorlin the Duke's Chirurgion; the two Secretaries, who were also in the Chamber being for want of Arms able to make no resistance. But Sorlin drawing his Sword, gave the Consul a slight hurt in the Head; and Girolami on his side, having first mor­tally wounded three of the Assailants, was at last by a Pistol shot laid dead upon the place; so that he being dispatch'd, and Sorlin desperately wounded, the Consul and the rest of the Conspirators, had free access to the very door of the Closet, where they call'd out aloud to the Duke to yield, or otherwise he was dead.

The Duke had already at the first uproar, not knowing by whom he was assaulted, nor what security he might promise to himself from the assistance of his Domesticks, and Friends, Bar­ricado'd [Page 89] up the Door of his Closet, expecting a further light into this disorder; D' Elbene, and Marivault, who were both with him, having perswaded him so to do, and with-held him from going out, until he first understood the cause of this Tumult, which was yet utterly unknown. There were two Doors to this Closet, one at the further end of a little Gallery, which was open; but there was no way to the second, but through this Gallery, which being dark, and so narrow as only to admit one a breast, made the access to the inner Door very difficult, and dangerous: so that by this means the Duke, and those that were with him, had a conveniency of making some kind of resistance, till they might be better inform'd of the business. And I have heard the Duke say, when talking sometimes of this Mutiny, that in the heat of the Action, he remov'd with one hand, and with great facility, unwieldy Truncks, and Chests, to Barricado up the Door; which, after he had a little compos'd himself, and thought it neces­sary to go out, they could not scarce all three, with all their strength united, remove again to their places.

At the same time that the Assault began, the An Al [...]rm Bell, which it is the cu­stom in France to ring upon any T [...] ­mult, or In­surrection. Tocquesain rung throughout all the Churches in the City; at which Signal, the people ran on all sides to Arms, lodging themselves in the Houses nearest adjoyning to the Castle; mov'd so to do by the outcry of the Conspirators, dispers'd into the several quarters of the Town, that the Hugonots had possest themselves of the Castle.

In the mean time the Conspirators immediately appointed for this execution, and who were order'd to follow those already got in with the Consul, attempting to possess themselves of the Gate of the Castle, that they might let in the people, who came run­ning in Arms from all parts, were oppos'd by some of the Duke's Gentlemen, who were walking without in the base Court, to attend his going abroad; of which the chief were Ambleville, Beaure­paire, Sobole the elder, Lartigue, and some others. Neither was their Design prevented without fighting; for Beaurepaire being kill'd with the blow of an Halbert, and some of the Guards be­ing knock'd down by him, other of the Duke's Gentlemen, who were walking at a further distance from the Gate, perceiving what they were about, made all the haste they could, and came time enough to get in before the Gate was quite shut; amongst whom were the Count de Brienne, the Duke's Brother-in-law, Miran, Gohas, la Coste, and Des Emars.

All these Gentlemen being joyn'd together, and having with much ado shut the outward Gate, and left a sufficient Guard to de­fend it, ran up the Stairs to see what was become of the Duke; [Page 90] where meeting no body to enquire of, they believ'd him to be certainly dead, and all those that were with him: But after ha­ving a little recollected themselves from the astonishment so strange a solitude had begot in them, and having gathered toge­ther such other Gentlemen, and Souldiers, of the Duke's Guard, as they could find in the Castle, they resolv'd to set upon the Consul, and his Associates, and to that purpose made directly to­wards the Duke's Chamber, the only part of the House from whence any noise was to be heard.

The Conspirators seeing themselves alone, the Gate of the Castle shut, the Duke's Friends, and Servants got together, and united, and (which most of all perplex'd them) that the people could not force their entrance so soon as was requisite for their safety, would yet try by the same Door by which they had entred, to recover the principal Tower of the Castle, and to make that good, till they might be reliev'd from without: But the passage was so stoutly maintain'd by the Gentlemen, and those of the Guard, who were joyn'd to them, that the Consul being mortal­ly wounded, and some other of his Complices more slightly hurt, the ardour of their first resolution began apparently to cool, their Enemies being possest of the only pass, by which they were to expect a prompt, and necessary succour.

At this new uproar in the Wardrobe, the Duke having, amidst so great a confusion of voices, distinguish'd some of them to be his own people, sallied out of his Closset with the Abbot D' Elbene, and Marivalt; so that these sallying out with Sword, and Pistol, by the Door of the Closset, whilst the other Door towards the Hall was made good by the Duke's Friends, the Consul and his Complices found themselves beset on all sides; and seeing no hopes of safety by the way they had in vain, and with many wounds attempted to pass, they resolv'd to get out by a third Door of the same Wardrobe, which yet remain'd free, and that let by a back way to the forementioned Tower; and accord­ingly carrying off the wounded Consul with them, recover'd a little pair of stone Stairs, the only refuge was left them, and where they intended to defend themselves to the [...]ast man: nei­ther wanted they means so to do; for being all arm'd, which nei­ther the Duke nor any of his Followers were, and resolute Fel­lows, as they had sufficiently made it appear; and having only a narrow pair of Stairs to make good, they were not to be as­saulted, but with infinite hazard, in a place of so great advantage: which made the Duke resolve upon putting fire to the Stairs, to the end he might there, as it were besieg'd, keep them in.

[Page 91]Whilst these things were doing within the Castle, a Maid came running, and told the Duke, that the Consuls Brother, with a great number of armed Men, were upon entring by a hole they had made in the Wall, on that side next the Curtain; which made him immediately repair thither, as where his presence was most necessary, leaving only three of his Guard to make good the Stair-foot, where the Consul and his Confederates were, that they might attempt nothing in his absence. At his coming into the Court he found the Consul's Brother, and another with him, already enter'd the place, who both of them strove with in­credible valour, to make way for the rest: But the Duke having soon kill'd the first with his own hand, the other being no better handled by his Followers; and having left a sufficient Guard up­on the place, he ran presently to another Alarm, no less dange­rous, than this he had already taken so good order in: For the Conspirators without having (as we have said before) been able to force the great Gate, by reason of the vigorous resistance they had met there, were run to another little Postern, that no body dream'd of, with fire to burn it down; by which means, and by a petard they had also got to blow it open, they doubted not to force their entrance that way; but the Duke arriving opportune­ly upon the place, with some fifteen he had rallied together, after a dangerous, and obstinate Conflict, beat back the Assailants, and so fortified it for the future, that it was impossible for them after­wards to force that pass.

Whilst the Duke was thus busie without, those who were with the Consul upon the Stairs, seeing the passage now guarded by only the three Souldiers, who had been left to that purpose, at­tempted to make their way, and to escape, which they hop'd they might do whilst the Duke, and his Servants, were elsewhere employ'd, intending afterwards to force some of the Avenues (it being impossible they should be all well guarded, the Duke ha­ving so few about him) and to let in the rest of their Confede­rates to their succour: But the Duke, with marvellous diligence presenting himself in all places where there was any suspicion of danger, coming opportunely in, when they were already disputing it with his Guards; and having, by the death of one of the Inhabi­tants, whom he dispatch'd with his own hand, beaten back the rest, defeated them of all further hopes, of escaping out of his Power. In which encounter he ran an exceeding great hazard, for the Stairs upon which they fought having been already loosened in the Joynts by the heat of the fire, and moreover shaken by the agitation of the Comba [...]ants, could no longer support it self [Page 92] from falling down with a sudden ruine, the step whereon the Duke stood only remaining firm, who without so miraculous a fortune had certainly perish'd in the fall. Miran, a Gentleman of good understanding and great courage, told me some years ago this Story: in which as he had himself a particular share, so has he often assur'd me, that without the Duke's personal courage, great vigilancy, and noble resolution he did believe they had ne­ver escap'd that eminent peril; that in his life he never saw a man so constant in all kinds of danger; and that as they who had faithfully serv'd him in this occasion had doubtless deserv'd very well at his hands, so stood they no less oblig'd to him for their own preservation, than he to them for his, having done more to­wards it in his own single person, than almost all the rest, all their endeavours put together.

The Inhabitants, who had this while possest themselves of a House call'd the Queens Castle, separated only from that wherein the Duke was assaulted by a little Court, and of equal height with it, by powring continual shot in at the Windows, which were very large, and high, did not a little incommodate the Duke; another inconvenience to be provided against, as it speedily was, and (as that had already done for the other defects of the place) so well, that it was almost impossible by strength of hand to force him.

The toil, and bustle of this Action having been sudden, and violent, and the Fight almost unintermitted from the beginning, the Duke and those with him found themselves so weary, and their strength so abated, that to refresh themselves, and to reco­ver a little breath, the Duke call'd for something to drink; but upon examination there were but four Bottles of Wine, no Wa­ter at all, and very little, and that course Bread, to be found in all the Castle; neither was there any more to be hop'd for, the Inhabitants being as they were Masters of all the Kitchins, and other Offices, as also of a Well in the back Court, which could not possibly be recover'd from them, an irreparable, and unex­pected inconvenience to the Duke and his Followers, who saw themselves at once assaulted with Enemies, within, and without, and more violently with hunger, and thirst; two Enemies they could the worst defend themselves against; a condition in which they continued for two dayes, and one night, and wherein the Duke's constancy is no less to be admir'd, than in so gallantly defending himself against the violence of his armed Adversaries, the necessities of Nature being much harder to be contended with­al, than the most obstinate attempts of the most resolute Enemy.

[Page 93]Hitherto the Duke saw no signs of succour; Tagent his Cousin, and Lieutenant in that Government was at Xaintes, with the Troops, and the Cittadel, wherein he had a trusty Servant, had made no shew of standing for him, having not so much as made one Cannon, or Musquet shot against the City: For the Consul who was no less circumspect than valiant, having, when he first plotted the Design of this Enterprize, forgot nothing, that might any way contribute to the success, had cunningly drawn Bordes Governour of the Cittadel into the Town, under colour of some important Business he was to communicate to him, and had there seiz'd of his Person; so that at the same time the Duke was first assaulted in the Castle, they who had Bordes in custody, brought him before the Cittadel, and with a Dagger at his Throat commanded him to yield it up: but he scorn'd to do a thing so unworthy of himself in so great an exigency, and his Lieutenant remain'd also firm in his duty, though it be true that the regard he had to his Captains safety made him forbear to shoot, till the last extremity.

As if the Duke in so eminent a peril were not sufficiently dis­quieted with his own troubles, he had yet present before his eyes the danger to which the Dutchess his Lady was expos'd; who, being a little before the tumult began gone out of the Castle towards the Iacobins, to hear Mass, was seiz'd upon by the Inha­bitants, as she was retiring towards the Cittadel, the way to the Castle being shut up: Her two Gentlemen Ushers, the one call'd Piar, and the other Seguencio, bravely offer'd to make some resi­stance, but were both wounded to death, whilst they held her by the Arms; so that their Blood flew upon her Cloaths: Neither was the Dutchess alone arrested after this manner, many of the Dukes Gentlemen who were abroad in the Town, suspecting no­thing, being also taken prisoners; of which la Curée, since Camp-Master to the Light Horse of France, was one, with St. Mesme, Bleré, the Baron de Cose, de Ramel, and many others.

In these extremities, to which the Duke was reduc [...]d, he let a Footman by a Rope down the Castle-Wall, on that side towards the Park, to carry Tagent intelligence of the danger he was in: but the Fellow was no sooner down, than intercepted by the In­habitants, who had every where set Guards to that purpose: not­withstanding which, two of the Duke's Gentlemen, being gone early abroad a Hunting, and upon the noise of the Tocquesain they heard from the City, being return'd upon the spur up to the very Gra [...]e of the Cittadel, to know the meaning of it, were soon enform'd, and as soon turn'd full speed to carry Tagent the [Page 94] news, who by them receiv'd the first intimation of the Duke's danger.

Tagent, upon the arrival of these two Gentlemen, caus'd the Trumpets immediately to sound to Horse, and presently mount­ing with what Cavalry he had, arriv'd with all possible diligence at the Gates of Angoulesme: It was in a time when the Duke could hardly hold out any longer against hunger and thirst, which for two whole days he had sustain'd, without any kind of refresh­ment, that little provision before mentioned having been equal­ly divided amongst his Friends, the Duke disdaining to preserve his own life longer than he could also support so many brave per­sons, as so franckly expos'd themselves to all hazards for his safety.

The people had in the mean time continued their first Fury, in which they had been assisted, and advis'd by several Gentlemen of the Countrey, who took part with the League; whereof those of chief note were Meré, a man who was a particular Servant to the Duke of Guise, and who had been bred up in his Family; la Messeliere, Les-Bouchaux, de Mac­queville, and some others who were drawn into that Faction, by the specious pretense of Religion, a Colour by which most men of that time were pre-possess'd, and abus'd. These having inve­sted the Castle on all sides, had summon'd the Duke to Surren­der, with offers of free Quarter, and Bag, and Baggage to him, and his; a Summons to which the Duke had smartly reply'd, That he would rather choose to die, than to receive the least courtesie at their hands; and that he hop'd e're long to reduce them to such a straight, that they should be glad to receive conditions at his.

It should seem that in this occasion the Duke's Enemies would also give his Dutchess an opportunity wherein to manifest her ge­nerous Spirit, that she might share with her Husband in the Ho­nour of so handsome an Action; for having already found there was no good to be done upon the Castle by any violent means they could practise against it, they threatned the Dutchess, that unless she did perswade the Duke her Husband to make a speedy Surrender, they would make her serve for a Gabion before the place, whither they accordingly led her; such were the Comple­ments wherewith a Lady of her Birth, and Quality was enter­tain'd by these rude people: but she, without being mov'd with their threats, made answer to those who talk'd so impudently to her, That did the Duke her Husband's Resolution stand in need of in­couragement, she should her self desire to be presented before him, that she might fortifie him to persist in his defense: but that being altogether [Page 95] unnecessary, their menaces to her were much more impertinent; that nevertheless she could not but wonder, at their insolence, and that she durst venture to Prophesie, she should e're long make them repent it; and afterwards turning towards Meré, who of all others had been the most uncivil to her, she reproach'd him with his barbarous carriage, in so handsome Language, with so masculine a cou­rage, and so graceful an indignation, as if she had foreseen all the good success, that soon after hapned in this business, contrary to all humane expectation.

The enterprize of which we are now speaking had been carried on with that secresie, and had so surpriz'd the Duke, and his Fa­mily, that there were only eight of his Guards to be found in the Castle, when this business began, all the rest having been trapt in the Town; which small number were notwithstanding so conveniently dispos'd into places of most danger, and were so expert in the use of their fire Arms, that it was observ'd they never shot in vain; a dexterity that has since grown to such a ha­bit in all who have succeeded in that employment, that they have ever signaliz'd themselves by their Activity, and Valour, above all others upon all occasions, and by those qualities acquir'd so great a reputation; that the late King intending to raise a Troop of Dragoons (as he did) for the guard of his own person, did them the honour to choose six out of the Duke's company, to settle the Order, and Discipline of that Troop.

If the Duke were himself vigorously assaulted without, he no less importun'd the Consul, and his Complices within the Castle, who nevertheless defended themselves with great resolution; but seeing themselves press'd upon by the fire, that by little and little still encreas'd upon them; by hunger likewise, and the Sword, and finding themselves weakned by their wounds to the last ex­tremity, their Ring-leader at the point to die, and themselves out of all hopes of relief, they let one of their company by cloath cut into shreds, and tied together, down into the Castle Ditch, to acquaint the Sub-Consul, whose name was Corlieu, with the condition they were in; who presently assembling the people, and consulting with them about their Friends necessity, it was soon resolv'd upon, that they should come to Propositions of ac­commodation; in order to which the Sub-C [...]sul presented him­self before the Castle, and demanded a Conference; which be­ing granted, the Abbot D' Elbene, and Ambleville drew near to par­ley with him.

But before they could come to any conclusion, the Consul, and those with him being reduc'd to a final necessity, had surren­dred [Page 96] themselves upon the Duke's word; which notwithstanding he punctually observ'd to them without the least injury, or vio­lence (though the Consul died of his Wounds before the end of the Action) yet as soon as he had them in his power, he order'd them to write to those of the City, what danger their lives were in, should they any more offer to assault the Castle: A Policy that oblig'd their Relations so to importune the Sub-Consul to conclude the Treaty, that he again return'd to the Castle to in­treat the Duke, that Ambleville, and D' Elbene might come into the City to Treat with them, which Ambleville absolutely refus'd to do; it being, as he conceiv'd, inconsistent with his Honour, to abandon the Duke in a time of so great danger: So that the Abbot (sufficient Hostages being first deliver'd in for his security) was fain to go out alone, and was immediately conducted to the Town-Hall.

The Abbot had by his dexterity brought things to so good a forwardness, that the Accommodation was upon the point to be concluded, to the Duke's Honour, and satisfaction, when le Meré, who would by no means lose so fair an opportunity of sacrificing the Duke, to his Master the Duke of Guise's hatred, broke off the Treaty, by promising the people a speedy, and infallible suc­cour from the Vicount D' Aubeterre; who (as he said) having re­ceiv'd express Orders from the King, was with all possible dili­gence coming in to their assistance.

The Abbot then must return to the Castle, which he did, not without some danger; so high was the insolence of the people rais'd by this little beam of hope, though false, and impos'd up­on them. Every one now ran again to his Arms, which they em­ploy'd with greater violence than before; the Drums, the Tocque­sain, and the clamours of the Seditious rabble, indifferently com­pelling, as well the Nobility, and Gentry, as the Commons, as well those who were averse to the League, as the Leaguers them­selves to joyn in the common mischief. The hop'd by a Petard which they intended to apply to a part of the Castle-Wall, they knew to be very weak, to make a sufficient breach to enter at; which accordingly playing, and having wrought some effect, the Gentry, and the people presented themselves with great courage to the Assault; bu [...]hey found greater in the Defendants, who, though very few in comparison of the Assailants, after a long dis­pute, forc'd them to retire, with the loss of a great many very re­solute men.

The next day about three of the clock in the morning, the In­habitants heard the Trumpets of the Duke's Cavalry, who were [Page 97] led by the Sieur de Tagent to his Relief; the report of whose ar­rival having put life into the Commanders and Souldiers of the Cittadel, they began to shoot against the City, which till then they had never done: And if the arrival of this succour encouraged the one party, it no less coold the fury, and obstinacy of the other; who now began submissively to sue for a conclusion of the Treaty, which they had so insolently broken off the day before, and sent again to entreat that the Abbot D' Elbene might once more come out to that purpose; a request the Duke made then some diffi­culty to grant, though in truth he had the greatest reason to desire it.

The Abbot nevertheless went out the second time into the Ci­ty, but as vainly as before; for the Baron de Touverae, with many other Gentlemen of the League being arriv'd, and amongst others La-Caze, Quarter-Master to the Vicount D' Aubeterre's Company of Cuirassiers, put new vigour into the Inhabitants; La-Caze as­suring them, that the next morning the Vicount would infalli­bly come to their succour, with three hundred Horse, and five hundred Foot; by which the Citizens being re-assur'd, they now breath'd nothing but War, the common people being ever as for­ward to entertain rash and giddy resolutions, as they are usually backwards, and cowardly in the execution of them.

The Abbot was therefore again to recover the Castle, and that with greater danger than before, being first carried to the Gates of the Cittadel, and there constrain'd with a Dagger at his Throat, to forbid the Souldiers from shooting any more against the City, which nevertheless they did not forbear to do: The Duke (press'd upon now more than ever by those of the City) having found means, from the high Tower of the Castle, to give a sign to the Commanders of the Cittadel, who might easily see it, to shoot con­tinually, so to divert the fury of the Enemy, that so violently as­saulted him; a Command so well understood, and so readily obey'd, that the confusion was now far greater in all parts of the City, than hitherto it had ever been. Neither had it ceased so soon, had not the Sieur de Nesmond, chief Justice of the place, a man of great authority amongst them, and no less considerable for his quality, than his Employment, with such of the principal Magistrates, as had not consented to this tumult, resolv'd to joyn all their interests together to put an end to the business.

To that purpose therefore they assembled at the Bishops Palace. This Prelate Charles de Bony by name, an Italian by birth, having long govern'd that Diocess with great reputation of Vertue, and Piety, could not without infinite sorrow behold these confusions, [Page 98] though authoriz'd by the League, and palliated with the pretext of Religion; so that in this Assembly, he, the Magistrates, and some well dispos'd Citizens, having consider'd the peril the Ci­ty was in, as also their own particular danger, who were likely to be involv'd in the common ruine, uniting themselves against the seditious, with some Gentlemen of Quality of the Country (who being come in at the noise of this disorder, had stood neu­ters during the whole Action) sent two of the most eminent amongst them to the Duke, to entreat him, that he would please to consent that the Capitulation, which had been agreed upon the day before with the Abbot D' Elbene, might be Sign'd, and Ra­ [...]ified by Tagent, who was with his Cavalry in the Suburbs; a request was readily granted by the Duke, who was now no longer in a condition, had he been so dispos'd, to refuse it.

It had now been above forty hours since the Duke, or any of those who were with him in the Castle had either drank, or eaten; their powder was all spent, the men for the most part wounded, and those who were not, so worn out with watch­ing, fasting, and continual labour, that it was their courage on­ly that did support them; a support that would soon have fail'd them, with their lives, had the Besiegers known their necessities, which were such as flesh and blood could no longer endure: But God, who reserv'd the Duke for better occasions, was pleas'd to deprive them of that knowledge, and so to order things, that the impatience of two short hours deliver'd him from that emi­nent, and apparent danger. The Abbot D' Elbene therefore went out the third, and last time into the City; and, together with the Inhabitants repair'd to Tagent; who, to the Duke's great astonishment had all this while stood an idle Spectator, without once endeavouring to enter the Town to his succour: 'Tis true, he sign'd the Capitulation, which was all the share he had in this business: But the Articles were no sooner Sign'd, than they immediately fell to breaking down the Barricadoes, the people retir'd every one to their own Houses, and the Dutchess of Espernon was conducted to the Castle by the aforesaid Abbot. Where being come, The end of the Action. after she had given the Duke her Husband some tender, and affectionate testimonies of joy for his delive­rance; the first thing she did, in return of the barbarous usage she had receiv'd, was to mediate their Pardons, by whom she had been so ill us'd, with the Duke; who, though he had me­ditated a severe Revenge upon them, who had committed so great an outrage against him, was notwithstanding content to sur­render his Animosities to the generous intercession of this Ver­tuous [Page 99] Lady. He moreover set those he had taken Prisoners with the Consul at Liberty, consented that Meré, with the other Gen­tlemen of his Party, should retire to their own Houses, giving them a Convoy of Light Horse for their defense; and by a no­table effect of Generosity, and good Nature, having restor'd the dead Bodies of the Consul, and his Brother to their Relations, and Friends, he permitted them to be buried with publick Ob­sequies.

Lastly, he so franckly pardon'd all the rest of the Citizens, that not any one of them, who would afterwards live in Peace, could ever perceive in him the least memory of any former un­kindness; but on the contrary, receiv'd from him all the good Offices, and gentle Usage they could expect from a man, they had never offended: by which exceeding Clemency, and by the protection both the City and Country receiv'd from him, for the space of fifty years, which he afterwards held that Govern­ment, he so won the hearts of that people, that there was not one of them who would not chearfully have ventur'd Life, and Fortune for his Service, and who have not, to this hour, his me­mory in great Veneration, as the Father, Protector, and Restorer of their Country.

The King of Navarre, The King of N [...]varre endeavours to draw the Duke over to his Party. who was ever so intent upon his own Affairs, as to let no occasion slip, that he conceiv'd might any way serve to advance them; foreseeing that after the Assembly which was to be holden at Blois, he should certainly have all the Forces both of the King, and the League bent joynt­ly against him, had not fail'd to send to the Duke upon his retire­ment from Court, (a time very proper to have taken his Re­sentments in the heat, had he been a Male-content) with offers of as high, and honourable conditions, as he himself could pos­sibly have propos'd, if he would joyn with him. To which the Duke equally firm in his Religion, and Loyalty, made answer, that he did beseech his Majesty to reflect upon the infinite obli­gations he had to the King his Master; and then he did assure himself, that his own generosity, would for ever condemn him of ingratitude, The Duke excuses himself. should he abandon his Service for any persecution his Enemies could practice against him: After which, and many humble, and respective thanks for his gracious offer, he gave him plainly, and freely to understand, that he would rather pe­rish; than to live oblig'd to any other for his protection, than to him who was the sole Author of his Fortune.

But this Prince not checking, at this first refusal, would yet try if in the business of Angoulesme, by his own Actions, and [Page 100] Presence, he could not work more effectually upon the Duke, than by the mediation of Agents, he had hitherto done; and to that purpose, being advertis'd of this enterprize (though at a time when he was upon the point to fall upon the City, and Ca­stle of Clisson, in the lower Poictou, very considerable places, and which in all apparence he was likely to carry) he nevertheless gave over the Design, to come to the Duke's Relief: A delibe­ration that some have believ'd, was not so much intended to re­scue the Duke from the danger he was in, as to make use of that occasion, in the Confusion the City then was, to seize upon it to his own use, and to reduce so considerable a place into the hands of his own Party: But whatever his Design was, he met intelligence by the way, that the Duke had already disingag'd himself from his Enemies, and was settled in a posture of safety: by which though he found he should come too late to do the Duke any Service, unwilling nevertheless to lose the thanks of his good intention, The King of Navarre tries again to perswade the Duke, but in vain. he sent to congratulate with him for his hap­py Deliverance, which he said was so much the more glorious to him, as it was wrought out of himself, and effected by his own Valour, and Constancy; advising him withal to consider how many of the like attempts he was to expect from his Enemies ma­lice; withal once more offering to joyn his Interests with his, and to run the same Fortune with him in all hazards. But the Duke answering still with the same civility, and respect he had done before, without suffering himself to be tempted from the duty he ow'd to the King his Master, continued constant in his Resolution, never to take part with any, who were his open and declared Enemies.

In this place methinks the Duke of Espernon is chiefly to be consider'd, to make thence a right judgment of the greatness and constancy of his mind: He had scarce been seven years a Favou­rite, when he saw the prodigious Engine of the League ready to fall upon him; a body so formidable, and so great, as having al­ready constrain'd the King himself to bow before it, made all those of the Reformed Religion to tremble at its motion; no Authority was able to stop it, no Power to resist it, yet could it never startle this young Dukes constancy: But on the contrary, though he saw himself forsaken by the King, and expos'd to the malice of his Enemies; though he saw the people, in his own Go­vernments, rais'd in mutiny against him, and all things as it were conspiring together to his Ruine; yet could he not even in these extremities ever submit to the King of Navarre's Protecti­on, though offer'd, and so handsomely offered to him: but [Page 101] though alone in his own Quarrel, at least without other assi­stance than of his Friends and Servants, he had yet the courage to defend his own Interests, and the Service of his Prince, even against his Prince himself, who was now become General of his own Enemies; Yet had he ever so excellent a Government over himself, as to do nothing contrary to his Conscience, or his Duty: So that not being to be mov'd either by the Menaces of the League, or by the Hopes he might reasonably conceive from the assistance of those of the Reform'd Religion, he subdu'd those two Passions that exercise the most absolute Empire over the minds of men, and that bear the greatest sway in all Humane Designs.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Third Book.

WHilst the Dukes Enemies exercis'd his Vertue with these continual troubles, The Affairs of the Court du­ring the Duke's ab­sence. they were themselves no less afflicted with their own Ambition. The Assembly of the Estates was held at Blo [...]s, where all things in outward shew were dispos'd in fa­vour of the Duke of Guise: but still as he ap­proach'd nearer to his Object, the greater the height, and the more difficult the access unto the place, to which he aspir'd, ap­pear'd unto him: That one remaining step he was to climb, to reach the height of his desires, seeming to rise still further from him, as oft as he attempted to gain it. So that tir'd out with so many present difficulties, and apprehending yet more those which were to come, The Duke of Guise in suspense, whether or no he should pur­sue his De­signs. 'tis said he was often almost resolv'd to leave off his Designs, and to rely upon the King's Word, that had so often assur'd him the enjoyment of his present greatness, wherein al­so he doubted not without any great difficulty to maintain him­self. The Duke of Mayenne, either jealous (as some have thought) of his Brothers Greatness, or else of a more moderate [Page 104] temper, than the rest of his Family, had often advis'd him to this Resolution; but the Cardinal their Brother, and the Arch­bishop of Lyons, were the Incendiaries, that rekindled his dying Ambition, and that hurried him on to that precipice, into which they themselves at last fell with him: ‘They represented to him by what infinite labours, and industry they had plac'd him in that height to which he was already arriv'd; That if he ever had resolv'd there to limit his desires, and to content himself with a competent Fortune, he ought never to have undertaken those pains, nor to have undergone those dangers he had so gloriously, and so fortunately overcome; That the merit of his Ancestors had left him greatness enough to satisfie an ordinary Ambition: but that if he ever had the thought of rising above them, as doubtless he had, the way was open to him, and that he had already overcome the greatest difficulties: That the grea­ter part of France stood for him, and that almost all Foreign Princes, and States were favourable to him: That God him­self seem'd to take his part, by giving him a negligent and vo­luptuous Prince; whose nature being softned, and unnerv'd by ease, and sloth, had laid him open to his Designs: That it was an easie matter in the condition himself then was, to make him sure: That not suddenly to do it, it was to be fear'd the King might recover from his Lethargy; and, looking into himself, might re-assume his former vigour, and recover his almost lost Authori [...]y: That the very fear the King then liv'd in, ought to be highly suspected to him: That no Counsels were so violent and dangerous, as those that proceeded from apprehension, or extream necessity: That he infinitely deceiv'd himself, if he thought there could be any safety for him (what promises soever the King might make) in that height to which he had already rais'd himself: That the Fortune of a Subject was never more unstable, and unsafe, than when it rendred him suspected to his Prince: That he must boldly therefore step out of the qua­lity of a Subject, if he would be out of the danger of a Sove­reign. They further remonstrated to him what Opinion all Eu­rope, who were joyn'd together in his Favour, what all good Frenchmen, who were passionate in his cause, what all posterity (to which he ought to have a greater regard, than to the pre­sent) could have of his courage; if the Duke of Guise only should think himself unworthy of that Dignity, to which all the world besides so passionately wish'd he might arrive: That he ought then boldly to end, what he had so generously begun, and so gloriously pursu'd; and that though death it self should [Page 105] follow (which was not in the least to be doubted) it were not­withstanding more honourable to perish in so brave a Design, than to survive the shame of not daring to perform it.’

The Duke of Guise, The Duke of Guise confirm'd [...]n his first resolutions. whose ambitious and unquiet Spirit was apt enough to take fire at such Counsels, as these haughty, and mutinous Prelates were fit to give, was soon perswaded to renew his former practice; and, as if he had only suspended the prosecution of his Designs to take a little breath, that he might fall on with greater violence, he presently sent new dispatches to Rome, and into Spain, still more and more to fortifie himself in the Authority of the one, and Strength of the other, assuring fur­ther to himself at the same time, either by promises, or threats, by himself or by his Adherents, almost all the suffrages of the se­veral Deputies of the Assembly: which the King, to whom all these practices were very well known, being enform'd of▪ and then seeing the manifest danger he was in of losing both his Au­thority, and his Crown, The King resolves up­on his death he determined to prevent the Duke by Counsels as severe and bloody, as his own were rash and muti­nous, and to cut him off before he should have time to effect what he had so politickly, and so dangerously design'd [...] A reso­lution which, [...]eing soon agreed upon with some of the Nobility, his Majesty knew most faithful to him, had the execution of it without further delay committed to eight of the five and forty. These five and forty were all of them Gentlemen of approved Valour, and for whose fidelity they who had recommended them to the King, stood themselves engag'd; so that of this Company (to which the number had given the name) his Majesty made his most assured Guard (the greatest part of his Domesticks being become suspected to him) and as it were wholly entrusted the safe­ty of his Person to their Fidelity, and care: They attended him where-ever he went, they nightly kept Guard in his Anti-Cham­ber; and (as nothing is so powerful as benefits to win the hearts, and affections of men) there was not one of them, who, besides his Salary of an hundred Crowns of Gold a month (which was very much in those times) had not over and above either receiv'd, or had not very good reason to expect, great recompen­ses from his Royal bounty: So that these men being absolutely ty'd to all his Majesties Interests, it was no hard matter to induce them to make an attempt upon the Person of the Duke of Guise, against whom the King had conceiv'd a violent, and implacable Hatred. I shall here say nothing of the manner and circumstances of the Death of this Duke, nor of that of the Cardinal of Guise his Brother, who at the same time came to the same violent end, [Page 106] most of our Historians being particular in that Relation: but I can bear testimony that the Duke of Espernon did neither then, nor ever since approve of that execution; and that although he had receiv'd very hard measure from the Duke in his life, he notwith­standing had his great qualities in high esteem after his death. And indeed he had so often, and so generously employ'd those rare Endowments for the safety and honour of the Kingdom, that his Vertue could never have been too highly commended, could he have added the qualities of a good Subject, to those other ex­cellencies which rendred him one of the greatest men of his time.

A little before the Duke of Guise's death, the King had dismist from Court the High Chancellor Chiverny, and the [...]ieures de Be­lievre, and de Villeroy, Secretaries of State, upon considerations that were then variously interpreted; though the King would have the Duke of Espernon believe, that the chief cause of Moun­sieur de Villeroy's disgrace was the business of Angoulesme, which his Majesty wholly laid to his charge; New Mini­sters chosen after the Duke of Guise's Death. and that the Duke might the better be confirm'd in this opinion, the Sieur de Révol, a parti­cular creature of the Dukes, one that was, under him, Comptrol­ler of the Exchequer of Provence, and that had no interest at Court saving his Protection, was receiv'd into his Place.

His Majesty had no sooner absolutely determin'd the Duke of Guise's Ruine, than that foreseeing the consequences so bloody an execution was likely to draw after it, he dispatch'd away Colonel Alphonso Corso, afterwards Mareschal d'Ornano, to seize upon the Duke of Mayen [...]e at Lyons, where he then resided; which, if it could have been in time effected, his Majesty had in all apparence been secur'd from the greatest part of those mischiefs which this action afterwards produc'd: but the Duke, having receiv'd the news of his Brothers Deaths some hours before Alphonso's arrival, was already in great diligence got to Horse, and fled out at one Gate of the City as Ornano entred at another to surprize him, and by that means first recovered Dijon, and afterwards Paris, with­out any impediment: Where he was no sooner arriv'd, than that laying aside that moderation he had euer manifested, during his Brother's Life, he declar'd himself Head of that Party, he had ever till then, to his great Reputation, seem'd to condemn; and draw­ing together all the Forces of the League that lay scatter'd up and down in several places, he of them, without stirring from Paris, made a very considerable Army.

His Majesty easily judg'd that this storm would suddenly break upon him, and fail'd not, out of that foresight, to call all his principal Servants about him, which nevertheless made up but an [Page 107] inconsiderable Body, and such as could no ways secure him from any attempt of the Enemy: So that he was advis'd to send once more to the King of Navarre, to intreat him to advance with his Troops to his succour, which notwithstanding the King not be­ing able to perswade himself to do, (his regard to Religion, and the [...] he bore to the Pope, opposing that Council) he only at that time sent Orders to the Duke of Espernon, who had then a considerable Force on Foot to come over to him; though after­wards, and after many deliberations, being also dispos'd to call in the King of Navar [...]e, he sent to the Duke, that before he put himself upon his march, he should first go to this Prince, to make the first overtures of this business to him. The Sieur de Beaujeu was purposely dispatch'd to the Duke with these Orders, which were no sooner receiv'd by him, than he departed from An­goulesme to go to St, Iean d' Angely, where the King of Navarre then was; and where having found him well dispos'd, and very ready to do his Majesty the Service he desired of his Person, and Faction, he immediately made himself ready to go to the King; The Duke call'd back to Court. who, seeing his Enemies now ready to fall upon him, had sent a new, and instant Express to the Duke in all haste to come, and joyn with him: which express Order to satisfie with the greatest diligence, he rather chose to leave the Negotiation he had already so successfully begun with the King of Navarre, to the Dutchess of Angoulesme (who soon after brought it to effect) than one moment to defer his attendance on his Master in so critical a time, and on so urgent an occasion.

All these great transactions hapned at Court, Anno 1589. after the Duke of Espernon had retir'd himself from thence into his Governments. Neither was he in his retirement, or in his choice of the place he retir'd unto, either unactive in himself, or in a Scene improper for his Majesties Service; for he was no sooner disingag'd from the enterprize of Angoulesme, but that he put himself immediately in­to a condition to awe many of his ill Neighbours in the adjoyn­ing Provinces, so as either to continue them in, or to make them return unto their duty: Some acti­ons of the Duke du­ring his re­tirement. For which purpose having increas'd his Forces, the first occasion he had to employ them was against those of the Religion; who having be [...]ieg'd Periguex, and upon the point to make themselves Masters of the place, at the Duke's ap­proach rais'd the Siege in great disorder, and retir'd not without some considerable loss.

The Duke was after this preparing himself for greater enter­prizes, when Beaujeu brought him those foremention'd Orders from the King; by whom having understood the great prepa­rations [Page 108] the Duke of Mayenne made to come first to Blois, and from thence to Tou [...]s, whither the King had then retir'd himself; and knowing his Majesty almost naked of all defense, and as it were, expos'd to the violence of his Enemies, he thought it ne­cessary upon the instant to move with all his Forces that way, and at the same time by a Gentleman to give his Majesty notice of his motion, that he might receive his Majesties Commands upon the way: By which Gentleman the King sent him presently word, that the most important service he could then do him, was to put himself into Blois. For the Duke of Mayenne having resolv'd to make his first attempt upon that place, either by the ruine of the Castle to revenge in part the death of his two Brothers, who there last their lives; or to make that City (which by its vicinity to Tours, was very proper to watch all advantages against the King) his seat of War; his Majesty conceiv'd there would be little security for him in Tours, should his Enemy possess himself of that Post, and had therefore bent all his care, and endeavour to preserve it out of the power of the League.

His Majesty would have put the Mareschal de Biron into that place, and afterwards, he having excus'd himself, the Mareschal d' Aumont; but both the one, and the other having refus'd the dan­ger of defending, and with unequal Forces, a place, that being in it self open on all sides, was not well to be defended, and that was to expect the first fury of the League to be bent against it, his Majesty turn'd his thoughts towards the Duke of Espernon; and knowing that the difficulty of the undertaking would be no little motive to make the Duke embrace it, his Majesty sent him word, that the Mareschals de Biron, and d' Aumont had both of them already excus'd themselves from that Employment; and that he only remain'd, from whose Valour and Fidelity he could pro­mise to himself so signal, and so honourable a Service in so diffi­cult an undertaking, and in so dangerous a time; that the defense of that City was of pressing, and immediate concern; but that withal he should be infinitely glad to see him, and that he there­fore left it to his own free choice, and judgment, either to come immediately to him, or to defer giving him that satisfaction, till the occasion, which at present call'd him another way, should be past, The D [...]ke's Forces. and blown over. The Duke had then in his Army four thou­sand and five hundred Foot, five hundred Light Horse, and three hundred Harquebusiers on Horse-back, besides other Levies he had order'd should be made in the Country, which accordingly soon after came to him; of which he detain'd three thousand Foot, with a proportion of Horse for the defense of Blois, and [Page 109] the rest he sent away to the King under the command of Moncas­sin and [...] Curé [...]; from which Forces his Majesty receiv'd no little assistance in the occasion that soon after hapned before Tours.

The Duke in the mean time, according to the King's Order, took his way towards Blois, and interpreting the Liberty his Majesty had so freely given him, (either presently to repair to Court, or to defer it [...] a fitter season) as he ought to do; he conceiv'd [...] by his duty, [...] rather to deprive himself of that present Honour, and Satisfaction, than any ways to neg­lect that Service was expected from him. Advancing therefore with all diligence, and his way lying through Amboise, where the Arch-Bishop of Lyons had been detain'd Prisoner, A generous act of the Duke. ever since the death of the Guises; he (although the Bishop was his capital Enemy, and a man from whom of all others he had receiv'd the most sensible injuries) would nevertheless go give him a visit in the Castle. The sad estate, and present condition of this Prelate, had so far reconcil'd the Duke unto him, that in return of all for­mer injuries, after he had some time entertain'd him with some consolatory Expressions, as towards his present Fortune; he after­wards made him a promise, as soon as ever he should see the King, to labour with all his Industry, and Interest, for his En­largement; as after he did, it being one of the first Requests he made, and obtain'd, after his return to Cou [...]t.

From thence, having recover'd Blois, he presently fell to for­tifying the place, and in few days put it into so good a posture of Defense, that it would be no easie matter to force it. He also put into St. [...], a little Town upon the Road, betwixt that, and Paris, the Count de Brienne, his Brother-in-law, and the Sieur d' Ambleville, with eight hundred Men, the most part Horse; which he did, not so much out of design to keep that place, which he knew was not to be defended, as for some few days to stop the progress of the Duke of Mayenne, and by that means to give the King some leisure to fortifie himself: A design that succeeded accordingly; for the Duke of Mayenne not being able to carry this place by assault, and obstinate in the taking of it, having staid to lay a formal Siege, D' Avila [...] although he took it in the end, and in it the Count de Brienne, Ambleville, and some other Gentlemen upon composition; yet having lost four days time in the Action, he gave so much respite to the King, who had very great need of it, to prepare himself. This block in the Duke of Mayen [...]e's way, was perhaps none of the least things that concurr'd to the preser­vation of the Royal Affairs: but whether it were or no, the Duke [Page 110] was however infinitely condemn'd for having so wilfully set him­self upon an Enterprize of so little moment, in a time when no­thing could be so advantageous as diligence to the execution of his Designs.

The Duke of Mayenne, measuring by this first Essay the oppo­sition he was likely to meet withal from the Duke of Espernon at Blois, alter'd his design of attempting that place, and resolv'd without further delay to turn the torrent of his Arms upon the King himself, and against the City of Tours, where his Majesty then resided.

The King of Navarre had joyn'd himself with his Majesty but the day before, and had with his men taken up his Quarter in one of the Suburbs of the City; whom his Majesty being gone to visit in his Quarters, and walking with him abroad, the ear­nestness of their discourse had unawares drawn them so far out of the Suburbs, that the Avant Coureurs of the Duke of Mayenne's Army mist very little of surprizing them both, and consequent­ly of making an end of the War, almost as soon as begun: but the two Kings notwithstanding being happily retir'd within their strength, the Skirmish grew hot on both sides, and then it was that the Duke of Espernon's Troops signalized themselves. For Moncassin long, M [...]sieur [...] Tho [...]. and bravely defending himself in the very face, and against the first fury of the Enemy, was there wounded in the presence of the King, who was himself Spectator of the Fight; and who, during all which with a constancy far from any shew of that effeminacy his Enemies had so often laid to his charge, him­self gave the whole direction, and continued in the danger till the end of the Action.

The Duke of Mayenne being frustrated in his Design upon Blois, and baffled before Tours, principally through the Duke's opposition, and that of his Forces, seeing nothing was now to be effected, resolv'd to retire without attempting any thing fur­ther at that time; upon which retreat hapned the total dissoluti­on of his Army: whereas on the contrary, the Duke of Esper­non's Forces grew still greater in strength, and reputation; who having lately receiv'd a recruit of fifteen hundred foot, and three hundred Dragoons, The Duke re-inforc'd by new Sup­plies. the Royal Army receiv'd a greater increase from those Regiments he had brought over to the service, than from any other whatsoever. The King of Navarre had not yet had leisure to draw his Forces together, they being dispers'd into several parts, as was most convenient for the preservation of such places as were in the possession of the Hugonot Party; by which it may easily be imagin'd, the King could have no very considerable [Page 111] Army; yet was it necessary to make use of the disorder the Lea­guers were then in, which oblig'd the King upon great probabi­lities, and almost assurance of signal advantages to be reap'd by it, to resolve upon leaving [...]ours; and to make directly for Paris. In this March the King of Navarre commanded the Vant-Guard of the Army, The Com­mand of the Rear-guard reserv'd for the D [...]ke of Espernon. and his Majesty himself the main Battel, reserving the command of the Rear for the Duke of Espernon, and that in the very face of the Mareschals de Biron, and d' Aumont, and of all the other Nobility who were then about his Person.

It was at this time that the Duke came up to the King, The Duke's arrival at the Army, and his fa­vourable reception. by whom he was receiv'd with all the honour, and kindness he could expect from his Majesties old Affection to him, now newly re­viv'd by the important Services he had so lately receiv'd from his Fidelity, and Valour: And then it was that his Majesty, never thinking he could sufficiently evidence the esteem he had for him, endeavour'd (till better times should render him capable of a bet­ter acknowledgement) principally to satisfie him concerning all things that had past during his absence from Court, receiving him into a degree of greater Privacy, and trust, than he had ever been in, in his highest pitch of Favour.

The Duke, that he might make a grateful return to those infi­nite testimonies he receiv'd of the King his Masters great affection to him, sought on his part all occasions to please him in all things; and knowing very well he could not give him a greater, nor a more signal satisfaction, than to reconcile himself to the Mares­chal d' Aumont, a man very acceptable to, and in great esteem with his Majesty, but who had long been upon ill terms with the Duke; he went one day franckly to his Lodging, and without regarding the formalities usual in such Accommodations, there made him offers of Reconciliation, and Friendship; the greatest violence imaginable to his own nature, of it self not easie to be reconciled (an humour in which he has ever since persisted, but too obstinately for the advantage of his own Affairs) but the de­sire he had to gratifie the King his Master overcame that diffi­culty, M [...]unsi [...] de [...]. whose great Interest it was, that those few Servants, who continued about his Person, and were faithful to him, should live in perfect intelligence with one another. The Duke there­fore having embrac'd the Mareschal, told him, ‘That he was come with all freedom, and candour, to desire his Friendship, as also to make him a tender of his; that the evil intelligence they had so long liv'd in could not but be prejudicial to his Ma­jesties Service, which they both so zealously desired to pro­mote; That there had no o [...]ense past betwixt them, wherein [Page 112] their Honours could be any ways concern'd; that if notwith­standing he had entertain'd some little discontents, he desir'd him to forget them; as for his part, and that sincerely, he would blot out all memory of his.’ The Mareschal, overcome by this generous, and unexpected freedom, as readily met the Duke in his courtesie, like a true Frenchman, laying open his bosom to the reconciliation with more sincerity, and affection than ever: Whereupon they both of them went immediately to the King, who was not a little pleas'd at an Accommodation so important to his Service; and having been particularly inform'd of the Duke's manner of proceeding, gave it the favourable interpreta­tion due to so noble an Action; so that still more, and more en­creasing the esteem, and kindness he had for him, he made it so highly, He enters into higher favour than ever. and so publickly appear, as gave D'Avila occasion to say, he was re-establish'd in the highest degree of Favour he had ever been, as it was effectually true, whatever D' Aubigné is pleas'd to write to the contrary.

The same D' Aubigné, a man very perfect in calumny, and with which he continually bespatters all the King's Actions, con­trary to the truth known and receiv'd by all the world, says fur­ther, That they had much ado to prevail with the King to march his Army out of Tours towards Paris; that the King of Navarre was forc'd to use all manner of perswasion, and even a certain kind of violence to bring him to it: but besides that all our Hi­storians are contrary to him in this, the King was observ'd after the death of the Duke of Guise, to be so vigorous in all his acti­ons, The King's generous Resolution. that at Court they would ordinarily say, he had now re-as­sum'd that Lions Courage, he had for some years supprest. His whole discourse was nothing, but of reigning with Authority, and of chastising such as would not acknowledge him in their obe­dience, which his actions likewise confirm'd. In the attempt up­on the Suburbs of Tours, Mounsieur de Thou (as being continually with the King, and particularly all that day) gives this testimony, That although in this occasion, which was very hot, his Majesty was surpriz'd in his Doublet only, he nevertheless gave orders with so much assurance, and gave so evident proofs of Valour and Constancy in so great a danger, that the whole Army took it for a happy Omen, and every man by his Example fortified himself with Courage and Resolution. In fine (whatever men may say of this Prince) 'tis most certain, that a Martial Disposition go­vern'd in him, as he had sufficiently made it appear in his Youth, when he was meerly led by his own natural inclination: but it is likewise true, that being come to the Crown, and having learn'd [Page 113] by the miseries of War, that Peace is the greatest good with which a Prince can gratifie his people; he endeavour'd by all means (and doubtless too industriously) to establish that happy Govern­ment in his Kingdom. To this end were all his Politicks (which as I have said) he made his ordinary, and regular study directed: but at last incens'd at the ill success of so good a Design, he abso­lutely resolv'd upon the taking Arms, never to lay them down, till he had re-establish'd his Authority, and that in the highest degree any of his Predecessors had ever done.

With this resolution then he departed from Tours in the begin­ning of May, 1589. The King marches from Tours to Paris. The first Town upon his way that stood for the League was Gergeau, and this little Town had the confidence to shut their Gates against the Royal Army: So much were mens minds infatuated with zeal to their Faction. The Duke of Esper­non was order'd to go before to block up this place, and to cast up the first earth against it, which he accordingly did; and the whole Army being a few days after come up to the Siege, the King of Navarre advanc'd as far as the Trenches, to see what progress they had made: A Prince whose Valour and Bravery were so general­ly known, as that his Reputation was universally receiv'd, and establish'd in the opinion of all: But the Duke, who till this time had never had the honour to be near him in any occasion of this kind, would now let him see that he also was no Novice in matters of Warre: 'Tis true, he might have chosen a fitter oppor­tunity of giving the King a testimony of his own Valour, with­out exposing his Person to so great a danger; but the heat of Youth transported him: and I have heard him discoursing of this Action, and (alwayes accusing his own indiscretion) magni­fie to the highest degree, the King of Navarre's courage, which appear'd in great lustre upon this occasion. D' Aubigné, who was himself then present, gives this Relation of it; and I shall make use of his own words, being in this case not much to be suspected, since every body knows he was never very partial to the Duke. ‘ The King of Navarre (says he) being gone to visit the Duke of Es­pernon's Trenches, the Duke shewing him-what he had done, leads him through the middle of the space betwixt the Trenches, and the Town, in his Doublet only, and that so unconcern'd, and so open to the Enemies view, that Houeilles the Duke's Cousin, and Camp­Master, as also another of his people fell dead at their feet; when ha­ving gain'd a Guard commanded by Belangreuille, they came out on the back side of that, and pass'd within forty paces of the Courtine which play'd upon them all the while, and laid two men more dead up­on the place. The King of Navarre, and the Duke having at last [Page 114] gain'd the blind of a Garden Door. Frontenack, and another (which other must be D' Aubigné himself, who was Gentleman of the Horse to the King of Navarre) earnestly solicited the Duke to retire, which he was about to do by a way, perhaps likely to engage them in more danger than before, when the King of Navarre staid him by the Col­lar of his Doublet.’ This is that he says: but he adds after a thing wherein he is not so good a testimony, as of the first, and which is not so true, viz. that the King being enform'd of this Action, spoke highly against the Duke, and in terms that no­thing tasted of Favour, and that so soon as he saw him, he severe­ly reprehended him, and reproach'd him, that he would have de­stroy'd his Brother. 'Tis true that his Majesty chid the Duke for his rashness, telling him, That he ought to reserve his Valour for bet­ter occasions, and not so lightly to expose the Person of the King of Na­varre his Brother, and his own; which were rather words of ten­derness, than distaste; and it is likewise very true, that the King of Navarre's Servants murmur'd highly at it, endeavouring to possess the King, that the Duke had not engag'd him in this dan­ger without Design: nay himself manifested something at his coming out of the Trenches; for it was told the Duke that he should say to some of his people, The King of Navarre's first aver­sion for the Duke of Espernon. I think this man would be content to lose an Arm, to have my Brains beaten out; which was never the Duke's intention, he being only spurr'd on by the inconsiderate heat of Youth and Bravery, without any other Design.

From Gergeau the Army advanc'd towyrds Piviers, which im­mediately open'd its Gates, as also the City of Chartres surrendred at the first summon: but Estampes stood out a Siege, which being foon after taken by Assault, some of the King of Navarre's Souldiers ran on in their prevailing Fury even to the Church of that Town, there committing all sorts of insolence; which the Duke being advertis'd of, by the Guards he had plac'd at the Doo [...]s of this Church (wisely foreseeing that the King of Na­varre's people, who for the greater part were men of the Re­form'd Religion, would not abstain from violation even of Holy things) he ran thither himself to prevent further disorder; where being come, and seeing the Chalices, and other Sacred Orna­ments of the Altars in the hands of the rude Souldier, not being able to endure that things, dedicated to so Sacred Use, should be profan'd after that manner, he furiously drew his Sword, and ran the first Offender in his way quite through the Body; which by chance hapning to be one of the Dragoons of the King of Na­varre's own Guard, and in his own Livery, the Complaint was immediately carried to him, and by him as soon to the King; of [Page 115] which the Duke having also notice, he presently repair'd to his Majesties Quarter, to make his defense. There being come, and his Majesty having demanded of him the reason for what he had done, he gave him a particular accompt of the whole business: Whereupon the King of Navarre told him with some bitterness, That he had no Authority over his Souldiers, and less over his Domesticks; to which the Duke made answer with a respective, but a manly boldness, ‘That the trust wherewith the King was pleas'd to ho­nour him, and the command he had given him in the Army, invested him with sufficient Authority to chastise Impious, and Sacrilegious Persons; and that moreover every good man ought to assume that Authority in Offenses of so high a Nature.’ Their Dispute was like to grow into hotter terms, when the King impos'd silence both upon the one, and the other, not con­demning the Duke's action nevertheless; but desiring the King of Navarre to take care for the future, that there might be no more offenses committed of that kind. Encrease at the Siege of Estampes: Thus by little and little secret discontents against the Duke crept into the King of Navarre's bosom, which many, envious of the Duke's greatness, endeavour'd to augment: neither was the Duke blind on that side, nor was it without some affliction that he saw himself so ill requited for the sincere and uninteressed affection he had ever manifested for this Princes Service in his greatest adversity: but having found by sufficient experience, that the best Offices are not always the best recorded, he contented himself with the conscience of his own integrity, and ever paying the respect due to the Birth, and Vertues of this excellent Prince, in all other concerns of his com­mand he exercis'd his Duty to the utmost height of Authority he had ever done.

The Army advancing daily towards Paris, The taking of Mont [...]rea [...] faut-yonne. the Duke had or­der to make an attempt upon Montereau faut-Yonne, which he car­ried by Petard; neither was it a service of light importance; for in the sequel of Affairs, that which the Duke won in a few hours cost the King's Enemies many months, and many good men to recover it. From thence the Army being come to Pontoise, the Duke had there the storming of a Suburb, which was very well fortified, committed to him; and which notwithstanding he car­ried, though with as much hazard as ever he tempted in any acti­on of his life. He was himself the first that leap'd upon the Ram­pire; and though in this assault he had above a hundred men laid dead at his feet, amongst which were many Persons of Qua­lity, and Command, he nevertheless resolutely persisted in the En­terprize, and forc'd the Enemy at the Swords point even to the [Page 116] Gates of the City, whither he compell'd the [...] to retire; and where having block'd them up, he press'd on the Siege with that vigour and conduct, that the place soon after surrendred upon composition. The Surren­der of Pon­toise. Thus did the King find all things give place to his Arms, as if Destiny had smooth'd, and levell'd for him all the paths that lead to Death and Ruine; and in this prosperity of his Affairs, his Majesty resolv'd upon the Siege of Paris.

Already were the Swisse, The Siege of Paris, and the death of Henry the Third. and new rais'd Reiters come up, and joyn'd with the Body of the Army; the Officers were dispos'd into their several Quarters, and the King had taken up his own at St Clou, and given the Guard of them to the Duke, in order to a formal Siege. His Majesties Lodging in this narrow Quarter was at the Hostel de Gondy, as that which was most capable to receive him; and it was in this House of Gondy that (whilst this great Prince was forming the designs of restoring his despis'd Authority of chastising the temerity, and disobedience of his evil dispos'd Subjects, of rendring his name venerable to all his Neighbours, and of establishing the Peace of his Kingdom, ha­ving already almost extinguish'd all the sparks of Division that had enflam'd it) that I say an accursed Pa [...]ricide in the Meridian of all his Glory, and in the Crisis of all his Designs plung'd a mur­thering Knife into his Entrails. Every one has heard who Iaques Clement was, and the black story of his Bloody Assassinate: but no one could ever yet penetrate so far as to discover by whom he was prompted on to this execrable Act. The King feeling him­self wounded, drew the Knife immediately from the Wound, and strook it up to the haft in the Villains Face, at which bustle betwixt them, one of the Grooms of the Wardrobe, who guar­ded the Closet Door, into which his Majesty was withdrawn to give this wicked wretch a more private audience, ran in to them, as also did several Gentlemen who waited in the outer Room, who all of them drawing their Swords, by an impru­dence in it self criminal, if not excus'd by the violence of their Affections, gave the Caitiffe an hundred Wounds; whereby in a moment he vomited out a life, that ought not to have been dis­mist, till after the horror of a thousand torments.

The King, feeling himself Wounded, commanded the Duke of Espernon to be immediately sent for, who was then at the Post nearest to the City, putting some Troops in order, which were to fall into the Suburbs of Paris; but at this sad and unexpected news he ran in great confusion to the King's Lodging, whom he yet found in the same posture wherein he had receiv'd his hurt, with his hand still upon the Wound: At which sight, the Duke [Page 117] bursting out in tears, as fearing a sinister event, his Majesty gave him comfort, by telling him he hop'd the Wound would not prove Mortal; and saying to him further these very words, Thou seest here (my Friend) the effects of my Enemies Treachery and Malice; but I hope God will shortly enable me to bring them to condigne punish­ment. To which the Duke returning no other answer, than his tears, they laid his Majesty upon a bed, and search'd his Wound; which the Chirurgeons at the first dressing, apprehended not to be so dangerous, as it was; so that all that day was past over in this error: but that night, and the morning following, the do­lours of his Wound encreasing, and at last growing to be ex­treme, it was then judg'd that his bowels were pierced, and that Death must necessarily, and in a few hours ensue. The King of Navarre had hasted with all diligence, at the first bruit of this accident, and being come to his bedside, his Majesty said to him almost the same things, he had said before to the Duke; and talk'd of nothing the first day, save of the exemplary punishment he would inflict upon his Enemies: but his Wound being at last judg'd to be mortal, and feeling in himself that he drew near his end, all his discourse of Punishment, and Revenge, was turn'd into that of Pardon and Oblivion: and certainly no Prince ever made a more Christian, or a more constant end. He declar'd upon his death-bed the King of Navarre nearest of his Blood, and and consequently right Heir to the Crown, provided he were a Catholick; exhorting him at the same time to abjure his own Re­ligion, and to reconcile himself to the Holy Church, command­ing likewise the Duke of Espernon (whom he held by the hand) to serve him upon that condition; after which, and a Pious Re­signation of himself, he gave up his last breath in the middle of his victorious Army.

We are now entring upon a new Reign, and one the Duke found very different, from that wherein he had hitherto liv'd; for he now not only saw himself stript of all kind of Favour: but he further saw the envy, and hatred of the whole Court di­rected against him. He was now no more call'd to Council, nor any longer entrusted with his Princes secrets; but on the contra­ry every one labour'd to diminish that greatness, to which his own Vertue, and his Masters Royal bounty had already rais'd him. But we shall see how he overcame all these difficulties: and the Justice of this new Prince at last giving the Merits and Servi­ces of this vertuous man their due, we shall see him not only support him in his own present Fortune, but also encrease it by his daily bounty, and so establish it in him, as to empower him to settle it in his own Posterity.

[Page 118] So soon as the King was dead, all the Roman Catholicks of quality in the Army assembled themselves together, to advise what in this occurrence was to be done for the maintenance of the Catholick Religion in the Service of this new King: And here their opinions were split into three several Councils; Several Propositi­ons about the new King a­mongst the Chiefs of the Army. for some there were who thought it fit absolutely to acknowledge the King without condition, or reservation, but those were very few: Others there were who would absolutely abandon his Ser­vice, and joyn with the League; and those were fewer than the first: But the third proposition, and that which was concluded on by the most principal, and prudent Lords of the Army; amongst which were the Dukes of Longueville, of Nevers, of Es­pernon, and of Luxembourg; the Mareschals de Biron, and d' Aumont, the Marquis of Rambo [...]illet, and many others, was to serve the King, and to tye themselves wholly to his Fortune, provided his Majesty would please to give them some gracious assurance of his speedy Conversion. The Lords Catholick send his Ma­jesty their Resolution. Which being deliver'd to his Majesty as their determinate Resolution, and the condition prescrib'd as it were, by the King his Predecessor, he wisely chose such a mean as seem'd necessary to him in this occasion, for the establishment of the uncertain state of his Affairs; and would by all means pre­serve that moderation, and indifferency betwixt both parties, as should by an equal hope in them both, keep both his Catholick and Hugonot Subjects within the bounds of their duty. His An­swer therefore was, His Maje­sties An­swer. ‘That it would appear to all the world very easie, and unhandsome in him to change his Religion, only to satisfie his Subjects humour, and to receive a Law from them in a thing, which in its self, of all other, ought to be most free: That he desir'd to be instructed, and satisfied in his Conscience before he proceeded so far, as to change his Religion: That to this purpose he promis'd within six months to call an Assembly of men of known Piety and Learning, and if occasion were, a National Synod, to whose final Decree he would absolutely submit, and that in the mean time he would be careful to pro­tect, and maintain the Catholick Religion.’

After divers Messages of Treaty sent to, The major part of the Catholick Lords sub­mit to the King. and fro, on either part, it at last ended in this, that many of the Catholick Lords submit­ting to his Majesties first Proposition; what he had then promis'd by word of mouth, was now only more formally drawn into a writing interchangeably deliver'd betwixt the King, and his Ca­tholick Subjects, and Sign'd by the greatest part of Men of Qua­lity, that were then in the Army: But the Duke of Espernon be­lieving this delay of six months propos'd by the King, to be no [Page 119] delay, intended only to win longer time, and that at last their hopes, and expectations would be deluded, demanded some fur­ther assurance, The Duke of Esperno [...] stands out. than he yet saw of his Majesties conversion; nei­ther could he, notwithstanding the importunities of all the Friends he had, be drawn upon other terms to seal to that Wri­ting. And this was the true, and only reason of his refusal, and not what both Mounsieur de Thou, and D'Avila have reported of it. They say that the thing which made him refuse to seal to that Instrument, was a contest which hapned betwixt him, and the Mareschals de Biron, and d' Aumont, who should sign first; these as Mareschals of France, and in immediate command in the Ar­my pretending a priority; and he claiming a precedence as Duke, and Peer: a difficulty that might easily have been overcome, had that been all. But the cause proceeded from a principle of grea­ter moment, than the trivial contest of a [...]light Ceremony.

The King however caus'd him by several hands to be over and over again solicited, and importun'd, to satisfie himself as other good Catholicks had done; and as the Dukes were the best, and the fullest Regiments of the Army, and as his person, and his example (which were likely to be follow'd (as they afterwards were) not only by those under his own command, but by many others of good quality in the Army) altogether render'd him very considerable: So did his Majesty by all sorts of perswasions and promises, endeavour to detain him; The Duke obstinate to leave the Army. but all to no purpose. 'Tis true, he acknowledg'd the King for lawful Successour to the Crown, as he had sufficiently declar'd in a time when the greatest persecutions were practis'd against him, and when he was only King of Navarre, by which he had in part drawn the hatred of the Duke of Guise upon him. And it is also true, that he had all the reason in the world to desire that Prince should now become his Master, whom he had all his life labour'd to raise to that Dig­nity to which he was now arriv'd: But he thought the Ruine of the Catholick Religion inevitable, should things continue in the posture they were now in; which made him rather choose to ex­pose himself to all those disgraces he knew his Enemies were pre­paring for him, than to serve his own interests (whose advance­ment he likewise saw infallible in so favourable a juncture) to the reproach, and prejudice of his own Conscience.

Fortified therefore still more and more in this resolution, he caus'd his Troops to be made ready for his departure: these, at his first coming to the King consisted of six thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse; which though they were now much di­minish'd in the Service, yet were they notwithstanding in such a [Page 120] condition, as that there were hardly so many more French in the whole Army, as he had under his sole command. The Marquis de Rocquelaure, and other of his intimate friends labour'd by all imaginable means, to disswade him from his ill taken up resolu­tion; but not being able to prevail, his Enemies would have perswaded the King, The K [...]ng perswaded to cause the Duke to be stab'd. to have met his obstinacy with a Stab, a Counsel the Duke was as soon enform'd of. But whether it was, that he thought this generous Prince, not to be perswaded into so foul an action; or that he thought it at that time a thing not easie to be executed, he had the assurance, notwithstanding the caution had been given him, to go take his leave of the King, before he left the Army, and to excuse his departure: A Ceremo­ny that was pass'd over in few words; and I have often heard him repeat the manner of it to be thus. The Duke goes to take his leave of the King. The Duke took along with him thirty Gentlemen of his Train, in whom he repos'd the greatest confidence, and of these he left some at the Doors of the King's Lodgings, and others upon the Stairs, to facilitate his re­tirement, if any foul play should be offer'd to him; and himself with only two more in his company enter'd the Gallery. The last Journey he made to Paris, he hapned to lie in the same house, and shew'd ús the place where he took his leave of the King. This house did at that time belong to Mademoiselle du Tillet, his old, and intimate Friend; a Lady illustrious for her courage and constan­cy, and passionate for the Duke's Interests to that degree, that he has had few friends who have justified their affection by so great, and so continued a fidelity. The King was at the one end of the Gallery, when the Duke appear'd entring at the other; whom the King no sooner perceiv'd, but that coming up to him, with an angry countenance, and striking his stick with some vehe­mence upon the floor, The King's angry Speech to the Duke. he said. What Mounsieur d' Espernon, it seems you have refus'd to Sign the Writing, which has been Sign'd with­out difficulty by most persons of Quality in my Army, as good Catho­licks as your self! do not you, as well as they, acknowledge me for your King? To which the Duke made answer, ‘That he was his Ma­jesties most humble Subject, and Servant; That there was not a person in his Kingdom, who had more ardently desir'd to see him in the place where he now was, should the King his Master die, than himself had done; That he would never do anything contrary to his Service; that he had rather die, than once to entertain so dishonest a thought: but that he did humbly beseech his Majesty to excuse him, if being of a Religion dif­fering from that his Majesty profess'd, he could not attend his person; that being a thing he could not do, without offering the greatest violence to his own Conscience.’

[Page 121] The Duke had scarce made an end of speaking, when he heard a noise of armed men behind him in the Gallery; and then it was that he certainly believ'd, these were the men appointed to kill him, as he had been pre-advis'd: but he was soon deliver'd out of that fear, when he saw the King move forward with a smiling countenance to embrace them. These were two Captains of the King's Light Horse; the one call'd le Baron de Sainte Ma­rie du Mont, a Norman; the others name I have forgot: who, ha­ving upon their Guard (which was at a good distance) receiv'd in­telligence of the Death of Henry III. were come in all haste to congratulate the King with his new Advancement▪ and lighted at the Door of his Lodging, were come up in the same posture the news had surpriz'd them in upon their Guard to present their Duty: The Duke taking this occasion to [...]etire, withdrew himself forthwith to his own Quarter; but before he would absolutely depart, he would first attend the Corps of the King his Master, and Benefactor, as far as Compeigne, whither they were carried with very little Ceremony, the disorders of the time not permit­ting greater; and where having paid his last duty, he return'd to overtake his Troops, which were now marching upon the Road of Loches towards Angoumois.

The example of the Duke's departure was followed by many others, so that in a few days the Army was grown so thin, that the King had scarce any save strangers left in his Camp, and even they in the end, for want of pay, disbanded as well as the rest; and then it was that the Duke's Enemies, with a redoubled ma­lice, spoke loudest in his disgrace, and did all they possibly could to animate his Majesty in the highest degree against him. There had already pass'd (as you have heard) some secret discontents be­twixt the King, and the Duke, during the life of the late King; amongst which the business of Gergeau, and that of Estampes had made no little noise; but to these many have added, and likewise some endeavour'd to possess the King, that the Duke ever impa­tient of a Rival in his Master's Favour, and less able to endure his Majesty who was so much above him, had in that time done all the ill offices he could invent to beget a mis-understanding be­twixt the King, and him, such as might cause a separation; and certainly so effectually had they labour'd with him, as to make him believe too much; by which they had so incens'd his Maje­sties mind against him, that doubtless he would have bent his whole endeavour to the Duke's Ruine, upon the late refusal he had made of his assistance, had not the necessity of his own Af­fairs diverted his designs another way: but all these evil dispositi­ons, [Page 122] though they still threatned worse consequences, could not hinder the Duke from persevering in his resolution to retire.

As his departure was of infinite importance, whether we con­sider it as to the Fortune of the King, and Interest of the State; or as to the Duke's own particular concern, and that there are few Historians of that, or later times, who have not taken occasion to blame the Dukes proceeding herein: I think it fit to say something here in his vindication, and to discover the reasons upon which he built that resolution; which having receiv'd from his own mouth in the same terms that I shall faithfully deliver here, every one may afterwards [...] what judgment of the Action he shall in his own discretion think most fit. He told me that a little before his departure, The Re­monstrances of the Duke's Friends to perswade him to stay. many of his intimate friends had endeavour'd to disswade him from his Design, by presenting before him the pre­sent juncture of Affairs, so favourable (as they said) to the support of his immediate condition (so generally envy'd by all) that he could not himself have wish'd a more advantageous conjun­cture: That as it was principally by his means, and assistance the King could build any probable hopes of effecting what he desir'd; so were there present no advan [...]ages (besides an indempnity, and oblivion of all pass'd unkindnesses, a thing in it self highly to be consider'd) to which he might not reasonably pretend: That he might now establish his own greatness in so sure a condition, that it would be no hard matter to maintain himself for the future in the same height, should the Kings humour chance to come about: That all men plainly saw how much upon his departure, or stay, depended the standing, or dissolution of the Royal Army: That upon his concurrence with his Majesty, depended that of the grea­test part of the Catholicks, and the Ruine of the League, where­in were his most capital Enemies: That by his assistance men might yet promise to themselves the reducing of Paris, and in that the peace and settlement of the whole Kingdom: That ha­ving in his hands the disposition of things of so great utility to the publick, and so great honour to himself, he neither ought to envy his Country those advantages, not to deprive himself of the glory of so admirable a success.

These were considerations that in their own weight, and laid home to him by men he knew to be his Friends, were not un­likely to prevail, and to have overcome his ob [...]inacy, as doubtless they had done, had the Duke look'd no further, than his own In­terest; and so he told his Friends, who had so freely argu'd with him: ‘He told them that he was not so little acquainted with the business of the world, that he did not well enough discern [Page 123] all those advantages they had propos'd, as relating to himself: That he did very well believe his Majesty, assisted by his Catho­lick Subjects, might reduce his Enemies to the point he desir'd; but that from thence would infallibly ensue the subversion of the Catholick Religion, which would likewise bring on the ruine of the State: That instead of the Peace they propos'd to themselves, after the League were reduc'd to their obedience, they would see themselves engag'd in a more violent, and obsti­nate War than before: That those of the Reform'd Religion being grown more strong, and having a lawful, mighty, and active King to head them, would doubtless establish their own Reli­gion in France, and constrain the Catholicks to submit to what­ever Law they would impose upon them: That it was far bet­ter betimes to refuse to countenance the evil, which lay conceal [...]d under the apparence of a present good, than to engage himself in mischiefs of so inevitable consequence, and to forbear a while the fruits of a specious, and alluring Peace, to enjoy it at better leisure, more permanent and secure: That the King, what pro­mises soever he had made, and what real dispositions soever he might have to cause himself to be satisfied within six months, had nevertheless been prompted by those of his own perswasi­on, to demand that respite for no other end, than to keep the Catholick Forces about him, that he might make himself Ma­ster of Paris: That having done that, which must necessarily put an end to the War, and being wholly possest by creatures passionate for their ill receiv'd and new opinions, he would certainly be continued in his Error by their restless practice: That there was a necessity of a prompt, and sincere Conversion; not such an one, as was to be hop'd for no man knew when, and that then perhaps would be luke-warm, and unsound: That whensoever that should come to pass, they should see him stake his Fortune, his Friends, and his Life, for a Prince whom he did ever acknowledge undoubted Successour to the Crown: That in the mean time he made no doubt but his Enemies (as they use to do) would lay all the disorders that should happen, at his door, and hourly incense the King against him with all the malice, and artifice they could invent; but that he hop'd his Majesty would himself one day commend his Zeal to Religion, which ought to be the first thing in every good man's prospect, and which was also his sole object in that resolution, wherein he would live and die: That he was retiring into his Govern­ments, where his Actions should justifie the integrity of his heart, and that he would there serve the King to his utmost [Page 124] power, by making Warre upon those whom he knew to be enemies to his Service.’

This was the Duke's Declaration to his private Friends, to which his Conduct afterwards was so conformable, as sufficiently demonstrated to all the world, that he was possess'd with a better spirit, than that of Ambition. 'Tis true, his determination was in it self positive, and bold; and he had reason in all appa­rence to apprehend a dangerous issue, and has himself ever ac­knowledg'd, that according to the Maxims of humane Prudence, he herein committed a dangerous error; but that having nothing but the sole interest of Religion for his aim, he had reap'd greater advantages by it, than he durst have propos'd to himself from any other resolution; and that he did believe it was from this fountain he since deriv'd all the successes of his Life; of which the most signal was, that his Majesty himself after some time, ha­ving pierc'd deeper into the candour of his intention, receiv'd him into as high a degree of Favour, as any of his other Servants: but it was not until he had first receiv'd many infallible, and con­tinual proofs of his Loyalty and Affection.

Having after this manner deserted the Army, he soon arriv'd at Angoulesme; where the first thing he did after his arrival, was to send the Pope an accompt of his proceeding, and that he had been constrain'd to quit the Army, being bound so to do, out of his respect to the Catholick Religion: It was also requisite he should by a Declaration purge himself from the Calumnies cast upon him by the League, who had deliver'd him to the people for a grand Confederate with the Hereticks: But other particular correspondencies he had none; for of all Foreign Princes, the Popes were only they with whom he ever held any intelligence; and whatever has been said to the contrary, he ever preserv'd his fidelity unspo [...]ted from the practices of other Princes, who daily tempted him with no contemptible offers to an intelligence with them; a vertue not to be pass'd over in this part of his Life with­out a worthy mention, it being in a time when few of the great ones of either party had so temperate a respect for their duty; the misfortunes of the time, and the various Factions that divided the Kingdom, seeming as it were, to give every one liberty to for­tifie the interests of his own party, by all the Friends, and Confe­derates he could make.

The Duke having engag'd himself before his retirement from the Army to serve the King by all the ways he could, would now sit no longer idle, but gave immediate order for the recruit of his Troops; and the experience of what had formerly past, having [Page 125] given him sufficiently to understand what confidence was to be [...]epos'd in the people, he was now resolv'd no longer to depend upon their giddy, and vol [...]ble humour; nor no more be subject to such commotions, as his Enemies might attempt to raise amongst that credulous, and mutinous rabble. He therefore caus'd a considerable Fortification to be speedily rais'd at the Castle of Angoulesme, The Duke fortifies the Castle of Angoulesme, and the Cit­tadel of Xaintes. the King having given him leave so to do, as also to raise what mony was necessary to the perfecting that work, upon the Province. He likewise rais'd another at Xaintes, so that in a short time he secur'd himself from all Surprizes, like that of St. Laurence: but he had scarce time to settle this good order in his Governments, when he was call'd away to look after other, and those very considerable, Affairs, that immediately concern'd the safety of the Kingdom.

All the Provinces of the Kingdom being divided betwixt the King, and the League, it was to be expected that the great Cities would likewise [...]andy within their own Walls, and stand up for the one party, or the other▪ as mens passions, or judgments enclin'd them to the cause. Of this number was the City of Limoges, where the Bishop, who was of the Family of Marthoine, assisted by the Sieurs de Pompadou, de la Gu [...]rche, de Rastignac, de la Chap­pelle Biron, and many other Gentlemen of Quality, favour'd al­so by many of the Inhabitants, labour'd all he could to make the Town, and City declare for the Duke of Mayenne, and his Fa­ction, wherein nevertheless he at first met some difficulty: but proceeding from perswasions to open force, he, by the assistance of those Gentlemen, made himself Master of the City, and was upon the point to have made himself also Master of the Town, when the Count de la Voute eldest Son to the Duke of Ventadour, put himself into it, and made all possible resistance to preserve it out of their hands: Yet had he not (his Party being so much the weaker) been able long to have held out, had not the Duke of Espernon, advertis'd of this disorder, come in to his timely suc­cour: The D [...]ke rescues Li­moges out of the hands of the League. But at the report of the Duke's arrival, the Leaguers im­mediately dispers'd themselves, abandoning the City they already possess'd, as he afterwards turn'd all suspected persons out of the Town, and settled it so well by the prudent order he establish'd there, that it never after started from its duty; but on the contra­ry continued so firm, and maintained it self so well, that it was almost the only City of the Kingdom which tasted not of those miseries with which the Civil War by taking, re-taking, plunder, and other mischiefs, infested all other Cities of France; a happi­ness that place principally owes to the timely succour it receiv'd from the Duke of Espernon's vigilance and care.

[Page 126] The example of the Capital City, contain'd almost all the les­ser Cities of the Province in his Majesties Obedience; neither was there any except that of St. Germain which refus'd to keep within the limits of its Duty; The Du [...]e [...] St. Germ [...]n, which sur­ren [...]ers. but that, declaring for the League, constrain'd the Duke to turn his Forces that way to reduce it. Puiferrat, a Gentleman of the Country, commanded there, who after some vollies of Cannon shot, surrendred upon conditions, that he, and his Souldiers should have free Quarter, and march away with Bag, and Baggage; a capitulation notwithstanding very ill observ'd, to the Duke's great displeasure; who having appointed the elder Sobole's Troop of Light Horse for their Con­voy, without considering their Officer had been kill'd at the Siege, the Cavaliers, incens'd at the loss of their Captain, reveng'd his Death upon these miserable people, and cut them almost all to pie­ces. A cruelty some Authors have laid to the Duke's charge, though very unjustly; for had his generous heart been capable of committing so dishonourable a crime, what advantage could he have propos'd to himself, from so [...]oul a treachery▪

And now was the Duke resolv'd to have clear'd all that Pro­vince, when the disorders of his own Government call'd him back to look after his own immediate concerns. We have already given a Narrative of the Enterprize of Angoulesme, The D [...]ke call'd back into Angou­mois to sup­press the Leaguers there. upon St. Lau­rence day, and further an accompt of the Clemency the Duke shew'd to those who had treated him after so barbarous a man­ner: of which there yet remain'd some, who (as they were most zealous for the League, and as they had been most guilty of that sedition, mistrusting by the Conscience of their own Crimes, that the Duke could never heartily pardon, and forget them) chose rather, leaving the security and peace of their own Houses, to commit their safeties to the guard of their own Arms, than to rely upon a promise they knew they could not expect in reason should be observ'd. The Chavalier d' Aubeterre, one of the principal sticklers for the League in that Province, having put himself in the Head of these Mutineers, and having gather'd together some other discontented people of the Country, had of these compos'd a Body of Light Horse, and some Companies of Foot, with which in this time of the Duke's absence, he com­mitted a thousand Insolencies: nay, to that confidence were they grown of their own strength, having committed such Riots, whilst there was none to oppose them, that they at last shut up themselves in the Castle of Villebois, which they intended should serve them upon all occasions for a secure retreat; a place indeed of very advantageous situation, very proper for close Fight, and [Page 127] that had all the Avenues unto it of so difficult access, that Can­non without infinite labour was not to be brought up to force it. In this place then they thought to remain in great security, and be­ing but three Leagues distant from Angoulesme, did by their con­tinual sallies very much incommodate that City. The Duke call'd now home by their insolencies, sent them presently a Sum­mons to Surrender; to which they return'd so haughty, and so impudent an answer, that he saw he must be forc'd to Besiege them, as he soon after did: and having, though with infinite trouble, planted two pieces of Cannon upon the Hill where the Castle stood, he caus'd them immediately to begin to play. The besieg'd endur'd above two hundred shot, without shewing any countenance of fear: but at last seeing a breach made, which put them out of all hopes long to defend themselves, their inso­lence was turn'd into apprehension, and astonishment, and their scornful language into terms of intreaty, and humble supplicati­on, submissively b [...]gging (as the utmost grace they could expect) that they might be permitted to depart with the assurance of their lives: to which the Duke would by no means consent, nor receive them on other terms, than upon discretion; to which, after many difficulties, which they had good reason to make, they were in the end constrain'd to submit. Their Commander in Chief, Lieutenant to the Chevalier d' Aubeterre, call'd Maumont, knowing very well, that both by the Law of Arms, and by the terms of the Capitulation, he was to expect nothing but death, try [...]d to escape with the soonest, by causing himself to be let down by Ropes into the Grasse of the Castle: but being pursu'd, and over­taken, he died more honourably than he expected, being dis­patch'd by a Pistol-shot in his head. As for his Complices, the Duke separated those who had been concern'd in the Conspiracy of Angoulesme from the rest, whom seeing to be men so obsti­nate in their malice, as neither reason could reduce, nor mercy reclaim, he caus'd eighteen to be hang'd up before the Gates of the Castle, and pardon'd all the rest. It is but a very little while ago, that an old man of fourscore and two years old, told me this story, wherein he himself had been no little concern'd, as being one of those set apart for the Rope; for having before made one in the business of Angoulesme; but his good fortune reserving him for one of the last that was to die, and the Marquise de Mezieres who was at that time Mistriss of the Castle of Villebois, being then in the Country, and by some of the poor man's Friends apply'd to, that she would intercede for him, she had so much time as to entreat, and obtain his pardon; and this was I think the only [Page 128] man of those former Offenders, who escap'd that Execution; neither indeed could such a mercy have been better plac'd, than on a man who knew so well how to husband his life, when it was once more his own, as to preserve it almost an age after. This Castle with the demean and territory belonging to it (one of the fairest of that Country) was soon after purchas'd by the Duke, and since advanc'd into a Dutchy, and Peerdom, under the Title of the Dutchy de la Valette: And I have often heard the Duke la­ment the ruines he was forc'd to make of this Castle, being be­fore a delicate Pile of Stone, and very capacious; but never after wholly repair'd, there still remaining some monuments of the Rebellion as also of the punishment, those desperate men suffer'd, who were the Commoters of it.

This execution, that would have appear'd more like an exam­ple of Cruelty, than Justice, had the Crimes of the Offenders been less, or not repeated, strook such a terror into the rest of that Party, that they were not now so hasty to appear for a side they had seen so roughly handled; so that the Duke did now not only enjoy the repose of his Government, but gave sanctuary to many of the King's Party of the neighbouring Provinces, who were overmatch'd, or oppress'd by the League. I have already told you the occasion that call'd him into Limousin, and I shall now tell you of another of the same nature, and of no less im­portance, though it made not so great a noise in the world, that call'd him into the Government of Guyenne. The Mareschal de Matignon, the King's Lieutenant in that Province, had his hands so full in, and about Bordeaux, that the impossibility of his being present in all places, where his presence was requir'd, gave oppor­tunity to Lussan, the Governour of Blaye, a man enclin'd to the League, to lend some Gentlemen of that Party some Forces, in order to the taking of Bourg; two little Leagues distant only from Blaye. This Town, though of a very little circuit, is not­withstanding of very advantageous situation; for besides that it stands upon an eminence of very difficult access, it absolutely commands the River of Dordongne, as it also at least awes that of Garonne, being not above a quarter of a League from the Bec d' Ambez, where these two Rivers meet to make the Gironde. It must therefore needs be of great advantage to the League to pos­sess this place, by which means Bordeaux would be absolutely de­priv'd of the succour of two so considerable Rivers, by which the City was continually, and abundantly supply'd. The Lea­guers therefore, spurr'd on by these considerations, had laid Siege to Bourg, and were by the favour of some of the Inhabitants of [Page 129] their Party receiv'd into the Town, without any opposition; but la Ioviziere, a man of approved Valour, who commanded in the Castle, defended himself so well, The D [...]ke relieves B [...]urg. notwithstanding the ill conditi­on of the place, and the vigour of the Assailants; who press'd hard upon him, that he gave the Duke time to come to his Re­lief, at whose first appearance, the Enemy retir'd; when the Duke having publickly commended the Governours Valour, and the fidelity of some honest Inhabitants who had stuck stoutly to him in this occasion, withdrew the Captain into his own Service, for the testimony he had given of his Valour, lea­ving Campagno, after Colonel of the Regiment of Guards, and since Governour of Boulogne, with a good Garrison in his room▪ as judging this place of that importance, that it ought to have a person of no less Authority to defend it against any attempt from the Garrison of Blaye, so near, and so dangerous a Neighbour: Yet did not the Duke keep it long in his possession; for the King not long after commanding him to deliver it up to him, he im­mediately obey'd, though he had in a mann [...]r himself made a conquest of it: Some say that the Mareschal de Matignon, jealous of so considerable a neighbour as the Duke, had earnestly impor­tun'd the King to retrive this place out of his hands.

The Duke having by these successes settled all his Neighbours in peace, Anno 1591. whilst the rest of the Kingdom was in trouble, it was but reasonable that he himself should share in that felicity, where­in his Valour and Vigilancy had so fortunately establish'd others; and of this he receiv'd the first and most happy fruits by the Bles­sing God was pleas'd to give his Marriage-Bed; for having been already three years Married to Marguerite de Foix, Countess of Candale, without Issue, (the great, and various agitations, wherewith he had been continually exercis'd all that time; scarce allowing him the leisure to live in company with his Wife) at last this vertuous Lady in March 1591. was at Xaintes brought to Bed of Henry de Foix, The birth of Henry de Foix, and de la Valette▪ the Duke of Espernon's eldest Son. and de la Valette his eldest Son, whom we have since seen Duke of Candale, and whose Valour has manifested it self in most parts of Europe, where he acquir'd the Reputation of one of the greatest Captains of his time: To these Military Vertues, he had yet the addition of so many other excellent qua­lities, that it was hard to say, which was to be most admir'd, his Valour in War, his Sweetness in Conversation, or his Pru­dence and Dexterity in the Management, The birth of Bernard de F [...]ix, and de la Valet [...]e, the Duke's se­cond Son. and Conduct of the most weighty Affairs. The year following 1592. the Duke was enrich'd with another Son, Bernard de Foix, and de la Valette, who was bo [...] at Angoul [...]sme, and who is now the sole Heir of that [Page 130] illustrious Family; a Prince whose Vertues would furnish me, with sufficient matter for his praise, did not his modesty impose my silence. The Birth of Lewis Cardinal de la Valette, the Duke's youngest Son. The third and last was Lewis Cardinal de la Valette, born at Angoulesme the year following; one whom the Court esteem'd, and acknowledg'd for the greatest, and most accom­plish'd Courtier that had there been bred for many years. He render,d himself conspicuous in his profession whilst he continu­ed in it, by embellishing, and adorning an excellent natural in­genuity with the choicest Flowers of Divine and Humane Lear­ning; and doubtless, had he apply'd himself wholly to his Book, might have gone equal to the most famous Church-men of this latter age: but the heat of his Courage having tempted him, out of the bounds of his Spiritual Profession, he prov'd a better Captain, than the chance of War would give him leave long to continue; for the Wars of Italy wherein he serv'd the State with unparallel'd Diligence, and greater Success, than was to be expected from so few Forces, as he commanded, spurr'd on his untimely Fate, as also his elder Brothers, who both of them in less than four months space, lost their lives in the same Army.

Whilst the Duke had been employing his Power, Passages at Co [...]rt in the Duke's ab­sence. and Person in these foremention'd exploits, there had pass'd much important action about the Person of the King; who after the Skirmish of Arques, and the Battel of Y [...]ry, was grown to such a height of Power and Reputation, as had put him into a condition to un­dertake the Siege of Paris; which doubtless he might then have taken▪ if on the one side his Majesty had been less solicitous to preserve the City (which would have been utterly destroy'd should his Army have entred by storm) or on the other side the Citizens had been less obstinate in their defense: but their despair forti­fying, and hardning them against their necessities, which in truth were insupportable, they gave the Duke of Mayenne time to fetch the Duke of Parma to their Relief, which for some years pro­rogu'd the entire Victory his Majesty might then, but for his Cle­mency, have obtain'd. After the raising of this Siege, the King's Army being much decay'd by the length, and ill success thereof, all the Catholicks who had thus long serv'd his Majesty, even his most particular Servants, took the liberty, highly to complain of his slow proceeding towards his intended Conversion; The King importun'd to hasten his Conver­sion. as also the several Societies, and Companies of the Kingdom, generally sent their Deputies humbly to beseech his Majesty to put an end to that good work, which would likewise put an end [...]o all his own troubles, and be the only means to preserve his Kingdom; nay even the Court it self grew importunate in the same [...], and [Page 131] were already laying the design of a third Party, which would have involv'd the King in a new difficulty his Majesty had then no need of; but to prevent all inconveniencies, to stop mens mouths, and to hinder all these Court-practices, his Majesty saw it neces­sary to renew the War with new vigour, and by some notable, and important action, to gain a reputation to his Party. He took therefore a resolution to call all the Nobility he could win over to him, about his person, and that not so much to re-inforce his Ar­my by their presence, as to hinder them (being at distance, and in full liberty to dispose of themselves) from joyning either with those Factions already form'd by his Enemies, or such as were now (even by those who had hitherto follow'd his Fortune) form­ing against him. Nevertheless his Majesty knowing very well, that the major part of those, who had separated themselves from him, had done it meerly out of respect to Religion, and that they would not easily be induc'd to return, unless he first gave them some hopes, as to that particular; he sent to assure them, that he desir'd nothing more ardently, than to be instructed in the Ca­tholick Religion, to the end, that with the satisfaction and safety of his Conscience, he might make open profession of it to all the world. Upon this assurance of his speedy Conversion (which notwithstanding was not accomplish'd till some years after) the Duke of Nevers, with many other persons of Quality, came over to him; The D [...]ke of Espernon returns to Court. and amongst others, the Duke of Espernon, whom his Majesty having also invited to his Service, and who having only forsook him at the first out of scruple of Conscience, that being now overcome by the resolution his Majesty profess'd to have ta­ken, he made no difficulty to return, and with a Train that suf­ficiently denoted with what passion he embrac'd his Service; bringing along with him three thousand five hundred Foot, four hundred Light Horse, and four hundred Harquebusiers, on horse-back. With which Forces (which the Duke had rais'd at his own charge, and by his own credit) his Majesty being very well recruited, D'Avila. he resolv'd to make a new attempt upon Paris it self, and to assault it in four places at once: A Design he intended to exe­cute by Ladders, and Petards, and to lead on one of the Divisi­ons to the Assault in his own person, in which the Duke of Es­pernon was appointed to attend him; and indeed of his men chiefly consisted that Body his Majesty would in person lead on to the Assault. A Design which, had not the Parisians had timely information of, had been very likely to have taken effect: but the preparation of Ladders, and other provisions for the attempt, being made at St. Dennis, and other adjacent places, almost in the [Page 132] sight of Paris, the King's Forces no sooner appear'd, than the Pa­risians were also found ready upon their Walls, in a resolute po­sture of defense; which his Majesty perceiving, he retir'd with­out making a fruitless attempt in a Design which could not pos­sibly, but in case of a surprize, succeed: So that this Stratagem failing, he resolv'd upon the Siege of Chartres, The Siege of Chartres, which in the end he took, but not without much difficulty, expense of much time, and the loss of a great number of men.

The Duke having consider'd that he might now have a fit op­portunity during this Siege to go to Boulogne, of which he had enjoy'd the Government during his time of Favour, to settle it in a posture of safety, he entreated leave of his Majesty that he might undertake that Journey. This place (a Town of great impor­tance) had hitherto been commanded by the Sieur de Bernay, whom the Duke had formerly plac'd Governour there, and in whom he had for many years repos'd an intire confidence: but at last Bernay, having by some odd carriage of his, rendre [...] him­self suspected to the Duke, he was resolv'd to withdraw him from that trust: And forasmuch as Picardy, in the utmost borders of which this Town was seated, was very partial to the Leaguers, who were possess'd of most of the chief Cities of that Province, the Duke entreated his Majesty, The Duke goes into Picardy. that he might take five hundred of those Horse he had brought with him to the Service, for his Convoy in this expedition; a request the King made no difficul­ty to grant, his Majesty having no great use of Horse in this Siege: So that departing in this equipage, he perform'd his Jour­ney without the least opposition, or shew of an Enemy, with­drew Bernay from Boulogne, and plac'd the Marquis de Roüillac, his Brother-in-law, in his stead, who serv'd many years after in that employment under his command: But though the Duke had met no body to oppose him, as he went through the Coun­try; the Duke d' Aumale, Governour general for the League in Pi­cardy, had nevertheless been meditating how to cut him off in his return, and to that purpose had call'd Minieux, the particular Go­vernour of Montreüille, into his Design, where betwixt them it was agreed, that Mini [...]ux should follow the Duke in the Rear, till he had dogg'd him within sight of the Duke d' Aumale's For­ces; so that being charg'd at once in the Rear by Minieux▪ and in the Front by the Duke of Aumale, it would be impossible for him, thus beset on all sides, and by Forces double to his own, to disin­gage himself from so inevitable a danger. And certainly had the Order been as well observ'd, as the Design was well laid, the Duke wou [...]d have had very much ado to have freed himself from so [Page 133] manifest a peril: his good fortune nevertheless deliver'd him from it by an accident, that in it self had been like enough to have hast­ned his Ruine. An attempt [...]pon the Duke of Es­pernon by the Duke of Aumale. This Minieux had for some time been the Duke's particular, and mortal Enemy; and upon the pretense of not ha­ving been well us'd by him in the height of his favour, had with great impatience watch'd an occasion like this, wherein to execute his Revenge. Wherefore lying in Ambuscado with two hundred and fifty Light Horse, upon the way the Duke was to pass, and the Duke of Aumale not far off in a Wood within half a League of Pont de Douricé with seven hundred more, Minieux im­patient to be at it, and either fearing to lose the opportunity of his revenge, or hoping to gain a rich Booty of the Duke's Bag­gage, could not contain himself; but appearing sooner, than he should have done, he follow'd the Duke so clo [...]e, till he was ad­vanc'd within almost Musquet-shot of his Rear, which (the Bo­dies being so near) occasion'd many light Skirmishes betwixt them; until at last the Duke nettled to see himself so pursu'd, and trifled withal by his Enemy, commanded Montestruc his Kins­man to go charge them with forty Horse, himself at the same time seconded by the Baron de Chasteliers (since Baron d' Ars) by Gohas, and Miran the chief Officers of his Party, giving so brisk a Charge into the Enemies Body, that they were instantly put to rout. Minieux routed by by the Duke, and taken pri­soner. The fight was not very obstinate, by reason the Comman­ders of the other side were either wounded, or slain in the first Encounter, and there was none to Rally, or Command▪ Mini­eux and his Son, Conteval his Lieutenant, and fifteen, or twenty of the chief Commanders were trodden under foot, and the rest betook themselves to flight. The Duke, who would not engage himself too far into a Country where he had no other business, than to pass through it, thought it not convenient to follow the pursuit; but contenting himself with those prisoners he had ta­ken upon the place, though they were exceedingly wounded, he went on his way; but one of his Gentlemen (Bois Rufier by name) being stragled out to discover the Country, fell into the Duke of Aumale's Ambuscado; who, being carried by those had taken him before the Duke, was by him examin'd of his quality▪ and who he was for? who answer'd, That he belong'd to the Duke of Espernon, shewing him at the same time the Duke's Vant-Guard, which began to appear upon a little eminence hard by. The Duke then further demanded of him, if he had seen Minieux? to which he answer'd, That Minieux was the Duke of Espernon's Prisoner, and withal recounted to him the manner of his Defeat; which the Duke of Aumale was no sooner enform'd [Page 134] of, but that conceiving it was not convenient, to engage in an uncertain Fight, where he had promis'd to himself a certain Vi­ctory, he retyr'd, without once daring to attempt any thing up­on the Duke, highly condemning and complaining of Minieux, who by his rashness and impatience, had ruin'd so hopeful a Design.

The Duke, having thus rid his hands of his Enemies, went to put himself into the danger of his Friends; at least those who ought to have been so, being engag'd in the same Service: but I dare not here publish all I know of this business, lest I should revive the memory of an Action, that was then condemn [...]d by the King himself, and that cannot be approved of now. I shall only tell you, The Duke's ill usage at Corbie. that the Duke having carried his Prisoners into Corbie, they were there peremptorily demanded of him, and upon his refusal violently taken and detained from him: A dispute that was on both sides carried on with such heat, as brought the Duke's Person, who could not with any thought of patience endure so great an affront, into very great danger: and the odds against him was so great, that nothing could have been expected, but certain death, had not the Sieur de Humierres the King's Lieutenant in the place, and the Sieur de la Boissiere his Brother-in-law inter­posing, hinder'd the violence was preparing against him, and me­diated an Accommodation; which, though it could not oblite­rate the memory of the offense, kept matters notwithstanding from proceeding to the last Extreams.

Neither was this the last danger the Duke escap'd in his return: for as he proceeded on his way to Chartres, where the Siege still continued, he heard the Marquis d' O his old friend was very bu­sie at the Siege of Pierre Fonds, which he had undertaken; whom the Duke going to visit, he was by him entreated to stay there a few days, and by his Authority, and those Forces he had then with him, to help him to bring his Enterprize to an honourable issue; which the Duke as franckly consented to, and went im­mediately into the Trenches, to take a view of the order of the Siege: where presenting himself with his usual bravery to open view of the Enemy, and without other Arms, than his Corsset only, The Duke shot into the mouth at Pierre Fonds. he receiv'd a Harquebuss-shot in his mouth, that passing through one of his cheeks, shatter'd his right jaw, and coming out at his chin, flatted upon his Gorget: A shot that every one believ'd had certainly dispatch'd him. But being carried to his Lodging, and his Wound search'd, it was found to be no­thing dangerous; and in a few days he was in a condition to mount on horse-back.

[Page 135] After all these good and evil adventures, the Duke being at last arriv'd at Chartres, he went presently to give the King an accompt of his Voyage, The Duke returns to the King. not forgetting to make his complaint of the in­jury done him at Corbie, withal humbly entreating his Majesty would be pleas'd to do him Justice; which the King had in part already done, having order'd his prisoners immediately to be re­stor'd: but their Wounds were such, that they all dy'd of them, soon after they were left at Corbie; so that they who had commit­ted the injury not long surviving, the Duke's Quarrel was at an end, and all thoughts of revenge were soon extinct, and for ever buried in oblivion.

The Siege of Chartres continued yet some time after the Duke's return, which la Bourdaisiere, Governour there for the League, had so bravely defended, as often made the King to repent that under­taking, having lost before it the Sieur de Chastillon, eighteen Camp-Masters, and, as may well be imagin'd from thence, a great num­ber of common Souldiers: Neither did those Forces the Duke of Espernon had left with the King scape better than the rest, the King (willing to husband the lives of his own Servants in whom he yet repos'd a greater trust, than in the Duke) continually expo­sing them to the greatest danger. Of these Beaujeu, Mascaron, and Blumet, three Colonels were there slain, and also many other Officers; by whose valour, amongst the rest (who perhaps had better fortune) the place was at last (notwithstanding their nota­ble resistance) reduc'd to the necessity of a surrender. From thence his Majesty pass'd over into Picardy, Chartres af­ter an obsti­nate Siege surrendred to the King, and soon af­ter Noyon. where he besieg'd, and took Noyon, and secur'd many other considerable Cities of that Pro­vince to his obedience: when having after all made a little di­gression into Champagne, the year, and that Champagne ended toge­ther; it being necessary to dispose the Army into several Garri­sons to refresh them: So that the Duke, seeing the time of the year for further Service was now past, ask'd leave of the King to retire into his own Government to recruit his Troops, The Duke of Espernon retires into his own Go­vernment. that they might be in a better condition to serve his Majesty the year to come: to which his Majesty willingly consented, dismissing the Duke with great testimonies of an entire satisfaction in his service, and an absolute oblivion of all past unkindness.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Fourth Book.

THE Duke solicitous by his Services to dispossess the King of those evil impressions, Anno 1592. his Majesty had, through the ill Offices of some, conceiv'd against him, to the prejudice of his Loyalty and affection; The Duke prepares to return to the King. did now resolve to raise far greater Forces, than before, for the Summer to come. Neither had his Majesty on his part conceal'd his most secret De­signs from the Duke's knowledge; but on the contrary had invi­ted him again into action, and had reserv'd an Employment of great trust, Is hindred by the death of Moun­sieur de la Valette hi [...] Brother. and Reputation for him in his Army. The Duke also was prepar'd to go, and expected with great impatience his Majesties Order, for his setting out; when he receiv'd the sad news of the death of Mounsieur de la Valette his Brother. This Lord, after he had beaten the Duke of Savoy out of Provence, and made him sustain such losses, Mounsieur de la Valet­te 's exploit [...] in Provence, and [...]. as had forc'd him to retire into his own Dukedom, after he had settled Provence and Dauphiné in his Majesties Obedience, and almost rooted out all the seeds of the League in those two Provinces; after having by Treaties car­ried [Page 138] on with infinite Conduct, and Prudence, interested the Re­publick of Venice, the Dukes of Florence, and Mantua in his Ma­jesties Quarrel, and obtain'd from these Princes security for thirty thousand Crowns a month, to transport the War into the Dutchy of Savoy it self; of which also he was to have the management (by so powerful a diversion to oblige this Ambitious Prince to de­fend his own Territories instead of invading his Neighbours:) Being, I say, upon the point to execute a design so honourable in it self, and so important to the Crown, he would yet first absolute­ly cleanse Provence from the contagion of the League, that he might leave no Enemy behind to beget new mischiefs, when he should not be near to suppress them. To this end therefore he dr [...]w his Ar [...]y into the Field in the beginning of Ianuary, and went to besiege Roquebrune, that stood for the League: A place, which though little, was nevertheless so strong, that Mounsieur de la Valette's Battery, having plaid upon that side which was best fortified, and not working that speedy effect he desir'd, he would remove [...] other side; and in [...] impatience to put an end to an enterprize so much inferiour to his greater designs, would himself help to remove the Cannon to a more advantageous place; where being expos'd to the Enemies view, open, and in his Doublet only [...] lost many of our best Ca­ptains) he receiv'd a Musquet shot in the head, the eleventh day of Ianuary; of which within thirteen hours after he died.

All the Historians of his time celebrated the Vertues of this [...] highest [...] of Honour; Mounsi [...]ur de [...] the King him­self appear'd infin [...]ely concern'd a [...] his death, by which he was depriv'd of a valiant Captain, and a faithful Subject: Nay even [...] Enemies lamented his loss (so great an interest has Vertue in generous minds:) but the Duke hi [...] Brother was afflicted to the last degree. He had ever lov'd him to an example of Fraternal Af­fection, had never made any distinction betwixt the interests of so good a Brother, and his own; he had invested him in a very considerable share of his own fortune, he had bestow'd upon him the Government of Provence, with the Office of Admiral of France, he had been continually assisting to him with his Purse and Cre­dit, and had ever made him a partaker in all the advantages of his Master's Favour: benefits, of which Mounsieur de la Valette had, on his part, made so modest, and so vertuous an use, that he thought himself oblig'd (having no posterity to provide for) to husband them for the Duke his Brother's Service: Which grati­ [...]de to h [...]s Benefactor was rewarded by a good fortune to him­self▪ for having little frequented the Court, the discontents and [Page 139] disgraces which sometimes perplext the Duke could never [...] reach or reflect upon him, who had continually been abroad in action, and that with so good success, that his merit made him by every one thought worthy of that greatness he possess'd; so that he was favour'd, and esteem'd by all good men, without the least mix­rure of hatred, or envy. Neither was he, on his part, wanting to his own Reputation and Interest; but ever behav'd himself in all his Employments with infinite moderation, sweetness, libe­rality, and noble Courage: Vertues that establish'd him in his Government with such Authority, and that rendred him so con­siderable to the Princes bordering upon Provence, that their respect to him begot in them a singular regard towards the Duke his Brother; whom no man was willing (upon a light occasion) to offend, left this (whom all the world knew to be so kind a Bro­ther, and so good a Friend) by an injury offer'd to so dear a Re­lation, might be tempted into extremities, that usually are the ef­fects of so just a resentment. It appears therefore by this, how great a support he was to his Family: but this unfortunate blow depriv'd the Duke at once of so considerable a Fortune, of so powerful an Assistant, of so honourable Employments, and of the person of all others most dearly beloved by him. The Office of Admiral of France was presently, and that by the Duke's con­sent, conferr'd upon St. Blancart, The Office of Admiral conferr'd upon St. Blancart. since Duke and Mareschal de Biron, his Kinsman, and intimate Friend; who (as we have already ob­serv'd) put himself into the Duke's Service in the beginning of his Favour: but who afterwards, by his good Services had advanc'd himself very high in his Majesties esteem. Some have said, that the King (to whom the Duke's greatness was become suspected) had a good mind, at the same time, to have dispos'd of the Go­vernment of Provence also: but that having consider'd most of the principal Cities of that Province were in the custody of the Duke's Friends, or their Substitutes, who had serv'd Volunteers under Mounsieur de la Valette; that the Forces, there residing, were made up of their Creatures, such as only serv'd upon the two Brothers account, it was to be fear'd the Duke's Discontents would be humour'd by his Friends, who might interest them­selves in his Disgrace: So that his Majesty thinking it neither convenient, nor safe, as Affairs then stood, directly to disoblige the Duke, was forc'd to comply with the necessity of the time, and to consent, to what he could not well hinder without endan­gering the Affairs of that Province.

Mounsieur de la Valette was no sooner dead, but that all his Of­ficers assembled themselves together, to advise, what, upon this [Page 140] accident, they were best to do; where, without much debate, it was concluded, that to express the affection, they had ever born their dead General, and the respect they had for the Duke his Bro­ther, to whom they would that affection should now descend, it was fit to send to the King, humbly to entreat his Majesty, that he would send the Duke of Espernon, to command them in the place of Mounsieur de la Valette▪ declaring freely withal, that un­der the command of any other they should not so chearfully continue those services, they had for the time past so successfully perform'd; and accordingly with this Message they dispatch'd away the [...]ieurs d' Esgarrebacques, and de Mespl [...]s (two of the most eminent amongst them both in Valour and Condition) to the Court.

The Duke of Espernon, being advertis'd of the deputation of these two Gentlemen to the King, by the Sieur de Peyroles (dis­patch'd to him at the same time by the Chief Officers of Pro­vence) sent himself also to solicite his Majesty, for that they had so favourably pursu'd in his behalf: The Duke demands of the King the Go­vernment of Provence. Representing to him, ‘That the Government of Provence could not be reputed vacant, whilst he was living, who had put it into his Brothers hands, upon no other account, than to preserve it in his Majesties Obedience; whilst himself, with such as depended upon him, expos'd his Life, and Fortune elsewhere, for his Service. That the first, and true title, to that Government remain'd in him, and that since he was so unfortunate as to survive his Brother, he had that confidence in his Majesties Justice, that he would not add to his affliction by depriving him of an Employment, he had only transferr'd to another, that he might himself be at more liberty to do him more, and better service:’ And, as if the Duke had been already assur'd of his Majesties Favour to him, or that he would not seem in the least to suspect it, he publish'd his resolution of going into Provence, and made great preparati­ons in order to that expedition. The King foreseeing that the Duke would, of all others, be the most acceptably receiv'd by that people, and knowing also, that in the confusion the King­dom then was, the Government of Provence wherein the Duke of Savoy, and the League had made a dangerous progress since the death of Mounsieur de la Valette) could not be maintain'd as it ought, otherwise than by the Duke's [...]nterest there, thought fit not to contradict his claim; and consequently, about the end of March the same year, sent him a Commission to go into Provence, in quality of Captain General of all his Forces there, without re­voking the title of Governour, which had been granted to him [Page 141] by Henry the III. as also without any confirmation of it; but commanding by particular dispatches all the Cities, and all his Servants in that Province to acknowledge, and obey him, giving the Duke in this some seeming satisfaction, till he might find a time and opportunity gently to withdraw him from thence.

The Duke, having thus obtain'd leave of the King, prepar'd him­self with all expedition to depart from his Governments of Xain­tonge, and Angoumois; but not before he had first settled his Dome­stick Affairs; the chief of which was the Inheritance of Mounsieur de la Valette, who, some days before his Death, had made a Will, wherein, 'tis true, he had made the Duke his Heir; but with so little advantage to him, that the very particulars of the Will, ex­ceeded the value of his Estate. He had given great Legacies to all his Friends, and to all his Servants, of which he had not omitted one, who was not very liberally rewarded. He had moreover given many pious Legacies for publick Buildings, Foundations of Convents, and Hospitals; and with all this liberality, left so many Debts behind him, that the Duke was advis'd not to meddle [...] the Inheritance, as a thing that would certainly be a burthen to him: But he, far from embracing an Advice, which, though prudently enough given, he thought would not be honourable for him to follow, could not think his Brothers intention sufficiently fulfill'd, if he did not add something of his own to his Libera­lities: A Resolution he so peremptorily executed, that all those who were mentioned in the Will were satisfied, before the Testa­tor's personal Estate could be priz'd, or his Revenue gather'd in.

Having thus settled this business, whilst his Friends were busie levying such Forces, as he intended to lead into Provence, he had now nothing left to do, but to begin his Journey, except to take a review of his Army: Of which the Cavalry was commanded by the Sieurs de Chalais, d' Ambleville, The Forces the Duke carried with him into Provence. d' Ars, (who is still full of vi­gour at the writing of this History, and I think the only Cavalier remaining of all the Officers of that Army) de Touverac, de Mi­ran, de Gohas, de Bordes, d' Estausan, de Puygailliart, young Masses, de Boisseau, and some others; each having a hundred Light Horse in his Troop. The Infantry had for Camp Masters, the Baron de Mata, Bonnouvrier, Pernes, and la Rodérie; the names of the rest I could not learn, time having worn out their Memories: But the Commanders and Souldiers were such, that it was not possible to see any where a more complete, nor a more spritely Body. And what he found there. There remain'd in Provence of those who had kept them­selves together, since the death of Mounsieur de la Valette, his own Troop of Gens-d' Armes, and that of the Baron de Montaut his [Page 142] Cousin, consisting each of two hundred Cuirassiers, with that of the Marquiss de Cadenot, consisting of one. The Troops of Light Horse under the command of Belloe, of Ramefort, of Lyons, of St. Andiol, that of Buous, with his Regiment of Foot, comman­ded by the Chevalier de Buous his Brother, with the Regiments of Merarques, and de Valaveyre. Soon after the Duke's Arrival in those parts, he was yet re-inforc'd with fifteen hundred Foot, which the Sieur de Gouvernet brought him out of Dauphiné; and the Constable his Uncle, to whom he gave a Visit as he pass'd through Languedoc, furnish'd him with three hundred Light Horse, under the Command of the Sieurs de Poyraux, de Monte­son, and d' Entragues. So that he no sooner came into Provenc [...], but that he had above ten thousand Foot, besides what he was supply'd withal from the Garrisons of the Country, which made up three thousand more, and at least fifteen or sixteen hundred Horse. The Mareschals de Camp, to those Forces he had rais'd himself, were the Sieurs de Megrin, and de Bonnouvrier, and of those in Provence, Montaut, and le Passage, who having serv'd in the same quality under his Brother, he thought, by no means fit to be disoblig'd.

So many, and so vast Leagues, made at the Duke's own char­ges, could not but very much exhaust his purse, which had be­fore been weakned by the excessive expense he had been at for the Service of the two Kings: For in his Voyage to Henry the III at Tours, he had (as has been said) rais'd six thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse, and in the last Campagne, he had brought to Henry IIII. four thousand Foot, and eight hundred Light Horse, which could not be rais'd without infinite expense: So that it is no wonder, if he was now reduc'd to borrowing, as in­deed he was, and did borrow a very considerable summe at An­goulesme; where one particular man, Francois Redout by name, Sieur de Nevillac, lent him, at his departure from thence, fifty thou­sand Crowns; The Duke enforc'd to borrow mo­ny. and which more oblig'd the Duke (a thing I have often heard him speak of with great commendation of this Gentlemans proceeding) so generously, that he would not so much as accept a bond for his Security, but only a Memorandum of three or four Lines; so great a Confidence he had in the Duke's Integrity: Nor was he deceiv'd, his mony being punctually re­paid at the appointed day.

Things being thus order'd, The Duke departs from An­goul [...]sme. the Duke departed from Angou­lesme the fifth day of Iune, the same year taking his way through Perigort towards Quercy; but there was no little contest betwixt his Honour and Affection in taking leave of his Dutchess, whom [Page 143] her Vertue, and Fruitfulness, had rendred to him more dear than ever; and who on her part, as if she had foreseen this parting should be their last, as indeed it was, could by no means consent to this separation, though they were at last both of them constrain'd, to yield to the necessity, his Duty and Honour im­pos'd upon him.

There accru'd no little advantage to his Majesties Affairs, by this Armies taking the way of Quercy; for the Marquis de The­mines, since Mareschal of France▪ gave the Duke notice as he was upon his March, that the Forces the League had in Languedoc, under the command of the Duke de Ioyeuse, had besig'd Villo [...]nur, which though a little Town, was nevertheless very considerable for its situation upon the River Tarn, and for its vicinity to Tho­louse, being but four Leagues distant from thence. R [...]nies a Gentleman of great Valour, who had the command of that place, upon the first Alarm, had put himself, with about fifteen, or sixteen Gentlemen of his Friends, into it: but it had been impos­sible (having no body, but the Inhabitants to assist him) to have defended it long without relief, and that no body, but the Duke, was able to give him: Which Father Ange de Ioyeuse a Capuchin, the Duke's Brother-in-law, and then at Tholouse, fearing he would do, and having intelligence of the Duke's motion that way, he went, and met him upon his March, where he not only endea­vour'd to disswade him from that Design; but also by all manner of Arguments to draw him over to the League: conjuring him by all the ties of Friendship, and by the most instant intreaties he could use, neither omitting the respect due to Religion, nor the obligations of Friendship, and Relation, to divert him from his purpose; but all in vain: for the Duke setting aside all those interests of Friendship, The Duke relieves Villemu [...] and Alliance when they came in compe­tition with the Duty he ought to his Prince, was deaf to all Argu­ments and Entreaties, and in spite of them, and him, advanc'd directly towards the place: But upon his Arrival, the Enemy, not being able to dispute it with him, immediately retir▪d to Tho­loze, giving the Duke, by that means, free liberty to fortifie the Town; which he did so well, as soon after gave the King's Par­ty opportunity to gain in that place a very signal Victory, by the death of the Duke de Ioyeuse himself, and the absolute defeat of his Army.

But it was not in this occasion alone that the Duke's Armes were employ'd in that Country; for the power of the League being as considerable there, as in any Province of the Kingdom, their Designs were not [...]imited to the reducing of Villemur only; [Page 144] they had moreover almost block'd up Montauban, which City (at that time reputed one of the best in France) was in great danger, if not speedily reliev'd, to be lost. On one side it was aw'd by Moissac, on another by the Castles of Monbeton, of Mauzac, and de la Court, besides many other little places fortified round about, by which the Garrison, and Inhabitants were so straightned, and kept in, that they were reduc'd to great extremity, and scarcity of all things. The D [...]ke relieves Mantaubon by the ta­king in se­veral Ca­stles from the League. This, the Duke being advertis'd of, and being also solicited by the Inhabitants, to free them from these troublesome Neighbours, he presently went about it, and to that purpose pre­sented himself first before Moissac, which surrendring at the sight of the Cannon, he remov'd from thence before Mauzac, which did the same: but the other little places, not being so consider­able, as that his presence was necessary to reduce them, he left that part of the work to the Sieurs de St. Megrin, and de Bonnouvrier, Mareschals de Camp to his Army; himself, whilst his Forces were employ'd about those petty Enterprizes, making a step into Gas­cony to Visit Madam de la Valette, his Mother, and to invite his Friends in that Country to go, and share with him in the Honour of serving his Majesty in Provence.

By this little digression into Gascony, the Duke had an opportu­nity yet further, to re-inforce himself with some particular Ser­vants of his, with whom, having rejoyn'd his Army, he found now nothing lest to do, that might impede his March; so that he proceeded without longer stay, on his Journey to Provence, where being arriv'd, and appearing with so gallant, and so numerous an Army, it gave no small reputation to his Majesties Affairs; nor strook no small astonishment into the League: and, as he, in his experience very well knew, that this reputation was no ways to be kept up, but by some honourable Exploit, he undertook divers Sieges at his first Arrrival (notwithstanding the season of the year was far spent, it being now October) whereof that of Montauron was the first. The Siege of Montau­ [...]on. This City, though in its situation and strength incapable of any notable defense, was nevertheless by the Commanders, (who had eighteen foot Companies there, which the Duke of Savoy had put in, to entertain the Duke of Espe [...]non in his first heat) thought tenable enough, and that the number of their men, which were nine hundred resolute Souldi­ers, would supply the defects of the place; or that (at the worst) the Duke of Savoy, being so near, and in the head of an Army, they might defend themselves, till he should come to their Re­lief. This Garrison the Duke of Espernon at his Arrival presently summon'd to a surrender, at the same time representing to them, [Page 145] that they were in a place, that could not possibly resist the Force of great Shot, the Houses of the City making up the greatest part of their Wall; and that they would do better not to put him to the trouble of bringing up his Artillery, than by doing it to oblige him to use them otherwise, than like Gentlemen, and Souldiers: To which they (defying him, and despising his Ad­monitions) return'd this peremptory answer, That they had un­dertaken to defend that place, and would maintain it, or perish, and make it good with their lives to the last man; An Answer that quickly set the Duke to work, who immediately beleaguer'd the Town; where the Cannon having in a few days made a wi­der breach than was nece [...]sary, the besieg'd desir'd they might Ca­pitulate. To whom the Duke sent word, There was now no Ca­pitulation to be granted to them, that they had lost that privi­ledge, and that he would not receive them upon other terms, than upon surrender to mercy; that they were best therefore to deliberate, whether they would run the fortune of an Assault, or presently submit to that Condition, it being the only, and final Fa­vour they were to expect.

Whilst these matters were in agitation, the Duke of Savoy, who had engag'd these men in this desperate place, and knew, as well as any, the danger they were in, was advancing with three thou­sand Foot, and five hundred Light Horse to relieve them; which the Duke of Espernon was no sooner enform'd of, but that leaving a sufficient Force to maintain the Siege, he went out to meet him, and bravely offer'd him Battel: But the Savoyard, not daring to run so great a hazard, retir'd without any further attempt; so that the Besieg'd, being out of all hopes of Relief, were forc'd to sur­render to the Duke's discretion, where their Insolence, and Re­bellion receiv'd their due reward, and that in as high a degree, and with the greatest rigour, the Law of Arms does permit: whereby they were made miserable examples of the greatest cru­elty. All the Captains found in the place, to the number of four­teen, The Duke of Esp [...]r­non's seve­r [...]ty. were immediately hang'd up, and five hundred common Souldiers sent to the Gallies at Taulon; the rest either escap'd in the time of the Capitulation, or were [...]lain, during the Siege: A severity that ought not to have been practis'd, upon our own Na­tion. But the Duke would by this give the Duke of Savoy to un­derstand, that he, having violated the publick Faith, and his League with the Kings of France, as he had done, he would have no fair Quarter with him, nor use him otherwise than as a mor­tal Enemy to the Crown, and Kingdom.

[Page 146] After this Action, the Duke conceiving himself no less ob­lig'd to protect his Majesties good Subjects, than to suppress his Enemies; his first care was to secure the Officers of the Parlia­ment of Provence (such as had declar'd for the King from the be­ginning, and had retir'd themselves from Aix (the seat of Parlia­ment) from the time the City had revolted to the Duke of Savoy) in some place of safety: For this purpose he could find no place so fit for strength, and conveniency as Manosque, where he seated them in great security, and honour. And that the time might not pass away without some shew of Action, whilst the season would not give him leave smartly to follow the War; he in this dead time of the year, with a strong party of Horse scour'd the Country all over the whole Province. Neither was this an unneces­sary, or an unprofitable diligence, by which he confirm'd those Cities, already declar'd for the King, in their duty; and also fright­ed those inclining to a Revolt into better Resolutions: But the greatest advantage he reap'd by it was, that by this means, he in­form'd himself, upon the particular places themselves, of the ge­neral estate of the whole Province; and moreover, kept his men in action, like a Captain that very well understood Order and Discipline to be the only things, that establish, and support an Army, and the pest of great Bodies to be sloath and liberty, which debauch Souldiers from their Duty, and have often been observ'd to dissolve, and disperse the greatest Armies, when the Souldier has been suffer'd to enrich himself by idleness, and li­cense, upon the plunder of his Quarters. He therefore provided for the subsistence of his men, by imposing Contributions upon the Province, which nevertheless was not done without the ad­vice and consent of the Officers of Parliament; by whose Au­thority, as well as his own, he order'd a certain rate of all things in the Markets, and that at so indifferent a price, that the Com­mons found a greater convenience in the Quartering of Souldiers, than in being without; so quick a return they had for their Corn, and other Provisions, and so certain was their pay. To this the Assessments, design'd to defray these Provisions, were so equally laid upon the whole Country, that no man could complain he was opprest: nor was there any who did not find his advantage in this necessary evil. In fine, all things were settled so much to the general conveniency, and satisfaction of all, that I have an hundred times heard the Duke wish for such an establishment in Guienne: but the contagion was there already spread too far, and had taken too deep root, to admit so happy a reformation. By this prudent disposition of things, the Souldier found himself [Page 147] provided of his share of all things necessary where ever he came, according to the order prescrib'd: Neither was he to exact more upon pain of death; a penalty that without mercy follow'd the offense: by which severe Discipline, the King's Party, in those parts, were in a short time observ'd to be very much encreas'd.

The Duke, The Siege of Arles. solicitous to maintain this Reputation of the Royal Arms, by some notable enterprize, resolv'd to make an attempt upon the City of Arles; neither did he herein make an ill choice, it being one of the most considerable places of Provence, seated up­on the Banks of Rosne, and inhabited by above three hundred Families of very good quality, who here made their ordinary re­sidence; besides a vast number of Citizens, and inferiour peo­ple. This City, like all others which are situated upon Navi­gable Rivers, and daily expect to be supply'd with fresh Provi­sions, kept very little before-hand in store; which the Duke be­ing well enform'd of, contented himself with shutting up the River only above, and below, and cutting off the Succours of the adjacent Countrey, by Quartering several Troops on both sides the River: by which means, without much trouble, or any considerable loss in a month, or five weeks time, this strong City was reduc'd to a necessity of surrender, and to shake hands with the League, for whom they had hitherto been zealous to the highest degree. Arles sur­rendred. They came therefore to a Capitulation, in which the Duke was content to accept of thirty Hostages for their fu­ture good behaviour, and with that caution to ease them of the burthen of a Garrison; which in truth at that time, before he was well settled in his Government, he could not well have spar'd, nor without manifest prejudice to his Majesties, and his own private Affairs. Nevertheless what good security soever the Duke thought he had taken to bind them to their Duty, the In­habitants made no scruple afterwards, in the Revolt of the Cities of Provence, by their Rebellion to expose the lives of so many men of Quality, who had generously stak'd their persons for the good of their fellow Citizens, to the Duke's just indignation; though he by a clemency much more extraordinary, than the se­verity he had shew'd at Montauron, dismiss'd the Hostages to their own houses, without so much as putting them to ransome; which in an occasion of this nature is no usual Favour.

After this success, the Duke yet undertook the Siege of Antibe, The S [...]ege of A [...]tibe. a place wonderfully well fortifi'd, seated upon the Sea shore, and favour'd with a very good Port; which the Duke of Savoy, since his last taking of it, to assure his possession, had so fortified, and mann'd, that he thought it impossible to be taken. The Duke of [Page 148] Espernon notwithstanding presented himself before it, where ha­ving summon'd the Governour to a surrender, and his Trumpet being sent back with a scornful answer, he proceeded to a formal Siege, advancing by T [...]enches, raising of Batteries, and duly ob­serving whatever the Method, and Discipline of War prescribe in the most difficult attempts. The Town was defended for a while, but the Governour in the end retir'd into his Fo [...]t, where he thought he should be in a condition to make the Duke spend his time, and consume his Army unprofitably, and to no purpose.

This place had besides its own strength, A [...]bigné. and advantageous si­tuation, this further convenience, that every night, by the Duke of Savoy's order, a Gally set out from Nice, that brought all the refr [...]shments to the besieg'd, they could desire, carried away their Sick, and Wounded, brought them in fresh Souldiers, and pro­vided all things necessary for them; which so continual Succour, and seasonable Supplies, swell'd the Governour with an opinion, that the Duke could never force him: Neither was the Duke dis­pleas'd at his confidence, hoping that this security of his would at one time or another contribute to the success of his Design. He therefore continued his approaches, and try'd all ways imagin­able to effect his enterprize; when at last his Cannon having bat­terd the Curtain in a place not much frequented, he perceiv'd, that those within kept no guard there; by which he believ'd they had not observ'd that breach, and immediately resolv'd to make his advantage of that negligence. To this purpose therefore he sent a Serjeant to discover the breach, who accordingly having gone in, and return'd by a hole big enough for a man to pass at his [...]ase, he made his report to the Duke, that there was so little order in the place, that no one so much as thought of repairing that Breach, and that there was no Guard at all kept there. Upon this intelligence the Duke resolv'd, that an Assault should the next morning be made, on that side the Fortress; which, that it might the better succeed, a general Assault was to be made shew of, that the Defendants, being every where employ'd, whilst they were deluded by false Alarms, fi [...]ty good men, chosen for the purpose, seconded by an hundred more, and that hundred by a greater number, might creep up to the Curtain, and slip in at the Breach; a Design that took effect: In the execution of which, the Alarm having surpriz'd the Governour in Bed, and he run­ning out in his Night-Gown, and Slippers▪ to see what was the matter, Anti [...]e taken by Assault. was in that posture taken, as the Fort it self was by As­sault. And here, though by the Law of Arms all things were at the Conquerours discretion, the Duke nevertheless proceed­ing [Page 149] in that moderate way he had taken up, after his severity at Montauron, absolutely forbad all unnecessary slaughter, content­ing himself with detaining the Governour, and some of his Of­ficers, prisoners. The Duke of Savoy, who had made this place his chiefest Arsenal, had furnish'd it so well with Artillery, that the Duke there found thirty brass Pieces, of which fourteen were Royal Culverines, or Bastards, with great store of Ammunition, which did him no little service in the prosecution of that War, against the Duke of Savoy himself.

The Gally from Nice fail'd not the next night to come accord­ing to her custom; and, if it had been thought of, to have an­swer'd her Signal by the usual countersign, had infallibly been ta­ken with the place: but in the heat of the Victory, no body ha­ving remembred it, she retir'd safe to Nice, those who were in her, by the omission of the Signal, and by the noise and confusi­on they heard in the Town, concluding the Fort, and all, to be certainly taken.

From Antibe the Duke went to Cannes, The Surren­der of Can­nes. which had revolted af­ter the Death of Mounsieur de la Valette, a very good Port Town, which nevertheless surrendred at the first Summons: So that hunting, and every where unkennelling the Sav [...]yards, at this suc­cessful rate, who had possess'd themselves of most of the best Ci­ties of Provence, he gave Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres, who was new­ly entred into Savoy, and who was deputed for that Service by the Treaty, made a little before betwixt Mounsieur de la Valette, and the foremention'd Princes of Italy, great opportunity to make a notable progress into that Dukedom.

Neither was it by these diversions alone that he favour'd l'Esdi­guiers invasion of Savoy, but by a more important assistance: for when the Duke of Savoy (driven out of Provence on the one side by the Duke of Espernon, and call'd home on the other to the de­fense of his own Dukedom, by the dangerous progress l' Esdiguieres had there already made) return'd upon him with all the Forces he had; doubtless Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres had been in apparent dan­ger of some notable Defeat, if at his request, and in so urgent a necessity, Mounsieur de Tho [...]. the Duke of Espernon had not assisted him with twelve hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse; w [...]ich he sent him un­der the command of the Chavalier de Buous, and to make the ob­ligation the greater, had not also procur'd him from the Consta­ble (with whom the Duke had a very great interest) almost as ma­ny more Forces, by which he was not only rescu'd from the pre­sent danger, but likewise put into a capacity of attempting greater things than he had yet done. A courtesie very ill requited, as we [Page 150] shall see in the following Revolutions of Provence; the Duke ha­ving afterwards no such enemy as he, whom he had so seasonably assisted, in a time of the greatest nece [...]sity and danger.

The success that hitherto had attended the Duke, Anno 1593. gave so great a reputation to the Royal Arms, and had so discountenanc'd the Enemy, that there scarce remain'd a place in the whole Province, tha [...] durst shut their Gates against him: So that after the Duke of Savoy was retir'd (as you have heard) into his own Country, the Duke had leisure, The Duke reduces se­veral revol­ted Towns. and without much difficulty, to recover Frejus, Cicutat, Cisteron, St. Tropes, with many other important places that had revolted after the death of Mounsieur de la Val [...]tte, and to make himself Master of all Provence; Aix, and Marselles, only excepted.

These two were the Capital Cities of the Province, the first considerable for its circuit, and the seat of Parliament establish'd there; and the other, for its greatness also, and for the number of Inhabitants; but principally for the Port, reputed one of the best upon the Mediterranean Sea. These two Cities so far forgot themselves, their Duty, and Allegiance, that after the death of Henry the III. (animated by an indiscreet zeal to Religion, which was ever the Leaguers Pretense, to abuse the simplicity of the peo­ple) they rather chose to create an Usurper in the person of the Duke of Savoy, and to submit themselves to his invasive Govern­ment, than to acknowledge, and obey their own lawful, and na­tural Prin [...]e. At the instigation therefore of the Countess de Saut, of the Count de Carces, and some others of Quality in the Coun­try, who were fierce for the League, they sent a Deputation to this Duke, as far as Turin; where, by the mouths of two Com­missioners of Parliament, and many other Officers, and in the name of the people, they made him a voluntary tender of the Principality of the County of Provence. Whereupon the Duke, in acknowledgment of so free, and unexpected an offer, had not only receiv'd them into, and promis'd them his own prote­ction; but likewise that of the King of Spain his Father-in-law, coming himself in person to take possession of his new Province, where he had, almost in all places, been receiv'd with all the ho­nour and applause he could possibly expect, or desire. An act be­coming a giddy and rebellious people; who coming afterwards to recollect themselves, to consider what they had done, and how great a fault they had committed against their Faith and Duty, were yet resolv'd to persist in their Rebellion, and by taking mea­sure of their own offense, apprehending no possibility of pardon, determin'd to rely upon their own strength; and creating courage [Page 151] out of despair, were resolute to suffer the utmost extremities, ra­ther than to recede from what they had so infamously, and im­maturely done. All which, although it was very well known to the Duke of Espernon, and likewise what resistance was to be ex­pected, from men made desperate by their own Crimes: yet had he the courage to make an attempt upon these two great Cities, The D [...]ke makes an at­tempt first upon Aix, a [...]d after upon Mar­se [...]es. if possible, to reduce them to their obedience, which, had For­tune contributed any thing to the greatness, and bravery of the Design, had certainly taken a happy effect.

The Duke having, upon mature deliberation, resolv'd upon these two Enterprizes, would begin with that of Aix, as appear­ing the easier to be accomplish'd, Aix wanting those Succours by Sea, which Marselles, upon occasion, was certain to have: But his Forces, being too few to form a regular Siege, against so great a City, Forts built against Aix. he was fain to supply that defect by erecting many Forts against it; which, shutting up the Avenues, were, notwithstand­ing his want of men, sufficient to block up the City. Betwixt these Forts, in a place of advantage, he caus'd a Grand to be ere­cted, that is to say, a greater Fort, after the form of a new City, opposite to, and within a Musquet-shot of the old; where the greatest part of his Infantry were bestow'd with great conveni­ence, and from whence the Duke could so perfectly discover, whatever could be practis'd against him by the Enemy, that it was impossible so to surprize him, but that he would be ever ready to relieve any of his Quarters with great facility, should any thing be attempted against them. The Cavalry, that could by no means subsist in the same place, were dispos'd into several Gar­risons, some nearer, some further off, according as there was con­venience of Quarters, of which those under the command of Chastelliers, du Passage, de Buous, and de Ramefort were the nearest, where they wanted no opportunities of signalizing their Vigilan­cy, and Valour: An order so admirably establish'd, as in time re­duc'd the City of Aix, to such extremities, that they must cer­tainly have fall'n into the Duke's hands, had not the Inhabitants declar'd a resolution of submitting themselves to none, but the King; where notwithstanding the Duke was the only Author of their submission, as he was of all other advantages the King ob­tain'd in Provence, though still the artifice of his Enemies so skreen'd his merits from his Majesties observation, that he receiv'd very little thanks for his labour.

The Duke began to build his Fort in Iune 1593. The Count de Carces near ally'd to the Duke of Mayenne (being Son by a former Husband to the Dutchess his Wi [...]e) commanded in the City, [Page 152] where the Inhabitants under his command, back'd by some Foot Companies belonging to the Duke of Savoy, which yet remain'd in that Country, were so brisk, as, at the Duke's first sitting down, by frequent Sallies to disturb his Building; The En [...]my endeavours by frequent sallies to hinder the Duke's Works. but were ever beaten back with so great loss, that they were at last content to sit still, and suffer what they found they were not able to oppose. And here I find my self upon a Scene of Honour, where the best Pen might be worthily employ'd: where notwithstanding, should I make particular mention of all the Skirmishes, Combats, and brave actions that hapned upon this occasion, I should fall into the error, which of all others I most pretend to shun, and trou­ble my Reader with a long, and perhaps a tedious Narrative; though some of them are of so shining a Reputation, as can, by no means, be pass'd over in silence.

Whilst the Duke therefore was very busie about raising his Fort, the Count de Carces, who would try all possible ways to hin­der that work, sallied out of the Town at broad noon-day with 400 Gentlemen, of which number was the Count de Suze, Be­zaudun, Camp-Mareschal, S. Marcelin, and Reglanette, with many more Gentlemen of Quality, who followed by 2000 men, what of the Inhabitants, and what of the Companies in Garrison, went with a design to overthrow the Works already begun, and if pos­sible to compel the Duke to retire. A Design, that as it was brave in it self, so was the time wherein it should be executed as prudent­ly chosen; A great sal­ly made by the besieged for at so unexpected an hour most part of the Duke's Souldiers were either sleeping in their Huts, or gone abroad to For­rage so that the Duke had very few about him: Neither, if the In­fantry were in such disorder, were the Horse in a greater readiness, which constrain'd the Duke, who had mounted at the first noise of the Alarm, being able to get but very few together, with those few to expose himself to withstand the first fury of the Ene­my. Chastelier (whom we have already begun to call the Baron d' Ars) hearing in his Quarters a noise, and uproar, such as is usually occasion'd by tumultuous Sallies, with the Sieur de Buous, were the first, who with their Troops came in to the Duke's suc­cour, whom, as soon as come, he commanded to charge the Ene­my; whilst himself, who had soon rallied all who were in a con­dition to fight, following them close at the heels, fell so furiously into the Body of the Assailants as made all give way before him. The Count de Carces, seeing his men so roughly handled, endea­vour'd to recover an Hospital in the mid-way, betwixt the Fort, and the City, with an intent there to rally his men, and to make good the place: but the Duke falling in pell-mell amongst them, [Page 153] forc'd him to continue his flight to the very Graffe of the City, where many of his men were slain; by which ill success the Enemy having lost above 400 men, they were for the future bet­ter advis'd, than to make any more such sallies, and suffer'd the Duke, in great security, to continue his work under their noses.

Whilst every one thought the Duke wholly intent upon this Design of Aix, and that mens minds were suspended in expecta­tion of the event of that enterprize, he conceiv'd there was an advantage to be made of this general belief, that seem'd to falici­tate an attempt upon Marselles it self; which, as it was very impro­bable by open force to take any good effect, so was it to be car­ried on with great prudence, and secresie, to make it succeed: He therefore gave private Instructions to all such Commanders as he intended to make use of in this Enterprize, to make ready 3000 chosen Foot, and 400 Light Horse, An attempt upon Mar­selles. as also to prepare three Petards, with which in the beginning of a very dark night, he silently rose from his Quarters, marching his men the direct Road to Marselles. He had not as yet discover'd his Design to any, when being advanc'd about half a League on his way, and thinking it now high time to put his Friends out of suspense, who knew nothing whither they were to go, he call'd all the Chief Officers of his Party about him, and in a short Harangue, told them, ‘That if he had not sooner discover'd his Design unto them, it was not for any diffidence he had of their fidelity, which was already sufficiently known unto him; that after the many testimonies they had, upon all occasions, given him, of their Worth, and Valour, he had more reason to seek opportu­nities wherein he might manifest his gratitude, than to expect any further proof from them: but that as secresie was the great promoter of all Enterprizes of the nature of this, wherein he now intended to employ them, he would not, should any disa­ster happen, that the least colour of blame should reflect upon any of them; but much rather be wholly imputed to Fortune: but nevertheless all things being so well order'd, as he conceiv'd they were, there was no doubt to be made of a successful issue: That he therefore conjur'd them resolutely to undertake an acti­on of the greatest advantage to the King, to his Majesties Af­fairs, and to their own particular benefit, and honour, that could possibly be propos'd: That every one there knew Mar­selles to be one of the most important Cities, whether consi­der'd in the commodity of its Haven, or in its vicinity to Fo­reign Countries, in the whole Kingdom: That this City re­duc'd by the King of Spain's promises, and the Duke of Savoy's [Page 154] together, had already put her self into their protection; and persisting in her obstinacy, was ready to open her Gates to Strangers, to receive their Garrisons, and to give away her li­berty to them, after having violated her Faith, and Duty to her lawful Sovereign: That should strangers once get entire pos­session of that City, it would be lost for ever, and that there would be no hopes ever to drive them from so advantageous a post, what attempts soever could be made, against a place so strong, and so easie to be reliev'd: That next to the publick concern he consider'd the reducing of this City as a certain and firm establishment of his own interest in Provence; and that they themselves ought to look upon it as a pledge, whereby that fair, and rich Province would be assur'd unto them, and that would give them an entire authority over the people, who after so brave an exploit, would no more be able to vie Merit, or Valour with them, as they had formerly done: That such as had undertaken Enterprizes of this nature were wont to ani­mate their companions with hopes of Booty; but that for his part he should take a contrary way: That it was not his intent to ruine Provence, nor the City of Marselles, but to preserve both the one, and the other for the King, to establish himself there in order to his Majesties Service, and to procure for them other advantages, and by other means suiting to their great merit, and the service they had perform'd: That this City once taken there could be no more fear of wanting provisions for the Ar­my, the conveniency of the Port bringing in all things neces­sary in great abundance, that the evil-affectedness of the people would for the future be able to produce nothing to their preju­dice, they having in their own hands either the Keyes of the Province to let in all necessary Succours, or otherwise the Chains that would tye them fast to their duty: That above all things therefore he most earnestly desir'd them to restrain the insolence of the Souldier, whom notwithstanding he did not thereby intend to hinder of the benefit they might justly make of the Inhabitants Estates, which were already forfeited to them by by their Rebellion, and of which they should soon be possess'd by the Victory: but that he desir'd they might be fairly divi­ded amongst them, that they might the longer enjoy what they got, and not lose, and destroy the spoil, as it otfen falls out in the sack, and plunder of great Cities: That he would not upon this occasion suggest unto them the remembrance of their ac­customed Valour, that he knew by good experience such exhor­tations were altogether unnecessary to them in bold, and dange­rous [Page 155] attempts; and that he only conjur'd them to follow his example now, as hitherto they had follow'd his Person, and Fortune.’

The Duke, having thus prepar'd his Friends for the Enter­prize, continued on his way; when, being come within sight of the place, he himself, with those that had charge of the Petards, advanc'd up to the Gate: Of these the first Petard play'd to as good effect, as was to be expected, having made a hole in the Gate wide enough for a man easily to get through; which, though made wider by the second, yet did not the Gate fall down, being supported by a great iron Bar behind: The Duke therefore call'd for the third Petard, but in vain; no Petard being to be heard of, no more than the man to whose trust it was committed; which made them try to break the Bar with Axes, that they might have the passage more free to relieve some of their men, who were al­ready got in by the hole of the Gate: But the Inhabitants, rouz'd at the first noise of the Petards, running to their Arms, made a stout opposition; where, having but few to deal withal, the As­sailants were with great ease beaten back, and the Gate as sudden­ly Barricado'd up. It is not to be imagin'd how infinitely the Duke was afflicted at this ill success, and the more, because he thought he had made himself, as it were, Master of the event by the prudent conduct of his Design; though he has since thought himself happy in failing of his purpose (so much should men sus­spect their own desires in the choice of things that concern the conduct of their lives) it being to be fear'd, that had the Duke been establish'd in the power t [...]e winning of this City would have seated him in, and receiv'd those affronts, and that ill usage from Court, he afterwards did in the revolutions of Provence, the sense of those injuries might have prompted him to do things no ways suiting with his Duty, as we shall see he was soon after tem­pted to do. I do much wonder that none of our Historians have so much as mention'd this Enterprize, who have some of them been very particular about many others of the Duke's of much less importance; whose omission of this has engag'd me to insist longer upon it, than otherwise I should have done; that so brave an Action might not be buried in oblivion: of which the bare Project could not have been meditated by a mean courage, nor the Design carried on so far by an ordinary prudence.

The Duke, The D [...]ke returns to Aix. being retir'd to his Fort very much discontented at his evil success, would revenge himself of that disgrace by new, and brisker attempts upon the City of Aix: Wherefore having intelligence that the Inhabitants already began to feel themselves [Page 156] straightned for want of Victuals, he, to take from them all future hopes of supply, immediately fell to destroying all the Fruits, and Corn of the Country round about; and, not content to do them this mischief without, plai'd so many Cannon-shot into the Town, that not a man durst appear in the streets, or abide in the upper rooms of their houses: But the besieg'd, ingenious in their Re­venge, contriv'd a way to pay him back some of his Balls by a Counter-battery from the great Tower of the Church of Nostre­dame; a Pile of great note, and fame, as well for its exceeding height, as for the excellency of its Architecture, and Beauty. To the top therefore of this Tower, they made shift to crane up two Culverines, and had a Cannoneer so expert, as not only levell'd them right against the Fort, but even against the Duke's own Tent within it, where he made the strangest shot, that perhaps ever flew from such an Engine. This Cannoneer, under the pro­tection of some little Truce (of which there happen many in such Sieges, either for the carrying off their Dead, or some other occasion) had, unknown, crept into the Fort, and had there di­ligently observ'd every part of the Duke's Quarter: He had also discover'd that the Duke every afternoon us'd to play at Cards in the Parlour of his Tent, and had observ'd so much as the place where his Chair was constantly set. Having thus inform'd him­self of all these circumstances, he return'd to the City, where, after he had levell'd his two Guns to his own desire, he was so confident of his skill, as to offer odds, that in one of two shots he was about to make, he would either kill the Duke of Esper­non, or very much endanger his life; when immediately giving fire, he prov'd in part as good as his word, the shot lighting di­rectly into the place, to which it had been by his eye before direct­ed. The Duke was at this time playing at Primero, The Duke's miraculous escape. and set betwixt two Gentlemen, one called le Po [...]y; the others name I could not learn, who were both of them beaten to pieces, one over, and the other under the Duke; who by an incredible vigilancy of Fortune, being at that instant bow'd down upon the Table, to draw the money he had newly won upon a rest, escap'd that fa­tal blow; yet though he escap'd death, it was not without two great wounds, one by a piece of one of the poor Gentlemen's Bones, that pierc'd deep into his Belly; and the other, by another piece of a Bone, in his hip; of both which he carried the marks along with him to his Grave.

Those of the Town who were soon aware of the lucky hit their Cannoneer had made, believing the effect of it to be greater, than indeed it was, would not let slip an opportunity, wherein [Page 157] they conceiv'd something might be executed to their own advan­tage: wherefore they immediately sent out St. Romans, one of their Mareschals de Camp, with an hundred and fifty Light Horse at one Gate, The Inhabi­tants of Aix, ima­gining the Duke slain, make an­other sally. and Bezaudun with the like number at another, to try, if in the confusion they heard in the Fort something might not be attempted with success, who, had they found a fit advantage, were to have been seconded by the entire Forces of the City; but the Duke, notwithstanding the pain of his Wounds, omitting no­thing of his usual care, was no sooner taken up from the ground, where the sho [...] had beaten him down, than he commanded every one to stand to his Arms; by which means the Enemy, whose design it was to have come upon the Surprize, seeing the Duke's Forces ready to receive them, retir'd without fighting, being soon undeceiv'd in their false hopes, both of the Duke's death, and of the Defeat of his Army.

The Duke's Wounds, which every one at first judg'd to be mortal, made his Chirurgeons resolve upon removing him out of the noise, and tumult of the Fort, into a Farm hard by; a place which to them seem'd to be very secure from any practice of the Enemy: But this opinion, instead of giving him that quiet, and repose they kindly intended, had once more like to have cost him his life; The Duke in a new danger. for the besieg'd, who watch'd all oppor­tunities of making continual attempts upon the Duke's person, having observ'd that the place to which he was retir'd, although covered by the Fort, was nevertheless at a good distance from his Camp, and only guarded by a small party of Horse, resolv'd to try, either to take him alive, or at least to kill him in his Quar­ters. To this purpose therefore, sallying out of the Town with 400 of their best Horse, they furiously set upon the Duke's Horse-Guard; who were all presently cut to pieces, and Camseque who commanded them laid dead upon the place. D' Ars, whose duty it was to relieve them coming fortunately in upon their Defeat, re­new'd the Fight, where he so bravely withstood the Enemies fu­ry, that after his Brother Ceré, had been wounded and maim'd with infinite Blows, and himself beaten from his Horse, and re­mounted by one of his Compagnions, he gave du Passage, one of the Duke's Mareschals de Camp, time to come in to his succour; by whose assistance the Enemy was at last forc'd to retire, leaving ma­ny of their men dead upon the place, as the Baron d' Ars in this conflict lost the most part of his Troop.

This Cannon-shot which at the little distance of 200 paces had only wounded the Duke, was not so favourable to the Dutchess his Wife, whom it kill'd out-right at the distance of 200 Leagues. [Page 158] This Lady had been brought to bed (as has been said before) this same year 1593 of Lewis, since Cardinal de la Valette) whom the grief for her Husbands absence (which was nothing diminished by the course of time) had still so far kept back from the recovery of her former strength, after her lying in; that what was only a little indisposition at first, being much encreas'd by her melan­choly, grew to such a distemper, as made her Friends at last begin to apprehend a mortal consequence from her disconsolate life. To divert this ill humour therefore, they often perswaded her to go abroad, sometimes to Church, sometimes on Visits; when be­ing gone out one day to hear Mass, at her return she espied one of the Duke's Foot-men, who, unknown to him, had been, by some of his Officers dispatch'd away to Angoulesme, on purpose to prevent any false rumors, that might there be spread concerning the Duke's accident, and so discreetly to acquaint the Dutchess with what had hapned, that she might not unseasonably be sur­priz'd with the news of his mischance; an honest, and a prudent care in them, though her destiny rendred all these precautions fruitless, and vain: for she had no sooner cast her eye on the fel­low, who, being but newly arriv'd, had as yet spoke to none, but that she call'd him to her, suddenly demanding of him her Let­ters from the Duke: to whom, the poor Lacquy surpriz'd, and da [...]nted at her demand, innocently related that the Duke was wounded, and by a Cannon-shot: But, as if that word had been the shot it self, the Dutchess sunk down in a swoon, as one, that, apprehending a Cannon shot could be no less than mortal, would not survive him she concluded to be dead, and who was far dearer to her, than her own life. In which condition she was presently taken up by her people, and carried home; where all possible means was us'd to bring her to her self, as at last she was; though it was only to make her more sensible of death, which fol­lowed the ninth day after she had heard the unhappy news. Before her Death she made a Will, The Death of the Dut­chess of Espernon. wherein she bequeath'd whatever was in her gift to the Duke her Husband; to whom, recom­mending her Children, as the common pledges of their mutual affection, she conjur'd him, for their sakes, never to marry again. Thus died this young, and excellent Lady, in the six and twentieth Year of her Age, after having manifested an indifferency for life, becoming her masculine Courage, and Resignation unto Death, worthy her great Piety, and Vertue.

The Sieur du-Masses, Lieutenant for the King under the Duke in that Government, dispatch'd a Courier to the Duke, to ac­quaint him with his loss, as also with the Dutchess her dying re­quest [Page 159] unto him; who, after having given publick testimonies of his affliction, than which nothing could be greater, he vow'd to observe what she expected from his fidelity to the last hour of his Life: A promise that he as faithfully observ'd, though in the space of fifty years, that he surviv'd this excellent Lady, he was of­fer'd many and great advantageous matches, which he still refus'd; ever professing that the respect he bore to his dead Ladies last re­quest, did, and should with-hold him from embracing a new Wife, and f [...]om embarquing in a new Fortune.

Fortune had hitherto so favour'd the Duke in almost all his En­terprizes, Anno 1594. that his Affairs had been carried on with great prospe­rity and success, and the Provisions he had drawn from the Pro­vince, or bought with his own mony, had kept his Army in so good Discipline, The Proven­cials Revolt from the Duke. and Obedience, that the Provencials had tasted very little of the incommodities of War: Yet wanted there not some unquiet Spirits, who, enemies to the peoples peace, as envi­ous of the Duke's good Fortune, endeavour'd by all imaginable ways to debauch from him the respect, and good will he had by his noble carriage acquir'd from the greater part of the Country, and from the better sort of men, perswading them, that his se­vere and hasty humour proceeded from a purpose he had to usurp an absolute Authority over them; and, rendring his best intenti­ons so suspected to the people, as made them at last refuse to pay their accustomed Taxes. It was by so much the easier to corrupt these undiscerning spirits, by how much a certain emulation has ever been observ'd to be betwixt the Provencials and Gascons, as seems to have been hereditary, if not natural, to those two people: So that the Provencials not being able to endure the dominion of those with whom they had ever disputed the prize of Glory, and Valour, were easily tempted to shake off the yoke that either was, or was pretended to be impos'd upon them: After therefore (as has been said) they had denied the Duke those Contributions, which, until then, they had willingly paid, most of the Souldiers of the Country who were in his Army retir'd themselves, and some of the chief Nobility pretended to favour at Court by ac­cusing him of inordinate Ambition; though all his endeavour to make himself considerable in Provence, was only in order to his Majesties Service. The Duke seeing things in this ill condition, would by force have reduc'd them to their former posture: but this remedy (which was by no means proper for the constitution of that people) ripping up the memory of the severe punish­ments he had in such cases inflicted upon several men in divers places, serv'd only to make them desperate in their disobedience, and to incen [...]e them to the last degree.

[Page 160] Thus did all those, who had manifested an animosity against the Duke, begin to apprehend falling into his power, amongst which the Leaguers were in the greatest fear; who, as their ob­stinate Rebellion had made their fault much greater, than theirs, who like Souldiers had defended Montauron, so did they fear a worse punishment, if worse could be, than had been inflicted upon them. They saw their City of Aix reduc'd to the last ex­tremity; neither would those within stay till they could come to their Relief. The Count de Carces, a particular Enemy to the Duke (besides the hatred that diversity of interest does usually be­get) above all things dreaded to fall into his hands: so that Friends, and Enemies, those who pretended to be Royallists, and Leaguers conspiring together to hinder the Duke's further ad­vancement, he saw, almost in a moment, all Provence in Mutiny, and Insurrection.

The King had already publickly embrac'd the Catholick Re­ligion, King Henry the IIII. turns Ro­man Catho­lick. of which he had made open profession at St. Dennis, the five and twentieth day of Iuly this same year: whose Conver­sion having taken away all manner of pretense from such as had declar'd they forsook his Majesties Service upon no other ac­compt, than the Interest of Religion; the Inhabitants of Aix conceiv'd they could now no longer continue in their Rebellion, without manifesting to all the world that they were sway'd by other considerations, than those they had already declar'd; to which the Count de Carces (making use of this time, and occasion) adding his perswasions, one while representing to them their Duty to their Prince, and another the severity they were to expect from the Duke of Espernon, animated, as he must of necessity be, by the hatred they had in this Siege express'd against his Person, he at last prevail'd with them to send away speedily to the King, to assure his Majesty of their Fidelity and Obedience. Mounsieur de Thou. This was the first thing that discover'd a disunion in the League: of which, though the Duke of Mayenne highly complain'd to the Count de Carces, reproaching him with weakness, and charging him with all the miscarriages that should after happen to their Fa­ction; yet was he deaf to his reproaches, and the fear of falling into the Duke's hands, as he was upon the point to do (the City of Aix, not being able longer to hold out) being more prevalent upon him, than the respect of his Alliance, he resolutely persisted in his first Design.

But the Count de Carces was not satisfied with hindering the Duke from making himself Master of the City of Aix only, the hatred he implacably bore him proceeding yet further, and to [Page 161] contrivances of more dangerous consequence against him. There was none who did not believe the King had a jealousie of the Duke's Designs; amongst whom, the Count de Carces, Designs o [...] the Count de Carces against the Duke. who un­derstood it better than the rest, easily perswaded himself that his Majesty would not suffer the Duke to encrease his Reputation, and Power in Provence, by the taking of Aix, one of the most im­portant places of that Province: And he further knew the Duke would as hardly consent to have his Conquest, so near effected, forestall'd, and the prey snatch'd out of his hands: So that in this diversity of pretensions, he doubted not, but that the King's aversion to the Duke, as also his mistrust of him, would be infi­nitely encreas'd; which in the end succeeded as he had foreseen, and projected. The Estates of the Country, assembled at Aix, ap­pointed Deputies to go make a tender to the King of the obedi­ence of their City, provided his Majesty would please to protect them against the Duke of Espernon, whose power, they said, was grown formidable, and his insolence not to be endur'd. 'Tis true, he had acted vigorously against them, but they would not say, That had he proceeded with greater moderation, they would ever have return'd to their obedience, or departed from the Faction, whose interest they had so precipitously, and rebelliously em­brac'd.

The Deputies found it no hard matter to obtain from the King what they desir'd, Anno 1595. as to the acceptation of their City, which his Majesty was very glad should return into his obedience: but for what concern'd the Duke of Espernon, against whom their depu­tation was chiefly directed, they could nothing prevail at this time; not that they fail'd on their parts with their utmost endea­vour, and eloquence, to render his Actions, and fidelity suspe­cted, to set the Kings heart more, and more against him: But whether it were that his Majesty would not give credit to so par­tial, and so passionate accusers; or (which is more likely) that in the present posture of his Affairs, not yet well settled, he thought it not convenient to disoblige the Duke to such a degree; he would by no means gratifie them in that part of their deputation, that pointed at the Duke's removal from his Government. He saw him powerful in the Country, supported with great Relations, and possess'd of many strong holds; in which condition it had been dangerous to provoke him to the height: wherefore he thought it best to choose a mean betwixt these extremes, and to give the Deputies some satisfaction, without touching the Duke's Authority in Provence, excepting in the City of Aix only; which, at the Deputies request his Majesty would not absolutely leave at his discretion.

[Page 162] His Maje [...]ties Conversion had as yet produc'd no great advan­tage to, nor no great alteration in his Affairs, saving that he had thereby assur'd many good Catholicks to his Service, who before were a little distracted in their Duty, and suspended betwixt Loy­alty and Religion: But the League still remain'd in the same vi­gour, and the Spaniards hopes were yet as great as ever to carry the Election of their Infanta to the Crown, in the approaching Assem­bly of the counterfeit Estates of the League at Paris. All proposi­tions of Accommodation with the Duke of Mayenne had prov'd ineffectual, who was the more inflexible to Peace, by how much his Kindred, and Confederates (the Count de Carces excepted) con­tinued firm in their union, which also of it self was not very like­ly soon to dis [...]olve, where there were so many pretenders to the Crown, to which five, or six of the Family at once aspir'd. In this conjuncture of Affairs, the King willing to make much of those few Servants h [...] had, and principally of the Duke, that he might win time to order him at a better advantage, when the State should be settled in a better condition, wholly referr'd all differences depending betwixt the Duke, and the Provencials, to the Constable de Montmoren [...]y's Arbitration: A man of all others, the most [...]it to accommodate those Differences, who being a near Ally, and a passionate Friend to the Duke, and his Interests, could no ways stand [...]uspected to him; and who his Majesty knew would be well lik'd of by the Provencials: a people the Constable by bordering upon them had had many opportunities several ways to oblige. Neither did his Majesty altogether [...]o trust to the Refer­ree he had in publick honoured with that Office, but that he at the same time sent private instructions to Mounsieur l' Esd [...]guieres, and to Colonel Alphonso d' Ornano, The King sends secret Orders to l' Esdigui­eres, and Co­lonel Al­phonso d' Or­nano. to have an eye to the Duke's Acti­ons; and in case they saw him obstinate to the taking the City of Aix, or that the Constable should in his Arbitration be partial to him, that then they should openly undertake the protection of that people, and by all means assure to his Majesty the pos [...]es [...]ion of that City.

Yet were not these orders, how secretly soever deliver'd, so close­ly carried, but that the Duke had immediate knowledge thereof; at which unexpected unkindness being infinitely surpriz'd, and wounded to the quick, to see his Services, and good Intentions re­warded by so apparent a mistrust, he took up Resolutions, which though I shall by no means pretend to justifie, yet that the condi­tion, and misfortune of the time may something serve to excuse: There was scarce a great man of that Age that was not of opinion a man might lawfully defend his own Fortune, even against his [Page 163] Prince, an error with which the Duke also, having been pre-pos­sess'd, and therein, by a number of ill examples, confirm'd, he was resolv'd not to refer the Controversie about Aix, nor the in­terest he had in Provence to arbitration; but to maintain him­self in that Interest, and Authority, with all the Force, and Pow­er he had: which made l' Esdiguieres, who was soon enform'd how little the Duke was dispos'd to submit to the King's order, after having conferr'd with Seignior Alphonso, and concluded about the course they were to take, to retire into Dauphiné, there to pre­pare himself to pass over with all expedition, and with all the Force he could make into Provence.

Whilst these little contests in Provence had been thus carried on, which had taken up some time, the King's Affairs about his own Person were advanc'd into a much better condition: The Depu­ties of Provence had been dispatch'd to Court in Ianuary, at which time the League being at their height, his Majesty thought it not convenient to give the Duke any publick discontent: but from that time three months were now elaps'd (for this hapned at the end of April) in which time the King had found a way to possess himself of the City of Paris. The possession of this great and populous City had drawn many others along with it into his Ma­jesties Obedience, and divers persons of great quality had fol­low'd the examples of those Cities: the Spaniard now was pos­sess'd of few, or no Towns in the Kingdom, and the League was so strangely declin'd, as to be only now almost supported by the single Family of Lorain, which was it self also upon the point to disunite; so that the King being no longer necessitated to dissemble, began now to require of the Duke a more absolute obe­dience, than hitherto he had done; when having rais'd him many enemies in the Country, and appointed l' Esdiguieres, and Ornano with great Forces to make head against him, he did not now so much fear his revolt, as formerly; nor consequently so much care to disoblige him.

The Duke, who by the commotions of the people, by his Ma­jesties positive command, and by the preparations that were made against him, very well saw what he was to expect, would, notwithstanding how great soever his danger seem'd to be, rather choose to perish in Provence in the defense of his Honour, and Command, The Duke is resolute to maintain himself in his Govern­ment. than to go to Court, there to expose himself to the malicious Offices of his Enemies. He very well saw the best he was there to expect, was to be stript of his Government; to which he conceiv'd he had a better Title, than to any other mem­ber of his Fortune. He had, in the time of his Favour, purg'd [Page 164] that Province of the Factions of the League, and the Reform'd Religion; he had since maintain'd it against the Duke of Savoy, and the League combin'd together: It had cost him his Brother's Life, much of his own Blood, and many of his Friends, and Ser­vants: so that what propositions soever could be made unto him, he intended never to quit claim to his title there, and stood reso­lute to bury himself in Provence, rather than by leaving it, to satis­fie his Enemies longing, who were hourly importunate with his Majesty to remove him thence. In which resolution being every day more and more confirm'd, he gave the Constable (who as I have said was to mediate the differences betwixt the Provencials, and him) plainly to understand his determination; entreating him at the same time not to take it ill, if he did not submit a thing to Arbitration, which he could by no means ever consent to part withal. Neither was it any hard matter for him to satisfie the Con­stable who was infinitely affectionate to his person, and who had much rather have had him for his Neighbour in Provence, than any other; a consideration that perhaps especially mov'd the King to call the Duke from that Government; The King resolves to remove the D [...]ke from the Govern­ment of Pro­vence. his Majesty not concei­ving it convenient, that two persons so intimate, and of so great Reputation as they both were, should possess two so con [...]iderable, and so near neighbouring Provinces.

Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres observing how little the Duke was enclin'd to an Accommodation, and suspecting that the Consta­ble forbore to press him to it, only to give the Duke more time to make himself Master of Aix, began to march with three thousand five hundred Foot, and eight or nine hundred Horse towards Pro­vence, Mounsieur de l' Esdi­guieres en­ [...]ers with an Army into Provence, against the Duke. and by the way was reinforc'd with some Troops that had serv'd the League under the command of the Count de Carces, and who were exceeding glad to be employ'd against the Duke. Lafin (since famous for having been the Instrument of the Mareschal de Birons Ruine) hapned to be at this time in Provence, who, having some command in the Country, and having frequently convers'd with the Duke about the management of Affairs, had a great Am­bition to have the honour of composing these Differences: where­fore knowing Mounsieur de l [...] Esdiguieres to be upon his March, he went out to meet him; to whom he undertook, provided he would advance no further, to perswade the Duke absolutely to submit to the Constables determination: But Mounsieur de l' Esdi­guieres, supposing that to shew himself with his Forces upon the Frontiers of his Government, would sooner encline the Duke to that resolution, advanc'd as far as the Banks of the River Durance, which separates Provence from Dauphiné; where what he design'd [Page 165] to hasten an Accommodation, he soon saw serv'd only to put things into a worse condition, and to make the Rupture wider than before.

There had been of old a certain emulation betwixt these two great men, and their Vertue having begot in each of them a great esteem for the other, they had long, and equally desir'd an occasi­on, wherein they might make a decisive trial of themselves, to see which by his merit could get the start in the race of Honour, and stand fairest in the worlds Opinion: A noble, and vertuous jea­lousie of one anothers Reputation; yet was there at this time something of feud in the case, the Duke complaining that he had not receiv'd from Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres the return, nor acknowledgement he expected, for the good Offices he had done him in the business of Savoy; to which were also added the Dif­ference in Religion, and the Diversity of Interest, things that were never observ'd to promote Accommodations, nor to unite the wills, and inclinations of men: by all which, the Duke being animated against Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres, perhaps more than he should have been against any other, he had no sooner notice of his motion, than taking his approach for a defiance, he would let him see, that he was neither astonish'd at his Reputation, nor daunted with the Forces he brought along with him; and there­fore immediately arose from his Fort of Aix; The Duke goes out to meet Moun­sieur de l' Esdiguieres. where nor daring, as it was not fit, to leave his Quarters weakly guarded, he took the Field with only 3000 Foot, though in Horse he was equal to Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres, and with these small Forces bravely fac'd [...]im; who having already pass'd the River, there was so lit­tle to part them, as reduc'd them both to almost a necessity of fighting. In this little Battel therefore the Duke advanc'd to begin the charge, which though it was of no great continuance, ended nevertheless with the loss of many men on both sides, and wherein the Duke shew'd himself no ways inferiour to his Ad­versary either in Courage, or Conduct, which is all I shall say, that I may not appear interested, and partial.

All the Historians who make mention of this Action do say, that the two Armies retreated without any considerable advantage on either side, that in truth the Duke of Espernon carried away ma­ny prisoners of eminent Quality; but that Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres remain'd Master of the Field; by which report they seem to give him the advantage of the day. Mounsieur de Thou writes to that purpose, and so does d' Avila; though it be nothing strange in the last, who, excepting in things, that meerly concern the Affairs at Court, does, as to the rest, only translate the other, and wholly [Page 166] follows his relation in what concerns the business of the Provin­ces of the Kingdom. As to Mounsieur de Videl who has writ the life of the Constable l' Esdiguieres exceedingly well, and paid to the memory of a good Master the gratitude of a passionately affecti­onate and faithful Servant; I must commend him for writing to his Benefactors advantage in an occasion wherein he might with great truth do his memory honour: but to make a right judgment of this action, it will be convenient to relate the cir­cumstances of it, after which it will be easier to conclude, to which side the Victory enclin'd.

Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres, A true ac­compt of the Action. having pass'd the River Durance, took up his Quarters at Ourgon, and the circumjacent Villages, where the fertility of the Country abundantly provided for him: but the Duke on the contrary, who came to meet him, being con­strain'd to Quarter in a very ill Country, as at Eguiere, Sennas, Lambescq, and other places thereabouts, his men suffer'd great want, and inconvenience; A consideration that besides the promptness of his nature, made him eage [...] to come to the trial of Arms: In which resolution advancing still towards the Enemy, he at last discover'd him, standing in a place of singular advan­tage behind a great Ditch, which the torrent of Land floods had worn, and hollow'd into the form of a regular entrenchment. L' Esdiguieres at the Duke's first appearance immediately drew up into Battalia behind the Ditch, sending out his Vant-guard only to fight, wherein he had indeed dispos'd his best men, under the com­mand of his Nephew Morges, in whose company (to his own misfortune) was Bezaudun, who had formerly been Mareschal de Camp for the League in Provence. The Duke, seeing this Vant-guard come up with a countenance to fight, made his also advance to meet them; which he would himself in person lead up, as he did, and made so gallant, and so fortunate a charge, that after a short, but brisk dispute, himself bravely fighting at the head of his men, they totally routed the party, and drove Morges wounded into the very Ditch, that parted the two main Bodies, kill'd a great many men (as he also lost some) and carried away very many Pri­soners, without leaving so much as one of his own men in the Enemies hands: Yet had Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres the patience all this while to see his men beaten, and trodden under foot, without once offering to come out of his Trench; or, though he made some light skirmishes about the skirts of the Ditch, without ex­pressing any inclination to a total engagement; A coldness that the Duke very well observing, and satisfied with his own success, which he had infinitely hazarded, should he have made any fur­ther [Page 167] attempt upon the Enemy in a place of so great advantage, contented himself with only facing some hours in the Field, to try if l' Esdiguieres had any mind to repair his loss; but to no purpose, he still keeping the [...]ame station, and being by no provocation to be [...]empted, out of the advantage of his Post. And this is the truth of what pass'd at this occasion, as I received it from ho­nourable, and not to be suspected, testimony, who were present at the engagement, and who impartially related the story: though the sequel it self makes it plain enough; for had Mounsieur l' Esdigui­eres had the least imaginable advantage, is it to be suppos'd that he would have suffer'd the Duke to have carried away so many, and so considerable Pris'ners before his face, as the Historians them­selves confess to be taken in this Battel? No doubtless! neither was it such a triumph for him to remain Master of the Field, the Duke never intending to stay upon the place of Battel; the ill Quarters he had been enforc'd to take up withal, upon his March, in a very unfruitful Country, not permitting him to stay long there without he intended to destroy his men: to which consi­deration was also added, that he was in danger of losing his Fort at Aix, left but slenderly guarded, by drawing so many men from thence upon this occasion; and therefore it especially concern'd him not longer to expose a place of that importance, which was indeed the main cause that made him to return, but not retreat.

Amongst the Prisoners taken at this Battel was the Mareschal de Camp Bezaudun, whom I nam'd but now; a Gentleman for his Parts and Courage of high repute amongst those of his own Fa­ction: but he would yet make himself more remarkable, by pro­fessing, and that in publick, an implacable hatred to the Duke's Person; neither were words sufficient to express his Malice, nor did he think it enough that he had by divers calumnies bespatter'd the Duke's Honour, The Duke' [...] Victory fa­tal to Be­zaudun. unless he made his injuries more publick, by printing several Libels, of which he declar'd himself to be the Author, which indeed, was one thing that had cherish'd in the Duke an animosity against him: but there was yet another by which he was more justly provok'd, and of which, those who have condemn'd the Duke, for causing him to be, as they say, un­handsomely slain, have made no mention. I think it therefore ve­ry fit to insert it here, to vindicate the Duke from the aspersion has been unjustly cast upon him, about this Gentleman's death.

Bezaudun, formerly in some engagement had the fortune to take a Gentleman Prisoner, whose name was D' Estampes, a man for whom the Duke had an exceeding kindness, and whom in the beginning of his restraint Bezaudun had us'd with great civility; [Page 168] but suspecting soon after, and perhaps upon too light grounds, that his Prisoner had not observ'd a due regard to the honour of his house, he forthwith resolv'd to take a severe revenge: To which purpose causing himself to be carried in a Chair into the Market-place of Aix, being unable to walk by reason of some Wounds he had receiv'd, he there caus'd his Prisoner to be brought before him; where having demanded of him, in the presence of a great many people, whom the novelty of the action had assembled together, if he complain'd of his usage, D' Estam­pes made answer, that he was so far from complaining, that he had highly commended it, and should do so as long as he had life. You should not then have given me cause to complain of you, says Bezaudun, and withal cry'd, kill him; which inhumane Sen­tence was scarce pronounc'd, but that the poor Gentleman was, by some Bezaudun had brought along for that purpose, immedi­ately run through, and through, and laid dead upon the place. This barbarous act, that possess'd with horror all such as beheld it, being soon brought to the Duke's ear, he then made a vow, that if ever the Murtherer fell into his hands he should receive the same measure: And such was Bezaudun's ill fortune, to be pre­sented to the Duke in a time when the murther of his Friend was yet fresh in his memory; for the Prisoners taken in the Battel, being immediately, and upon the place brought before him, and amongst the rest Bezaudun, completely arm'd, with his Bever down; and the Duke asking (as he had of the rest) who he was, the Prisoner himself made answer, that he was Bezaudun; at which the Duke turning aside his head, as loathing the sight of a man so odious to him, and against whom he had so often pub­lish'd an implacable hatred, could not forbear to express some dissatisfaction with those who had receiv'd him to Quarter: whereupon one of them, without more express order, discharg'd a Pistol in his head, by which he was laid upon the ground; the se­cond was discharg'd by a Brother-in-law of his own, and both mortal. Thus have you the truth of this business; which, had it been carried with less cruelty, had doubtless been more to be commended, though the many offences and injuries the Duke had receiv'd being duly consider'd, it may in some sort pretend to an excuse; especially the fact having been committed by no order from the Duke, but by Servants of his, who conceiv'd it would be an acceptable service to him: Neither is it to be denied, but that the War has produc'd many other actions of this nature, wherein as great severity has been practis'd upon far less provo­cation,

[Page 169] The Duke after this Battel perceiving l' Esdiguier [...]s to be palpa­bly favour'd by almost all who had formerly stood for the League in Provence, (many of them having listed themselves under this Hugonot Captain) as also by those who were affectionate to the King, seeing an Army likewise on foot against him twice as nu­merous as his own, and not knowing in whom he might confide, even his own Friends, and Servants being startled, to see the King's Authority, and name made use of against them; began now to see that, to keep those few friends, and places he had left, from re­volting from him, it was absolutely necessary to submit to an Ac­commodation: and to this he was the rather induc'd by the ne­cessity he saw of abandoning his Fort of Aix, it being impossible for him to keep that, without putting the other places he held in the Province to manifest hazard, his Forces being too few to de­fend them all against so many enemies, The Duke at last is ne­cessitated to an Accom­modation. as were conspir'd to his ruine. He therefore at last hearkened to Lafin, who from the be­ginning had made himself an importunate Mediator for an Ac­commodation, and in conclusion wholly referr'd himself to the Constables award; by whose determination, which was deli­ver'd in Iune, the Duke was oblig'd to give up the Fort of Aix (the main thing in contest) into the hands of Lafin himself, by whom it was to be kept with 400 men, to be sent out of Lan­guedoc, until it should please his Majesty further to signifie his Royal Pleasure, as to the maintaining or slighting of that Fort, that in the mean time there should be a general suspension of Arms in Provence, during which all things should continue in the same posture they then were.

The Duke submitting absolutely, and without reserve, to this Decree, accordingly deliver'd up the Fort of Aix unto Lafin, who enter'd into it with the appointed number of men: but whether it were through the Officers foul play in their Musters, or that the treachery of Lafin himself (of both which the Duke complain'd) made him neglect to keep his Garrison in its full appointment, so it was that in a few days they were reduc'd to half their number; neither does Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres stick to confess, that he himself had a hand in the business, that he had privately supply'd the Fort with Souldiers of his own, who still were to run away by his private order.

In the mean time the Duke of Espernon, under the assurance of this Truce, liv'd in great security, and believing that nothing was to be suspected to the prejudice of a Treaty, argu [...]d, and concluded as it were in the presence of all men, took this opportunity, a little to divert, and repose himself, after the continual action he had [Page 170] been turmoil'd in since his first arrival in Provence, and to that purpose took a Journey into Languedoc, either as he himself pre­tended to make a visit to the Constable; The Duke goes over to Langue­doc. or, as it was said by others, upon an amorous accompt to visit a Lady he had an ac­quaintance withal in that Country: but whatever was the oc­casion, the absence of their Leader, together with his example, made most of his Souldiers to take the same liberty, rambling every one a several way: an advantage that Mounsieur l' Esdi­guieres very well knew how to manage; neither did he neglect it, though what he did would have been interpreted breach of faith, had less than the King's command stept in to excuse it.

In this Journey to Languedoc, there hapned a very remarkable quarrel betwixt two Officers of the Duke's Army, A remark­able Duel betwixt two of the Duke's Ca­ptains. who went along to attend him; the one was Lioux, a Gascon, the other St. Andiol a Provencial, both of them Captains of Horse, and equal in quality, and esteem; though in this occasion the chance of Arms shewed it self partial to St. Andiol's side. These two Gen­tlemen upon some slight dispute, having agreed to fight, went out of the Town together, to end their difference; where St. Andiol being the stronger man, after some wounds given, and receiv'd on both sides, closing with his Enemy, trip'd up his heels, dis­arm'd him, and made him ask his life; which being done, he was so far from the insolence of a conquerour, that, desiring no other triumph than his own private satisfaction, he restor'd Lioux his Sword upon the place, with all the complement, and civility usual amongst men of honour upon such occasions. But how modest soever St. Andiol was in his Victory, the business could not be so secretly carried (they returning both bloody from the Field) that their friends took not notice of what they had been about, who as soon enform'd the Duke thereof; desiring withal, that he would interpose his Authority to make them friends: But the Duke, out of respect to the Constable would transfer that good office to him, who as readily undertook it, and who having his two Sons in Law the Count de Auvergne (since Duke of Angoulesme, and the Duke de Vantadour in the house with him, sent for them, and the Duke of Espernon, to be present at the reconciliation, Saint An­diol was the first call'd in, who, being examin'd what had pass'd betwixt Lioux and him, made answer, ‘That it was true, some little dispute had hapned betwixt them, which had oblig'd him to seek the satisfaction of a Cavalier; but that it was already determin'd, without any advantage on the one side, or the other, that he was satisfied that he must ever declare Lioux to be a very brave Gentleman, and that he was his Friend, and hum­ble [Page 171] Servant.’ After this Declaration, every one concluded it would be a matter of no great difficulty to reconcile them, and expected Lioux would as readily embrace his adversaries friend­ship, as he had franckly offer'd his, Saint Andiol being reputed one of the bravest Gentlemen in the Army. He therefore was next call'd in, and that rather to hear himself commended upon Saint Andiol's testimony of his Valour, than to be question'd about a thing, of the truth whereof they thought themselves already suf­ficiently enform'd. They therefore, upon his coming in, told him, that Saint Andiol had given an account of what had pass'd be­twixt them, that he had assur'd them, they parted upon equal terms, that he was his Friend and Servant, and that therefore no­thing now remain'd, but that they should embrace, and be good friends. To which Lioux made answer, ‘That before they pro­ceeded so far, there must be a truer relation given of the issue of their dispute, than, for as much as he yet heard, he could consent unto.’ An answer that surpriz'd the whole company, who fear'd it might beget a new quarrel; when Lioux continuing his dis­course, declar'd how every thing had truly pass'd; acknowledg­ing that he ow'd his life to his enemies courtesie; but complain­ing withal, that Saint Andiol should make so light of his Victory, as to deprive himself of the due honour of it; yet magnifying his noble behaviour towards him after so ingenuous a manner, that having by his franck, and generous confession wip'd off all disesteem, that usually (how brave soever) cleaves to the losing side, he won himself, by his handsome carriage, as great a reputa­tion, as if he had been more fortunate, and shar'd in the glory of a victory had been obtain'd in single dispute over his own person.

From the time that the Fort of Aix had been deliver'd into La­fin's hands, Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres had retir'd himself into the Ci­ty, where he had been receiv'd with all the reputation, and respect due to the Deliverer of a people, as they look'd upon him to be, and where, whilst he lay watching all occasions wherein he might weaken the Duke's power, or lessen his repute (which he call'd executing his Majestices Orders, and advancing his Service) he had intelligence of the slender, and careless Guard was kept by Lafin in the Fort of Aix, as also in many other places, which as yet were in the Duke's possession: The Fort of Aix sur­priz'd by Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres. wherefore making use of this negli­gence, and pretending some of the Duke's people had broken the Truce (in having (as he said) taken some of his prisoners) he took the Field upon the sixth of Iuly, and without resistance took the Fort of Aix, and favouring the revolt of Frejus, St. Paul, Troy, [Page 172] Mirabel, and Cannes, gave the Inhabitants of all those Cities opportunity, to drive out the Duke's Garrisons, and to withdraw themselves wholly from his Party, and Obedience. As for the Fort of Aix, it was no sooner in Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres hands, but that he deliver'd it up to the discretion of the Inhabitants, who were so diligent in the demolishing of it, The Fort of Aix demo­lish'd. that in two days time there scarce remain'd any footsteps of a work the Duke's whole Army had for three months together, with great, and continual labour, been industrious to raise.

Toulon soon after follow'd the revolt of the other forenamed places, Many other places re­volt from the Duke. which was, of all others, a loss of the greatest importance to the Duke. Esgarrebaques was Governour of the place, a man that had long serv'd in that employment, both under Mounsieur de la Valette, and under the Duke himself in great esteem of Cou­rage, and Fidelity: but at last the alliance he had contracted with the House of Souliés, a Family that were nothing kind to the Duke's Interests, having given his Adversaries, or rather his Envyers a pretense to render him suspected to the Duke, he, to secure the place, and to keep Esgarrebaques within the bounds of his duty, caus'd a Cittadel to be drawn out, and to be begun in his own presence, wherein he plac'd Signac, the Governours Capi­tal, and Mortal Enemy, with a sufficient Garrison both to secure the Cittadel, and to awe the City: But Esgarrebaques, either really provok'd by this ill usage, or else in this declining condition of the Duke's Affairs, willing to disingage himself from his Service, making that his pretense, so soon as the Duke's back was turn'd, assaulted Signac in his new Cittadel; where, the Fortifications be­ing imperfect, and the access open, and easie on all sides, he with­out much opposition took the Governour prisoner, and made himself master of the place; putting himself immediately after into Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres protection, which, in the Language of the Country, was to submit himself to the King.

The Duke having intelligence of these disorders, of which his own absence had chiefly been the cause, upon the first report thereof left Languedoc, and made all the haste he could into Pro­vence, to apply, if possible, some remedy in this untoward posture of Affairs; though all he could do at his return, was only to stop the Gangreen from going further, The Duke returns into Provence. and to keep the Province from a general revolt: yet either not believing, or not seeming to believe, that his Majesties Order was in any of these transactions, he began to prepare himself to recover by force of Arms, what by treache­ry and surprize had been taken from him, when finding his Friends and Followers startled, and wavering at the very sound [Page 173] of the Royal Name, which his Enemies had made use of in all their designs, he thought it necessary, before he fell to action first to undeceive them, and to clear that error. In an eloquent Speech therefore he briefly laid before them, ‘The signal Services both his Brother and himself had done for the King in the conserva­tion of that Province, and that in the greatest confusion of the Kingdom, and at the lowest ebb of his Majesties Affairs; the Obedience he had manifested to all his Majesties Orders, and Commands, how severe soever they had been, and how preju­dicial soever to his own private Fortune. That as an evidence of his Duty, and submission to his Majesties Royal Pleasure, he had but lately surrendred the Fort of Aix, that is to say, had di­vested himself of the possession of that fair City; the Conquest of which, was, by their Valours made certain to him. That not­withstanding so many, and so recent testimonies of his Loyalty and Obedience, with which he knew his Majesty to be very well satisfied, his Enemies still shrowding their malice under the shadow of the Royal Name, the better to effect their own designs, had debauch'd, and reduc'd from him most of the pla­ces he had lately been possess'd of. That this affront reflected up­on them, indifferently with himself, since it had been with their Blood, together with his Brothers, and his own, that those con­quests had been dearly bought. That therefore the injury being equal both to him, and them, he hop'd they would assist to re­venge them, and to maintain his Fortune; which, as he ow'd it in part to their Valour, so did he not so passionately desire its support for any interest of his own, as to have means thereby to shew himself grateful to those who had been constant, and faith­ful to him, in all the disgraces he had fall'n into, and in all the attempts had been practis'd against him.’

His Friends being by this short speech reassur'd and confirm'd in their Fidelity and Obedience, and having thereupon express'd as great a Devotion to his Service, as he could expect from men who had long been affectionate to him; he forthwith took the Field to go seek out l' Esdiguieres: but he, after he had deliver'd Aix from the Fort, that had so long kept them in subjection, and clear'd the neighbouring Campagne by the revolt he had procur'd of the foremention'd places, retir'd into his Government of Dau­phiné, without engaging himself further at this time in the Af­fairs of Provence; by whose retreat, the Duke, having none left to oppose his designs, seem'd to be now in a condition not only to redeem his late losses, but also to make a new, and a further pro­gress into the Country, than he yet had done; and doubtless he [Page 174] had done so, had things continued in this posture: but something new, and unforeseen fell out, which gave the last blow to the ruine of his Affairs.

The Duke of Guise at last undeceiv'd, and better read in the Spanish artifice, which had so long abus'd him with vain proposi­ons of Marriage with their Infanta so soon as they could procure his Election to the Crown, and perceiving also the declining con­dition of the League, which every day went less in reputation, was in the end, with his Brothers return'd into the King's Obedience: to whom his Majesty (hoping the revolt of a man of his Autho­rity, and Condition from his Enemies Party, would draw the greatest part of those who had set up their rest upon the Fortune of the Duke his Father, over to his own) had granted very advanta­geous conditions; and be [...]ides the Cities of Rheims, Chalons, Ro­croy, St. Di [...]ier, Guise, and other places, which had formerly been settled upon his Father, and his Uncles, conferr'd particularly the Government of Provence upon him. The Duke of Guise made Go­vernour of Provence. The Government of Cham­pagne had formerly been in the possession of the late Duke; but his Majesty, having since his advancement to the Crown, grati­fied the Duke of Nevers with that Office, he rather chose to dis­possess the Duke of Espernon, who by a thousand calumnies had been rendred suspected to him, than to di [...]oblige the Duke of Nevers, whom himself had settled in that trust. Neither was the Duke of Guise unsatisfied with the exchange, who (besides that it was in it self at least equal with the other) had, by this mutation a great opportunity, under the shadow of the Royal Authority, to depress one of the most powerful, and profess'd enemies of his House, and Name: so that well pleas'd with his new Employ­ment, he only waited his Majesties order to begin his Journey in­to Provence, and by assistance of the Royal Arms to put himself into possession of his new, and well lik'd of charge: But his Ma­jesty who had much rather by little and little to have withdrawn the Duke of Espernon from thence, than to kindle a new War in that Country, and so soon again to put a Sword into the Duke of Guise's hand, who was so lately return'd into his obedience, had first try'd the way of negotiation (as you have heard) and after made use of Arms under the conduct of Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres; by which various ways having found he could neither reduce the Duke by reason, nor so depress him by force, but that he was still in a condition there long to subsist, he at last took a resolution to put an end to the work, and to effect that by fine force, which he saw was neither by Treaty, nor by indifferent Forces to be brought about.

[Page 175] His Majesty had in the beginning of this year proclaim'd a War with the King of Spain, which notwithstanding, before he would begin, or advance into the Enemies Country, he would first settle his own Affairs at home, and visit some parts of his Kingdom, which as yet he had never seen since they were reduc'd to his Obedience, by his presence to encourage and confirm them in their duty to him; of which the City of Lyons was one, and thither it was, that his Majesty, after having chas'd the Duke of Mayenne out of Burgundy, repair'd, and where he arriv'd in Septem­ber, 1595. To this place Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres being also come to kiss his Majesties Hand, and to give him an accompt of the Affairs of Provence, he was thither follow'd by the Deputies of that Parliament, and of some other Cities of that Province, in hopes that under his countenance, and Interest at Court, their com­plaints against the Duke of Espernon would be the better heard, by which his Majesty being tyr'd, vext at the continuations of these troubles, and animated against the Duke by the reiterated ill Offices of his enemies, fearing also that the ill usage the Duke had receiv'd from them, might during his rupture with Spain, provoke him to joyn with the Spaniard, so as to receive them into those Garrisons he held in Provence, he then took up that final resolution to suppress him by Force, and by Arms to reduce him to his Duty. Of this War the Duke of Guise, The Duke of Guise, and Moun­sieur l' Es­diguieres go against the D [...]ke of Espernon. as Governour of Provence, was to have the conduct, whom nevertheless his Majesty judging too young to manage, without the assistance of some more experienc'd Ca­ptain (especially having to do with the Duke of Espernon) he made choice of Mounsieur l' Esdiguieres for that purpose, by the title of Lieutenant General in Provence, under the Duke of Guise. Neither could his Majesty have made choice of two Captains more animated against the Enemy they were to undertake, the first being prompted on, besides the interest of his establishment in that Province, by the antiquated and irreconcilable hatred of his Family, the other by his jealousie already mention'd, and by the conscience of those recent injuries the Duke had receiv'd at his hands.

And here, though every one might reasonably conclude that this torrent of Arms was likely to overwhelm the Duke beyond all possible evasion, or recovery, yet was his courage, and assurance no less eminent in this, than it had been in other occasions of this nature. 'Tis true that he had discreetly endeavour'd to divert it, by going to present himself before the King at Lyons; where he doubt­ed not to clear those Accusations his Enemies had so falsly con­triv'd, and so maliciously preferr'd against him: But such was his [Page 176] ill fortune, that he met intelligence upon the way, which assur'd him his Majesty was suddenly, and unexpec [...]edly call'd thence in­to Picardy, by the inroads the Condé de Fuentes had made into that Province, and by the danger the City of Cambray was in, which at this time was closely besieg'd by the Spanish Forces: So that he was constrain'd to return back into Provence, not without extreme affliction to see his Majesty so positively bent to his ruine, with this hope nevertheless, that time would at last justifie his in­tentions, especially if he could in the interim maintain his Affairs in any tolerable condition: a consideration that made him reso­lute to defend his declining fortune more vigorously than ever; The Duke resolute to stand upon his de [...]ence. yet not with any design to do any thing contrary to his Majesties Service, but with an intent, if things came to the last push, rather to make a voluntary surrender of his Government into his Maje­sties own hands▪ (as he afterwards did) than to suffer himself tamely to be stript of it, by his mortal, and implacable Enemies.

The Army design'd against him entred into Provence in No­vember 1595. where the Duke had Friends, and strong Holds enough to have held them long in play, had they, to whose [...]ide­lity he had entrusted the chiefest of his Castles and Towns ob­serv'd the Faith they had sworn unto him: but their revolt soon made him understand, the influence of the Royal Name, and how unhappy a thing it is, to have that appear against a man, how in­nocent soever his intentions may be, and how well soever dispos'd to his Princes Service: for the Duke of Guise, and Mounsieur de l' Esdiguieres no sooner appear'd in Provence, but that there was a contest amongst the Duke's greatest Confidents, who should first go over to them. Amongst these the Sieurs de Buous Brothers, the men of all others in that Country to whom the Duke had given the highest testimonies of Honour, The Duke abandoned by most of his friends. and Friendship, were the first who forsook him, and who, besides the prejudice they did him by their ill example, carried over with them the two Regiments they commanded in his Army, which was no little blow to his Affairs in a time when it was no easie matter for him to raise new Forces.

The next in order that follow'd this vertuous example was Ramefort, one who had been of longest acquaintance, and inti­macy with the Duke, and whom he in his time of favour had ob­lig'd by many benefits, and had since in Provence committed Ci­steron, one of the chiefest places he held there to his trust. This man nevertheless no sooner knew the Duke of Guise to be come into the Country, but that he sent to treat with him about the surrender of the place, upon condition that he should still conti­tinue [Page 177] Governour there for the King. Peyroles did the same for his Garrison of Riez, he continuing still Governour of the place, to be held, and maintain'd for the time to come, in his Majesties name, as Cisteron was by Ramefort.

The loss of these two places having infinitely surpriz'd the Duke of Espernon, who by this carriage plainly saw how little as­surance he could promise to himself from the rest of his Friends, he began to apprehend an universal Revolt; The Duke of Espernon enters into a general mistrust of all his fol­lowers. and in this appre­hension, scarce knowing any more in whom he might confide, or whom he might reasonably suspect, he chiefly began to mistrust the fidelity of Mesplés the Governour of Tropés, one of the prin­cipal places that remain'd in his power, and in which upon the worst of accidents he thought to find his chiefest refuge, and safety. This Gentleman a Bearnois by Birth, and a man of singu­lar Valour, had, by his gallant behaviour in several occasions, wrought himself much into the Kings opinion, and esteem; from whence the Duke apprehending (perhaps too lightly) that pos­sibly he might quit his Interests, to be allur'd over to his Enemies side by the sound of the Royal Name, he resolv'd to remove him from that command, as he presently did; and that, as he conceiv'd, without any injury, or offense, having done it without noise, or giving the least evidence that his Faith was any way suspect­ed to him: but Mesplés (perhaps glad of so good a pretense to abandon the Duke, whose Affairs he saw daily declining) taking his unjust suspicion for the highest injury, and the removing him from his Government for the greatest Affront and Indignity he could po [...]sibly receive, resented both at so high a rate, that from that time forwards he became one of his most violent and impla­cable enemies. He went upon the very instant to seek out the Duke of Guise, where being arriv'd, he immediately put himself into his Service, and having long commanded in St. Tropés, and at leisure consider'd all the weaknesses of the place, advis'd the Duke presently to besiege it, assuring him that it would infallibly be taken; which the Duke giving credit to, immediately order'd him Men, and Cannon, to force the place, whilst he himself went upon the enterprize of Marselles, which he likewise brought to a fortunate issue. This Design upon St. Tropés had like to have oc­casioned betwixt these two Dukes a memorable engagement; for the Duke of Espernon not being able to suf [...]er such a place to be lost, without endeavouring at least to relieve it, had suddenly ga­ther'd together all the Forces he could make thereabouts to that purpose; but all those amounting to no more, than about some 300. Light Horse, 60. of his Guards, and betwixt four or five [Page 178] hundred Foot, he was like to do no great execution; yet was he resolute, notwithstanding the infinite danger, to have made a brave attempt; when those about him, seeing that only the des­perate condition of his Affairs prompted him to that precipitous resolution, not only disswaded him from his purpose; but in a manner constrain'd him to think of making his retreat: In which also the danger was exceeding great; for St. Tropés being but four Leagues distant from Marselles, whilst Mesplés was busie about this petty Siege, the Duke of Guise had made himself Ma­ster of that great, and populous City; where, having a good Ar­my at his Devotion, and receiving intelligence from Mesplés, that the Duke of Espernon was with a very inconsiderable Party about St. Tropés, he made with all possible diligence to find him out, and to fight him. As the Duke of Guise was advancing with this De­sign, the Duke of Espernon was upon his Retreat, which (that craggy and mountainous Country affording him no other pas­sage) he was forc'd to make by the same way, by which the Duke of Guise was coming against him. The Duke of Espernon's For­lorn-Hope was that day led by St. Andr [...]e, who, so soon as he dis­cover'd the Enemy, gave the Duke present notice thereof; who, not so much as dreaming of any such Encounter, was a little surpriz'd, and in some perplexity, what course he had best to take. His design before was to have refresh'd his men in the Village Du Val; but that being now possess'd by the Duke of Guise, and he not being in a condition to dislodge him, who was much stron­ger than himself, he was forc'd to lay aside his thoughts of repose, and to think of a speedy retreat. Neither was this without great difficulty to be effected, there being no place near he expected should receive him, and the Enemy being already in sight. In which general confusion and astonishment, a Souldier of the Country who was then with the Duke, advis'd him to retire to­wards Berjau, undertaking himself at the same time, to be his Guide. Berjau was a little Town in the Duke's possession, but it was four long Leagues from the place where they then were, and the River Argence was betwixt them and it, which was no where passable but at Pont de Carces, the Lord of which was no friend to the Duke, as may be gather'd from what has gone before: Yet was the Souldier's proposition nevertheless embrac'd (for in extreme necessities and dangers, the first Counsels whatever they be are commonly accepted) the Guide therefore put himself in the Front, and the Duke followed after, leaving the Baron d' Ars, and Miran to bring up the Rear. In the mean time the Duke of Guise advertis'd, by the Avant-Coureurs of his Army, that the Duke [Page 179] of Espernon was so near, made all the haste he could to overtake him; which notwithstanding he could not so suddenly do, but that the Duke had already pass'd the River without difficulty, or danger, which the Duke of Guise perceiving, and attempting to follow after, that he might engage him before he could put his men into order, A Skirmish betwixt the Duke of Guise, and the Duke of Espernon. was receiv'd on the Duke's part by a counterfeit charge, which was put so briskly home, that the Duke of Guise's Forces, who were not half got over the Bridge, astonish'd at so unexpected a resistance, fell foul upon one another, in which confusion above thirty Troopers threw themselves headlong for fear into the River, and were there drown'd, some also were slain; and certainly had the Duke engag'd with all his Forces, he had put Mounsieur de Guise into a very great disorder: but he conceiving he had nothing more to do, than to make good his own retreat, thought it sufficient by charging, and amusing the Enemies Van, to win time for those few Foot he had to get the start; wherein if the Duke committed an oversight, Mounsieur de Guise committed afterwards a greater; when after this little skir­mish, having without opposition march'd over the rest of his Ar­my, it had been no hard matter for him, had he made any haste, to have overtaken the Duke, who march'd no faster than a trot; whilst following leisurely after, without pressing him to fight, he gave him leave to make his retreat in great security without the loss of any, save some few of his worst mounted men. Thus the Duke of Espernon lost at once both the Town of St. Tropés, which was a very good one, and the Governour, who was a Gentleman of great worth and merit; the one by the prevailing Arms of▪ his Enemies, and the other perhaps by his own fault: he was at least condemn'd by his Friends, and Servants, for entring upon too light grounds into a jealousie of this Gentleman's faith: And certainly if ever we should make head against our diffidences, and mistrusts, it ought chiefly to be, when we most labour under affliction and disgrace; every thing at those times being suspected to us, and our judgments, weakned by grief and disaster, being then most apt to be impos'd upon by the lightest impressions.

After the taking in of these places, the Duke of Guise, l' Esdi­guieres, the Count de Carces, and the other Chiefs of the Enemies Army retir'd themselves to Aix, there to deliberate about the Af­fairs of Provence, and of the means by which they were to work the Duke of Espernon's absolute, and final ruine. He had at this time upon his hands at once the Duke of Savoy, All things averse to the Duke in Provence. the Duke of Guise, the League, l' Esdiguieres, Ornano, the Pro­vencials, and (which was of more dangerous consequence [Page 180] than all these known, and declared Enemies) his own Friends and Followers were wavering and uncertain to him: yet, as if all these, who were all men of great quality, and many of them of great interest, and reputation in the Country, had been too few to do his business, a wretched Fellow, bred from the Lees of the common people, obscure, and of no name till then, would like­wise put his helping hand to the work; who alone, and contem­ptible, as he was, put the Duke into more manifest danger of his life, than so many, and so powerful enemies arm'd, and confede­rated to his ruine, as yet had ever done. His name was Bartholo­mew Bigne. a native of the fore-mentioned Village du Val, and a near neighbour to Brignoles; whither the Duke having retir'd himself after the loss of the before-mention'd places, and having there assembled all his Forces together, to make head against what­ever new attempts might be preparing against him; A Plot a­gainst the Duke of Espernon's life. this cursed Villain, who had never received any particular injury from the Duke, but meerly prompted on by the malignity of his own na­ture, and a national hatred against him, having long deliberated by what way he might infallibly destroy the Duke, bethought himself at last of this impious, and abominable mischief. He shut up in two Chests three Quintals of Powder, A Quintal is an hundred weight. to purchase which he had laid out all the mony he had, or could procure; and having observ'd the place where the Duke usually kneeled at Mass in the Church of Brignoles, he entreated the Curate thereof to give him leave to bring the two Chests into his Church, where­in he pretended he had lock'd up the best of his Goods, to preserve them from the hands of the Souldier: which the Curate readily promis'd him he should, provided he might first search them, to see what they contain'd: but Bigne finding that to be a condition, that by no means suited with his Design, left off the Curate, and seeing some other way was to be found out to bring his purpose to pass, fell to hammering out new projects; which were the less hard for him to contrive, by how much the same evil spirit, who had suggested to him the heart, and boldness to meditate so great a wickedness, was now also ready to prompt his invention, and to instruct him how to execute his execrable purpose by a new way, where his first design had fail'd. Out of hopes then of effe­cting his business in the Church, he by the means of the Mistriss of the House where the Duke lay, and with whom Bigne had been formerly acquainted, wriggles himself into the company of the Duke's Baker, and in discourse offers him three Sacks of Corn to sell, where betwixt them the Bargain was soon strook up, and that being done, the Traytor losing no time, the next day brings [Page 181] his three Sacks to the Duke's Lodgings, about the time he was to come from Mass, and to go to dinner, and sets them in a little place under the Chamber where the Duke us'd to eat. Where af­ter he had dispos'd them as he thought most conveniently for the execution they were to do, he goes to seek out the Baker to come look upon his Bargain. In every one of these Sacks he had put an hundred pound of powder, with only a little Corn at the mouth to serve for shew, that if by chance the first Sack that was open'd should fail of its effect, no discovery might be made of the Trea­son; but that they might go to the next. Amongst the powder in every Sack he had convey'd the wheel-lock of a Pistol, ready wound up, and tyed to the string of the Sack, after such a man­ner, that it was impossible to open any one without pulling down the spring that was fastned to the Cord, and giving fire to the powder; the three Sacks also were set so near to one another, that any one of them taking fire, the others would also blow up, and so the three Quintals of Powder must infallibly play at once. Things being thus order'd, Bigne waits near to the Duke's Lodg­ing, untill he was come in, and had the patience to stay till he saw him set down to dinner; when having him now in the Trap, and that the Duke, as he thought, could not possibly escape, he then went to seek out the Baker, to make him at once the Traitor, and the betrayed, and the innocent instrument of his own, and his Ma­ster's ruine. The poor Baker was not hard to be found, at a time of the day when usually all the Duke's domesticks met together; so that having presently met him, Bigne goes along with him to the Mistriss of the house, desiring her to open the door where the Corn stood; which she accordingly doing, and he seeing things now brought to that pass, that the effect was, as it were in­evitable, himself insensibly, and unobserv'd slips out of the House, and got into the Fields, making with all diligence for Aix. The Baker in the mean time, with two young fellows that belong'd to him in his Office, went to visit the Sacks, where going to untye the first, he had scarce toucht the string, but he was immediately consum'd by the devouring flame: Neither did his men es­cape any better; and the violence of the powder was so great, that it blew up the floor where the Duke sat [...] at dinner, with the story above it, the roof of the house only remaining firm. All those who were above with the Duke, were blown up to the roof, and thence tumbling headlong to the foundation, were many of them crush'd to pieces under the ruines, the Duke only by a mi­racle of Fortune remaining still sitting, and upright in the midst of this subversion; for his Chair being plac'd upon a great Beam [Page 182] that butted upon the Chimney of the Chamber, and the fire not having force enough to blow up that, which at both ends was strongly fastned into the Wall, The Duke's wonderf [...]l escape. the flame only burnt his hair, and his beard, without any further harm to his person. That which hindred the powder from doing greater execution, and from blow­ing up the whole house, as in all probability it was like to do, was, that the Windows being all open, the flame found a passage that way, and by that lost much of its force within; otherwise the house, and all within, had certainly been tost into the Aire, and consum'd in a moment.

Bigne, who from without the Town had seen his mine play, believing the effect to be infallibly such, as he had propos'd to him­self, ran in all hast to Aix to carry the news of the Duke of Esper­non's certain death to the Duke of Guise; to whom withal he de­clared at large the whole circumstance of his design, not without the amazement and horror of all that heard him, that any man could be guilty of so barbarous and inhumane a fact. As for the Duke of Espernon, he was a man so well prepar'd beforehand against all the accidents of fortune, that he soon recover'd the asto­nishment this surprize had put him into; and doubting it might be a stratagem of the Enemy in the disorder, and confusion, that must necessarily attend so sudden a mischief, to make himself Ma­ster of the place, made all the Souldiers he had in the Town imme­diately to repair to their Arms; whilst himself mounted on Horse­back, and attended by some Gentlemen his friends, went to visit the several Posts of the City, to see that all was quiet there: where having found all things right within, and that nothing of sus­picion appear'd from without, it must of necessity be concluded that the mischief arose, and that the Conspiracy must have been made within the Walls of his own Lodgings. Diligent search was there therefore presently made, and the woman of the house examin'd, who ingenuously confess'd the bargain about the Corn betwixt Bigne and the Baker by her means: whereupon they desir'd to see the place where the Sacks had been set, but there was neither Sacks, nor the men who had open'd them to be seen, the fire having so consum'd them, that scarcely their bones could be found. They then sent to Bigne's house, who was fled, and his house left void, his Goods and Family being remov'd to Aix the night before: So that no further doubt being to be made of the Author of the Fact, the Duke's heart began to be at rest; which before was a little unquiet with the suspicion, that some of his own people might have had a hand in the Plot.

Some who have made reflections upon the Duke's life, and the [Page 183] many Accidents by which it had often been brought into extreme danger (which were at least as many as any other great mans of his time) have sometimes drawn the several hazards he has run, Reflections upon the several dan­gers of the Duke of Espernon's life. into comparison with one another, as he himself amongst his private friends (so pleasant is the memory of dangers past) upon occasion delighted to do; though he ever declar'd the conspira­cy of Angoulesme, to be the greatest peril he had ever been in; next to which he plac'd that of Corbie, where he confest his fear to have been much greater, than in the former, though the business never arriv'd at that degree of danger, that was manifest in the other accidents of his life. As for the precipice of Lyons, the Can­non-shot before Aix, and the Mine of Brignoles but now men­tion'd, though he acknowledg'd his danger in all those to have been extreme, and that in all apperance, it was hardly possible he could escape; yet the suddenness of them took away the sense, and his good fortune, opportunely interposing betwixt him and those mortal accidents, prevented his apprehension, and gave him no time to fear; whereas in the other two, he had had lei­sure to see his approaching ruine, and death coming upon him in all his ugly shapes, especially in the business of Angoulesme, which he could not consider as one, but a concatenation of many, and those mortal dangers, that succeeded one another for above forty hours together.

At this very time, Anno 1596. and in the height of these untoward occur­rences, Mounsieur d' Ossat, since Cardinal (a person equally to be commended for the integrity of his life, and the excellency of his learning) writ very bitter things to the prejudice of the Duke's Loyalty and Honour; which, though by the care of some of the Duke's Friends, they were supprest in the first impression of his Book; yet having since been added in a particular sheet, The Duke of Espernon traduc'd by the Cardi­nal d' Oss [...]t. I think my self oblig'd not to suffer the publick to be impos'd upon by so gross calumnies, and that it is my duty to interpose the truth in the Duke's defense. This Prelate then, after having writ favour­ably enough to the King concerning the Duke, in his Letter of the 22. of December, 1594. that having given Pope Clement the VIII. an account of all things his Majesty had given him in charge concerning Mounsieur de Guise, and the Government of Provence, his Holiness sighing, replyed, And what will they do with the Duke of Espernon? In another Letter notwithstanding to Secretary Vil­leroy, bearing date the 17. of Ianuary, 1596, writes thus, ‘ Mar­selles puts me in mind of the Duke of Espernon, concerning whom they write from Lyons, that after the taking of Cisteron, he has sent to the King to make a tender of his submission, and [Page 184] obedience: but they do not know that at the same time he he sent to Turin to the Duke of Savoy, and to Milan to the Con­stable of Castile, of whom he had obtain'd 6000. Crowns, that is to say, 5000. down, with which his Agents buy Hor­ses, and Arms at Milan, and 55000 more by Bill of Exchange to be return'd at Genoa; which is said to be two months ad­vance of 30000. Crowns a month, given him by the Crown of Spain, for being a good Frenchman, as he writes into these parts, he will be so long as he has life, causing it to be reported that the mony he receives at Milan is mony of his own, that he has there in Bank; as if even to have a Bank of mony in a Town belonging to the King of Spain, and to think it there se­cure, were not a sign of no very good Frenchman. There has been a rumor in these parts for some days that he has promis'd Boulogne to the Spaniard, &c.’ Thus writes the Cardinal d' Os­sat, with many other things of the like injurious nature.

The Duke of Espernon saw all these invectives as soon almost as they appear'd in Print, and though in his own nature he was a man not much enclin'd to Books; yet the quality of the Author having given a great reputation to this, he had a great desire to see it, when, having it brought before him, and the place being turn'd unto wherein he himself was concern'd, it could not be perceiv'd that he was at all mov'd at the many reproaches he there found against him: but on the contrary was so moderate and calm as to say, ‘That he could by no means blame the Cardinal d' Os­sat for what he had written; and that being employ'd, as he was, by the King in the most weighty Affairs of the Court of Rome, he had done no more, than his duty in giving his Majesty a faithful accompt of what ever was reported to him: That he knew very well many others at the same time talk'd of him at the same rate, some out of spleen, and others perhaps out of a belief the common bruit his Enemies had spread amongst the people had begot in them: but that neither the one nor the other said true. That indeed the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and the Duke of Mayenne (measuring his discontents by the provocations he had received) had all of them often sent to him, the first to offer him his protection, and the two last their friendship and alliance. That he had been solicited by a Religious of the Order of St. Francis on the behalf of the King of Spain, by a woman of quality, the world believ'd had a great interest in him, from the Duke of Savoy, and by the Abbot of Cornac, since Abbot of Ville-Loin, a man of great dex­terity, and prudence, from the Duke of Mayenne: but he de­declar'd, [Page 185] and bound it with an Oath, that he had never hear­ken'd to any such practice; That in truth, seeing himself press'd by his own particular enemies under the King's Authority, and in his name, and that alone he could not long be able to make a head against them, he had sometimes been in suspense what he should do; and a little tempted by the advantageous conditions these Princes had offer'd to him: but that notwithstanding his Fidelity, and Duty, had ever so stoutly oppos'd his Interest, and Passion, that he rather chose to surrender his Right to the Government of Provence, and (which was far more insup­portable unto him) to quit the Field to his Enemies, than to make a longer resistance, by joyning himself with Parties, and Factions, contrary to his Majesties Service, and Interest.’ All which in the end he made so evident, that I cannot but admire, af­ter so manifest a justification by his Actions, any body could be so unjust, as to tax him with any intelligence with Spain. To fortifie which so odious a Calumny, they ought at least to have prov'd, that he had receiv'd from thence, or by their means, some kind of Assistance in his Affairs; by whom had he been secretly favour'd, would they have husbanded their favour so ill, [...] not to have drawn from him some effectual acknowledgement, and return, by the giving up some one at least of those places in his custody into their hands? The same Cardinal says that he had promis'd them Boulogne, though it was plain enough after­wards, how far he was from any such purpose; that he had receiv'd mony from Spain, and that he pretended for his excuse, it came out of his own Bank at Milan, where himself had before laid it up; and that the one, and the other were almost equally criminal: which were it true, no one could deny it to be a Crime. But to an­swer to this point, I would fain know what he did contrary to his Majesties Service, after he receiv'd this mony; and whether he was afterwards observ'd to favour that Faction more than before? No, it was so much otherwise, that almost at the very same time the Car­dinal sent this intelligence against him, he went in person to the King, where he put himself into his Majesties hands, without Ar­ticle, or Reservation, to be absolutely at his disposal. Would the Spaniard have been thus tamely cheated of his mony, without speaking, had he parted with such a Sum? would he not have pub­lish'd to all the world the Duke's infidelity, and unhandsome car­riage? and would he not at least have seiz'd upon that Bank, the Cardinal d' Ossat writes of at Milan, for his reimbursement?

Others have further added, that the Duke had a design to take this opportunity of the Kingdoms distraction, to make himself a Sovereign Prince in Provence: but let any one consider, whether [Page 186] after having conceiv'd so unjust, and so unruly an ambition, he would not betimes, and before he had proceeded to matter of Fact, Other Ca­lumnies against the Duke. have fortified himself by a correspondency, and intelli­gence with Foreign Princes, to have justified his usurpation? or whether, in common discretion, he would not have confedera­ted himself with those Factions at home that already brav'd the lawful Authority? Yet is it most true, and it was evident to all the world, that instead of doing the one, or the other, he fought with all the power he had, and maintain'd the sharpest War he could possibly maintain, both against the Duke of Savoy, though back'd with the Spanish Forces, and also against the League, of it self suf­ficient to have amaz'd man of less conduct and resolution. It is ve­ry true, that he would fain have kept, and maintain'd his Govern­ment of Provence against all pretenders, had it stood with the Kings good liking; and that he was the longer before he could perswade himself to give it up, hoping at some time or other, that his Majesty reflecting upon his Services, might think him as worthy as any of that Command: but at last, finding his expectation vain, and all he could do, or say, ineffectual to the procuring of his Royal Consent, he rather chose to quit claim to a Title his Majesty would not be prevail'd with to approve, than by a longer obstinacy to oppo [...] his Masters pleasure to the prejudice of his own duty.

Some who can endure no truths, but such as are couch'd in the worst Characters, and that call all things flattery, which are not offence, may perhaps think me too zealous in the Duke's justifica­tion: but let such, before they too liberally determine, examine the Arguments I have us'd in his behalf, whether there be in them any thing forc'd, or uneasie to an unbyas'd judgment, or whether any thing can be contradicted in all I have said. It has been an ob­servation (almost to a rule) that the lives of great Favourites have ever been the objects of the hatred, and envy of their own times; an injustice that descending upon the Duke, not only in the usu­al forms of Calumny, but in an extraordinary stile, and with greater demonstrations of malice to him, and his reputation, than to any other of this, or of almost any other time before him, I thought it a duty to truth, to him, and to posterity (now that time has laid open the falsity of those slanders, that have been publish'd against him) to discover the true causes, and reasons why he so long persisted in the defence of his Government; and as far as I am able, at least to rescue those actions from obloquy, which all disinterested, and worthy men will, upon mature deliberation, think worthy of all commendation and honour. A design, which as I have impartially undertaken, so have I not herein made use of my own Arguments but only made a faithful report of what I [Page 187] have learn'd from the most unsuspected testimony, gather'd out of the best Historians, or receiv'd from the Duke's own mouth, who must of necessity know the truth as well as any, and much better than those who writ at random of affairs: Neither do I ap­prehend why, what he himself reported for the justification of those actions which were so unhappily interpreted should not be of as good authority for him, as what was publish'd to his pre­judice by men who were profestly haters of his Person, and ap­parently emulous of his Name, and Fortune.

The Duke of Espernon, The Duke of Esper­non, reject­ing all of­fers from Savoy, Spain, and the Duke of Mayenne submits him­self to the King. having (as has been said) rejected all propositions made him by those who were enemies to the King, would accept of no other protection, than what he expected from his Majesties Justice, and Bounty, however incens'd against him. In which resolution having set up his rest, he dispatch'd away Guez his principal Secretary to the King, to carry him an assurance of his Fidelity, and Obedience; who being arriv'd at Court, was presented to his Majesty by the Marquiss de Roque­laure; a man who in the Duke's severest persecution, and when the tongue of calumny was most bitter against him, had ever pre­serv'd for him a most entire, and constant Friendship, and who had made no difficulty in his Majesties greatest Passions (a time of all other the most dangerous to dispute with Princes) to justifie, and undertake for his Friends integrity, and to uphold his interest with an admirable, and never enough to be commended con­stancy. Guez then was by him no sooner brought into the Kings presence, than his Majesty with a stern look presently told him, that if himself to whom he was sent had no greater a kindness for him, than his Master had, who had sent him, he should that hour cause his head to be struck from his shoulders, and that he much wonder'd a man of sense, as he was, durst come to him from the Duke of Espernon, whom he himself knew very well to hold intelligence with his Enemies: To which Guez, who was very well assur'd of the contrary, reply'd, that he would willingly submit to the punishment his Majesty was pleas'd to threaten, if the Duke was guilty of those things whereof he stood accus'd: and that he came to his Majesty on the behalf of a Loyal Subject, his most humble, and faithful Servant, who had rather chosen to depend upon his Majesties Grace, and Favour, and to throw himself at his feet without condition, than to accept of the most advantageous offers, could by his Majesties Enemies be propos'd unto him. After which the King having ask'd him if he might rely upon his word, and Guez having by many protestations con­firm'd, what he before had said, his Majesty resolv'd to receive [Page 188] the Duke into his favour, and a few days after dispatch'd away Mounsieur de Roquelaure himself, the Duke's most intimate Friend, to give him assurance, that he might with all freedom come to Court, where from his Majesty he should receive all the satisfa­ction he could expect, or desire,

The Duke, without insisting upon greater precaution, or other security, than what he found in his own Conscience, took his journey to Court, and that with so absolute a confidence in his Majesties Royal Word, that he would not so much as open the Letters Mounsieur de Roquelaure brought him from the King; but at his arrival restor'd them to his Majesty, seal'd up as they were sent: by which generous behaviour, excuses, and reasons ha­ving given his Majesty full satisfaction in all things, he receiv'd him into an honourable degree of Favour, The Duke of Espernon receiv'd in­to Favour. and soon after gave him the Government of the higher, and lower Limousin, in recom­pense of that of Provence: A charge in truth that held no pro­portion with the other; but that nevertheless bordering upon Xaintonge, Angoumois, and the Country of Aulins, which the Duke already had, lay very convenient for him; and besides, by being newly conferr'd upon him, gave the world to see, that his Majesty did not look upon him as a Rebel. The King gave him moreover 100000 Crowns to defray part of the expense he had been at in Provence; by which his Majesty seem'd to acknowledge it had been there well employ'd, and it was assign'd him upon the Con­voy of Bourdeaux. Thus did the Duke quit all his pretenses in Pro­vence, and remain'd at Court with the King.

I could here speak of the enterprize of Marselles without dan­ger of digression, it having been executed by the Duke of Guise, whilst the Duke of Espernon was yet in Provence, and the rather because the Sieges of St. Tropés, and Oriol, which were then in his possession, serv'd much to palliate the Duke of Guise's Design: but having no need to seek elsewhere, than in the particular acti­ons of the Duke of Espernon himself, to swell the bulk of my Hi­story, I shall, how great and shining soever that action was, for­bear to make a further mention of it; the Historians of that time having given accompts of it at large. And yet, whilst I omit the main thing so pertinent to my Story, I cannot forbear to menti­on a remarkable circumstance, which I have from a very good hand, and that I doubt not will be acceptable to my Reader, though it be utterly from the matter of my Subject.

After the Duke of Guise had put an end to his enterprize, A digression upon a re­markable passage. a success of the greatest glory to himself, and importance to the State, that could possibly have hapned at that time; he thought it [Page 189] but reasonable to enjoy the fruits of his Victory, by giving him­self a vacation from the hardships of War, to the softer delights of Liberty and Ease; which made him seek out all the Diversions the Town could afford, that any way suited with the appetite of his youth and pleasure. The chiefest of which was the frequenta­tion of a Gentlewoman in the City, of but moderate beauty, but of so admirable a wit, as gave her, for a distinction of excellency above the other women of the City, the name of the Marselles. This Lady had formerly been a Mistriss of the Duke of Espernon's, and was at this time highly courted by the Duke of Guise, with whom the Duke being one night very pleasant in her Lodging, they there contriv'd a piece of mirth, which in the issue very much fail'd their expectation. Grillon Camp-Master to the Regiment of Guards, a Gentleman of Provence, was reputed one of the bra­vest men of his time, and with good reason, the signal testimo­nies he had in a thousand occasions given of his Valour approach­ing nearer to the vanity of a Romance, than to the truth of seri­ous History. This Gentleman, after the recovery of Marselles, was dismiss'd from the King to the Duke of Guise to be assisting to him in his reputation, advice, and valour, for the conservation of that place: for his Majesty well knowing what a longing, and watchful eye his Enemies had upon that City, and himself also being very tender of so important a place, would spare no cost, not omit no care to preserve i [...] safe, from any designs without, or within by violence, or practice. The Duke of G [...]ise then in the height of his mirth calling to mind that Grillon was ordinarily call'd The man without fear. l' homme sans peur, thinking it not impossible to shew the world he was capable of the Passion of fear as well as other men, and to make him lose that name, with some other young men of his own gay humour about him, contriv'd to have an Alarm sud­denly given under Grillon's window, as if the Enemy had entred the Town, and at the same time causing two Horses to be brought to the door of his Lodging, runs himself up stairs into his Cham­ber, where with a counterfeited distraction he hastily told him that all was lost, that the Enemy had made himself Master of the Port, and of the City, that they had forc'd the Guards, dispers'd and beaten all that could make head against him; and that no more resistance being to be made, he thought it better to retire, than to add to their Enemies Victory by their own Ruine: that therefore he was come to call him out, that they might make their retreat together; to which purpose two Horses waited ready at the door of his Lodging, and that he desir'd him to make hast, lest they should be surpriz'd by the Enemy before they could find [Page 190] means to escape. Grillon, though he had been fast asleep at the be­ginning of this false Alarm, and was yet scarce awake when the Duke of Guise told him this story; yet, without being at all sur­priz'd, he call'd for his cloaths, and his Arms, saying withal, that too easie credit was not to be given to reports in the tumult, and confusion of Alarms; but, that should the intelligence prove true, it were far more honourable to die with their Swords in their hands, than to survive the loss of such a City: which being all the Duke of Guise could get from him, he not being to be per­swaded out of that resolution, they went together out of the Chamber; when being in the middle of the stairs, the Duke be­ing able to hold no longer, burst out into laughter: by which Gr [...]llon understanding the Raillery, with a furious countenance grasping the Duke by the Arm, and rapping out a terrible Oath, the usual preface to all his discourses, he said, Young man, never make it your sport to try the Courage of a man of Honour; for by the Death, hadst thou made in me a discovery of fear, or surprize, I would have stabh'd my Dagger into thy heart; and so return'd back into his Chamber, without more words. This Story which I have from a very good hand, a person of Quality, who had it from the Duke of Guise [...]s own mouth, I thought too remarkable to be over­slipt: Neither do I think Grillon to be less esteem'd for this [...]ally of fury, which appears however to be wrap'd up in very good sense, than in the constancy of his courage, that would not consent he should retire from, or out-live the loss of so important a City. And since I have spoken of the blasphemies that were so frequent in his mouth, I shall tell you what I have heard the Duke of Es­pernon say, who had him long under his command; which is, that many years before his death, though he had a perfect strength and vigour in all his other parts, he had nevertheless so great a weakness in his tongue, that he could not articulate, or bring out one word that any body could understand. God b [...]ing doubtless pleas'd by a manifest judgment to punish him in that part, which by so many Oaths and Blasphemies had so often offended against his Divine Honour, and most Holy Name.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
THE SECOND PART.
The Fifth Book.

THE Duke of Espernon, having (as before is said) taken his leave of Provence, in the company of the Marquiss of Roquelaure, soon after presented himself before his Majesty at Paris, who was then but newly return'd from his Voyage of Pi­cardy: The posture of Affairs at the Duke of Espernon's arrival at Court. an expedition wherein he had met with very various success, Fortune having plaid with both hands in the distribution of Honour and Disgrace. She had indeed shew'd her self favourable to him in the Enterprize of la Fere, a place, that being one of the most important upon the Frontier, and ha­ving by the League been put into the Spaniards hands, had been so Fortified and Victualled by the new Possessors, that the King judging it not to be recover'd by fine force, without the manifest loss of an infin [...]te number of good men, thought it better to streighten it at a distance, by blocking up, and building Forts up­on all the Avenues, by which it could any way be supply'd, or [Page 192] reliev'd, than to hazard his men by a nearer and more regular Siege; a way, that doubtless was the safest, and most likely in the end to succeed: but as no Counsels are so perfect, as to point out the certain event of things, this way of proceeding prov'd so slow, as gave the Enemy in the interim time and opportunity to bring about other designs of such importance, as made the King sick of the success of his own enterprize, even before it took effect.

Albert Arch-Duke, and also Cardinal of Austria, was now newly enter'd upon the Government of the hereditary Countries of Flanders, from whence the King of Spain had lately call'd home the [...]ondé de Fuentes; [...] Prince, that stirr'd [...] by the emul [...]tion of this Predecessor's exploits (who the year before had won [...]rom France le Catelet, Dourlens, and Cambray) had put on a resolution to do things, that should as far out-shine the Conde's less atchieve­ments, as he himself, in Birth, and Quality was superior to him in Name, and Person: wher [...]fore▪ at his entring upon h [...]s com­mand, having found the King set down before la Fere, he thought he could not give a more glorious beginning to his admi­nistration, than by force or policy to defeat that his Majesties de­sign. An undertaking which for the difficulty and danger thereof, was every way worthy the greatness of his mind; for the King having foreseen the Spaniard would infallibly attempt a relief, had forgot nothing that might serve to frustrate their endeavours. His Forces were great, his works about the place compleat, and per­fect, and almost all the most experienc'd Captains of his King­dom were come in from all parts, to attend his Majesties Person, and to signalize themselves in so brave an occasion: all which being very well known to the Cardinal of Austria, he durst not (notwithstanding his earnest desire to relieve that [...]) en­gage his Army in▪ so dangerous an attempt, but rather [...]earken'd to the Counsels of such as more warily advis'd to raise that [...] ▪ by an attempt upon some other place of a greater, or no [...] [...] ­portance.

Amongst the many opinions that were deliver'd in the Cardi­nals Council abovt this Affair, the ill Fortune of France would have the counsel of a Frenchman to prevail; that by the procure­ment of one of her own Sons, this Kingdom might receive the greatest dishonour it could possibly sustain. And this was the ad­vice of Rhosne a Gentleman born in Champagne upon the Fron­tiers of Lorain, one, who having in the infancy of the League devoted himself to the Duke of Guise, and done him many sig­nal services in his life; after his death persevering in the evil cause [Page 193] he had before embrac'd, had put himself under the Duke of Mayenne, and so far his too violent zeal to Religion; or the error of his judgment (which might be deluded amongst the rest) were rather to be excus'd, and pittied, than his carriage absolutely to be condemn'd: but after the Duke of Mayenne was reduc'd to rea­son, and had given up his cause, his yet engaging himself with the King's most implacable enemies made it manifest to all, that his turbulent spirit would stick at no mischief he could any ways effect against his Prince and Country. This man then discredit­ing in the Cardinals Council all the diversions had been there propos'd, as by making an attempt upon St. Quintin, Montreuille, Boulogne, or Guise, gave advice to fall upon Calice, at the same time offering himself to be the man that would undertake, and accomplish the design. A proposition of so high, A design up­on Calice. and generous a nature, that the Cardinals ambition, which was bent [...]pon some noble atchievement, being fir'd thereby, he was afterwards deaf to all other Counsels, and so wholly bent upon an en­terprize so suitable to the greatness of his mind, that without fur­ther delay he gave immediate order to dispose all things for the ex­ecution of that design. To which end his Army was forthwith drawn into the Field, and there divided into three several bodies, to amuse the King, and to keep him in doubt of the course he in­tended to steer: a policy not very necessary to the concealment of his design, it being impossible any one could imagine he durst so much as meditate the thoughts of an enterprize, which, to all mens astonishment, he so suddenly effected, that the King had no sooner intelligence of his motion, but that withal news was brought him of the loss of the place.

Bidossan Governour of Calice, surpriz'd with so unexpected a Siege, was in a few days reduc'd to so great an extremity, that he was forc'd to dispatch a Post to the King, to acquaint his Majesty with the Articles of his capitulation, which was to make a posi­tive surrender, if within six days he was not reliev'd: at which unhappy, and unexpected news, his Majesty being beyond all expression afflicted, he advanc'd with all diligence as far as Bou­logne, in hope that the convenient vicinity of that place would give him some opportunity or other to send in some relief to the besieged before the time of limitation should expire: neither did he fail to try all possible ways by which he conceiv'd it might be done; but all in vain, the contrary winds by Sea, and the Ene­mies vigilancy by Land still frustrating what ever endeavour he could use: when one sole Servant of the Duke of Espernon's had the good hap beyond all humane expectation to put himself [Page 194] into the place, Fortune being (it should seem) resolv'd by the per­formance of one of his Servants to confer upon the Master, though absent, A remark­able action of Campag­ [...]. the honour of the bravest exploit that pass'd upon this occasion. The man whose resolution was so eminent in this affair, was commonly call'd the black Or youn­ger Bro­ther. Cadet, a Gentleman of the house of Campagnol, who bravely undertook, and as bravely perform'd the Action. His elder Brother by the Duke's Favour, was preferr'd to be Captain of a Company in the Regiment of Guards, and his own Lieutenant in the Government of Boulogne, as this also had a Company in the Regiment of Picardy, with which he had likewise been gratified by the Dukes Bounty. This Gentleman no sooner receiv'd intelligence of the Enemies motion towards Calice, but that he immediately repair'd to his Brother at Boulogne, where he was at his Majesties arrival there, and where his courage not permitting him to sit still in so general a conster­nation, as appear'd in all persons about the King, he made a vo­luntary offer of himself to pass through the Enemies Guards into the Town of Calice, with any number of men his Majesty would please to commit to his charge, or to perish in the attempt. The valour of the man was so well try'd, and known, that the King doubted not in the least of his performance to the utmost of what could by man be done: but the danger was such, Cardinal Bentiv [...]g [...]o De Thou. that his Majesty was very unwilling to expose so brave a Gentleman to so manifest a ruine; yet such was his importunity, and the occa­sion of such importance, that at last three hundred men only were assign'd him, with which, by the favour of the night, and his own good conduct, he arriv'd safe at Calice, without the loss of so much as any one man; so that certainly had he carried a more consider­able number of men, the Town had been sav'd: but as the case then stood the must content himself with the honour of his own bravery, without reaping any other benefit from the success of his attempt. The term of six days being expir'd, the Enemy sent to summon the Town to a surrender, according to the Articles of Capitulation betwixt them; to which summons they had no other return than this, that the besieg'd were now acquit of their promise, and that they had receiv'd a relief; an answer at which R [...]osne being more enrag'd than the Arch-Duke himself, he pre­sently caus'd the Cannon to play with greater fury, than at any time before during the Siege; when a sufficient breach being made, he prepar'd the Army for a general assault. The assault was ac­cordingly given, in the beginning of which Bedossan being slain, Campagnol took upon him his Authority, and Command, giving the Enemy after two hours sharp fight a brave, and notable re­pulse [Page 195] which notwithstanding the breach was so wide as was im­possible long to be defended, by so few men as he had left; which made the Enemy by frequent Messages often put him in mind of what he himself knew as well as they, by representing to him the desperate condition the place was in, and his own inevitable ruine should be longer persist in his defense; offering him at the same time conditions of Honour, and Advantage if he would deliver up the Town: but all to no purpose, he had not put himself in­to that place with so much hazard of his life to depart thence in so great security: the assault therefore was again renew'd, and the Enemy again beaten back: but coming up the third time with greater fury than ever before, and bringing up still fresh Compa­nies to succeed those who were beaten off, Campagnol's men were in fine overcome by numbers, and constrain'd to retire; a thing their Captain scorn'd to do, who, though alone and aban­don'd by all, still fought with the same courage, and vigour, when his resistance, how brave soever, being too weak to stop the tor­rent of a victorious crowd, he was at last rather overwhelm'd than overcome, and by a multitude taken prisoner: with this resemblance nevertheless betwixt his honour and disgrace, that, as he had appear'd single in the defense of the Town, so was he also alone in his imprisonment, the Enemy killing all that fled before them without humanity, or respect of persons, excepting of his, who had so undauntedly stood alone in his defense, wherein his Vertue was his refuge. D' Avila attributes this Action to the Sieur de Matelet, whom he qualifies Governour of Foix, although Cardinal Bentivoglio in his description of this Siege, Mounsieur de Thou, and D' Aubigné make no mention of any such man. Yet it is true that Matelet had so great a share in the business, as ought not to be pass'd over without its due report of honour; for the King having commanded him with an hundred Gentlemen of his Court to cut his way through the Enemies Army during the heat of the Assault, and to put himself into the Town, it was no fault of his that his Majesty fail'd of his desire: he did what was by valour to be done, though he was not so fortunate as to per­form his Majesties command; neither was the Enemies Army so thin, but that they had men enough to maintain the Assault, and at the same time to intercept such petty succours as those: so that those hundred Gentlemen were almost all cut to pieces with very little resistance; a panick fear having made them blind to their own safety, and honour, excepting Matelet, who bravely fighting as fortunately escap'd.

Thus was Calice lost, the King himself in a manner looking [Page 196] on; after which Guines and Ham were carried without resistance: successes with which Rhosne being yet unsatisfied, he had moreover the confidence to undertake the Siege of Ardres, which the same day that la Fere was surrendred to the King, surrendred also to him; as if he had been in fee with Fortune, and that she had been oblig'd to give him all the respite was necessary for the execution of his Designs: for in effect, the same day that concluded the Car­dinals Conquests, had in all probability determin'd of his honour, and put a ruinous period to all his Affairs, had his successes gone on with never so little a slower pace.

The King in the whole course of his life, Anno 1597. was never perhaps more astonish'd, and afflicted, than at these disgraces; and his great spirit was prone enough to prompt him on to an immedi­ate revenge, by obstinately settling himself to the recovery of the Places he had lately lost, since the Cardinal's sudden retreat had put him out of all possibility of fighting: but his prudence lay­ing before him the difficulty of the enterprize, he rather chose to give his Army some refreshment, which had been tir'd out with the tedious Siege of la Fere, than anew to expose them to other dangers, and such as were like enough to be the ruine of them all. Wherefore having distributed them into the most commodious quarters upon the Frontier, to be in readiness against the next fair season, he left the Mareschal de Biron to command them, with order upon the first opportunity, to enter into the Enemies Coun­try, and to make them feel his Majesties Arms, whilst himself re­tir'd to Paris, to consult with his Subjects, about the means he was to pursue in the vindication of his own, and the Nations ho­nour, for the Attempts the Enemy had made upon his Crown, and Kingdom.

The King being come to Paris, and either not expecting, or not finding that readiness, or ability he expected in his own peo­ple; who having been harrass'd, and impoverish'd with past mis­chiefs, were now very unfit to supply him with mony, propor­tionable to the greatness of his designs: he saw he must of ne­cessity have recourse to Strangers, his ancient Consederates, and Allies: to which purpose he dispatch'd away Ambassadors to Elizabeth Queen of England, to the States of Holland, and to some Princes of Germany; during which Negotiations, the Pope, who from the month of September, 1595. had given the King Absolution in the persons of Messieurs du Perron, and d' Os­sat, his Majesties Agents at Rome, desiring now to see an effectual re-establishment of the Catholick Religion in France, and a re­formation of such abuses as were crept into the Church, during [Page 197] the disorders of the Kingdom, resolv'd upon sending a Legat at this time, to appoint what was necessary to be done for his entire satisfaction. The Pope sends his Legat into France. Neither was this the only, though the principal end of this dispatch, this good, and holy Pope having further a de­sign to set on foot a Treaty of Accommodation betwixt the two Crowns; conceiving he did not fully discharge the Duty of the Common Father of Christians, if, after having given repose to the King's Conscience, he did not also procure a good, and last­ing Peace, betwixt two the greatest Princes of the Holy Church.

To this good end Cardinal de Medicis the Pope's Legat fail'd not, according to his Instructions, so soon as he arriv'd in France, to offer some propositions of Reconciliation betwixt the two Crowns; which, though well receiv'd by the King, yet did they not hinder him from making his preparations for a smart, and vindictive War: he had (as has been said) renew'd his Alliances with his Confederates, and had further call'd an Assembly of se­veral the most intelligent persons of his Kingdom, by their joynt advice to find out the most easie, and indifferent ways of raising mony upon his people for the prosecution of the War; which As­sembly, by reason of the Plague which was that year exceeding rise in Paris, being not conveniently there to be Assembled, his Majesty transferr'd it to Roan, An Assem­bly at Roan. where they opened their Session in October, and continued it to the beginning of the ensuing year. The Duke of Espernon had the honour to attend his Majesty in this Voyage, and was also made privy to whatsoever pass'd in the Assembly, where many grave directions were propos'd for the Reformation of several Abuses that were practis'd in all parts of the Kingdom; but very little satisfaction to the King concern­ing mony, which was the main design in calling that Assembly, rather than reformation of abuses: which notwithstanding his Majesty wounded with the grief of his losses, what by husband­ing his Revenue, what by lessening his Expense, by augmentati­ons upon his Farms, and other extraordinary ways made shift to get up such a stock, as was enough to set a powerful Army on foot, and such a one as should be sufficient to repair all his former disgraces.

After the dissolution of this Assembly, his Majesty retiring himself for some indisposition into the Air of the Country, the Duke of Espernon conceiv'd he could not take a fitter opportunity than this, to ask leave to go look after his own particular Affairs, and to settle his Governments in a posture of Security, and Obe­dience; a request no sooner made to the King, but that he gave his free consent, dismissing the Duke with all demonstration of [Page 198] respect and kindness; and then it was that his Patent was seal'd for the Government of Limousin, instead of Provence, and dated at Folembray, a house of Pleasure, to which his Majesty had re­tir'd himself to provide for his health at greater liberty and ease. With this new Commission the Duke then departed from Court towards Angoulesme, where his Children were bred, which he had scarce seen since their Birth, especially the youngest whom he had never seen; a motive of it self sufficient for a longer Journey: but neither the repose the Duke intended to take, nor the vacati­on his Majesty intended to give, were of any long continuance; for he was scarce arriv'd at Angoulesme, when he receiv'd a Dis­patch under the Kings own hand (his Majesty not at all thinking it below his Greatness, that his Nobility should receive the Honour of his Commands immediately from himself) wherein he acquain­ted him with the surprizal of Amiens, as also of his resolution suddenly to sit down before it, for the recovery of so important a place: at the same time conjuring him to make all possible haste to come, and serve him in so glorious an occasion.

I shall not here enlarge my self in a relation of this surprize, it being an action that made so much noise at that time, and that gave to great a reputation to He is call'd by Iean de Serres, He [...] ­n [...]nl [...]. Hernando-Telles Portocarrero, who was the contriver and executor of it, that there is scarce any Hi­storian of our own, or any other Nation, who has not particu­larly insisted upon this, above any other enterprize of the like na­ture; wherein they all agree that it was a design the best contriv'd, the braveliest carried on, and the most fortunately perform'd of any whatever of that kind.

The nearness of this place to Paris, it being but three little days journey from thence, having alarm'd the Parisians to such a de­gree, that they thought the Spaniard already at their Gates, begat such clamours, and publick complaints amongst the people, that every one made very bold with the Royal Name, accusing the King, as if he had held intelligence with the Enemy, and as if he alone were the Author of this mischance: so that as if his Ma­jesty had not been sufficiently afflicted with the loss of this City (which more concern'd him, than them all) he must also endure the unjust reproaches of his Subjects; the little respite he had ta­ken for the recovery of his health, passing, in minds prepossess'd with fear, for supineness, and sloth; and his love to the Dut­chess of Beaufort giving every one occasion to censure, and con­demn his Passions, by which, they said, he lay buried in negli­gence, and pleasure, whilst the Enemy was in action, taking, and surprizing his best Towns, and Cities.

[Page 199]It was therefore necessary for the King without further delay to betake himself again to Arms, and that (equally stirr'd up by his own immediate danger, and the clamours of his people) he should abandon the care of his health, to go expose his life to the hazards of War and Sickness. It was upon the tenth day of March, that Amiens had been surpriz'd, upon notice whereof, his Majesty without loss of time, had writ to the Mareschal de Biron, (who (as has been said) he had left upon the Frontier) that he should with all expedition, gather the Army together, and to sit down before Amiens to begin the Siege. A command that could not have been sent to a more diligent, a braver, or more able Souldier; and one, who so well knew how to manage such En­gines, and provisions of War, as the King (who himself was advanc'd as far as Corbie) had taken care to send him; that his Ma­jesty a [...] his arrival before the place found nothing wanting, or un­done, he could at a distance have desir'd; or have order'd him­self, had he been there in person. A diligence his Majesty did highly, and publickly commend, giving the Mareschal a very no­ble Character for the progress he had made in his works, and ap­proaches, which could not have been perform'd by any with greater care, courage, and conduct, according to all the Rules and Discipline of War. Neither is it to be denied, but that Bi­ron serv'd the King as bravely, as is to be imagin'd upon this oc­casion: wherein he also knew well enough, if not too well, his own merit; his brave Service in this, and other occasions having rais'd him to that degree of presumption, and insolence, that he afterwards, by his saucy reproaches to the King his Master, de­priv'd himself of those Honours, and Rewards, his Valour might otherwise, with great justice have expected; and his vanity con­verting those actions, which modestly carried would have been his immortal glory, into the instruments of his disgrace, and ruine: of which in its due place I shall give a more full accompt, as also of every circumstance that helpt to precipitate him into those misfortunes whereinto he afterwards fell: and that because his Interests went, for many years hand in hand, with those of the Duke of Espernon, they two being link'd together in an extraor­dinary strict League of Affection, and Friendship.

The King during his abode at Corbie, having taken care to send such numbers of men, as the Mareschal de Biron stood in need of for carrying on the Siege, return'd back to Paris, there to take order about Artillery for the Leaguer, and mony for the support of his Army; when all things being ready in Iune, his Majesty accompanied with the Duke of Montpensier, the Count de Soissons, [Page 200] the Constable de Montmorency, the Duke of Mayenne, the Prince of Ioinville, and many other Lords of great quality, advanc'd himself to the Siege. Cardinal Bentivoglio, who is very exact in the description of this Leaguer, has, amongst the rest, nam'd the Duke of Espernon for one of those who attended his Majesty in this expedition: a mistake I do not so much wonder at in him, who of necessity must take many things upon trust, as I do at d'Avila, who says the same thing, and yet pretends to have been present, and wounded at this Siege; when it is most certain the Duke was not there. I would not willingly deprive him of any honour is his due; neither would I attribute to him contrary to the known truth, things wherein he had no share: but the truth is, the Duke was so long in making his preparation, and would come in so handsome an equipage to the Army, that it was two days after the surrender of the place, before he came up to the King: The Duke of Espernon comes to the King at Amiens. perhaps one of the worst occurrences, and that did him the greatest prejudice of any that befel him in his whole life; it being certain, that if, in this expedition, he had by greater di­ligence express'd to his Majesty the real Passion he had for his Ser­vice, he had so blotted out of his memory, all former jealousies, and discontents, that no ill office could ever after have done him harm: whereas his Enemies took now occasion to possess the King, that he had either staid to expect the issue of this Siege, to make his own use of such disorders in the State, as must necessarily at­tend any ill success; or that (at the best) he had a mind the Roy­al Affairs should fall into the last necessity, by that means to put a greater value upon his own Service: So that although he arriv'd very seasonably for the recruit of the Royal Army, very much tir'd, and worn out with the length of the Siege, and that he brought along with him 300. Horse, an hundred and fifty Har­quebusiers on horseback, and four Regiments of Foot, as well equipt as men could be: yet was not his reception such, as he had good reason to expect, his zeal to the Service having made him lose the honour of the Service it self. It was nevertheless but two days after the King's entry into Amiens, that the Duke came up to the Army; by which it appears he did not in his Govern­ment lie expecting the event of the Siege, having been a month upon his March; neither did he long lie idle after he was come, for ambitious by some notable Action to make amends for his former default, A surprize design'd up­on Arras. he meditated a surprize upon Arras; an enter­prize that having been communicated to Mareschal Biron, the man­ner of it was soon concluded on betwixt them, and as soon con­sented to by the King, who by his own presence would favour the success.

[Page 201]His Majesty after the surrender of Amiens staid no longer there than was requisite for the ceremony of his entry, but put him­self immediately in pursuit of the Enemy; to let them see, that notwithstanding he had been so drain'd of men, he was yet strong enough to remove the Scene of War to their own doors; when, being advanc'd with his Army as far as Arras, the Duke of Espernon took those Forces he had brought, and advanc'd to give a Scalado to a Fort, that was a little separated from the main wall of the City; which he assaulted with such vigour and bravery in his own person, that his men encourag'd by his exam­ple soon made themselves masters of the place. A success that gave the Inhabitants, and Garrison of Arras so great an Alarm, that they all ran to that side to beat the Duke back, and to secure that part of their Walls; where betwixt them the conflict grew so hot, that the Mareschal de Biron, who was at the same time to Petarre one of the Gates of the City, had all leisure to perform it, without any danger from the Curtain. And accordingly his first Petard play'd, and to so good effect, that it laid all flat, which shut up the Raveline: The second beat down the Draw-Bridge, and carried away the bottom of the Portcullice it self, though by the Petard's being fixt too low, the perpendicular Bars remain'd yet long enough to defend the passage, when the third Petard being brought up (which doubtless had it play'd, had put an end to the Dispute) and the Engineer just ready to give fire, he was from the top of the Gate taken upon the head with a stone; by which blow Man and Engine were both beaten headlong into the Ditch: an accident by which they were put to look out for an­other, but in vain. there being never another to be found. In the mean time the Duke of Espernon, who was still fighting with the Enemy, had no little to do to make head against the Forces of so great, and populous a City; which nevertheless he bravely did until the Mareschal de Biron sending him word of his misfortune, desir'd him to retire, as himself was constrain'd to do for want of a fourth Petard.

Aubigné is the man, [...]. of all our Historians that makes mention of this Enterprize, where he adds one thing that is very remark­able, and very true, and that is, that the Mareschal enrag'd to the last degree, at the miscarriage of so brave a design, went up and down cursing, and swearing, and railing at the King before all the Army, and almost to his own face, that he had made him fail in the conquest of so important a place for want of a Petard, ac­cusing him of Avarice, where his Honour and Safety were con­cern'd; whilst he was prodigiously Profuse in the entertainment [Page 202] of his Mistrisses, and in the procurements of his own desires: Lan­guage, that, how indiscreetly soever spoken, was maliciously enough soon convey'd to the King's ear, and which I have heard the Duke say, perhaps sowed the first seeds of hatred in his Ma­jesties heart against him: Neither did the Duke fail, like a true friend, to conjure him into a better government of his passion, left his wild tongue might at some time or other, be the instru­ment of his own ruine; although whatever power he might have with him in other things, (as with a man that still mindful of the Duke's past obligations, when his favour had given him many opportunities to express his affection to him, was much at his de­votion) yet could he never so govern the unbridled fierceness of his [...]; but that he would break often out into extravagancies of that kind.

As the surprizal of Amiens had suspended all propositions of Peace, Anno 1598. that had before been preferr'd by the Pope's Legat, so did the retaking of it (almost of course) set them again on foot; for the Spaniard seeing he had not been able to keep a place of that importance when he had it in his hands, and apprehending by that, the King's Power (which had been sufficiently manifested at this Siege) would now extend it self into their own Territories, to the danger of their strongest, and best Towns, of themselves renew'd the interrupted Treaty of Peace; in order whereunto, the Deputies of both Crowns being met at Vervins, it was there, to their common satisfaction happily concluded.

That which I observe to be most remarkable in this Peace, is, that the King, what necessity soever there was upon him of re­gulating the disorders of his own Kingdom, which were many (a thing neuer to be well done in the confusions of War) would notwithstanding never consent his Deputies should meet to Treat, till first the King of Spain had given him assurance, that all the places had been taken from him in this last War should be re­stor'd: His Majesty choosing rather to expose his Person, and Kingdom to the uncertain event of another War, than that his Crown should suffer the l [...]ast prejudice by a Treaty of Peace; [...] although he had hitherto been the loser, yet did [...]is courage [...] him hope so well of his Fortune, as to believe he should in the end bring her over to his own side. So brisk an Article as this at first dash, and before the King would proceed to any further Treaty, it is to be suppos'd would startle the Spanish Gravity, and must reasonably meet with great difficulty, as it did in the Coun­cils of War, and Privy Council of Spain, it being evident that, in this demand, the King would impose upon them who were [Page 203] the Conquerors the same conditions he should have done, had they been already overcome, which made it suffer a long Debate, though at last it was condescended to; The peace concluded [...] Vervins. and that being granted, no other difficulties were likely to arise: so that this happy Peace was Concluded, and Sign'd by the Commissioners on both sides, the second of May 1598. By the Articles of this Treaty the King was to restore the County of Charolois, to the King of Spain, to be by him held of the Crown of France; who in exchange re­stor'd the Towns of Calice, Ardres, Monthulin, Dourlens, la Capelle, and le Catelet in Picardy, and Blavet in Britanny: which Articles were Ratifi'd, and Sign'd by his Majesty the eleventh of Iune; who in gayety of humour, at so happy a conclusion, told the Duke of Espernon, That with one dash of his Pen he had done greater things, than he could of a long time have perform'd with the best Swords of his Kingdom.

This Peace was no sooner concluded, but that the Court put on a Face far different from that wherewith it had appear [...]d when shaded, and overcast, with the tumult and trouble of War and Business: nothing now was to be seen, but State, and Lustre; nor was any thing now thought on, but Feasting, and Mirth, which also was much added to, by the celebration of several Mar­riages, which were at this time consummate betwixt some per­sons of the greatest quality of the Kingdom: The Marri­age of the Duke of Montpensur with Katha­rine de Ioy­euse, now Dutchess of Guise, and Niece to the Duke of Es­pernon. For Katharine the King's only Sister was Married to the Duke of Bar, Son to the Duke of Lorain; and Henry of Bourbon Duke of Montpensier Married Katharine de [...]oyeuse, with many other Marriages betwixt Persons of great Quality, that were also solemniz'd at the same time: but it not being my design to meddle with those wherein the Duke of Espernon was not immediately concern'd, I shall on­ly insist upon that of the Duke of Montpensier who contracting himself to so near a Relation of the Duke's, that he, in a man­ner supply'd the place of a Father to her, it will be necessary I should say something of the reasons, and conclusion of this par­ticular Match.

The King since the Duke's return from Provence, had never exceeded to him the favour of meer justice; he had, it is true, left him free in the enjoyment of his Offices, his Estate, and Degree, without doing him any the least injury in any thing that was his just, and immediate right: But as to the rest, his Majesty not being able to forget his formention'd discontents against him, he thought he did him a signal favour, in that he forbore to do him any publick disgrace. In this condition, the Duke, who saw himself seated at Court in a station far inferiour to that wherein [Page 204] he had formerly been, suffer'd not a little in his own bosom from the King's coldness, and indifferency to him: yet concealing his discontent with the true respect he ought to pay his Prince, and Master, he avoided, at least, all occasions (the only refuge of a su­spected Minister) that might any way bring him into a greater disgrace: Yet even in this condition his fortune would not forsake him, who, when all other means seem'd to be lost, that could pro­bably restore him to any degree of his former prosperity, sprung him a new tide to his stranded greatness, and such an one, as not only lifted him off those sands wherein he was like to sink, and perish, but rais'd him again to such a reputation, as was no little support to his declining name, and power.

Kat [...]arine de Ioyeuse (whom I have already nam'd) was only Daughter and Heir to the Count de Bouchage, and Katharine de No­garet, and de la Valette, the Duke of Espernon's Sister; a young Lady, that besides the advantages of her Birth, and Beauty, was also Mi [...]tr [...] of very great possessions, having to her paternal Estate added that of the great Favourite the Duke of Ioyeuse, as she also was in expectation of that of the Cardinal de Ioyeuse her Uncle; which reckon'd altogether must needs make up so vast an estate, as must without dispute, entitle her the greatest Fortune of France. The Duke of Montpensier likewise, as born a Prince of the Blood, was also in high consideration, wherein the advantage of his Fortune concurr'd with the eminency of his Birth, he having alone a greater Revenue, than all the other Princes of the Blood: to which his Valour, Liberality, and Courtesie, with other good qua­lities he was Master of, had rais'd him to a very great esteem with the King, and made him no less a Favourite to the People: so that he was not only the Aim and Ambition of the best Matches of France; but stood also in the prospect of some Forein Princes: Amongst these the Duke of Lorain proceeded so far, as to offer him his Daughter (who was afterwards Married to the Duke of Cleve's) with eight hundred thousand Crowns to her Dowry: a proposition that, being debated in the Duke of Montpensier's Council, was very much lik'd of by some of his Servants, who advis'd him to prefer this Match to the other Inheretrix of the House of Ioyeuse; the fortune of the last, being part of it yet de­pending; whereas the offers of the Duke of Lorain being present, and effectual, would very much advance his Affairs, and establish his greatness at great liberty and ease. I have been inform'd, and that by a person of Quality, who was consulted about this busi­ness, that one main reason which induc'd this Prince to prefer Madam [...]iselle de Ioyeuse before the other, was the consideration of [Page 205] the Duke of Esperno [...], because in marrying her, he conceiv'd he should at the same time espouse her Uncles Interests; from whose Authority he promis'd to himself greater assistance, and support, than from any other Peer of the Kingdom. A consideration that, prevailing above all other with the Duke of Montpensier, dispos'd him determinately to resolve upon this Match, to which, by a particular li [...]ing, he was before enclin'd. Wherefore having without further deliberation caus'd it, by some Friends of his, to be propos'd to the Duke of Espernon, the motion was by him, who took it for a great honour, receiv'd with all imaginable re­spect, and as readily consented to; by which the Duke being encourag'd, proceeded further to move it to the King himself; not without some apprehension nevertheless, that the aversion his Majesty daily discover'd to the Duke might raise some diffi­culties at the first overture of his design, though his fear prov'd vain: for his Majesty seeing it would be a Match of considerable advantage to his Kinsman, and in his heart acknowledging the Duke of Espernon to be a Subject of great merit, though, for some private discontents, not very acceptable to himself, was not unwilling to oblige both the one, and the other, by giving his free consent.

By this Marriage the Duke of Espernon's Affairs were not a little improv'd, and if, on the one side, he (by the considerati­on of his desert) had preferr'd his Niece before the Daughter of a Sovereign Prince; she on the other side, by a very good return was acquit of that obligation, by introducing her Uncle into the relation and support of a great Prince of the Blood, by whose means he was soon after honour'd with a very near alliance to the Royal Family.

The Feasting, Anno 1599. and other entertainments of the Court, did not so wholly take up the King, that his Majesty was not never­theless very intent upon his Affairs, he had a mind to see an end of the Treaty with Savoy, which was not yet dispatch'd, though it had been compriz'd in the Peace concluded betwixt the two Crowns at Vervins: The Duke of Savoy had desir'd some re­spite to consider before he would Seal; which having been gran­ted to him, and he not being able to perswade himself to the re­stitution of those places he had, contrary to the publick Faith, surpriz'd during the disorders of the State, as by the Articles of the Treaty he had been oblig'd to do: he had no mind, to put a thing to Arbitration he was certain that way never to obtain, and that he was likewise resolv'd never to part withal. The Pope whom himself had nam'd Arbiter of all differences betwixt the [Page 206] King, and him, was so far disoblig'd by the diffidence he had manifested of his equal judgment (which the Duke had cun­ningly published to that end) that his Holiness had excus'd himself from intermedling any more betwixt them; a thing that having fall'n out according to the Duke of Savoy's hearts desire, he resolv'd now upon a Journey into France, to try if by his submissions to the King, his dexterity with his Ministers, or his liberalities in his Court, he could not procure, or purchase that, to which he could with no shew of equity otherwise pretend: but all his po­licy prov'd vain, and his hopes were deluded, as they were like to be in a Court where the King himself was alone the greatest, and wisest part of the Council; he must first corrupt him, or at least very much deceive him, before he could perswade him to consent to any thing prejudicial to his Crown, and Honour. The Duke of Savoy then, being able to effect nothing by artifice, re­solv'd at last upon returning into his own Dukedom: yet, that his Journey might not be altogether without fruit, he first caus'd the Mareschal de Biron to be dealt withal, a man whom he con­ceiv'd his many discontents had laid open to his temptation; and him he first tasted by Lafin, the same who had made himself a Mediator betwixt the Duke of Espernon and l'Esdiguieres in Pro­vence, The Duke of Savoy begins to practice with the Mareschal de Biron. and who therein had abus'd them both. This fellow of a tur­bulent unquiet Spirit, and one of those who had rather be doing mischief, than not to be doing at all, was of late wrigled into the Duke of Savoy's Favour, and had tasted of his bounty; by which he was qualified to offer from the Duke one of his Daughters to the Mareschal de Biron in Marriage, and with her several Seigniories to be held in Sovereignty, with the assistance of the Forces both of Spain, and Savoy, to maintain him in Burgundy: A Province con­tiguous to their own Territories. Allurements so fitted to Birons ambitious and mutinous nature, that he lent a willing ear to those dangerous propositions, and, as some have believ'd, engag'd him­self without much Ceremony in the Treason, which prov'd at last his dishonour and ruine.

This practice with Biron was the only thing the Duke of Savoy, with all his policy, effected in France: which nevertheless he thought to be of such moment, as made him afterwards refuse to give the King that satisfaction he had promis'd, and so to build upon the confidence of Biron's revolt, that having, before his de­parture from Paris, engag'd either to surrender to his Majesty the Marquisate of Saluzzo, or la Bresse, with other Dominions at his own choice in lieu thereof, and within three months time to per­form it; he had now no more regard to his word: neither would [Page 207] do the one nor the other, which oblig'd the King to seek that sa­tisfaction by force of Arms, he could by no other means obtain, as he evidently saw by the delays and equivocations of this subtle Prince.

His Majesty had before he resolv'd upon this expedition been sufficiently enform'd of what means had been us'd to corrupt the Mareschal de Biron: but whether it were that he really believ'd the Mareschal had been deaf to all such propositions; or that by the testimony of an entire confidence in his Loyalty this generous Prince would oblige a Subject to continue firm in his duty, who by his brave Service had deserv'd so well of the Crown, and to look back into his error, before he was gone too far; he gave him the Command of an Army against the Duke of Savoy him­self, with orders to enter by the way of his own Government of Burgundy into Bress; in which employment Biron so well con­ceal'd his practice, and so smartly pursu'd the War, that no action of his confess'd, the least intelligence with the Enemy. L'Esdi­guieres also, who at the same time enter'd by the way of Dau­phiné into Savoy, by his Valour, and conduct made so consider­able advances into that Dutchy, that betwixt them in few days all the Territories the Savoyard possess'd on this side the Alpes, were over-run by the Royal Arms, except Montmelian, which was not but by Siege to be reduc'd.

It was in this occasion of Montmelian that the Duke of Esper­pernon did the King a very signal service: A place reputed so strong, and that had been so fortified, and furnish'd, with all provisions of War by the Duke of Savoy, that he was nothing startled at his other losses, as supposing this City to be an inexpugnable Bul­wark against whatever could be attempted against him. A confi­dence wherein he found himself very much mistaken; for the Duke of Espernon having the command of one quarter at this Siege, as Biron and L' Esdiguieres had of the other two, whilst they were on all hands busie in their approaches, found opportu­nity sometimes to confer with the Count de Brandis Governour of the place, interviews, that being frequent, and allow'd by the King, wrought at last so good an effect, that the Governour pro­mis'd to surrender the City to the King, if within a month the Duke of Savoy did not raise the Siege. A Capitulation of that dangerous importance to the Duke that he labour'd by all possible ways, during the limited term to perswade the Governour into a better resolution, and had so wrought upon him, what by en­treaty, promises, and threats, that he was grown infinitely waver­ing, and uncertain what to do; which notwithstanding the [Page 208] Duke of Espernon who had drawn the first plot of this great de­sign, happily brought it to perfection in the end; he absolutely confirm'd by his perswasion the anxious Count in the terms of his first Treaty, and thereupon receiv'd new Hostages from him: by which dexterity he rendred himself the principal, and most ef­fectual instrument of his Majesties victories in that Country, as also of the Peace which immediately follow'd the Surrender of this important City.

Whilst the King's Designs succeeded at this fortunate rate in this little Dukedom, the Princes of Italy apprehending, that af­ter the ruine of the Duke of Savoy, the sweetness, and facility of that Conquest would tempt the King to advance further into the Country to seek new Victories, were instant with the Pope to interpose his Authority with the King, to dispose his Majesty to accept of satisfaction from the Duke of Savoy for what had past, that an Accommodation might ensue: to which his Holiness be­ing enclin'd, both by his own interests (which could by no means admit of a War in Italy) and by the importunity of the Princes of the Country, The Cardi­nal Aldo­brandino sent by the Pope into France. he dispatch'd away Cardinal Aldobrandino his own Nephew to the King, to be in his name the Mediator of this Peace, as the Cardinal de Medicis had been before of that which had been concluded with Spain.

Never Prince came from that Country in a prouder Equipage, nor with a more honourable train, than did this Cardinal; a Magnificence to which his Majesty being willing to hold propor­tion, both in regard to his own greatness, as also to express there­by a greater respect to the Pope (to whom he was highly oblig'd) in the person of a Kinsman so near, and dear unto him, he made choice of the Duke of Espernon, amongst all the other Grandees of his Court, to be the man should receive him; and that because he both knew him to be a person very acceptable to the Holy Sea, as also one who knew as well how to behave himself for his Masters honour, as any whoever, that was about his person. Neither did the Duke deceive his Majesty in his choice; he receiv'd the Cardi­nal at the head of the Army, which before had been drawn up in­to Battalia for that purpose, accompanied with the most sprightly and gay Nobility, and Gentry of the Court, conducting him with infinite demonstrations of Honour, and Respect through the several divisions, until he brought him into the presence of the King himself; and though I must tell you by the way, that the Duke's imperious, and haughty humour was naturally very averse to the humility of Complement, and the submission of ex­cessive Civilities; yet when such an occasion as this oblig'd him [Page 209] to it; no man of his time could perform such a Ceremony with a better grace: and doubtless, if at ordinary times he would have been more liberal of his courtesie, and have added that to those other excellent qualities, which made him admir'd by all, he might have acquir'd thereby what Friends and Servants he had pleas'd.

Soon after the Legat's arrival the Peace of Savoy was conclu­ded, The Peace with Savoy concluded. wherein a Prince, whose interest it was to recover his own Dominions almost entirely over-run by the King's Victorious Arms, was now to redeem his own with what he had surreptiti­ously, and contrary to the publick Faith snatch'd from the King, during the disorders of his Kingdom, and which his Majesty was now also ready to force from him, as he had already done the greatest part of his own hereditary Territories in pursuit of that Quarrel: So that the Duke of Savoy bought his Peace at a cheap rate through the Pope's timely mediation, and all things were accommodated that were in dispute betwixt the King, and him: although his Majesty, who very well knew what little trust was to be repos'd in the Faith of this Prince (a man that would never keep his word when it was for his advantage to break it) would by no means be perswaded to withdraw his Ar­my out of his Dukedom, till first the Articles of the Treaty were perform'd. But it neither suiting with decency, nor the dignity of his Majesties Royal Person himself to attend the exe­cution of a thing already concluded, he return'd into France, lea­ving the command of his Army to the Count de Soissons, offering at the same time the command of Lieutenant General to the Duke of Espernon who excus'd himself; having taken up a resolution never to serve under less than the Person of a King; as hitherto he had never done, nor ever after did in the whole course of his life. The Duke of Espernon leaves the Court to go into Angou­mois, and goes into Guienne. He therefore went back with the King, whom he attended as far as Grenoble; from whence when his Majesty departed for Lyons to consummate his Marriage, he at the same time took his leave to return again into his Governments of Xaintonge and An­goumois.

The Duke's journey into that Country gave him opportunity to pass over into Gascony to view the Progress of his Building there, Anno 1600. of which he had laid the foundation at Cadillac in the year 1598. For the King, after he had concluded the Peace with Spain, from that time forwards, not only wholly bent his own thoughts to the Embellishment of his Kingdom (in which his principal design was first to Build his Houses, and to Beautifie Paris with many great and noble Structures; for at this time the Buildings of [Page 210] the Louvre, Fountain-bleau, and other Royal Palaces were begun; as also the designs of the Pont-neuf, the Place Royal, with other proud and stately AEdifices were continued) but would likewise that other men should fall in love with the same humour; and whether it were that his Majesty had a mind his greatest Subjects should by his example employ themselves in the same designs, or that he intended (as some have suppos'd) insensibly to drein their purses by this chargeable employment; fearing perhaps that too great abundance of wealth might make them more apt to enter­tain thoughts, and practices, that might discompose the calm of Peace his Kingdom was now settled in: but so it was, that for one or both these reasons, he engag'd the greatest part of his Nobility, whom he knew to be monied men, in vast designs of this kind: amongst whom his Majesty conceiving the Duke of Espernon to be one the most at his ease, he was so importunate with him, as to cause a plot for Cadillac to be design'd in his own Presence, or­der'd the charge of the whole to be cast up, and made one of his own Architects to undertake for an hundred thousand Crowns to begin, and perfect the work; upon which assurance the Duke (as has been said) in the year 1598 began the foundation; concei­ving that such a summe, as that, he might without inconvenience spare to gratifie his Masters humour; though time afterwards gave him to understand how hard a thing it is to contain a man's self within a determinate charge, after he has once set his hand to so tempting a work as Building: this Pile, before it was finish'd, having cost him above two millions of Livres. 'Tis very true, (and which seldom happens to undertakers of such vast designs) that with this infinite expense, he brought the grea­test, and most stately pile of Building (the Royal Houses excepted) in France, very near to perfection, the whole body of the Building being perfected before his death, and nothing, save some few Or­naments left to finish; neither had he left those to his Successors, had not the disgrace of being withdrawn from his Government, which still afflicted him, diverted his thoughts from the sole care of that design.

The Duke (as has been said) being come into Guienne to take a view of his Building, A dispute betwixt the the Duke and the Ma­reschald' Ornane. arriv'd at the City of Bourdeaux in the beginning of August, where he found the Mareschal d' Ornano, but newly there establish'd Lieutenant for the King by the decease of the Mareschal de Matignon, who died of an Apoplexy, and where their old Animosities, though great, were nevertheless on both sides so well dissembled, as not to hinder a mutual Civility betwixt them, no more than these civilities could hinder past jea­lousies [Page 211] from breaking out upon the first occasion into a new and open rupture. This Mareschal though an Alien born, had yet by his Valour and Fidelity acquir'd so great a reputation in France, as in the Reign of Henry the III. to be a great confident to that Prince; to whom the Duke of Espernon having been a principal Favou­rite, it is nothing strange, that a man of inferiour credit should envy another in a higher degree of Favour: neither if the Ma­reschal were prepossess'd with this antiquated jealousie, was the Duke on his part insensible of the recent traverses he had in Pro­vence receiv'd from him; the greatest part of the disgraces he had met with in that Country having been laid in his way by the op­position of l' Esdiguieres, and him: all which put together, it may easily be imagin'd were likely to beget no very good blood between them. To this the Mareschal, a man of an imperious, and haughty temper, and who only under a forc'd smoothness con­ceal'd a natural arrogance, could with no patience endure a Supe­riour; an humour that made him with great anxiety look upon the Honours, which at the Duke's arrival at Burdeaux, he re­ceiv'd from the Parliament, with the other Orders of the City, and which were also continued to him by the Nobility at Cadillac, who from all parts came in to do him Honour: But if his impa­tience were great before, it was rais'd up to the height, when he knew the Duke (who well enform'd of his dissatisfaction, to make it yet more) had invited all the Nobility, and Gentry of the Country to Bordeaux to a publick running at the Ring; a solem­nity that being there to be kept where he was in Supreme Com­mand, the Duke knew would much more nettle, and afflict him.

It is very true, that the Duke might have forborn this Bra­vado to a man, whom he knew to be so tender of his Honour, as the Mareschal d' Ornano was; and perhaps it was not well done to offer that to another, he himself would never have endur'd from any man living in a place where he had commanded in Chief: but having once engag'd in the business, his great spirit (whatever might succeed) would by no means give him leave to desist, especially when he knew the Mareschal was resolv'd by open force to oppose him. This was that, which made what was be­fore only a private discontent, to break out into open quarrel, which grew so high that the Mareschal address'd himself to the Parliament; where, in the presence of them all, he complain'd what a commotion the Duke went about to stir up amongst the people, to the prejudice, as he pretended, of his Majesties Af­fairs; acquainting them at the same time with his resolution to [Page 212] make his Garrison stand to their Arms, to play his Cannon, and in fine to do what in him lay, with all the power, and authority he had to break that appointment, and to drive the Duke from the City. This declaration from a man of his furious spirit, as it very much troubled the whole Assembly, so it gave the first Pre­sident D' Affis (one of the greatest men that Society ever had since its first institution, and a particular friend of the Duke's, having by him in his times of favour been rais'd to that dignity) occasi­on to make use of his Eloquence in the best Arguments he could contrive to disswade the Mareschal from that determination; but all in vain, he had already given out his orders, and summon'd the Gentry to come in to his assistance, though not a man, save only one call'd Ruat, would appear: a thing, which though perfectly true, appears almost incredible, that a Governour of so great Au­thority and Repute should be able to procure no more than one single man, to serve him against the Duke of Espernon in his own Government. Neither were the people better dispos'd, than the Nobility and Gentry, to take Arms against the Duke; all men on the contrary, of any note, both within, and without the City, so manifestly appearing for him, that the Governour was forc'd to arm his Garrison of Corses, and to call his Company of Gens­d' Armes out of their Country Quarters into the Town, which were yet apparently too weak to execute the Mareschal's design. And this was in effect the main cause that hindred things from proceeding into a greater disorder, the Duke, satisfied with the advantage every one plainly saw he had over his Enemy, being the more easily enclin'd to the Parliaments solicitations; who had sent their second President Nesmond to him, to entreat he would not persist in his first resolution: at whose instance, and being loath to disturb the Peace of his Country, as also to expose the great number of Gentlemen of Quality, who were about him against a Garrison in his own particular quarrel, and having a greater inclination to decide it in his own person (when it might be done with less noise and tumult) with the Mareschal man to man, he was content to let things rest, till a fitter opportunity, and quietly departed the City to his own house.

In this Journey to Cadillac he was accompanied with President Nesmond, a Gentleman of great merit, and his particular friend (for whom after the death of President D' Affis he obtained the Dignity of first President during the Regency of the Queen Mo­ther) with many other Principal Members of that Parliament and City; whither he was no sooner come, but that the Gentry of the Higher Gascony, at the report of this Quarrel, flock'd to [Page 213] him in so great a number, that scarce any occasion could have hapned, wherein his interest in that Country could have been more manifestly seen. And here the Duke, environ'd with so ma­ny of his Friends, pass'd his time in that jollity and mirth, and appear'd so little concern'd at any thing that had pass'd betwixt the Mareschal d' Ornano and him, as made every one certainly believe all had been absolutely forgot: where, after having spent some days, and his company being retir'd to their own houses, he himself also departed to go visit his paternal estate, and from thence to Tholouse. From hence it was, that whilst every one thought him more intent upon his recreations, than mindful of his quarrel, he dispatch'd away a Page of his call'd Talanges, who continued long after in his Service, to the Mareschal d' Ornano with a Challenge, which I will here present my Reader word for word, as I tran­scrib'd it from the original draught under the Duke's own hand; wherein, though there be no studied stile, there is nevertheless something of a natural, and easie bluntness, that methinks sounds better, than if it had been couch'd with greater care and art: the words are these.

And in a Postscript,

[Page 214]The Page arriv'd in a disguise at Bordeaux, where he found opportunity to deliver his Letter, and, without being discover'd by any, return'd to seek out his Master at Paris: but the Mares­chals action had made such a noise, that (what secresie soever could be us'd) it was hardly possible, but it must come to the King's knowledge; and accordingly at the Duke's arrival at Court, his Majesty question'd him about it, when, although the Duke made a shew of being wholly unconcern'd, yet his Maje­sty having had intelligence, by other hands, than either by the Duke, or any of his people of the Challenge that had pass'd, po­sitively commanded him to engage his word that things should proceed no further; promising him withal, that he should have all satisfaction he could himself in Honour desire: a thing the Duke in obedience to his Masters absolute pleasure could by no means refuse; though by some Libels that came out after in the Mareschals name, he was infinitely exasperated, and desir'd no­thing more, than to come to the decision of Arms.

The Mareschal was soon after summon'd to Court, Anno 1601. where be­ing arriv'd, and his Majesty having heard both parties concerning the occasion of their Quarrel, order'd for the Duke this satisfacti­on: which Writing I found in the same bundle with the Challenge.

That which was said by the Mareschal d' Ornano in the presence of the King, to the Duke of Espernon.

[Page 215]This was that which was said in the presence of the King by the Duke of Espernon to the Mareschal d' Ornano.

It was not without many difficulties that matters were thus compos'd betwixt them, the Duke desiring something more for his satisfaction, and the Mareschal on his part ill digesting the distinction the King had made betwixt to serve you, and to do you service: but that which touch'd him most to the quick was, that his Majesty by one of the conditions of Accommodation, gave the Duke, liberty when ever he thought fit, to call together the same Assembly in Bordeaux, which had begot the former dis­pute; commanding the Mareschal not to oppose it: A Licence without which the Duke conceiv'd his affront could not be wip'd off. And accordingly he some time after return'd to Bordeaux, to have made use of his Priviledge, though it was then also in­terrupted by an accident, of which in its due place we shall give a further accompt.

This satisfaction the King order'd for the Duke, though very sufficient of it self, was not however the only testimony his Maje­sty gave him of his Royal Bounty and Justice in this occasion; for the offence having been publick, his Majesty thought fit that beside the satisfaction had been given in private, the Mareschal should moreover pay the Duke some publick civilities, to evidence an absolute disowning of the Act: it was therefore order'd, that the Duke going to Loches, as it was determined he should do, (I believe for that purpose) the Mareschal, who at the same time was upon his Journey into his Government, should give him a visit by the way, as he did [...]; by whom the King writ a very obliging Letter to the Duke, wherein he commanded him to entertain the Mareschal as His Friend; a command that was also on the Duke's part so punctually obey'd, that the visit was pass'd over with great civility on both sides: wherein the justice of this generous, and excellent Prince was eminently manifest, who would use a man at this obliging rate, that had no share in his Royal Favour.

Not long after this Accommodation, the 11th. of September the same year, the Court was wholly possess'd with the joy all good [Page 216] Frenchmen were full of, for the Birth of the young Dolphin, whom we have since seen live a long and a glorious Reign, under the name of Lewis the XIII, The birth of the Dol­phin, after­wards Lewis the XIII. of all other, a blessing of the greatest importance that could at that time possibly have hapned to the King, and Kingdom: in him all pretense of past disturbances being determined, as the publick Peace seem'd to be for ever se­cur'd. There was now no mutinous Subject, nor no ambitious Neighbour, who seeing themselves fall'n from their unjust, and imaginary pretensions to the Crown, did not covet the favour, and friendship of a Prince so apparently favour'd by the care of Heaven: but if on that side the Duke with other vertuous Sub­jects of his condition, was in a high rapture of joy, there hap­ned to him soon after great occasions of affliction, that involv'd him in no few, not no little inconveniencies, which befel him by the discovery of the Conspiracy of the Mareschal Biron, that came to light in the beginning of the ensuing year; wherein we shall notwithstanding see, that although this business begat him trouble, and disgrace in the beginning, yet it brought him ho­nour and satisfaction in the end: having given him opportunity at once to express his constant affection to his friend, and his in­violate Fidelity to the King his Master.

I have already made mention of the great friendship that was contracted betwixt the Duke, Anno 1602. and the Mareschal Biron, one of the most constant, The Conspi­racy of M [...] ­reschal Bi­ron, and the Duke's car­riage in that business. and sincere I have known, their interests ever being one, and the same, and their affections so united in all things, that nothing was a secret betwixt them, if not in what concern'd the interest of the King and Kingdom: but as to con­cerns of that nature, what confidence soever the Mareschal had in the Duke's friendship it is certain, he had ever so great a respect to his fidelity, and did believe him so impossible to be debauch'd from his duty, that he never communicated to him the least syllable of any thought he had conceiv'd to the prejudice of the one, or the other: though it is to be wish'd, for the preservation of so brave a man he had done it, because then the Duke would doubtless have perswaded him into better resolutions. The King, who was very well acquainted with all his designs, would himself sometimes talk to him in terms easie enough to be understood, on purpose to make him come to himself, to see his error, and to re­concile himself sincerely to a Prince, who proceeded with that tenderness towards him, and who was pleas'd in his behalf to moderate the absolute Authority, the knowledge of his Crime, and his own Royal Power gave him over his Life, and Fortune; but that would not reclaim him: That way then failing, and his [Page 217] Majesties obliging language to him wanting force to make that impression upon his obstinate spirit, he could have desir'd, his Majesty try'd yet further to overcome him by testimonies of con­fidence in his Loyalty, and to divert him from criminal thoughts by conferring upon him his employments of Trust, and Honour; amongst which that of Ambassador into England was one.

The King being in Picardy, receiv'd a Complement from Eli­zabeth Queen of England, wherein she earnestly solicited the King for an enterview betwixt them, at any place he himself would ap­point; a request that his Majesty not thinking it convenient to gra­tifie her in, he dispatch'd away to her the Mareschal Biron, as it were his second self, to make his excuse, and to Treat with her with all freedom of their most private Affairs. An employment wherein Biron receiv'd extraordinary Honours, as also several cautions from this prudent Princess, enough to have diverted him from his evil designs, had not his destiny already blinded his judgment, and rendred him incapable of counsel. She often laid before him the recent, and sad example of the late Earl of Essex; she repre­sented unto him what a Subject ought to apprehend even from the greatness of his own Service, and Merit, if his Ambition was not moderated by prudence, and whether it were that she had had some inckling (as many have believ'd) of Biron's designs, or that she only intended by such discourses to justifie the execution of that unfortunate Earl, she laid before him a perfect image of his own unhappy destiny; though all was lost to a man obstinately bent to his own ruine.

This Queen also having heard of the strict friendship betwixt the Mareschal, and the Duke of Espernon, desir'd him at parting to tell the Duke from her, that if, of his three Sons (which she own'd for her Kinsmen, and Princes of her Kingdom) he would send her one, she should gladly receive him upon his accompt; and that the world might see the esteem she had of the Fathers Me­rit, would not deprive his Posterity of that place in her Kingdom, which was due to the House of Candale; wherein she had only one condition to make, which was, that the Duke should give way, that a Son of his so sent, should be bred up in her Religion; the only one she could by any means suffer in her Kingdom: A Complement that the Duke thinking himself oblig'd to take no­tice of, he presented her Majesty with his most humble thanks for the Honour she was pleas'd to do him, and his Family in so gra­cious an offer; but that he should ever prefer any Fortune or Con­dition his Children could attain unto in France, making profession of the Catholick Religion, before any advantages could derive to them in a belief contrary to his own.

[Page 218]The Mareschal, at his return from England puff'd up more than ever with the vanity of his Ambition, and big with the Idea of those imaginary Principalities, the Spaniard, and the Duke of Savoy had baited their practices withal to catch him, could now no longer contain himself within the simple meditation of his Treason, but began to deal with some persons of Quality in the Kingdom, and endeavour'd to raise a commotion in Perigort, where the best part of his Estate, his Relations, and chiefest Friendships lay: amongst whom the Duke de Bouillion is said to be invited into his party to introduce those of the Reformed Re­ligion into that Country: Intelligence whereof being brought to the King, his Majesty concern'd at the importance of the thing, and justly provok'd at the Mareschals ingratitude, immediately took the Field, with a resolution to stifle these disorders in their birth; when considering with himself, that if he should fail of securing the Head of the Faction, whatever he could do besides, would signifie nothing to the remedy of the disease, and that whilst he should be upon his March, his own promptitude and vigilancy would but serve to alarm Subjects already made jealous by the conscience of their own Crimes; he broke off his inten­ded expedition, and return'd back again to Fountain-bleau, from whence he had before departed: and where being settled, he wholly bent his thoughts how to get the Mareschal into his power; who being in Burgundy (the neighbourhood of that Pro­vince to Savoy favouring his designs) did at great ease maintain his Correspondence with the Confederate Princes. Neither was this a thing to be effected without great conduct, that a person of his merit and reputation might not be driven to the last extremi­ties of despair. His Majesty therefore, that he might effect his design without noise, spake upon all occasions in publick, very much to the Mareschals advantage; nor was that all, he gave him moreover a very honourable, Bir [...]n in this Journey be­twixt Dijon and Mont­belli [...]rd, was for four hours toge­ther in pri­vate Confe­rence with Watte­vile the Duke of Savoy's Age [...]t. D▪ Serres, page 978. and a very important Commission, to go renew an Alliance with the Swisse: an Affair wherein, though many difficulties arose, yet the King who would by no means have Biron baffled in his Negotiation, by sending a million of Livers along with him, put him into a condition of making all things succeed according to his Majesties own desire. This was the last Service this Mareschal perform'd for the Crown, wherein he acquitted himself very much to his Honour, and wherein the reputation of his Valour prevail'd much upon that warlike Peo­ple; it has been said his dexterity did no less. And here I shall insert by the way, that those who have believ'd the Mareschal to have no more in his conduct, than the meer brutality of a rough [Page 219] humourous Souldier, were not at all acquainted with him: he was read to a sufficient knowledge of Latin, and Greek Letters; and when ever he would make use of his Judgment and Eloquence, whether in Negotiations, or Councils, in War or Affairs of State, he ever express'd himself to be a man of no common qualities.

His Majesty had thought by these testimonies of his trust, the Mareschal would have been allur'd to Court, to have given an ac­compt of the good success of his Negotiation; where he hop'd, without further trouble, he might easily secure his Person; but with what gentle language soever the King could flatter his va­nity, it was impossible to perswade him into that Journey, so ma­ny Accusers, and Witnesses of his Guilt he found in his own Conscience against him. His Majesty therefore not being able to bring about his design by this way, and unwilling to live any longer in the apprehensions he had been put into by the Mareschal's practice, resolv'd at last by a manifest disobedience to extract from him a confession of his fault, which should either give him a rea­sonable colour to proceed against the Mareschal as a Criminal, and a Rebel; or otherwise oblige him to come, and deliver himself into his hands. He therefore first dispatch'd away to him the Sieur d' Escures, Quartermaster-General of his Armies; a man very acceptable to the Mareschal, and in great credit with him, for ha­ving long serv'd under his Command, and immediately after President Ianin, who also by his wisdom, and experience had won so great an esteem with the foresaid Mareschal, that he would sel­dom undertake any business of any great moment without first consulting this politick Minister.

These two were sent with express Orders to represent to Biron part of the ill Offices had been done him to the King; to which they added, ‘That all the endeavour of his best Friends could not so justifie his actions to the King, that his Majesty had not his fidelity in suspicion, until he should receive his justification from his own mouth: that since only himself could defend himself from Calumny, there was nothing to be deliberated of in the case, and that he must suddenly resolve, either to give an accompt of his actions to the King, or declare himself his Majesties open Enemy, maintain an impudent War against his Prince, and have himself and his Posterity branded with the durtiest and most hateful of all Crimes, to wit, a Traytor to his Benefactor, King, and Country, that he had to do with a Prince, whose Clemency was so well known to none, as to himself, who had his great Services fresh in his memory, who expected no less from his Courage and Fidelity for the [Page 220] time to come, and whose interest it was as much to preserve him (knowing, as his Majesty very well did, the utility of his Service) as it was to preserve himself, whose authority was to be maintain'd, and establish'd by men of his Conduct and Va­lour.’ Remonstrances from men he lov'd, and esteem'd, by which Biron was so encourag'd, and believing that Lafin had said nothing against him (as he had often, and fasly assur'd him) that he resolv'd upon going to Court; in order whereunto he presently set forth, taking the Road of Paris in the Company of President Ianin only, d' Escures having been sent away before to carry news of his coming.

The strict, and inviolate Friendship that all the world knew to be betwixt the Duke, and the Mareschal, soon rendred the first suspected of having a hand in the other's designs; neither was the Duke ignorant that his Enemies labour'd with all the Artifice they had, to involve him in his Friends Treason; but how perfect soever he was in their malicious practice, and how clearly soever he foresaw the dangerous consequences were likely to attend a bu­siness of this nature, he was resolute nevertheless, with a genero­sity hardly to be parallel'd in so critical an occasion, to be no ways wanting to his friend: wherefore having notice that the Mares­chal was drawing near to Paris, and that a caution, which would now come too late to divert him from coming to the King (a thing he would by no means have advis'd him from) might per­haps awake his judgment, and make him appeal to his Majesties mercy, he sent the Sieur du Plessis Baussonniere, a man in whom he had an absolute confidence, to meet him upon the way.

This Gentleman had put himself into the Duke's dependence in his younger years, and having left his Studies, wherein he had made a considerable progress, had follow'd, and serv'd him in Provence, commanding the Regiment of Pernes his Brother in­law, all the while the Duke was there in action; after which, du­ring the whole time of the Duke's life, which was very long, he was by him continually employ'd in his greatest, and most impor­tant Affairs; in which he ever gave so good an accompt of his Con­duct, and Fidelity, that there was scarce any Gentleman of his time in a higher reputation for Valour, Prudence, and Inte­grity; insomuch that I have often heard the Duke say, if he were to corrupt le Plessis, he should be to seek on which side to assault him, his soul was so bravely fortified throughout. This le Plessis, according to his Masters order, puts himself upon his way to go meet the Mareschal: but as his Errand could not but be dange­rous both for the Master, and the Servant, the one, and the other [Page 221] sufficiently knowing the violent suspicion the King had of the Ma­reschal's proceeding; so did he endeavour with all imaginable cau­tion, if possible, to entertain him alone. I have often heard him tell the story, and do very well remember every circumstance, which put altogether will make this appear an affair of the grea­test difficulty, and the best carried on, that perhaps you shall meet with in the Duke's whole History; and wherein the generous spi­rit an innocent Servant, and the Clemency and Justice of a good Master, will as evidently appear. Le Plessis, perceiving the Mareschal's Equipage coming at a pretty distance, lighted at a Barn a little wide of the High-way, where, having with him one of the Duke's Footmen without a Livery, he commanded him to call the first of the Mareschal's that appear'd upon the Road; which he having done, and le Plessis being not unknown to the fellow, he sent him to tell his Master in his ear, that le Plessis staid to speak with him a word or two in private. The Footman ac­cordingly deliver'd his Message, whereupon Biron stragling from his company upon some pretense or other, came to the place where le Plessis stood to expect him, and where without being observ'd by any, he had all liberty to discourse at leisure. Le Plessis had in charge to tell him, ‘That the Journey he was now upon to the King requir'd his most serious deliberation, and that he was now in good earnest to reflect upon his own condition: That if he came with a confidence, some possibly might have possess'd him withal, that Lafin had not spoken to the King, he was abus'd: That the Duke of Espernon did not know what had pass'd betwixt Lafin and him; neither did he desire to in­form himself: but that he might be assur'd, that whatever he had done, or negotiated with him, or by him, was every tit­tle discover'd to the King; acquainting him with the several times and places, and how oft Lafin had been in private Confe­rence with him: That he was herein to be advis'd by his own Conscience, and to rely upon his Majesties Grace, and Bounty, if he conceiv'd there was any thing that might justly be con­demn'd in his former Actions; there being much better to be hop'd for, from his Majesties Clemency, and noble nature, than from the secresie of what had pass'd betwixt Lafin and him.’ This obliging and prudent advice, which ought to have been re­ceiv'd by the Mareschal with so much the greater tenderness, by how much it was preferr'd with the infinite hazard of him that sent it, did on the contrary put him into so great a rage, that I have heard le Plessis say, he never in his life saw any thing in so ex­travagant a fury. Biron ask'd him first of all, ‘If the Duke of [Page 222] Espernon esteem'd him for other, than an honest man?’ To whom du Plessis having reply'd, ‘That had he had any other opinion of him, he would not have persisted in his Friend­ship so long;’ he proceeded to tell him, ‘That he was come to give the lye, and to be the death of all those, who durst blemish his Actions: That he was the same the Duke of Espernon and he Plessis himself had ever known him to be: That for what con­cern'd him, Mounsieur d' Espernon might set his heart at rest.’ And then clapping his hand upon his Sword, after a hundred wild po­stures, he further told du Plessis, ‘That if any one durst make an attempt upon his Person, he would make more arms and heads flie, than would stand before him:’ So that instead of making use of his Friend's caution, and good advice, he continued his way in his first obstinacy, and the same night arriv'd at Fountain­bleau.

At his arrival the King spoke to him of the business himself, gently admonishing him withal to make an ingenuous confession of his fault: a thing he was so far from being perswaded to do, that he seem'd discontented and angry at the motion.

Soon after he went to Paris, and din'd at the Hostel d' Espernon, when the King returning the same day from Fountain-bleau, the Duke and he went together in the afternoon to the Louvre, to at­tend his Majesty; who having notice of their coming went to the Window, through the glass to observe their carriage, and countenance; which a friend of the Duke's, who was then with the King, gave the Duke timely caution of, to the end he might comport himself so, as that his Majesty might not by any beha­viour of his be fortified in those evil impressions, with which he had before by his Enemies been prepossess'd: though the Duke carried himself quite contrary to his advice; and being more and more confirm'd, in the testimony of a good Consci­ence, and full of a just and generous indignation to see his Fide­lity suspected, walk'd with his face erect, and his eyes fix'd upon the Window where he knew the King stood: A carriage the King very well observ'd, as he made others about him to do also. They were no sooner come both of them into his Majesties Chamber, who as yet had express'd no publick dissatisfaction with Biron (as being still in hope to regain him, and to have an occasion to pardon him by the confession of his fault) but that he presently made a Match at Tennis, wherein the King and the Count de Soissons were to play against the Duke of Espernon, and the Mareschal: and upon this occasion it was that the Historians of that time make the Duke say, as a piece of wit, speaking to [Page 223] the Mareschal, That he played well, but that he made his matches ill; as if by those words, which may admit of a double interpretation, he would obliquely condemn Biron's designs, which never came into his thought; it being his custom when ever he talk'd with the Mareschal about that business, not to do it in such ambiguous terms; nor so out of season, but seriously and plainly, and in a secresie, the safest for him he would advise. He several times re­presented to him the ill Offices he had receiv'd, he confirm'd to him the same thing he had sent him word of before concerning Lafin, conjuring him not to rely upon his Faith, which would certainly deceive him: But these second admonitions were as fruitless as the first; and the King seeing that he could neither by himself, nor by the Count de Soissons, the Mareschals intimate Friend, who had dealt with him by his Majesties absolute com­mand, and in his name, reclaim this obstinate spirit, nor make him reconcile himself to his duty, by acknowledging his offence; he gave him over at last to the rigor of Law, and Justice, who punish'd his Crime, by the forfeiture of his Head.

Whilst they were drawing up the Mareschal's Charge, his Ma­jesty well enform'd of le Plessis Envoy (it being a thing hard to be kept secret, in an Affair where all things were so narrowly ob­serv'd) referr'd the intelligence to the deliberation of his Coun­cil. The Cabinet Council at that time consisted of the Count de Soissons, de Sillery Keeper of the Seal, Sully superintendent of the Exchequer, President Ianin, Bellieure, and Villeroy: In which Assembly divers conjectures being set on foot, to fortifie the jea­lousies his Majesty had been perswaded into against the Duke, it was by the major part voted necessary to secure his person, or at least to make sure of le Plessis, and to put him to the wrack, that from a confession extorted from him sufficient evidence might be drawn to convince his Master: A result so approv'd by all, that the King was himself almost the only man that oppos'd those two propositions. ‘He told them that as for the Duke, a man of his quality was never to be arrested, unless to be condemn'd, that as yet there was nothing but suspicion, and conjectures against him; which should they prove idle, and vain, he was never af­ter to repose any trust in a man, so undeservedly, and so unjustly offended: That for le Plessis he was no more to be meddled withal than the other, without giving a manifest distaste to his Master: That if one of them were to be secur'd, he should rather begin with the Master, than the Servant; because the confinement of the last would be an equal injury to the other; but that the effect would by no means be the same, being the [Page 224] Duke, if he knew himself guilty, would by the seizing of le Plessis be forwarn'd to make his escape: That he was therefore of opinion to expect if in the Tryal of Mareschal Biron, nothing would come to light that might justly bring the Duke in que­stion, which if there did, and that he should be found a Com­plice, there was no place he could fly to so remote, where his arm would not be long enough to reach him.’

If the King had intelligence of le Plessis's Envoy to the Mares­chal Biron, the Duke was no less faithfully inform'd of what had pass'd in the Cabinet Council concerning him; by which he un­derstood that le Plessis Journey was not so great a secret, as it had been convenient for both their safeties it had been, which made him consult with le Plessis what was best to be done in so dange­rous an occasion. The Duke was not secure, the King would continue so constant in his favour, that his Majesty might not at another Council be over-rul'd into other resolutions, and perswa­ded at last to put le Plessis to the question; a doubt that made him think it expedient he should retire; that he being gone, no evi­dence might appear against him, he having been alone entrusted with the secret of this Affair: but le Plessis, who very well fore­saw his flight, though it might procure his own particular safety, would certainly be his Master's ruine, could by no means consent to the motion. He rather chose to run the hazard of the Wrack, (which he was ready to undergo, and of which, I have heard him say, he had already the terrors in his imagination) than to expose the Life, and Honour of his Master, which, after so strong a presumption, as his withdrawing himself must of necessity give, would be in an apparent danger. He therefore humbly entreated the Duke not to concern himself at the thought of any thing that threatned him; assuring him withal, that as he had done nothing contrary to his Majesties Service, so all the Wracks and Tortures in the world could never force him to say any thing contrary to the truth. Settled then in this resolution, from which I do believe nothing upon earth could have remov'd him, his wit suggested to him an expedient, by which in the end he secur'd both his Masters Person and his own. He advis'd the Duke to prevent his Majesty by an ingenuous confession of the truth, and to tell him himself what he had done: for as the King could not imagine that the Duke could have had any notice of that secret, it being improbable, the result of a Council held but that morning, and consisting of men of so approv'd Fidelity and Trust, could be so suddenly reveal'd; so was it not to be believ'd, that the Duke's voluntary discovery of what he had done, could pass in [Page 225] his Majesties opinion for a premeditated thing. The Duke ap­proving of this advice, put it as speedily into execution; and the King intending to hunt in the afternoon, he mounted on horseback, as he us'd to do, to attend him; where having fol­low'd and observ'd his Majesties motion with an extraordinary diligence, that he might find an opportunity for his purpose, they light by chance into a solitary place, into which his Majesty being insensibly stragled from the gross of his Train, there were very few left about him. And here it was that the King turning towards the Duke, fell upon the Discoure of Mareschal Biron, who was now in the heat of his Tryal, complaining how ill he had us'd him, and how ungrateful a man he was: To which the Duke reply'd, ‘That as a Relation, and a Friend to the Mares­chal, he could not without great affliction see so evident testi­monies of his guilt, that he had been at first very unwilling to believe he could be guilty of so foul a Crime: but that now it did so manifestly appear, he could not think any punishment enough to chastise so foul an Offence:’ To whom the King ha­ving return'd, ‘What, it seems then you know nothing of the business?’ The Duke made answer, ‘Sir, I knew so little of it, that at his coming to this Town, I sent le Plessis to meet him, and to welcome him to Court, which I should never have done, had I thought him guilty.’ At which words, which touch'd the King to the quick, his Majesty set spurs to his Horse, with an extravagance not very natural to him, but which that unexpected answer had put him into: when having taken a Career, and turning again to the Duke, with a countenance that sufficiently express'd that he was angry at a discovery he had no mind should have come from the Duke's own mouth. ‘It seems then, said he, you sent to Mareschal Biron without my knowledge?’ To whom the Duke reply'd again, ‘That he did not conceive it necessary to ask his Majestie's leave to send a meer Complement to his Friend: That seeing him come without a Guard, or any apparent marks of disgrace, and his Majesty treating him with the same favour he us'd to do, he had on his part us'd him at the same rate he had ever done: That it had been a custom long observ'd betwixt them, that which of them soever had been any time absent from Court, was at his return by some Servant of trust enform'd by the other of all the little passages had hapned during his absence: That it was true, he had in this occasion continued this custom: That he humbly besought his Majesty to believe nothing more particular had pass'd be­twixt them, and that he had rather dye, than once conceive a [Page 226] thought to the prejudice of his Majesties Service, or his own duty: That he hop'd the event would more clearly evidence the integrity of his actions; but that nevertheless he thought it fit to give his Majesty that security in hand.’ The King being well satisfied with the Duke's Reasons, but much more with the Confidence he perceiv'd him to repose in his Justice, and his own Innocency, all jealousies, that before had been infus'd into him, to the prejudice of the Duke's Fidelity, and Honour, vanish'd away, and he with the greatest care and assiduity, was more than ever about his Majesties Person. His Children (which a little before he had brought to Court) had order to continue about the young Dolphin's Person, to be as it were Hostages of their Father's In­nocence, and the Mareschal's Tryal being at last over, all Witnes­ses and Parties examin'd, and heard without the least mention of the Duke of Espernon's name in all their practice, his Majesty was not a little satisfied with himself, that he had carried things with that moderation towards the Duke upon this occasion.

This untoward business was soon after seconded by another, which, though of far less dangerous consequence, bega [...] the Duke nevertheless as much trouble as the first. The Duke as he was ever very circumspect in his duty, to preserve his Fidelity entire to the King, so was he no less solicitous to maintain himself in all ad­vantages deriving to him as particles of any of his Commands. That of Colonel therefore having been conferr'd upon him by Henry III. with extraordinary priviledges, as by his Patent does appear, he could not endure the least violation of his Interest; but with a stiffness (that doubtless would have offended a less equitable Prince, than that under whom he had the honour to serve) was ever obstinate to maintain every punctilio of his right. One of the greatest, and of the greatest Honour that was an­nex'd to this Command, was the power he had to name the Camp-Master to the Regiment of Guards when ever that place should be void; and it hapned now that Grillon, who had been possess'd of this Command before the Duke was created Colonel, was fail'n into infirmities, that rendred him incapable of his Charge: Yet had his former Services been such as made it very reasonable he should however make his best advantage of it, as his Majesty was content he should; but having a singular, and a very just re­spect for the Mareschal de l' Esdiguieres, and a very great affection for his Son-in-law Crequy, he intended the latter, having first com­pounded with Grillon, should be preferr'd to that Command, in­tending perhaps hereby, as much to clip the wings of the Duke's Authority, which he had as Colonel over the Regiment of [Page 227] Guards, as altogether to oblige Crequy. The Duke, advertis'd of his Majesties purpose, could not forbear giving out aloud, that he would never consent to it, and the King on the contrary was resolv'd his pleasure should prevail: But in the end after many oppositions (which this good Prince was pleas'd to endure from a Servant) the Duke, who had never discover'd his mind to the King, but by the mediation of others, was resolv'd to deliver it to his Majesty with his own mouth, as accordingly he did; re­presenting to him with a liberty (which to his Subjects was none of the least felicities of his happy Reign) the Justice of his Cause. All which, notwithstanding his reasons, could not so prevail up­on his Majesties temper, but that he remain'd as firm as ever in his first resolution. Which the Duke seeing, and conceiving he could not consent to his Majesties desire, without going less in the dignity of his place, he rather chose to absent himself from Court, than to be compell'd by an express, and positive com­mand to do a thing so much to the prejudice of his Authority, and Honour; and accordingly very much dissatisfied, retir'd himself to Angoulesme. The King, who was not yet totally cur'd of a jealousie, still kept awake by the practices, the remainder of Biron's Faction (not quiet extinct) yet kept on foot in his King­dom, gave manifest signs of discontent at the Duke's departure; and as he knew the alliance the Duke of Montpensier had contra­cted with his Family, by his Match, had begot a strict friendship betwixt them, so was it to him especially that he spoke of it with the greatest freedom, and in terms (not without threats) of the highest indignation. This Prince, who concern'd himself as much at the Duke's Interest, as his own, dispatch'd away to him in great diligence the Sieur de la Chetardie, in whom he had an especial confidence, to let him understand the King's displeasure, and to remonstrate to him the danger he would expose himself unto, should he longer persist in opposition to his Majesties plea­sure, who would herein be absolutely obey'd: A caution by which the Duke plainly seeing he was reduc'd to a necessity either to bow, or break; he indeed chose the latter, though not with­out high complaints of the injustice was done him, which were neither so modest, nor so private, that they were not soon carried to the King's ear: And though so stubborn an opposition in the Duke might reasonably enough have more exasperated the King against him, yet such was the noble nature of this great Prince, that it would not suffer him long to bear in mind the memory of his offense; for the Duke had no sooner given his consent to Cre­quy's admission, but that his Majesty commanded him the first [Page 228] thing he did, to take a Journey a hundred Leagues from Paris, to see his Colonel, to take his Oath betwixt his hands, to obtain his hand to his Commission, and to receive his Order for his ad­mission into his place: Civilities by which although the King en­deavour'd to give the Duke all satisfaction; yet could they not so far reconcile him, but that at Crequy's arrival, he made him wait a whole day together at his Chamber door, and expect some days after before he would receive his Oath, or Sign his Commis­sion: And although he was himself very sensible that so many manifest aversions were sufficient to beget new distastes in the King against him; yet was he not so much master of himself, nor had so much command over his own Nature; but that he must put those affronts upon Crequy, or rather upon the King, who made this business his own.

By these disputes (which in another time might have turn'd very much to the Duke's prejudice) he got nevertheless this advan­tage, that the King to satisfie him for the future in the interests of his Command, made a kind of agreement with him (if a lar­gess from a Master to his Servant may be so call'd) which was, That his Majesty would indeed really, and effectually reserve to himself the nomination of Camp-Master to the Regiment of Guards; Mounsieur Crequy made Camp-Ma­ster to the Regiment of Guards. as also to the other old Regiments: but with this con­dition, that the Colonel should swear them, that they should be conceiv'd to have their admission from him, without which they were not to be receiv'd into the employment: That his Ma­jesty having provided for one Company in the Regiment of Guards, he was content the Duke should in turn do the same for the next at his own appointment: That of all the Foot Compa­nies of the other Regiments, new and old, the Duke when ever any should be vacant, should have the naming of the Captains to the King to fill them up; and that no Captain soever, whether of the Regiment of Guards, or any other Regiment should be admitted into, or establish'd in his Command till first his Com­mission was Sign'd by the Colonel: But for what concern'd those Offices, that depended upon the Duke's Command, as Lieute­nants, Ensigns, Colonel-Ensigns, Serjeants, and Serjeant-Ma­jors, Martials, Provost-Martials, Quarter-Masters, and other Of­ficers, that he should place and displace them by his sole Autho­rity, without any order from the King, or his Majesties taking any notice thereof. According to which Agreement the Duke proceeded so regularly, and undisturb'd in the Priviledges of his Command, that there was never after, during this Kings Reign, the least Dispute betwixt them, saveing once, that the King think­ing [Page 229] it fit to add two Companies more to his Regiment of Guards, and having appointed their Captains, the Duke interpos'd his Majesties Royal Promise, humbly beseeching him to do him right: an Argument so powerful to this equitable Prince, that of two Captains he had nam'd, he only provided for one, which was the Sieur de la Courbe, who had but the second Company nei­ther: the first being given to the Sieur de Bourdet by the Duke's Recommendation, whose turn it was to name the first vacant Company: yet did not the business pass without some dispute, though at last the King was pleas'd rather to give way to his Ser­vant's just desires, than to fail in the least Article of his Word.

I shall here add (since I am upon this discourse of the Office of Colonel) a thing that time has sufficiently justified to all France, which is, that the Duke was so exceeding cautious in the dispensation of Commands, whether meerly depending upon his own Authority, or in his nomination only, that his Majesty would often say, he never had better Foot Officers, than those of the Duke's preferring. And in truth the French Infantry, whilst the Duke was permitted to execute his charge, were kept in so good order, that perhaps no Militia in Europe were better Disciplin'd, nor better Officer'd than they; a truth to this hour confirm'd by an infinite number of persons yet living, who have comman­ded under him, and who were witnesses of his conduct. To which I shall further add, and to his great commendation, a thing not to be contradicted; which is, that he neither directly, nor indirectly ever made the least benefit of any Command he dispos'd of, which I think had they been set to sale would, in the long course of his life, have amounted to above two Millions of Gold, after the rate they are sold now adays. And I do very well remember, that towards his latter end, when he saw the selling of Offices began to grow in fashion, he did all he could, and that the condition of the time would permit, to oppose it; represent­ing to the King, with very convincing Arguments, what a pre­judice such an abuse would be to his Service; although in the end seeing he could not prevail with the Council to alter that to­leration, he also gave some of his own Servants, though very few, leave to make mony of the Offices he had conferr'd upon them: but I am certain, that for his own particular, he never converted any the least employment to his own p [...]ofit: A thing perhaps such as thought him solicitous of his own Interest, will hardly be perswaded to believe, as indeed he was enclin'd to the saving side, and wary enough when it was fit for him to be so: but never, upon any occasion where his Honour was concern'd, [Page 230] that ever taking with him the upperhand of all other considera­tions.

The business of Crequy, how troublesome, and how hard soever to digest, was not yet the last of the same nature the Duke was to wrestle withal in this years revolution, another following immedi­ately after; which, as it nearer concern'd him, pierc'd deeper to the quick: neither had it so happy an issue as the first. The Duke having in the year 1582. been by King Henry the III. establish'd in the Government of Metz, he conferr'd the Lieutenancy of the City and Country upon Moncassin his Kinsman, and the Com­mand of the Cittadel upon Sobole: but in process of time, which hapned in the year 1585. having withdrawn Moncassin from this employment to continue about his own person: Sobole, whom he had bred a Page, and in whom he had an entire confidence, was by his bounty rais'd to that degree, that he conferr'd upon him the command of the City, and Country, together with that of the Cittadel also; which was effectually one of the bravest enter­tainments in France, Metz being at that time the most consider­able place of the Kingdom, and the noblest member of the Duke's Command.

In the Year 1594. the King undertook the Siege of Laon, to which, as to an occasion wherein he expected to meet with great difficulties, he invited many of his Servants of the neighbouring Provinces. Amongst these Sobole was one, who by the Autho­thority the Duke had given him in Metz, having got a great inte­rest in the Country, might with great facility raise a considerable party of Horse, as he did, and at the Head of sixscore Light-Horse, very well appointed, and fourscore Carabins, went to serve his Majesty at this Siege. The King receiv'd him with great demonstrations of favour, and not being well satisfied with the Duke of Espernon, who being at that time in Provence, where he did not behave himself to his Majesties liking, after he had, as he conceiv'd, cut him out work enough there, he took occasion to raise him greater difficulties about Metz, by lessening the Authority he had till that time ever had over Sobole. And to that purpose after he had reduc'd Laon to his obedience, and about to dismiss those Auxiliaries who had come in to serve him in that Action, his Majesty sent Sobole word, ‘That after so great a sa­tisfaction as he had receiv'd from his Services, he was as well dispos'd to gratifie him as he himself could desire; which ne­vertheless the present condition of his Affairs not permitting him to do, at so honourable a rate, as he could wish, it was for him to look out for something he had a mind to, which should [Page 231] be as readily conferr'd upon him.’ Those who had order to make this overture to Sobole, were further intrusted to represent unto him, ‘That being Governour of Metz meerly by the Duke's toleration, he was subject upon the first capricio to be remov'd; after which from the honourable condition wherein he had liv'd for many years, he would find himself reduc'd to a very moderate fortune: That though he could be assur'd the Duke's humour would continue constant to him, yet ought the declining posture of his Affairs in Provence to give him a rea­sonable Alarm: That all things in that Country were so averse to him, it was all the Duke could do to keep his head above water; and that his Affairs coming to an absolute ruine, as they evidently declin'd he would be in danger to be left in Metz, without any support, or any colourable claim, either to com­mand, or recompense: That the King conceiving a Gentl [...]man of his Valour and Merit, worthy a more certain fortune, did voluntary offer to make him his own Lieutenant, in the Go­vernment of the Place and Country, under the Duke; whose Authority being kept inviolate, he could have no just reason to reproach him; for seeking to establish his own Fortune, with­out doing any prejudice to his.’ It was no hard matter to per­swade Sobole into a thing he believ'd would settle his Affairs so much to his advantage; so that he greedily swallow'd the bait, and receiving a new Commission from the King, retir'd very well satisfied with his Majesties bounty into his Government: But as the first step into a fault, makes men subject to stumble into an­other, after having once fail'd in his Faith, he had now no more regard to his Duty; and conceiving he had good title for the fu­ture to Lord it over the Inhabitants of Metz, with greater Au­thority than he had formerly done; he grew insolent to the last degree. Complaints whereof were soon brought to the Duke; where to him they accus'd Sobole, for having rais'd mony upon them by his own private Authority, and to have committed ma­ny other insolencies against them. The Duke was at this time disingag'd from the trouble of his Affairs in Provence, and the residence he had since that time made at Court having in­form'd him of Sobole's deportment, he was questionless possess'd with an indignation proportionable to the offense: but he very well foresaw, that the King, who had in design rais'd Sobole against him, would doubtless uphold him, and justifie his own Commission; so that he durst by no means act any thing in pub­lick against him, not go about by open force to displace him: but on the contrary dissembled as much as in him lay, both the [Page 232] knowledge, and the trouble of his fault; and when continually importun'd by reiterated complaints from the Inhabitants of Metz, (a people he ever had in great consideration) he only ad­monish'd him to behave himself with greater moderation to­wards them: but Sobole was deaf to all those admonitions, and so far from slackning his hand, that on the contrary, to render the Duke's good Offices fruitless to them, he contriv'd with himself to accuse many of the principal among them to the King, for ha­ving (as he said) endeavour'd to betray the Town, and Cittadel of Metz to Count Mansfield, Governour of Luxenbourg, for the King of Spain: Which he did, to the end that his Majesty being prepossess'd with so black an accusation, no one, not so much as the Duke himself might dare to speak in their behalf. The busi­ness was very strictly examin'd, and in the end discover'd to be a meer calumny, which made all the world conclude it had been inv [...]ted by Sobole in spite to deprive the Inhabitants of their Lives and Estates: a malice so notorious, that the Duke could no longer endure a people, whom he lov'd, and had ever protected, should be so ill us'd by a man he himself had appointed to govern, but not to destroy them: Which made him openly undertake their protection against Sobole's violence, against whom the hatred the people had conceiv'd, having provok'd them into arms, they besieg'd him in the Cittadel; a thing the Duke was not sorry for, hoping this would counsel the King to remove him, and that he being out, the place could be supply'd by none, from whom he might not promise to himself better things than from Sobole.

What the Duke had so prudently foreseen, Anno 1603. fell out exactly, as he imagin'd it would; for the King alarm'd at the danger of so important a place (it being very much to be fear'd his ill neigh­bours would take the advantage of the evil intelligence betwixt the Governour and the people, to seize the Town, resolv'd to go thither in person; and accordingly with the Queen, and all the Court set forward in the beginning of the year 1603. A journy in which the Duke of Espernon was too much concern'd to stay be­hind; and in the issue whereof Sobole was depos'd from his Go­vernment with a pardon for all that was pass'd; which his ill carriage had made the reward of his Service, and all the recompense he receiv'd for so brave a Command. After his departure his Ma­jesty resolv'd himself to dispose of his places; a thing wherein the Duke of Espernon's interest did most of all consist, who till that time had ever had the disposition of all Offices inferiour to his own in that Government; and by that means had been absolute [Page 233] over the City: but his Authority being suspected to the King, who would have no other than his own acknowledg'd in his Kingdom, his Majesty gave the Duke to understand, that Sobole having resign'd unto him his Lieutenancy to the Government of the City, and Cittadel of Metz, and the Messin Country, which his Majesty had formerly seated him in, he was now resolv'd to settle men of Condition, and approv'd Fidelity in his room, al­ways reserving (which his Majesty would by no means diminish) for the Duke his Authority in the place; that in order thereunto he had cast his eye upon the two Brothers les Sieurs de Montigny, and d' Arquien; to the first of which he would give his Lieute­nancy to the City, and Country; and to the other the command of the Cittadel: but that the one and the other should render him an obedience equal to his own person. The Duke, having well enough foreseen how things would be, had nothing to op­pose against his Majesties Royal Pleasure; but without co [...]adi­ction gave way to necessity, and with patience (the only remedy remain'd) was content to expect some happy opportunity that might re-establish him in the possession of a place so important to his fortune, and whereof he saw himself at present absolutely depriv'd.

During his Majesties abode at Metz, the Provincial of the Fa­thers Jesuits was by the Duke of Espernon presented to him; where the proposition preferr'd by the Provincial for the re-esta­blishment of his fraternity in France, was so promoted by the Duke's mediation, that it was concluded on to his great satisfa­ction. Neither was this the first good office the Duke had done them, nor the sole testimony he had given of his affection, and respect to that Society; he having ever been one of their most constant, and most powerful Protectors in the time of their per­secution, as he was one of their principal benefactors after their re-establishment. Metz, that ever till then had made many, and almost invincible difficulties of ever admitting them into their Corporation, receiv'd them upon the Duke's single accompt, as he also procur'd their admission into Angoulesme before he left that Government: Their Colledge of Xaints has no other foundation than what he bestow'd upon it of four thousand Livers a year in two fair Benefices, which put all together have rendred him one of the principal Benefactors of that Society, by the acknowledg­ment, and testimony of the most ancient, and most eminent men of the Order.

The variety of accidents, The state of Affairs at Court du­ring the Peace. and business that had befallen the King in these last years, were yet too few to take him wholly up, [Page 234] he still found leisure enough for his delights; and although he himself took a particular accompt of all. Affairs, and was ever the main director in all things; yet his abilities (which nothing was too big for) rendred him so excellent at dispatch, that he still made way for his vacation and pleasure. The Peace concluded with all his Neighbours, and his domestick troubles extinguish'd, either by the punishment of the offenders, or by the excess of his own cle­mency, gave him now sufficient leisure to look after the refor­mation of such abuses as were crept into the state during the li­cence of War; an employment which, how becoming soever his Royal care, and how profitable soever to the Kingdom, took up but a very inconsiderable part of his time, the rest being dedica­ted to the Chace, to play, and to the diversions of Love: enter­tainments that (as the passions, and humours of Princes (who are the great examples of their people) do easily insinuate them­selve [...] [...]nto their Subjects Affections, or at least their imitation) were grown so much in fashion at Court, that there was scarce any talk of any other thing; and if they had, during this Voyage to Metz, suffer'd a little intermission, they were, at the return of the Court to Paris, more than ever set on foot. It has been believ'd, that though the King in his hunting, and his Mistrisses altogether follow'd the pro [...]ivity of his own nature; yet that for what con­cern'd play, he had in that as much design at least, as inclination. I have already told you, that his Majesty having set down the bringing low the great men of his Kingdom by imperceptible ways, to render them more obedient, for a Maxime of State, had put them upon the humour of Building, to drain their purses: and doubtless his engaging them in play, was in order to the same design: amongst whom the Duke of Espernon, who already felt the smart of the first, and that very well understood his Ma­jesties meaning in the latter, refus'd not nevertheless to make one for his Master's satisfaction: but if he did it at first meerly out of compliance, his ill fortune at last made it become his re­venge, and enclin'd him so passionately to it, that he found himself in the end engag'd in so extraordinary losses, as were no little in­convenience to him. His Majesty would often do him the ho­nour to play at his house, ever inviting him to all his Matches: And whether he retir'd to Zamet, or to any other place to evade the tumult of Majesty and Greatness, the Duke of Espernon was always the first invited; so that although he was not in favour, he was nevertheless in great esteem: of which one of the most signal testimonies he could receive, was the honour the King did him in permitting him to enter the Louvre in his Coach; a favour [Page 235] till this time reserv'd only for the Princes of the Blood, exclusive­ly to all other persons of the Kingdom, the Duke being the first that unlock'd this Priviledge for the Dukes, and Peers, though he enjoy'd it alone during the King's life; his Majesty, though o [...]ten importun'd by others of the same quality, for the same honour, never consenting to have it drawn into example. 'Tis true, that after the King's death, the Queen Regent, to accommodate her self to the time, was content to abate much of the Royal State, and allow'd the Dukes, and Peers, and Officers of the Crown, the same Priviledge: but the respect to the Duke's person was that which first procur'd them that indulgence.

A famous Gamester call'd Pimentel, The story of Pimentel. an Italian, came at this time into France, whose dexterity in gulling the Court was such▪ that I cannot forbear to mention him in this place. 'Tis said, and it is per­fectly true, that this Cavalier hearing what an humour of play reign'd at the French Court, caus'd great number of false Dice to be made, of which he himsel [...] only knew the high, and the low runners, hiring men to carry them into France, where af­ter they had bought up, and convey'd away all that were in Paris, he supply'd all the Shops with his own: By which means having subjected the spirit of Play, and ty'd the hands of Fortune, he ar­riv'd at last in France; where insinuating himself into the Court, he was by some of his own Nation, who had great interest there, soon brought acquainted with the King. Some have believ'd his Majesty understood the man well enough, and was content to ad­mit him for a Gamester, the better to bring about his own design of impoverishing the Lords of his Court, whose Riches grew suspected to him. The Duke of Espernon was one from whom he drew the most considerable summes; who after having got all his ready mony, and many of his Jewels, he moreover won of him a piece of Ambergris, to the value of 20000. Crowns, the greatest that ever was seen in Europe; and which the Repub­lick of Venice, to whom it was after sold, preserve to this day in their Treasure for a great rarity. The Duke had not long been Ma­ster of it; a Country fellow that had found it upon the Coast of Medoc, having but a little before brought it to him, as a thing due to the House of Candale; of which the Duke was now the head. This Ancient and illustrious Family, are possessors of many goodly Mannors in Guienne, and principally in the Country of Medoc, with as ample priviledges as belong to any of the greatest Territo­ries of the Kingdom; of which one of the most honourable is that of the Admiralty, which might also have been one of the most profitable, had the Duke when the Spanish Carricks suffer [...]d [Page 236] Shipwrack upon that Coast in the year 1627▪ been countenanc'd in his right; which, however at that time set aside, derives to him nevertheless from a Title of above 300. years standing, to all the wracks that should happen any where within the extent of above fifty Leagues upon the Coast that bounds this Territory. But how just soever his claim might be, it was impossible for him to justifie his title against the Power, that then under his Majesties name exercis'd a more than Sovereign Authority. The Sea of Me­doc, one of the most tempestuous of the Ocean, famous for Ship­wracks, and for that reason call'd La Mer Sauvage, or the wild Sea, hath usually in stormy weather cast up Ambergris, and the best in the world, upon that Coast; a truth I can with confi­dence aver, after having been an eye-witness of the difference be­twixt that, and the other which was brought from the Indies in the Carricks. The people of the Country, by the profit invited to this search, never fail, after a storm to rake all along the Shoar for this Commodity, wherein they have often very good fortune; I having seen in my time a piece, which though much less than that I have already mention'd, weigh'd above twenty pound, and was valued at above 20000. Livers, found by a Country fellow in the year 1625. wherein he did all he could to cheat the Lord of his due; to whom two thirds of the thing found does of right belong, and the third to the finder, if he make a faithful discove­ry: but this fellow's fraud being found out, the Duke was by ju­stice favour'd in his claim, and made master of the whole.

Whilst the Duke on the one hand lost his Mony and Jewels at play, his liberality at the same time acquir'd a Treasure sufficient to recompense those losses, and that was the friendship of Messire Philip Cospean, The ad­vancement of Philip Cospean Bi­shop of Li­zieux by the Duke of Es­pernon's means. first Bishop of Aire, afterwards of Nantes, and lastly of Lizieux, where a few years since he died in as high a re­putation of Sanctity and Learning, as any Prelate of his time. This good Bishop was at this time a young man, newly arriv'd from Mons in Hainault, where he was born; who having run through his course of Study at Lovain, under the tuition of Iustus Lipsius, with great applause, had assurance enough to trust him­self upon the great Theatre of Europe, and resolv'd upon a Journey to Paris: Thither being come, he first undertook the Education of Messieurs de Ramboüillet, and du Fargis, Pupils wor­thy of so excellent a Tutor; when from private Precepts, proceed­ing to publick Lectures, he became Philosophy Reader, which he so admirably perform'd, that he soon eclips'd the Reputation of the most famous Doctors of his time. Le Plessis Baussonniere, who in the profession of Arms retain'd yet a great inclination to [Page 237] Learning, being invited by Cospean's Reputation to his Lectures, a particular friendship was soon contracted betwixt them; under the priviledge of which Le Plessis importun'd Cospean to leave the Schools, and to mount the Pulpit, incouraging his modesty with the applause he might infallibly promise to himself from the equi­ty and opinion of all judicious men. With much ado Cospean was at last overcome by his Friends perswasions, so that he preach'd, and in a short time got so high a repute, that le Plessis made no difficulty to invite the Duke his Master to hear a stranger preach, that had no name at Court. The Duke went the first time to hear him upon le Plessis account, where being highly sa­tisfied with the Eloquence of this new Orator, he afterwards drew most of the Court to hear him, where Cospean out-stripping the expectation of all his Auditories, arriv'd in a short space to such a degree of Reputation, that he became the model of queint Preaching; and doubtless by this stranger Eloquence first moun­ted the Pulpit in France. The Duke of Espernon, not content on­ly to countenance the Reputation of so deserving a man, would further by his bounty advance a Vertue, that he had first brought into the light; wherefore the Bishoprick of Aire having been some time vacant by the decease of Francis de Foix, and de Candale, and this Dignity being at his dispose, he preferr'd the Merit of his Friend, to the consideration and respect of many men of Qua­lity, his Relations; and unknown to Cospean, dispatch'd his Man­damus to the Bishoprick, procur'd Bulls from Rome at his own Charge, and gave him Furniture and Equipage necessary for the support of his Dignity, which would otherwise have been very chargeable to him. A bounty this good Prelate would often men­tion to me in the story of his Life, with the greatest acknow­ledgment; and never was man more grateful for a Benefit, than he made it appear he was for this all the days of his life. Neither if he, upon all occasions, highly magnified the Duke's Liberality, was the Duke less satisfied with his good Fortune, that had gi­ven him so happy an opportunity to oblige so excellent a man; from whom, I have often heard him declare, he receiv'd more as­sistance in his Affairs, more sweetness, and satisfaction in his con­versation, and more comfort in his afflictions, than from all the advantages he had deriv'd from Fortune besides, during the whole course of his long life.

All these things past during the calm the Court at this time liv'd in, a tranquillity wherein the King, who by the sole reputation of his name kept all things quiet abroad, and who had very little to do at home, began seriously to think of improving his Revenue, [Page 238] and of filling his Treasure; his great, and noble courage suggesting to him generous designs enough of employing it one day to the glory of his own name, and to the advantage of his Crown and Kingdom. A time wherein the presence of his great Ministers being not very necessary at Court, where all things were carried on by his Majesties own particular conduct, every man had leisure to look after his own private affairs.

It was after the foremention'd transactions that hapned in the Years 1602. and 1603. Anno 1604. that the Duke of Espernon, willing to share in the liberty of the time, departed in the latter end of the last in­to his Governments of Xaintonge, and Angoumois; where bear­ing still in mind the affront offer'd him by the Mareschal d' Ornano, A ne [...] q [...]ar­rel like to rise betwixt the Duke o [...] Espernon▪ and the Ma­reschal d' Or­nano. and thinking himself not clear in his Reputation, unless he return'd again to Bordeaux to renew the match had before by the Mares­chals morosity been broken off, he went again to Bordeaux in the beginning of the year 1604. to make ready for a Carnaval; to which he had invited a far greater number of Nobility, and Gen­try than before, and where the preparation for Masques, Run­ning at the Ring, Balls, and Feasting, were made with great pomp, and vast expense. But the Mareschal, notwithstanding the Orders he had receiv'd from the King, conceiving this business, what gloss soever might be put upon it, would be interpreted to his disgrace, and would pass in the opinions of men at honour for a Bravado, and an affront to him in his Government, could by no means perswade himself to digest it, which made him very im­portant with the King, that his Majesty would please to absolve him from so injurious a condition; a thing the King (who had him in great esteem) would as willingly have done: But his Royal Word being already pass'd to the Duke, whom he knew to be as obstinate as the other, in things wherein his Honour was concern'd, and not knowing how at once to satisfie two so dif­ferent humours, matters were in all apparence going into as ill terms as at first, when an accident fell out that soon took the Duke off all thoughts of that Solemnity. The Dutchess of Bar the King's only Sister, hapned to dye at this time which gave the King occasion to write to the Duke of Espernon, that he assur'd himself all such good Subjects and Servants, as he was, would ra­ther lament with him for the loss of so dear a Relation, than to think of Mirth and publick Solemnities of Joy, at so unseason­able a time; a command so much the easier for the Duke to obey, by how much he himself had particular reason to be really afflict­ed at the death of that excellent Lady. So that by this accident the Mareschal d' Ornano saw himself disingag'd from one of the greatest [Page 239] extremities he had ever found himself involv'd in, it having been otherwise necessary for him, either absolutely to disobey the King, which he could not have done without incurring his disgrace, or patiently to submit to an affront he himself had declar'd to be the greatest he could possibly receive; and that ('tis said) he was re­solv'd to have avoided by laying down his Commission: such as were most perfect in his passionate nature being confident, had it come to the push, he would certainly have ransom'd himself from that submission at the price of his Fortune.

The Duke continued some time after this in Guienne, and from thence returned into Angoumois, where he spent the remainder of the year, without being call'd thence upon any publick occasion. All things (as has been said) were quiet, and the King seem'd to be wholly taken up, with the care of husbanding and filling his Exchequer; wherein though some believ'd him to be meerly car­ried on by a natural inclination to the love of mony; yet his de­signs which a few years after disclos'd themselves gave the world an accompt, that there was more of design than avarice in the exact care he took to moderate the excessive expense had by his prede­cessor been introduc'd into the Kingdom. The Duke of Espernon nevertheless could have wish'd his Majesty had been more open handed to the Garrisons in his Government, those of Angoulesme, and Xaintes being so ill paid that they could hardly subsist; which putting him into an apprehension, that those places (become now as it were Frontier Towns, since those of the Reformed Re­ligion had made a kind of separation in the State, of which Ro­chelle seem'd to be the Metropolitan City) might be lost in his hands, he continually represented to the King the danger those Cities were in, but without being regarded at all; which made him in the beginning of the ensuing year resolve upon a Journey to Court, to try, if in person, and by word of mouth he could not prevail more, than by continual importunities in writing he had hitherto done: where being arriv'd, and presenting himself be­fore the King, his Majesty as'd him in what condition he had left his Governments? to whom the Duke reply'd, That they could not possibly be in a worse; the necessity of the Souldiery in Garri­son being so great that he durst not undertake for the security of those places committed to his charge. To which the King having made answer, That they were us'd as others were: The Duke (who very well knew the difference his Majesty made betwixt his Catholick Garrisons, and the neighbouring places possess'd by those of the Reform'd Religion) took the liberty to tell him, that those who had so inform'd his Majesty had given him a very ill ac­compt [Page 240] of his Affairs, the Garrisons of those of the Religion, who perhaps were arm'd to the prejudice of his Service, being nothing in Arrear, whilst the Catholicks who were firm in their obedi­ence, were ready to perish for want of pay. The King nettled at so tart a reply, and angry that the Duke should give him so pub­lick a reproach in the discovery of a truth, he had a mind, for ma­ny reasons, should have been conceal'd, suffer'd himself to be so far transported by his passion, that he could not forbear to tell the Duke, ‘He was perverse, and importunate: That he sought all occasions to displease him: That he would have done him a greater kindness to have kept still at the distance he was at, than to come into his presence only to offend him; and for the close of all, that he had long observ'd he did not love him.’ To which the Duke without being thunder-struck at the King's an­ger, which might perhaps have surpriz'd another man, less confi­dent of his Fidelity than he, insisting upon the last words, an­swered coldly, but after a serious manner, ‘Sir, your Majesty has not a more faithful Subject than my self in your Kingdom, and I had rather die, than do any thing contrary to the least particle of my duty: A bold an­swer from the Duke to the King, well re­ceiv'd, and turn'd to his advantage. But Sir, for what concerns friendship, your Majesty knows very well, that is a thing not to be ac­quir'd but by Friendship.’ At so bold, and generous an answer, there was none who was not astonish'd at the Duke's freedom, and that was not ready to condemn his rashness; though the King himself, who knew how to put a just value upon great actions, and how to interpret language of this nature, was of a more fa­vourable opinion, and gave no reply: but on the contrary, refle­cting upon what the Duke had said, converted his indignation in­to esteem; and interpreting what others thought temerity, for an effect of honest liberty, proceeding from a good conscience, re­solv'd to make himself belov'd, by the way the Duke had laid him down, and from that time forward began to use him much better, than he had ever done. Neither was the Duke wanting on his part, but perceiving his Majesties good disposition to­wards him, and adding the spur of affection to what he had for­merly perform'd upon the meer accompt of duty, he at last ob­tain'd so great a share in his Majesties favour, and good opinion, that before his death he receiv'd as many testimonies of his Royal good Will and Confidence, Anno 1605. as any other person of his condition whatsoever in the Kingdom.

This confidence began soon after to appear, The Duke's expedition into Li­mousin. by the command the King was pleas'd to give the Duke over the Horse and Foot he sent into Limousin; when tir'd out with the continual disorders, [Page 241] the excess of his clemency begat every day in his Kingdom, he was resolv'd to take order once for all, and by a severe and exem­plary punishment to quiet the Rebellion some of Mounsieur de Boüillons Servants openly maintain'd after his departure out of the Kingdom in Perigord, Quercy, and Limousin. The Mareschal de Boüillon was seiz'd of many very fair possessions, and had ma­ny Friends and Servants in those Provinces; where the Nobility, Gentry, and Commons being also naturally inclin'd to Arms, it was no hard matter to perswade them into commotion.

The King had been given to understand, that under the pre­tense of seeking protection only from the Protestant Princes of Germany, and the Swisse Cantons; the Mareschal endeavour'd to interest them in the Quarrel of those of the Religion in France, by possessing them (as it was said) that since the King's Conversi­on, their usage was far different from what it had formerly been, and the liberty of Conscience far more restrain'd, than it us'd to be. Neither did his Majesty doubt, but that all of his opinion in his Kingdom, would easily be induc'd to follow the Duke of Boüillon's discontent, who had acquir'd an absolute reputation among them. He farther saw that many Catholicks made no scruple to joyn with him, to the end they might re-enjoy the li­cence of War, which would by no means be allow'd them in the better times of Peace: He knew that great summes of mony were distributed for the raising of men; which mony was sus­pected to come from Spain, from whence all the intestine broils of his Kingdom had ever been countenanc'd, and promoted. Evil dispositions, that being all joyn'd together, were sufficient to pro­duce great disorders in the State, and to reduce the King in spite of his heart to the necessity of a Civil War. His Majesty there­fore thinking it very convenient to prevent all these disorders, and to suffocate them in their Birth, resolv'd to go in person to Li­mousin, either by his Presence to appease, or by his Authority to suppress the begun Commotions: but to dispose them to their obedience if possible before his arrival, to chastise some Offen­ders without drawing the Odium immediately upon himself, and to reduce every one to his Duty; he order'd the Duke of Esper­non to go before with six Companies only of his Regiment of Guards, and four Troops of Horse; not doubting but with this little Body, together with the Duke's Interest (which was very considerable in those parts, of which some places were under his own Government) he would be able to give a better accompt of his Expedition, than another perhaps could do with greater For­ces. And to the end that his Justice might accompany his Arms, [Page 242] he joyn'd to the Duke Iean Iaques de Mesmes Segnieur de Roissy, Master of Requests, with Commission of Oyer and Terminer to sit upon the Life, and Death of the Offenders. This was he so famous for his Integrity, and Valour, that was afterwards Doyen to the Council of State, where, though the esteem every one had of his Vertue was very great; yet was it no more, than was due to his merit; although afterwards in the progress of a long life, he had this honour added to the rest he enjoy'd, to see his name illustrated by a noble Posterity; not any man scarce of his condition in the Kingdom having supply'd the State with so great and able Ministers. The Duke having taken his leave of the King, advanc'd into Limousin; where he would have Crequy Camp-Master to the Regiment of Guards to command in per­son the Forces he took along with him, and where the most tur­bulent spirits, at his unexpected arrival (which by his diligence had almost got the start of any intelligence of his coming) medi­ [...]ated nothing less than their defense; some of the most advis'd fearing to have to do with the Duke, or de Roissy, appeal'd to his Majesties mercy, and by the acknowledgement of their offense, obtain'd their Pardon; others retir'd themselves to the Duke de Boüillon to Sedan, the most imprudent, or the most unfortunate only falling into the hands of Justice. Of which five or six suf­fer'd death, though many others were punish'd by more mode­rate ways: so that before the King's arrival at Limoges, all those Countries, that before breath'd nothing but Sedition and Disor­der, were now so calm and still, that his Majesty had nothing to do, but by his Clemency to settle Rebels, newly reclaim'd from their Disobedience, in their Duty, and to reward his faithful Subjects, by the demonstrations of his Grace and Favour.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Sixth Book.

THE Affairs of Limousin, that had taken up the Duke of Espernon the whole year, having been compos'd with the facility you have heard, A dispute betwixt the Duke of Espernon and the Duke of Guise. the King return'd again to Paris, attended by the Duke, who had now nothing left to do be­hind. The antiquated enmity, that so many years had been nourish'd betwixt the House of Guise and him, continued still, which was ready to discover it self upon every light occasion, and almost as oft as they met to come to a bustle betwixt them: In all which disputes, the Duke (notwithstand­ing that that Illustrious Family, by the greatness of their Birth, and by their Offices in the State, by their vast possessions in the Kingdom, and above all by the great number of generous Princes of which it was compos'd, as also by the potency of their Alliances, made up a great part of the Court) would never give them the least ground, but ever sustein'd their power with great Spirit, and Vigour; neither did he want such a number of Re­lations, and Servants, as might secure him from the apprehension [Page 244] of the greatness of any. He had sometime before this had a brisk dispute with the Duke of Guise, the King being at Lyons, which proceeded so far, that the Duke of Espernon by the hands of la Pierre, one of the Duke's Gentlemen, receiv'd a Challenge from him, though the Quarrel had been so publick, and the Duke of Guise was so narrowly watch'd by his Friends, that he could not get out into the Field; wherein the Duke of Espernon was better serv'd by his, who permitted him to go out of the City with Go­has, whom he took with him for his second: but being call'd back by the King's Command, who would himself compose their difference, that Quarrel was soon at an end.

There hapned at this time another, betwixt the Duke of Esper­non, and the Prince of Ioinville, Another quarrel be­twixt the Duke of Es­pernon, and the Pri [...]ce of Ioinville. now Duke of Chevreuse, and Brother to the Duke of Guise; for this Prince having staid the Coach of a Woman of Quality at the outer Gate of the Louvre, one night that the King had appointed a great Dancing at Court, and the Duke coming out, with the Duke of Montensier to go home, the Ladies Coach so stopt the Gate, that the Duke's could not possibly pass; wherefore he commanded the Coachman to make way: But the Duke of Chevreuse, who was lean'd upon one of the Boots of the Coach, on the dark side where he could not be per­ceiv'd, commanded the Coach-man not to stir, seeking (as it was plain enough) out of youthful bravery, an occasion to quarrel: nor did the Duke fail to give him as good a one, as he could desire; for not being able longer to endure the insolency of so base a fellow, he cudgell'd the Coach-man so well, that he forc'd him at last to give back. The Prince de Ioinville, who perhaps forbore out of respect to the Duke of Montpensier, appear'd not at all in the busi­ness at that time; but in the morning sent the Gentleman of his Horse, le Comté by name, to question the Duke about it: The Duke was yet in his bed, and asleep when the Gentleman came, but being wak'd by the Groom of his Chamber, who never refus'd admittance to any, he sent for him to his bed-side; where being come, the Gentleman told him that he was sent by the Prince of Ioinville his Master, to know, if when he beat the Coachman over night, he did it to affront him? To which the Duke return­ing no answer, but only asking him where his Master was? and the other having answered that he staid at the foot of Montmar­tre with a good Horse, and a good Sword to expect him, he, without more words leap'd out of his Bed, drest himself in the Gentleman's presence, and having led him into his Armory, took out thence two Swords of equal length; whereof he gave him the choice; by which time the Master of his own Horse, being also [Page 245] come to him they went all three together to the place. Being there come, the Duke found the Prince de Ioinville ready to re­ceive him, their Swords were already drawn, and they were just going to't; when the Prince, who had his face towards Paris, [...]eeing a Party of [...]orse coming that way, and suspecting it was with an intent to prevent them, shew'd them to the Duke, telling him withal that they must spur to gain the Bois de Boulogne, and without more words turn'd his Horse that way. The Duke, who by the distance of those he saw, conceiv'd they had yet time enough to end their dispute before they could come in to interrupt them, had a great mind, without going further, to have dispatch'd the business there: but being necessitated to follow the Prince, who was already upon the gallop towards the Wood, he spurr'd after, though they could not make such haste, but that they were interrupted before they could come there, and by their Friends carried back to the City. Where the King, having notice of their Quarrel, commanded them both to the Louvre, and there took up the bu [...]iness, making them embrace in his presence, and pro­mise to be good friends. That which was most remarkable on the Duke's side in this occasion was, that the number of those who declar'd themselves of his Party was so great, that they took up all the space betwixt the Roule, to the Louvre; whilst the Duke of Ioinville was only countenanc'd by those of his own Relation, whose interest in Paris was at this time very much declin'd, from what it had formerly been in the life of the Duke his Father.

Although the residence of this great City was very pleasing to the King, Anno 1606. yet could not the delights that entertain'd him there, de­tain his Majesty from visiting all parts of his Kingdom, where he conceiv'd his presence to be necessary for the advancement of his Affairs. We saw him the last year in Limousin, The King makes an [...] expedition to Se [...]n, wherein the command of t [...]e V [...]nt-Guard is commit [...]ed to the Duke of Espernon. and this invited him into Champagne, and as far as Sedan, to reduce the Duke of Boü­illon to his duty. This Duke keeping himself still at a distance from the Court, and refractory to several Summons his Majesty had sent him to make his appearance, and by justifying himself to obtain his favour, it was plain that his refusing to come, was a contempt to the Sovereign Authority, and that therefore his Ma­jesty in the vindication of his own honour, was oblig'd to cha­stize him. Neither did he longer defer, for that purpose to make his preparation for a Journey to Sedan. In this expedition the Duke of Espernon, whom the King began now much better to relish, and whose admirable care, and vigilancy, upon all occasions, gave his Majesty infinite satisfaction, had the command of the Vant-Guard committed to him, and had matters proceeded to the ne­cessity [Page 246] of a Siege, was design'd for one of the most important Quarters against the Town: but the Duke of Boüillon having at last shut himself up in the place, and not willing to pull upon himself the utmost effects of the King's indignation, had recourse to his mercy; and by his submissions, together with the Queens intercession (who ordinarily accompanied the King in all his Motions) obtain'd of his Majesty an indempnity for all things past, upon the most favourable terms he could himself expect, or desire. Whereupon he receiv'd the King into the City the se­venth of April 1606. with a Garrison of 300. men, which by the condition of the Accommodation were to remain four years in the Castle; during which time his Majesty would make tryal of this new Convert's perseverance in his duty: but that long space was, by his Majesties favour, reduc'd to a few months, the bounty of this generous Prince ever contracting the term of mens dis­graces; his displeasure being short liv'd, and of no continuance; but his noble nature being ever constant to oblige all his Sub­jects.

Though the following year was pass'd over without any di­sturbance in the Kingdom; Anno 1607. yet did his Majesties Name, and Re­putation give him opportunity, and by his Authority, Power, to compose one of the most dangerous differences, that could pos­sibly have hapned amongst Christian Princes, and that was the falling out betwixt the Pope Paul the V. and the Republick of Venice: a disorder, that had it not in time been taken up, would infallibly have involv'd all Christendom in the Quarrel, and it is infini [...]ely to be fear'd, have given the Turk opportunity in so great a confusion to have made a formidable advance into the ve­ry heart of Europe. A danger that his Majesty (than whom none was clearer sighted) very well forsaw, and (retaining a grateful memory of the obligations he had receiv'd, both from the Holy Sea, and that Republick at his advancement to the Crown) as soon undertook to interpose betwixt those two powerful adversaries. The business was carried on by the mediation of the Cardinal de Ioyeuse, and Cardinal Perron; wherein the one, and the other pro­ceeding according to his Majesties wise direction, their endeavours were at last crown'd with success, and all things concluded to the satisfaction of both parties, but chiefly to the Honour of France; which now appear'd to be the Arbiter of all the Estates of Eu­rope. And indeed in those times all things in a manner were sway'd by his Majesties will; his desire being almost a rule to all Princes in all Affairs: Neither was there in the whole world a Kingdom to be found more glorious, more flourishing, or more [Page 247] happy, than that of France, during the Reign of this mighty Prince.

Yet could not all this reputation abroad secure him from affli­ctions at home; neither could his greatness and bounty exempt him from the power of Death; who first exercising his cruelty upon some of his Family, discharg'd in the end his whole rage and fury upon his own person. The precedent year had ravish'd from him one of the Princes his Children, and this depriv'd him of the Duke of Montp [...]nsier his Cousin; The de [...]th of the Duke of Montp [...]n­sier. a Prince for whom his Majesty had as great a kindness, as for any whatsoever of his Blood, as he made it appear by the true sorrow he manifested for his death: but the Duke of Espernon was afflicted beyond all expression. I have already given an accompt of the Alliance betwixt these two, and of the particular Friendship that Alliance begot, I shall now further say, they were inseparable in their conversati­on, their Interests went ever hand in hand with one another, and it will be hard to find a Friendship so pure, and constant betwixt two private persons, as they ever preserved entire, in the corru­ptions and revolutions of the Court. Neither could the friend­ship of a Prince of his extraction and vertue be otherwise than of great importance to the Duke; whose prosperity and advance­ment had procur'd him so much envy, and consequently so many enemies: yet was he constrain'd to submit to the inevitable ne­cessity of death, and to bear with patience a loss for which there was no other remedy.

This accident was yet follow'd by another the ensuing year, Anno 1608. at which the Duke was almost equally afflicted: Pere Ange de Ioyeuse, Father-in-law to the Duke of Montpensier, had been return'd into the Order of Fathers Capuchins from the year 1599. from which time he had continued in the austerity of his Canon with so great zeal and sanctity, that he was become a president of Vertue, and Holy Living to all the Religious Men of his Order: Yet did he not (when returning to the observation of his Vow, he threw off all worldly vanities, and desires) banish from his breast those true affections which Nature and Reason had planted in his heart: but on the contrary had ever in his greatest retirement cherish'd the Duke's friendship, as if he had been his true Brother in Blood, as he was in Alliance and Affection. Neither was the Duke on his part less sedulous to improve so vertuous an Interest, ever ho­nouring, and loving him, even in his penitential Sack-cloath, at as high a rate, as when he liv'd in the greatest Lustre, in the most honourable employments; and applying himself with greater diligence to the Interests of his House, and to the advancement of his Daughter, than when he himself liv'd upon the great Theatre [Page 248] of the busie world: so that in different capacities of living, their friendship continued still one, and the same, till death came to cut the knot, The death of Pere An­ge de Ioyeuse the Duke's Brother-in-law. which along had power to dissolve it. This Holy man died at Rivoly in Piedmont, in his return from Rome, in great repu­tation of Sanctity and Vertue, which has since by time been made more manifest to all.

The following year affords so little considerable to be said of the Duke of Espernon in particular (the Court being at this time wrap'd in so great a calm and security, Anno 1609. that there is nothing of mo­ment to be reported of any save the King himself) that it might well enough be pass'd over in silence: But having hitherto found out something or other to record in the foregoing years, I had ra­ther travel, not out of my subject only, but also out of the af­fairs of the Kingdom, than to omit the most glorious proof his Majesty could possibly give of his Authority with all the Princes, and States of Christendom in the conclusion of the Truce be­twixt the Crown of Spain, and the States of the United Pro­vinces.

This great affair had been fruitlesly propos'd almost from the very first bustle of Arms in that Country; neither had endea­vours been wanting even in the heat of the most bloody executi­ons (that the fury of War has perhaps produc'd in any part of Eu­rope) for the effecting of so good a work,, Treaties of Accom­modation having every year, during those troubles been constantly by some or other set on foot: but the animosity of Factions, the difference of Religions, and the variety of Events, that had ever kept Affairs on both sides as it were in-equal balance, had so ex­asperated the minds of men, that scarce any proposition of Peace would be endur'd. A work, it seems, reserv'd to be an additional Ray to the King's Glory, The Truce betwixt Spain and Holland concluded by the King's me­diation. whose reputation only could cut the knot of all those difficulties. Spain had great need of Peace, which ha­ving often, without interessing the King in the Affair, sought in vain, he was in fine constrain'd to apply himself to him to procure it, and wholly to submit all things to his Arbitration. A task the King (very well satisfied with so high, and publick an acknowledgment of his power) as readily undertook, and to that purpose dispatch'd away President Ianin, and the Sieur de R [...]issy, to manage the Work: by whose prudent conduct, forti­fied by their Masters Reputation, they effected that by the weight of Authority, which perhaps their dexterity (how great soever) without great labour and expence of much time, could not other­wise have brought to pass. So that things were reduc'd to the point the parties concern'd could themselves desire; from [Page 249] whence followed an universal Peace amongst all Christian Princes.

It was into this tranquille condition, that the Affairs of Europe were first to be wrought, Anno 1610. before the King could begin to form it into the new mould he had long design'd; for this great Prince, born to reconcile Monarchy and Justice, being unable to en­dure the proud Authority, with which the Crown of Spain lor­ded it over all her Neighbours, and more impatient that by the ex­pansion of his Empire the Spaniard should reap advantages, which he conceiv'd were more justly due to his Birth, and Valour, he resolv'd to clip the wings of this soaring greatness, to make him give back those Territories he usurp'd from his Neighbours, to restore the Republicks their ancient liberty, and finally to reduce his power to the limits of his primitive possession. This in short is all that can be said of the King's designs, and all that such as conceiv'd they penetrated deepest into his most private thoughts, could possibly divine; it being most certain that he discover'd the bottom of his design to none, which had it been communicated to any, the Duke of Espernon would doubtless in this conjuncture have participated of the trust: The King makes great preparation for War. but as this great Prince would ex­ecute all things in his own person, so did he here reserve to him­self the secret of his resolutions; insomuch that though his Ar­my was all ready drawn into the Field, that he himself was imme­diately to come up to them, and that in all probability there would be sudden action; yet durst no one venture positively to determine whither that preparation was directed, or who was to feel the first edge of his Arms: neither shall I presume to deliver these conje­ctures for truth, nor suffer my curiosity to transgress the bounds this mighty Prince in his wisdom prescrib'd even to the most faithful Ministers of his Kingdom.

This brave and laudable ambition having long possess'd his generous heart, he had from the first Idea of his design wisely laid up for the means to effect it, that it might succeed to his glory: and to that end, from the time peace was first settled in his King­dom, had been gathering, and had now got together a prodigious Treasure: His Artillery and Ammunitions were all ready, and in equipage fit to execute his vast designs. France was able to furnish him with an infinite number of old Souldiers; neither, in the fair weather he had been so solicitous to maintain at home, had he forgot to take a particular care of breeding so many brave Ca­ptains, and good Souldiers in the Low-Country-Wars, as were sufficient, in a very short time, to bring such raw men as should be rais'd, into very good discipline. Besides the Forces of his own [Page 250] Kingdom, he had made a League with all the neighbouring Prin­ces: The Duke of Savoy, the Republick of Venice, the Duke of Florence, and almost all the Princes of Italy, the Prince of Orange, and most of the Princes of Germany, with the Hanse-Towns of the Empire were engag'd to joyn with him: And the King of England had made great preparation in favour of his designs; so that in all apparence, what, and how great soever these designs might be, they were very likely to succeed.

Nothing then being wanting, but a pretense to give colour to his action, the death of the Dukes of Cléves, soon supply'd him with one as good as he could desire; for after his death, the suc­cession to his Dukedom being pretended to by all his Brothers-in-law, who were five, the Marquis of Brandebourg, the Duke of N [...]whourg, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Deux Ponts, and the Marquis of Burgau; all these Princes agreed to appeal to the King, and to stand to his Arbitration: but whilst they were plead­ing their titles in the Court of France, the Emperour (pretending all vacant Jurisdictions to be Fiefs of the Empire, and that for want of Heirs Males, he had right to seize them in trust) had there establish'd the Arch-Duke Leopold his Cousin, as his Deputy and Governour, for, and under him: in order to which delega­tion the Arch-Duke had already, by the assistance of the Austrian Forces, possess'd himself of the best part of the Dutchy by the ta­king of Iuliers; notwithstanding that the King had publickly de­clar'd, he desir'd things might remain suspended, till every man's Title was examin'd, and the true Heir could be known. And this was in effect, all the reason could be given for this mighty prepa­ration, though an Army consisting of forty thousand French Foot, ten thousand Swisse, ten thousand Horse, and fifty pieces of Can­non, with their Equipage; together with the Leavies the confe­derate Princes were still, on all hands preparing to joyn with him; giving all the world to understand, that so great Forces were de­sign'd for some other end, than only for the Accommodation of a particular Quarrel, all men were in suspense, and in great expe­ctation of what the event would be.

The Army then being in the Field, and the King ready to de­part from Paris, his Majesty would yet first take so good order to secure the interior Peace of his Kingdom, that he might not, when at a great distance, and in the heat of his Enterprizes, be call'd back by Domestick troubles: A consideration that made him determine to devolve his Royal Power to the Queen, and to cause her to be declar'd Regent in his absence; and knowing that how good soever her intentions were, and how sincere soever her [Page 251] administration might be; yet that the sovereign Authority he left her invested withal, would require the Fidelity, Courage, and Prudence of some great and experienc'd Minister to support it, he cast his eye upon the Duke of Espernon, to confer upon him that great Trust and Honour. In this resolution therefore, having one day call'd for the Duke, and causing him to come into his Closet, where he was then with the Queen alone; the Duke was not a little surpriz'd at the favourable, and obliging Character, his Ma­jesty was then pleas'd to give of him to the Queen, on so unex­pected an occasion. He told her, ‘That being upon the point to go out of the Kingdom, the Government whereof he had, du­ring his absence, committed to her care, he had consider'd how necessary it would be for her to have a faithful Servant about her person, upon all occurrences that might happen, and, in occa­sions where the modesty of her Sex would not permit her to act in her own person, to be assisting to her with his Wis [...]om, and Valour: That having to that end severally weigh'd the abili­ties of all the chief Officers of his Crown, he had found none, in whom the qualities necessary for so great an employment, were more eminent than in the person of the Duke of De Serres says the King inten­ded to leave the Consta­ble, and the Chancellor in tha [...] trust. Esper­non there present: That having had a long experience of his Fidelity, Wisdom, and Valour, he had determin'd to deprive himself of his Service, though infinitely necessary to him in the prosecution of his designs, and to send him back to her upon the first sally of his Arms. That she might repose an entire and perfect confidence in him, as he himself also did, who knew him to be a man of approv'd Fidelity, and Honour: That he was going to execute designs, wherein he was likely to meet with many difficulties, and perhaps some danger; but that whatever should happen, he desir'd her to rest secure in the Duke's vigilancy, and care, for which he would undertake both to himself and to her.’ After which, turning to the Duke, he told him, ‘That he did not require from him any confirmation by new promises, of those things whereof he had assur'd the Queen in his behalf: That he had had so many proofs of his Vertue, in the integrity of his former Actions, it was not now to be suspected, that he conjur'd him by the esteem, and affecti­on he had for him, to justifie his expectation, to serve the Queen, and the Princes his Children, with the same Fidelity he had serv'd him, and to promise to himself for his reward, all the acknowledgement he could reasonably expect from a grateful Prince, and a good Master.’ The Duke a little out of counte­nance at what the King had said in his favour, made answer in [Page 252] few words, ‘That he did humbly acknowledge his obligation to his Majesty for so high a Character, and for the unexpected Ho­nour he was pleas'd to confer upon him, which in the nature of it was far above all others, he had till then receiv'd from his Roy­al bounty; and that if he had a thousand lives he would wil­lingly lay them all at his feet to express his gratitude for so signal a favour: That he did humbly beseech their Majesties to retain that favourable opinion of him, and to conclude him the most unworthy of all their Subjects, and the worst of all men, if he ever fail'd in the least part of his Duty.’

After this the King told him he could not leave him at present with the Queen, having occasion for him to command the Vant-Guard of his Army, till the Prince of Orange should come up to him, for whom he had reserv'd that employment. A thing the Duke knew before, as also that the King intended him the honour of that important command in the mean time: But the election of his person in that great employment of sitting at the Helm, did not a little displease, and increase the envy of many of the greatest men of the Kingdom, who had long look'd a squint upon the Duke's Prosperity and Favour; though his Majesty, having ma­turely, and upon very good grounds proceeded to that choice, was not for any consideration, or by any arguments whatsoever to be disswaded from that resolution.

I know not how some, who envy the Duke's name, and me­mory, may entertain a relation so much to his advantage; though were I put to prove the truth of what I report, I could bring a great many persons of Honour, and Quality to attest it; the Queen Mother, in the first Letter she writ to the King after her es­cape from Blois, makes particular mention of it; than whom no one could be better inform'd in this Affair, and has also several times since declar'd by word of mouth, what she then publish'd in writing: neither was it a secret at that time, no more than I hope it will be suspected in this, where so many persons are living of Reputation enough to give it Authority, should it be contra­dicted by any, who perhaps are not so well inform'd.

The King having, as has been said, taken order to secure all things that were likely in his absence, to disturb the peace of his Kingdom, prepar'd himself to be gone: The Queen had been Crown'd at St. Dennis the thirteenth of May, and her entry into Paris was design'd to have been, on Sunday the sixteenth, and on the seventeenth his Majesty intended, without further delay, to set out towards the Army. Nothing was now to be seen in Paris, but great preparations of joy, and triumph, to honour the re­maining [Page 253] Ceremony of the Queens Coronation; nothing but de­monstrations of the Kings Magnificence, and of the felicity of his Reign, himself being most diligent in giving the Orders ne­cessary for the state of that Solemnity; when this Great and Illu­strious Prince, the terror of his Enemies, and the love and delight of his people, going abroad upon the fourteenth of the same month, to view the preparation of those Magnificences, was in a stop he [...] upon the way in the street de la Ferronnerie, by Saint Innocents Church, The Death of Henry the IIII. with three stabs of a Villain's Knife, laid dead in his Coach. The Duke of Espernon had the honour to be seated by the King in the hinder part of the Coach, upon whom his Majesty was leaning to whisper something in his ear; the Duke of Monbazon, with the Mareschal de la Vardin, was in one of the Boo [...]s, Who were the Mares­chal de Ro­quelaure, the M [...]rquis de la Force, the Sieur de Liencourt, and the Marquis de Mire [...]eau. and other persons of great Quality took up the rest: at the first stab the King cried out, I am hurt; at which the Duke of Espernon, who saw the next blow coming, holding up his arm to divert it, receiv'd part of it in the De S [...]rres says by a mistake the Duke of Monbazon [...]eceiv'd the [...]ab in the right sleeve of his Do [...]blet. sleeve of his Doublet, that was strook through, though the King's Destiny would not suffer him to receive it all; nor permit, that at the peril of his own life, he should save that of his Master, as with all his soul he would have done. The cursed Parricide proceeded yet to a third stab, of which the two last were mortal, and with the second the King tumbled dead upon the Duke, who receiv'd him in his Arms, his blood boiling in great quantities out of his mouth. After this execrable act, the cursed Assassinate was soon discover'd, against whom those who attended the King, and amongst them Saint Michel, one of his Gentlemen in ordinary, prompted by a just fury, had already drawn his Sword to dispatch him; when the Duke, calling to mind, how much those Gentlemen had been condemn'd who kill'd Iaques Clement upon the Murther of Henry the III. by whose imprudent zeal, a further discovery from the wretches own mouth of the Authors of that abominable Treason, was preven­ted, he cried out to Saint Michel, and to the Footmen, who had drawn their Swords to the same purpose, to hold, and upon pain of death not to kill him, but only to seize kis person, that he might be deliver'd into the hands of Iustice. A caution that serv'd not a little to the vindication of an infinite number of worthy men; on whom, without all doubt, the various Factions that af­ter broke out in the Kingdom, would according to their several Animosities, have laid the blame of that detested Fact, to serve for a pretense to their Insurrection. The Duke having given this first order, commanded the Coach man to turn back to the Louvre, and having spied in the King's Train, the Marquis de Monferrant [Page 254] his particular Friend and Servant, he intreated him to go before, and from him to command the Foot Companies that were upon the Guard before the Louvre, to stand immediately to their Arms, and to secure all the Gates, to prevent any disorder in the King's Houshold: In the execution of which command, and in the di­straction the sight of so horrid, and so unexpected an accident might reasonably put him into, Monferrant met the Chancellour de Sillery, then going to Council in the Louvre; who asking him the reason of that hurly burly, and of the Souldiers running to their Arms, Monferrant told him the King was dead; at which the Chancellour amaz'd, and in suspense how to believe it, grasp­ing him by the arm, and saying how's that Mounsieur de Monfer­rant! do you know what you say? the Coach arriv'd with the Curtains drawn, out of which the King without any motion was carried up in a Cloak, and laid upon the Bed in his Wardrobe.

The Duke, The Duke of Espernon's signal servi­ces to the State after the Death of the King. after he had paid this last Office to his dead Master, though surpriz'd to the degree may be imagin'd at so tragical an accident, was not long nevertheless, before he recollected himself; when considering that the greatest testimony he could give of his gratitude to his dead Prince, was to serve those he had left to suc­ceed him, he began to pay the Queen those services, he had but a few days before in the King's Closet engag'd himself to perform; though the Orders he there receiv'd were not intended to have been executed so soon, nor upon so fatal an occasion. The rumout of the King's death had already spread it self, not only throughout the Louvre, but also over all Paris; at which the Queen, being beyond all imagination afflicted, and dissolving her self into tears, without any other thought, than how to humour, and satisfie her own grief; the Duke of Espernon came into her Chamber, and after some expressions of sorrow, which as a true Frenchman, a good Subject, and an oblig'd Servant he could not forbear for the loss of so good a Master, he there told her: ‘That he did not come to her Majesty in hope to stop the current of her tears, the cause of her sorrow being too great to admit of any present consolation; but that she would ever have leisure enough to weep, when perhaps she might not always have opportunity to provide for the Fortune of her Children, and the Safety of the Kingdom, which in effect were one, and the same thing: That her Majesty might better judge than any, what envy the King's prosperity had drawn upon him, from all the neighbouring Princes; and how much it was to be fear'd lest his own Servants, no longer now restrain'd by the presence of this great Prince, might in hope of novelty be debauch'd from their duty, if some [Page 255] good, and prudent order, for the settlement of Affairs, were not suddenly taken: That to keep things in the quiet posture they then were, her Majesty must speedily, and in the first place, secure the Domestick Peace of the Kingdom, by continuing Pa [...]is in the serenity, and calm of obedience, it then was: That the single strength of the Kingdom, if united, and in good intel­ligence within it self, was of it self sufficient to frustrate the de­signs of any that should attempt any thing against the Crown of France: That for his own part, who had taken upon him the boldness to give her Majesty this first advice, he there from his heart made her an humble tender of his Life, his Fortune, and his Friends to do her Service; that therefore she was only to command, what she would please should be done, and that he would perish, or cause her Royal will to be obey'd.’ The Queen awak'd by so prudent a Counsel, and fortified by the re­solution of so generous, and so considerable a Subject, told him: ‘That she wholly reserr'd all things to his Vigilancy, and Con­duct, to be order'd, as he should in his wisdom think most fit; wherein she recommended to his Fidelity, the care of her Chil­dren, much more than any concern of her own, and that she should rest very well satisfied with whatever he should do, knowing as she very well did, his prudence, and affection to be equally so great, that nothing was to be added to them.’

The Duke without losing more time, went immediately out of the Louvre; where the first thing he did in order to the Queens commands, was to bid the Officers of the Regiment of Guards, to put their men suddenly into Arms. This great body consisting of four thousand effective men, and those of the best, and the best Disciplin'd in Europe, did not a little awe the Parisians, from leaping over the bounds of their Duty: a strength that as it was absolutely at the Duke's command, so did he upon this occasion know so well, how to dispose it into the most convenient Quar­ters of the Town, that without all doubt, it was by vertue of those Forces, he secur'd the peace of that Seditious City, and kept the multitude from tumult and insurrection. Arquien, whom (as has been said) the King had put into the Cittadel of Metz, in the year 1604. was Lieutenant Colonel to the Regiment of Guards, and consequently in the absence of Crequy, who was Camp-Master to the said Regiment (and who was already gone up to the Ar­my, with the greatest part of the Nobility of the Court) was un­der the Authority of the Duke to command it. Him therefore the Duke speedily sent for to have given him orders, but he was no where to be found; for from the instant that the King's death [Page 256] was certain, imagining the Duke would infalliby take the ad­vantage of the time, and his own Authority, to remove him from Metz, he had taken post to put himself into the Cittadel, hoping there he should be able to maintain his ground: But the Duke who in the care of publick affairs, did not altogether neglect his own, which his Affection and Fidelity to the Crown, rendred one, and the same with the other, judged by Arquiens absence what his design might be, dispatch'd Mun de Sarlaboust Captain to one of the Companies of the Guards, immediately after him, if possible to prevent him, or at least to follow him so close, that he might arrive at Metz before Arquien could have time to pra­ctice any thing to his disadvantage. The Duke had in Metz, be­sides the ordinary Garrison of eight Companies (of which he had compos'd a Regiment, call'd the Old Garrison) two Companies of the Regiment of Guards commanded by Tilladet, and Fromi­gieres, since Grand Prior of Tholouze; all which were so absolute­ly at his devotion, and their Captains so link'd to his Interests, their Fortunes wholly depending upon his Favour, as they had been rais'd by his bounty, that not a man of them but was ready upon all occasions to be absolutely commanded by him. To this he was confident of the Inhabitants good affection towards him, who by the moderation of his Government, and by the protection with which he had sheltred them from Sobole's Insolence, were wholly acquir'd unto him: which interests, joyn'd together, made the Duke confident he should not want Forces sufficient to hinder Arquien from being receiv'd into the Cittadel, if Mun could get thither before him; or even there to force him, should he happen to put himself into it, before his Orders could arrive. And indeed all things succeeded to his desire, as shall in its due place be de­clar'd. But we must first return to Paris, which at this time was the Scene of the most, and the most important Affairs.

The Regiment of Guards being in the absence of Arquien drawn together by Saint Coulombe, What ways the Duke proceeded in to cause the Queen Mother to be decl [...]r'd Regent. the eldest Captain, the Duke sent them order to advance; which being done, he appointed part thereof for the Guard of the Louvre, with the Regiment of Swisse which he (extending the Authority the Queen had given him, as French Guards over that Nation also) had likewise com­manded into Arms: The other part were dispos'd upon the Pont-Neuf towards la rüe Dauphine, and upon the principal avenues that lead to the Convent des Augustins. He further intreated Mounsieur de Liancourt Governour of Paris speedily to assemble the O [...] Lord Mayor of Paris. Prevos [...] des Marchands, and the Sheriffs Eschevins in the [...] Hostel de Ville offering him withal a sufficient Guard to secure them; as accordingly he [Page 257] he sent five hundred of the Regiment of Guards, under the com­mand of Captain Dnoüet who remain'd there two days together upon Duty. These Orders being given, the Duke himself moun­ted on Horseback, went towards the Pont-Neuf to go to the Cloi­stre Nostre dame, there to confer with President Seguier, without whose advice he resolv'd to proceed no further. This man whose in­tegrity, judgment, and affection, the Duke had in equal esteem, had ever even in the time of his Favour, and in the greatest difficulties of his Affairs, been with his Counsel assisting to him; neither didt he Duke at this time, or since, resolve almost upon any thing (whe­ther of general, or particular concern) without first communi­cating the business to him, and consulting his Advice. There was at this time none of the Princes of the Blood at Court, for the Prince of Cond [...] had some time before the King's death retir'd in­to Flanders, and was at this time at Milan; and the Count de Sois­sons was at his house at Champigny; so that no body being at Court considerable enough to make a party, the Duke at his going out of the Louvre, found almost all the Lords, and Gentlemen, who were then in Paris (and whom the suddenness and great concern of that bloody Accident had assembled together) at the Gate ready to attend him.

Being upon the way with this great Train, he had not gone far before he met with the Duke of Guise, whom he found also very well accompanied, though with a Train far inferiour to his own. These two Dukes, nor their Families, were not as yet so well united (the paternal hatred having been rather fomented by the quarrels the Duke had lately had with both the Sons, notwith­standing his Majesties endeavour to reconcile them) but that there was greater expectation this meeting should beget some new disorder, than that men so disunited betwixt themselves should concur so suddenly, and happily in the publick Service; inso­much that their followers on both sides seem'd only to expect a signal from their Leaders to fall to blows: when the Duke of Guise, having with great civility saluted the Duke, ask'd him how that sad misfortune had hapned? to whom the Duke in short re­lated the manner of the King's death, with what had after pass'd betwixt the Queen and him, and the Order he was by her Maje­sties Command going to take to prevent any tumult in the City: Whereupon the Duke of Guise asking him, if there were not something for him to do in the Queens Service also? the Duke reply'd, ‘That since he ask'd his advice, he conceiv'd he might do both the Queen and the Kingdom a signal Service, by only shewing himself in the streets of Paris: Th [...]t the people aw'd [Page 258] within their duty, by the presence of a man of his condition, would be less apt to be seduc'd into commotion; and that by the calm which would by that means be preserv'd in the City, they might doubtless more effectually proceed to the establish­ment of such good orders, as would for the future secure the peace of the whole Kingdom.’ A counsel the Duke of Guise as readily follow'd, and the good Fortune of France, having upon the instant extiguish'd all particular Animosities, betwixt these two great Persons, so as to make them, beyond all expectation, joyn in the common Service of the State. This happy union, and concurrence was of no little importance to the conservation of the Peace in that mutinous City. The Duke after continued his way to the President's House, to whom having communica­ted his designs, he found them to be generally approv'd by him; insomuch that before they parted it was concluded betwixt them, that that very day, and as soon as it was possible, the Parliament should be intreated to Assemble: the management of which be­ing undertaken by the President, the Duke went in the mean time to provide for the rest.

He began with the Hostel de Ville, The Duke goes to the Hostel de Ville: where having found the Prevost des Marchands, the Eschevins, and Burgesses met together, after he had first given them an accompt in brief of the sad Acci­dent had hapned, he proceeded to exhort them, ‘To confirm to his Majesties Successors the Love and Obedience they had paid to him during his happy Reign. He told them that by perseve­ring in their Duty, they might secure their own Lives, and Estates, which would otherwise be certainly expos'd to the vio­lence and licence of Seditious men: That the least disorder of this nature, that should happen in the City, would put the whole Kingdom into Confusion: That he therefore intreated them to cause all their Gates to be shut, to the end that no one might be permitted, either to go out, or to come in, who were either thought able, or likely, to breed any disturbance in the publick peace, to give order to the Capains of the Train'd-Bands to have their Companies in readiness upon any occasion might happen, and to walk themselves the round of the City, the bet­ter by their Presence and Authority to keep every one in his Du­ty. He further gave them notice, that he had already caus'd the Regiment of Guards both French, and Swisse, to stand to their Arms, on purpose to suppress those who should first make the least shew of Insurrection; but that he hop'd their wisdoms would prevent a confusion, which would not so easily be com­pos'd, if once grown to a head, as it might be suppress'd in the [Page 259] beginning.’ A Remonstrance, that, being deliver'd with great plainness, and vigour, wrought so good an effect, that all the Ma­gistrates unanimously engag'd to do their utmost endeavours for the conservation of the publick Peace; as they accordingly did: which was none of the weakest links that curb'd the head-strong multitude of that unruly City.

From the Hostel de Ville, The Duke goes to the Augustins, where he advises the Parliament to declare the Q [...]een Regent. the Duke went to the Augustins, where that Session of Parliament had by the King been appointed to be kept; the Palace having been before furnish'd, for the Ceremo­ny of the Queens Coronation, and where by the diligence of Pre­sident Segnier, he found them already Assembled. The Regi­ment of Guards had already possess'd themselves of the Pont-Neuf, and stood in order all along the Rüe Dauphine, to guard, ac­cording to the Duke's command, all the passes round about the Convent des Augustins; a precaution, which though by the Duke meerly intended for the Parliaments security, was nevertheless misinterpreted by some to be rather design'd to compel them to execute his own particular Counsels, than that every man at grea­ter liberty might have freedom to deliver his own Opinion; nei­ther were the most prudent, and best dispos'd sorry (as has been said) that the world should conceive there was some necessity up­on them of a speedy resolution in the present juncture of Affairs, forasmuch also as some, who were prepossess'd in their judgments, would be oblig'd to concur with them, and disappointed, either from opposing, or deferring to declare the Queen Mother Regent during the King's Minority, which was the only thing then to be debated.

The Duke being come into the Hall where the Parliament was set with his Sword in his hand, though not drawn, and in some disorder both in his Cloaths, and Countenance, began his Speech with some excuses; ‘For appearing in that honourable Assembly in so undecent a posture; after which he told them that his Sword was yet in the Scabbard (his own words) but that if before he went thence there was not order taken, for the security of the City, and Kingdom, by declaring the Queen Regent, he foresaw (to his great grief) he must be compell'd to draw it against the Enemies of the Crown, and to fill the City with Bl [...]od, and Confusion: That he knew there were some amongst them who would ask respite to deliberate upon the things propos'd; but that he must tell them beforehand, no­thing was so dangerous as delay: That in many great occurren­ces it was wisdom, not to be too precipitous, and to proceed slowly, and by degrees to a final determination; but that here [Page 260] it was quite otherwise, it being necessary in this Crisis of Af­fairs to cut off all difficulties, and immediately to resolve upon the thing propounded: That what might to day be concluded without danger, could not be done to morrow without Blood and Slaughter; and indeed what pretense could any man have to ask respi [...]e in this case? what was requir'd of them out of the rule of Equity, and nature? To whom was the King's Fortune more properly to be intrusted, than to her who brought him into the world, or to whose care the safety of the King­dom, than to her, who for the space of ten years, had with the late King been a Coadjutrix in raising it to that degree of height, and reputation, wherein it now stood. He told them that the Queen was a Princess for whom his Majesty from the hour of his Marriage had never had any reservation in his most weighty and most [...]ecret Affairs: That he had made her his Companion in all his Expeditions: That he had already deputed the Regen­cy of the Kingdom during his absence into her hands; a pre­ordination after which he could not believe any one would dare to contradict the Judgment of a Prince so great in himself, and so solicitous of the good and welfare of his Kingdom: That therefore the most effectual means to preserve the Peace and Tranquillity wherein France had been happy many years, was to concur in the King's Judgment, and to justifie his Election: That the discontents, which govern'd in the minds of many men of very eminent condition, were very well known to all: That those persons (it might easily be believ'd) wanted no ad­herents: That the impatient humour of the French, in hopes to make their advantage of any disorder in the State, would be apt to create more Mutineers, if things were not settled in due season: That there was no time so fruitful in Sedition, nor so proper for mischief, as when mutinous spirits were in suspense whom to obey: That if ever this evil disposition was to be fear'd it was chiefly now, when all the Forces of the Kingdom were on foot: That they would doubtless soon be practis'd on all hands; so that if by the prudence of that Assembly such tem­ptations were not prevented, those noble Troops design'd for the enlargement of the Borders of France, and for the glory of the French name, would by an unhappy, and a sad revolution be seen to employ their Arms to the ruine of their own Coun­try: That they were therefore to take time whilst things remain'd yet inviolate, and capable of the best impressions, to mould them into the best form, which depended upon their immediate Ele­ction: That he had put the Regiment of Guards, all the King's [Page 261] Servants, and his own particular Friends into Arms, that they might at convenient liberty, and security deliberate of what he then propos'd that he knew very well what he now advis'd them to, was without President; but that he hop'd an Act of so great utility and importance to the publick good, would one day ob­tain the Authority of Example, and add to the Dignity and Re­putation of that Honourable Body; a priviledge, by so much the more their due, by how much they had never till then possess'd it: That they did not need to apprehend herein their Authority should be prostituted to Arbitration, or be disputed by any; but that, how high and generous soever their results might be, they should infallibly be executed, and that he, and all his Friends were ready to lose their lives, or to cause them to be inviolably obey'd.’

The Duke's Oration being ended, the whole Assembly re­main'd in a profound silence, and being equally astonish'd at the Accident had hapned, and surpriz'd at the Proposition was made, not a man on the sudden, durst either by word, or action express his thoughts: only President Harlay in few words ‘Gave the Duke thanks for the affection he had manifested to the Ser­vice of the Kingdom, and to the Honour of that Assembly; exhorting him to persevere in a passion so worthy of his Vertue, and so becoming the place and honour he possess'd amongst them.’ Whereupon the Duke perceiving their silence still to continue, and unwilling to give them occasion to complain that by his presence he had extorted from them a resolution contrary to their sense and opinion, he retir'd himself: But at his depar­ture, that they might understand there was something of necessity in the case, he told them aloud, ‘That what he had propounded was the best course they could take, and that they were therefore absolutely, and suddenly to resolve upon it.’ Upon which last words the Sieur de la Guesle the Attorny General taking hold, began in a short Speech to break the Ice, by representing to the Assembly, ‘That though what had been propounded by the Duke of Esper­non, seem'd by the respect wherewith it had been deliver'd to be a thing wherein they were free to determine; yet that what he had last said imply'd a kind of necessity: but a necessity by so much the more, just, and honourable, by how much the Peace of the Kingdom would not only be secur'd thereby; but also a great advantage to their Body would certainly accrue: That it was therefore in his opinion better immediately, and volunta­rily to declare the Regency to be in the Queen, than to stay till their consent should be wrested from them upon compulsion, [Page 262] and perhaps in a season, when they should have no thanks for their labour.’ Which being said, the whole Assembly forthwith concluded upon the business, by that Act not only securing the Peace of the Kingdom, but also introducing a great example to pitch upon the same, and an equally salutiferous resolution in our days, when out great Queen Anne of Austria was settled in the Re­gency, by virtue of the same Election.

I have often heard the Duke discourse of this Transaction, The reasons that mov'd the Duke to press the Queen Mo­ther should be declared Regent. wherein though he acknowledg'd his proceeding to be by an un­usual, and something an irregular way; ‘Yet that the Queens Regency being as yet not authorized by the Suffrages of any of the Princes of the Blood (whose arrival also should it have been expected, would probably have put all things into Confusion) he thought it necessary to have it ratified by the consent of the people: That to procure their consents, there was no way so plausible and consonant to Law, as therein to interest all the Parliaments of France, by prevailing with that of Paris, whose whose Act would be a kind of Warranty to the rest: That should they have staid the coming of the Count de Soissons, he would by his presence infallibly have sway'd all things, accord­ing to his inclination: That the Prince of Condé coming after would have been impatient at his younger Brother's getting the start of him in an Affair where the priority of Vote in the Election was in him: by which means the variety of their in­terests not permitting them to concur in an Act, wherein each of them would be ambitious to precede, a fraction betwixt them must of necessity ensue: That for that reason he had us'd all diligence in pressing the Parliament to a speedy resolution in fa­vour of the Queen.’ In the carrying on of which Affair, it is in my opinion something hard to determine, whether the Stars of France, or the Duke's Prudence did most prevail: It is not to be denied but that both the one and the other contributed very much to the happy performance of this great work: But it is likewise most certain that the business had never been so fortunately effe­cted, if the Duke had less prudently foreseen what was likely to ensue, or had proceeded with less diligence and vigour to the establishment of this Election, to the general benefit of the King­dom: wherein if he perform'd a signal Service to the State, he did no less for the Prince, who would have met with no little im­pediments to his rising greatness, had he at his return, found the Count de Soissons settled, as it were a Co-partner in the Govern­ment, by being possess'd of some of the most important Employ­ments of the Kingdom.

[Page 263]Thus was this business carried on, France being, from the high­est step of her Glory, precipitated into the greatest extream of her Misfortune; and the King's Triumphs being in a moment overcast with the Funeral Black of his Obsequies: but the re-esta­blishment of the State, overthrown by so great, and so tragick a Revolution, and the publick happiness in an instant secur'd with­out one drop of Blood; was it not an afternoons work of the Duke of Espernon? and can so great a success without injustice, be attributed to any thing but to his prudent Conduct? In the Narrative whereof I have not added one syllable more than the truth: and doubtless there are many yet alive that can justifie all I have said. I know very well that the Historians of that time have not mention'd all the particularities I have, as material to my purpose, insisted upon, and that those who have been most exact have recorded but very few in their Relations; which is in part the reason why I have more willingly enlarg'd my self in this discourse, that I might impartially render, what is so justly due to Truth, and Virtue.

The sad accident of the King's Death was so suddenly spread all over Europe, The return of the Count de Soissons to Court. that it seem'd, as if his person, rais'd to the high­est pitch of Honour to which man can arrive, had fall'n in the sight of all the world. The Prince of Condé, who (as has been said) resided then at Milan, receiv'd the first news of it from the Condé de Fuentes, which was immediately after confirm'd by a Courrier dispatch'd purposely to him from the Queen Regent, to invite him back into France. The Count de Soissons, who was but two little days journey from Paris, was much sooner inform'd, and at the same instant in all diligence repair'd thither, to see what this accident might produce; where he arriv'd the sixteenth of May, two days only after the King's Death; but late enough notwithstanding to find all things dispatch'd to his hand. So that matters being already concluded, the Queens Authority esta­blish'd, the Parliament, People, Souldiery, and whole City settled in their Duty, and nothing lest for him to do, but to approve what was already done (and which he could no ways hope to overthrow, had he dislik'd it) he was fain whether sincerely, or otherwise to concur in the Election, and thereupon went to pre­sent himself to the Queen, where he assur'd her Majesty of his Faith and absolute Obedience.

The Count at his arrival at Court, observing the Duke of Es­pernon to be seated in that degree of Favour and Reputation, to which by his signal, and recent Services to the Queen, he might justly pretend, he forthwith resolv'd to contract a strict connexion [Page 264] with him, as accordingly by making him a tender of his Friend­ship and assistance against all whomsoever, he endeavour'd to do: neither did he do it but upon very good consideration; for foreseeing that the Prince of Condé returning to Court (as he soon after did) would infallibly take upon him the preeminence, and degree due to his Quality, and Birth, he would by that means labour so to establish himself before his arrival, that it should not be in the Princes Power to shake him. To which end he could pitch upon none so proper to support his Interest, as the Duke of Espernon, who was, at that time, the most considerable person in the Kingdom. The Queen had appointed him Lodgings in the Louvre, not conceiving her self secure (as she was pleas'd to say) but under his Vigilancy and Valour; all dispatches were commu­nicated to him; his Orders and Advice were in all things follow'd and observ'd, so that would he have stretch'd his Authority to the utmost, or had he been ambitious of favour, he might doubt­less with great facility have made himself sole Master of Affairs: but so far was he from desiring to appear necessary (though effe­ctually so) to the excluding those who had right to the Council, that on the contrary he entreated the Queen to call, and admit into it, all such as either by the priviledge of their Birth, or by the repute of their capacities, might reasonably pretend to that Honour; coveting no greater advantage, than to have a concurrence with worthy men for the publick Safety; and seeing he could not, with­out drawing great envy upon himself, possess alone that preemi­nence in the Administration, to which the King had design'd him, he was content with the rest to share that part, which could not equitably be denied to his approv'd Fidelity and Wisdom.

Though the Count de Soissons had the foremention'd reasons to seek the Duke of Espernon's friendship, he had yet therein a further and a more important design, and that was by the Duke's assi­stance to procure a Match betwixt Madamoiselle [...]de Montpen [...]ier the Duke's Niece, and his own Son Lewis of Bourbon, since Count de Soissons: neither was the Duke so ill read in this Princes intenti­on, that he did not very well perceive at what part he took his aim, which made him, though he receiv'd the offer of his friend­ship with the respect due to a Prince of the Blood, nevertheless ac­cept it with such a gravity, and reservation as should no ways en­gage him to any partiality in his favour, nor in the least restrain the liberty of his proceeding in that concern. A coldness that so much disgusted the Count de Soissens, who expected a greater complacen­cy and freedom from him, that his affection so violently begun, was not likely long to last. The first opposition he met with in the [Page 265] Duke to his desires, was in the proposal he made him to give way that he might cause the Duke of Sully to be stab'd in the Louvre. He was their common Enemy, and the sole cause of all the trouble had befall'n this Prince, and of his retirement from Court, wherein the inury he had receiv'd was such, that although the King had laid upon him his positive command to be reconcil'd, he had notwithstanding rather chosen to abandon the Court, than to do it. The Duke had also receiv'd from the Duke of Sully (a great Creature of the late King's) all the ill Offices could possibly have been done by the most implacable Enemy; which being not unknown to the Count de Soissons, he doubted not to have met an Animosity in the Duke against him as great as his own, and to have found him as prompt to his revenge: but he was deceiv'd, the Duke excusing himself by telling the Count he could by no means permit so great a violence to be offer'd in the King's Pa­lace; beseeching him to consider, that the Guards which he had the honour to command, being principally design'd to preserve the respect due to his Majesties Person, and Presence inviolate; and such as it ought to be, he should commit an irreparable offense to his Duty, should he consent to favour an act of so dangerous Ex­ample. An answer at which the Count, a man of a furious, and cholerick temper, was infinitely mov'd; yet his interest not permitting him to break with the Duke, he for that time with an extraordinary patience made the best shift he could to dissemble his discontent.

During these transactions at Court, there was something pass'd also at Metz, wherein the Duke was no little concern'd: you have already heard how Arquien, Lieutenant Colonel to the Regiment of Guards, had immediately upon the King's Death taken post to retire himself into the Cittadel, of which he was Governour, af [...] whom the Duke had sent Mun, to spoil his De­sign; so that Mun, who was much the younger man, having po­sted in great diligence, overtook him some six Stages short of Metz; where he found him so bruis'd with riding, that he was scarce in a condition to perform the rest of his Journey: When Arquien who saw himself likely to be prevented, and in danger to be deny'd admittance into Metz, by the Duke's Servants, plainly told Mun, ‘That he made no doubt, but that his Journey was occasion'd by a just suspicion the Duke had conceiv'd of his sud­den departure without his Order, and Command; that therein he must needs confess he had been to blame; but that he had been prompted to that diligence by a jealousie the Duke might perhaps have detain'd him by force in Paris, with an intent to [Page 266] deprive him of his command in the Cittadel: That he therefore had undertaken that journey simply, and for no other end, than to keep his possession of that place, which was the most consi­derable member of his Fortune, and the only reward of his Service, but with no design to disserve the Duke: That he was his Servant; neither did he desire to govern so much as in the Cittadel, but under his Authority, and Command: That for a testimony of his Candour, and good intention herein, he pro­mis'd Mun, if he would slack his diligence, and let them go to­gether, not to enter the Cittadel, till first he should by the con­sent of the Duke's own Creatures be permitted so to do, sub­mitting moreover, till it should be by them determin'd, that the Garrison there should be divided betwixt them.’ A proposition that Mun conceiving to be as fair as the Duke could himself de­sire, he condescended to the condition, and accordingly in his company perform'd the rest of the Journey, arriving both toge­ther at the City. Where being come, they immediately assembled the Duke's Friends and Servants, which were Tilladet, and Fro­migieres Captains of the two Companies of the Guards, who were in Garrison at Metz, and Momas Camp-Master to the old Gar­rison; amongst whom it was concluded, that Tilladet the elder Captain should with an hundred men only of his Company en­ter the Cittadel, till the Duke's further pleasure could be known: a number that to the Duke's Friends seem'd sufficient to make good their Quarter, should Arquien intend any thing but fair; as Arquien thought his would be able to maintain his Authority, and to over-power the other, should the Duke be obstinately bent to exclude him absolutely from his Command.

Things then being thus concluded, Arquien, whilst yet in the City, sent order to his Lieutenant to receive Tilladet into the Citta­del, with such Souldiers as he should bring alon [...] with him, not naming any number, as not suspecting any foul play; a negligence which the Duke's Servants making use of to his advantage, they caus'd above fifty more, and those the best men they could chuse out of all the Companies, to be added to the hundred, that by Article were to be admitted; who being all without any difficulty receiv'd into the Cittadel it soon appear'd Arquien's was not the strongest Party, and that the advantage he had in number (his Garrison consisting of two hundred men) being balanc'd by the quality of the Souldiers, Tilladet was rather in a condition to give, than to receive the Law from him.

Arquien having thus, by an excess of faithful dealing, perform'd his promise, went himself last of all into the Cittadel, where he [Page 267] was no sooner come, but that his Lieutenant at the first word told him he was no longer Master of the place; to whom Ar­quien having reply'd, that an hundred men could not dispute his Authority there, the Lieutenant gave him to understand, that al­most twice so many were already got in, which he had not dar'd but to receive, not knowing the precise number of those he was to admit; at which Arquien, now sensible of the oversight he had committed, was so enrag'd that he would presently revenge him­self upon Tilladet, and was ready to fall on, Tilladet also on his part preparing for the Encounter; when the Friends of both par­ties, who were in the City, came in at the first noise of the dis­order. At their first coming they found the Gates of the Cittadel shut; but being opened in the end to such as pretended to endea­vour an Accommodation, it was with much ado concluded, that for Arquiens satisfaction, Tilladet, to whom he chiefly laid the blame, as contriver of the Treachery, and Surprize, should de­part the place; but that those Souldiers, already enter'd, should continue there, The Duke of Espernon's Authority re-esta­blish'd in Metz. and that Fromigieres should come in to command them. Thus ended this dispute, and thus was the Duke of Esper­non's absolute Authority, though with some trouble, re-establish'd in Metz, which from the time of Sobole's dereliction, until now, he had altogether lost.

Fromigieres being receiv'd into the Cittadel was still more and more fortified by new Souldiers, which the Duke's friends conti­nually slipt in from the City; so that Arquien seeing himself in a lost condition, and also stung with the conscience of his own fault, he return'd in all haste back to Paris, at once to beg the Duke of Es­pernon's pardon, and to implore the Queen Regents Justice. Where being come, and finding the Duke inflexible to his submissions, and positively resolute to hold what he had, seeing he was to ex­pect no good accompt from him, he thought fit, as his last refuge to appeal to the Queen. Neither did he want interest at Court to support, and countenance his cause, where besides de Montigny his Brother (a man of great merit and esteem, and afterwards Mareschal of France) he had many Relations, and Friends, toge­ther with the Duke's Enemies, who could not, without great heart-burning, see him re-settled in so considerable a command. Of this number were the Lords of the House of Guise, and their Family, who made up a great part of the Court, and who being all averse to the Duke's greatness, endeavour'd by possessing the Queen, that the action of Metz was an intolerable affront to her Authority, to make her restore Arquien to his Command. ‘They represented to her that this was an Affair by the late King [Page 268] conceiv'd to be of such importance to the State, that his Majesty had made no difficulty to make a Journey thither in person, and on purpose to retrive this place out of the Duke of Esper­non's hands: That his Fidelity ought at this time to be much the rather suspected, by how much his Ambition was more in­ordinate, and less easie to be cur'd: That having, under pretense of some trivial Services to her Majesty in the beginning of her Administration, committed a violence of this high nature, he made it plain that his sole aim was in this new face of Affairs to establish his own particular greatness: and that, instead of en­deavouring to continue Subjects in their Duty, by the example of a Subjects Obedience, he had himself committed the great­est insolence imaginable against the Sovereign Power, by dis­possessing one of the most ancient and faithful Servants of the Crown, from a place wherein he had serv'd, without the least blemish, or reproach.’ It is certain that the Queen, how well sa­tisfied soever with the Duke of Espernon, was notwithstanding something stagger'd in her resolution at this Remonstrance: but the Duke having also given his reasons, and represented to her of what importance it was to have his Majesties Authority in the Ci­ty and Cittadel of Metz, conjoyn'd in one man, that the emulati­on of two Governours might not produce mutiny, such as would endanger the introducing of Forein Power into the place; with how long, and with what Fidelity he had serv'd his Kings in that Government, the Authority being united in his Person; he found the Queen so well dispos'd to accept of his justification, that she was absolutely satisfied: so that from that time forward, nothing was more thought of in that business, save only how to content Arquien, in finding out for him some other command, that might hold proportion with that Employment.

In the transaction of this Affair, Fortune, as upon other occa­sions, would needs interest her self to appear in the Duke's Fa­vour. De Vic Governour of Calice was one of the principal Me­diators in this difference, who on the one side making profession of great respect to the Duke's Service, and on the other of a strict friendship with Arquien, labour'd with extraordinary passion, and diligence to satisfie both parties in their pretense, and had brought matters to so good an issue, that nothing remain'd to their mutu­al satisfaction, save only to find out a Government for Arquien, equal to that whereof he was now divested: but there was none at this time vacant of equal value, which was the only knot in the Affair. At last this poor Gentleman prov'd both the Mediator, and the price of their Accommodation, who had acted so vigo­rously [Page 269] in the Treaty, that, with posting to and again in the most violent heats of Summer, he was surpriz'd with a Pleurisie; whereof in six days he dy'd. With his Government Arquien was recompens'd, who after that quit claim to the Cittadel of Metz, leaving the Duke absolute Master of it, as before; a possession he afterwards kept, till that a few years before his death he demised it in favour of Cardinal de la Valette his Son.

Amidst these many important Affairs, the Duke was not un­mindful of his particular Duties; whereof one, and to which he conceiv'd himself most particularly oblig'd, was to manifest his gratitude to Henry the III. his Master, and Benefactor. He had for­merly after his death attended his Body to Compiegne, where the misfortunes of War, and the confusion of Affairs, not permitting at that time a performance of his Funeral Rites; and the Queen now resolving to begin the Regency with those of the late King, he humbly begg'd of her to give him leave to make use of that opportunity for the interment of Henry the III. wherein her Majesty, doing an Act worthy her Piety, would add little or no­thing to the expense she was already resolv'd to make. The Queen readily consented to his request; so that the Duke, accompanied with a great number of Lords and Gentlemen, went to fetch the Body from Compiegne, from whence he convey'd it to St. Denis, where it was deposited in the ancient Sepulchre of the Kings of France. Neither was this the sole testimony the Duke gave of his grati­tude to his old Master, the Records of his Bounty and Favour being so impress'd in his memory, that they perish'd not, but in his Grave, where all things are buried in Oblivion. A little before his death, causing a Marble Pillar, one of the most celebrated pieces of Architecture of these late times, to be carried, and set up in the Church of St. Clou; wherein he was so curious, as to make it be wrought in his own House, and almost in his own sight; his design being to found a Revenue of a thousand Livers yearly for the Service of the Chappel where it was erected; which was also adorn'd with Pictures, and pav'd with Marble at his own charge: but some difficulties arising about the settlement of that Foundation, which could not be clear'd before his death, the thing (to his great grief) remain'd imperfect.

The Ceremony of these Obsequies, The Prince of Condé re­turns to Court, where he appears dis­pleas'd at the Duke of Espernon. perform'd in the end of Iune, was immediately follow'd by the return of the Prince of Condé to Court, where he arriv'd in Iuly, and where all the men of condition contended who should give him the greatest testi­monies of joy for his return. Amongst whom, although the Duke of Espernon was none of the latest, yet was he not the best [Page 270] receiv'd. The Duke of Sully, who had great need of this Prin­ces Protection, had prevented others in the possession of his Fa­vour, and conceiving he should make himself more acceptable by rendring the affection of other Grandees suspected to him; he had (amongst others) pointed out the Duke of Espernon for one of those of whom he had most reason to complain. An ill Of­fice, that having at first preferr'd in general terms, he afterwards pursu'd by particular circumstance, telling the Prince that the Duke had doubled the Guards of the Louvre at his arrival, and put all the King's Family into Arms, as they had been to defend it against a common Enemy. Which impression the Prince was more apt to receive, by how much he believ'd, that the Duke be­ing already in a great degree of Favour with the Queen, and very intimate with the Count de Soissons, must needs be jealous of his re­turn, which he could not consider, but as a great power directly opposite to all his concerns; which made him at the first inter­view receive him, not only with apparent coldness, but also, not able to dissemble his dissatisfaction, reproach him for having en­deavour'd to possess the Queen with some suspicions to his pre­judice. The Duke, surpriz'd at so unexpected an entertainment and so groundless a reproach (he having alter'd nothing in the usual Guards that had been kept in the Louvre since the King's Death) and nettled with the sense of so injurious an Office, gave aloud the Lye to all those who had branded him with so false a Ca­lumny. Yet would not this publick and generous profession of the truth so satisfie and appease the Prince, that there was not still some remains of discontent in his mind against the Duke. He did not think him so affectionate to him, as to the Count de Soissons; and seeing him advanc'd to that height of Reputation with the Queen, could not expect he should be favourable to him, in the design he had to assume that place in Court, and to share that Authority in the management of Affairs, which were due to his Birth and Greatness. So that here the Court was divided, the Prince of Con­dé having his Faction, and the Count of Soissons his, amongst whom the Duke of Espernon was the chief, and most considerable member.

Yet did not this diversity of Interests produce any sudden ill ef­fect, The state of Affairs at Court, du­ring the Queens Re­gency. the Princes paying a due respect to the Queen, and being by her admitted into the debate of Affairs, though the most im­portant were carried on by other hands. The Cabinet Council at this time consisted of the Duke of Espernon, the Chancellour de Sillery, President Ianin, and Mounsieur de Villeroy; wherein the Duke's Vote had the greatest sway, and his Opinions did usually [Page 271] prevail; by whom it being conceiv'd necessary for the honour of the Nation, and the memory of the late King to pursue the Enter­prize of Iuliers, which had been the pretense of his Majesties Arms, he propounded, and got it to be concluded that the Ma­reschal de la Chasire, with an Army of 10000 Foot, and 1200. Horse, should be sent to assist the interested Princes in the restitu­tion of this Place. The issue of which expedition was as succes­ful as could be wish'd; the places possess'd by the Arch-Duke Leopold were restor'd into the hands of the Marquis of Brande­bourg, and the Duke of Newbourg; so that Affairs on that side re­main'd in as good a forwardness as could be desir'd to be shortly compos'd (as they were) to the satisfaction of the German Princes.

As in the occasion we spoke of last things were carried on for the honour, so was it no less necessary for the safety of the King­dom to give some satisfaction, and assurance to those of the Re­form'd Religion in the beginning of this new Reign; it being very much to be fear'd this Faction (which at this time was very powerful) pretending a violation of the Edicts formerly publish'd in their toleration, might run into insurrection, to the ruine of the publick peace. Wherein the Duke was of opinion to prevent either the real jealousie, or else the evil intentions of those who were likely to breed any Commotion, by Declarations to con­firm the ancient Edicts granted in their favour. It is very true, that he had no kindness for their Religion; but he thought it never­theless unfit to violate the publick Faith, where what he did then for reason of State, he has ever since observ'd in his own parti­cular administration; so that though an enemy to new opinions, he was notwithstanding ever very solicitous to maintain the pro­fessors of them within his Governments in peace, and safety; and it has been observ'd, that although at Metz the best Families of the City were of that perswasion, that they abounded in Xain­tongue, and Angoumois, and that Guienne was not free, it could ne­ver be perceiv'd, that he made any distinction betwixt them and other the Kings Subjects, except where he found them refractory and disobedient to his Commands.

These precautions, so seasonably apply'd in this turn of State, secur'd the Peace of the Kingdom both within, and without to so fortunate a degree, that a more happy Government could not pos­sibly have been wish'd. Which certainly if we consider the great number of discontents within, before the King's death, the distastes many persons of great Quality had taken, who breath'd nothing but revenge, with the Ambition that reigns in all Courts [Page 272] able to overthrow the surest foundations, is infinitely to be won­dred at. To which may be added the envy of neighbouring Princes, who could not without anxiety, and apprehension suf­fer the height of prosperity to which France was already advanc'd; together with the Artifices of such as usually in the troubles of a State seek to repair the ruines of their own desperate Fortunes: all which evil dispositions could not, according to humane imagina­tion have found a more favourable juncture, than during a Re­gency, to have produc'd their fatal effects; and yet never was France at greater peace within it self, nor more respected of her Neighbours, than in all the whole time of the Queens admini­stration. Wherein though I dare not, I confess, attribute the whole reputation of the good Government to the Duke of Es­pernon alone (who having call'd the most prudent and experienc'd Ministers of the latter Reign into his Councils, they ought also to share in the praise) yet can I not in equity deny him the first place of Honour, he having (without dispute, the greatest Authority, and consequently having ever carried the greatest sway in the re­sults of the most important Affairs.

This Power and Reputation being the ordinary objects of en­vy even amongst men of equal condition, Anno 1611. it is no wonder if the Princes of the Blood were jealous of the Duke of Espernon's greatness; The begin­ning of the Princes dis­content. who (as they said) unknown to them dispos'd the greatest Affairs of the Kingdom, wherein they particulary com­plain'd, that he had perswaded the Queen to resolve upon a match, betwixt the King and the Infanta of Spain; a thing which in his Minority was not to be done without the consent of the Princes of the Blood, by reason of the interest which, by vir­tue of their proximity, they had in his Majesties Person. But the Duke was so well read in their Priviledges, that it is not to be suppos'd he could commit so great an error; and he had divers times propos'd this Marriage to them, for the most honourable, and most advantageous match could be found out for the King in all Europe: although the Princes who began to suffer themselves to be led away by the perswasions of those who could no longer contain themselves within those bounds, which the virtue of Peace prescrib'd to their Ambition, had ever oppos'd that propo­sition, and would never consent unto it. The Duke nevertheless, as if he had foreseen the happiness would accrue to the State by this Alliance, ceas'd not continually to fortifie the Queen Mother in the resolution she had taken to pursue that Treaty, and to bring it to a conclusion; which, because it was carried on without their consents, they pretended it to be without their knowledge: and this was all the ground of their complaint.

[Page 273]In this point the Count de Soissons concurr'd with the Prince of Condé; he was already broken off with the Duke of Espernon, Anno 1612. and that to such a degree, that he appear'd now more implacable in his hatred, than he had before seem'd violent in his love. I have al­ready said, that amongst the reasons which induc'd him to seek the Duke's friendship, the chiefest was the Marriage of Mada­moiselle de Montpensier with the Prince his Son: A Princess, who had been so far honour'd by the late King, that he had cast his eye upon her for a Match betwixt her, and the Duke of Or­leans, his second Son, and had spoke to the Duke of Espernon to that purpose; so that it cannot appear strange in him, if after being prepossess'd with the hope of so glorious a fortune for his Niece, and so great an honour to his whole Family he could not easily condescend to the Count's motion, wherein nevertheless he excus'd himself with all imaginable Civility and Respect: But this Prince, of a hot and violent nature, taking for injury the least contradiction to his will, was so highly transported with fury at this refusal, that there was no extreme to which he would not hurry his revenge, publickly threatning to assault the Duke in the Streets, in the Louvre, nay in his own House. Thus do we see the Duke at once oppress'd with the open hatred of two of the Princes of the Blood; upon which occasion, although he very well understood the deference due to their persons, and upon that accompt declar'd he would ever give them way, and retire before them; yet did he not conceive it convenient to have the same respect, and consideration for such as under their counte­nance and protection should make any attempts upon him. And it was in this occurrence, that the Reputation and interest he had at Court did most evidently appear; so many persons, who by his bounty he had oblig'd (principally in the dispensation of those offices depended upon his own of Colonel) so many others who expected their advancement from him, so many Lords of great Quality, who either by Relation or Friendship were united to him; and so many others out of the sole regard of his Virtue flocking about his Person, that he has often been seen in the streets of Paris with seven or eight hundred Gentlemen waiting upon him: And I have heard many of very good quality, who in those times declar'd themselves his Friends and Servants, af­firm, that when he has gone on foot to the Louvre, as he would sometimes purposely do, his attendance, marching in order, have taken up all the space betwixt the Hostel d' Espernon, and the Court, which is at least 2000 paces; insomuch that the Van of his Train has reach'd the Barriers of the Louvre, before almost the Rear was [Page 274] out of his own Gates. Which (how strange soever it may appear) is nothing more than truth; as an infinite number of persons yet living can witness. Neither was the Queen (who had great in­terest in the preservation of a man had merited so highly from her) sorry to see him in so good a posture, conceiving it of no lit­tle moment to her service, to have a person at Court able to make a Power, that might otherwise have been turn'd against her, and her Authority: and indeed it was upon him she principally rely'd, as the chief of all her Servants, and the most considerable person of her Party.

The Queen made this most manifestly appear in a very remark­able occasion that hapned at this time; The favours the Duke receiv'd from the Queen up­on the feuds betwixt him and t [...]e Princes. of which take here the true story. The Baron de la Chastagneraye after the Service he had so fortunately done the Queen in recovering her out of the River Seine, at the passage of the Port de Neully (relations of which you will find at large in many of our French Histories) had been gratified for that action with the command of Captain of her Majesties Guard, and was moreover very graciously receiv'd by the Queen; advantages that creating him much envy, either her Majesties Favour, or his own Spirit, or both, engag'd him in ma­ny Disputes with several persons of the most eminent condition at Court; amongst which he had principally one with Mounsieur le Grand Escuyer, since Duke de Bellegarde; wherein his passion one day transporting him so far, as to speak unhandsomly of him in the Queens presence, and before the Duke of Espernon who was his Cousin German, the Duke conceiv'd himself oblig'd to say something in the behalf of so near a Relation, and thereupon gave la Chastagneraye some smart reply, which he, unable to en­dure, as briskly return'd upon the Duke himself; who with-held by the reverence of the place, said to him only this, ‘That her Majesties presence which had encourag'd him to that offensive language, ty'd his hands, and oblig'd him from taking any fur­ther notice of it;’ resolving within himself to let the Quarrel alone at that time, and to call him to an accompt at fitter leisure: but the Queen both to satisfie the Duke of Espernon, and to do her self right, la Chastagneraye having violated the respect due to her Person and Presence, committed him immediately to the Bastile; from whence though he was the next day enlarg'd, yet the sense of his disgrace having wounded him to the quick, the common bruit went that he would revenge himself upon the Duke's per­son, and that he was countenanc'd in that resolution by the pro­tection of the Princes. A thing which above all other men he was the most fit to undertake, both for his courage which was very [Page 275] well known; and also having the command of the Queens Guards, he had better opportunity than any to execute his design, and to practice upon the Duke in the very Louvre it self, than in any other place, who never went accompanied in her Majesties pre­sence, as he did in all other places. The first intimation of this design the Duke receiv'd from the Queens own mouth, who, by a favour never before, or since granted to any, permitted him to take a number of select Souldiers in his own Livery for the Guard of his Person, to attend him in all places, so much as into the Louvre it self; which favour was highly improved to him, when for his greater security, she moreover gave way that he should chuse some Gentlemen of Quality of his most confident Friends to enter with him arm'd, even into her own Cabinet. Those whom the Duke made choice of for this purpose were Chetin, Brother to the Mareschal de St. Geran, Sauue-Baeuf, Bonneval, the Count de Maillé, Castelbaiart, and Marillac, all men of approved Valour: a Grace which though it gave great jealousie and distaste to the Princes and Grandees of the Court, who were the Duke's Adver­saries, her Majesty thought it fit notwithstanding, to give him leave to defend his own life against whomsoever would make any attempt against it.

Amongst these many and great disputes wherein the Duke saw himself involv'd, The Educa­tion of the Dukes three Sons. he forgot not the care of his Childrens Educa­tion; whom he brought up to the most laborious Exercises, and for whom after a foundation of Letters, not only of a bare know­ledge in the Latine Tongue, but in the Principles of Philosophy also, he took care to provide the greatest man, without contra­diction, in Europe, for the Exercises of the Body, especially that of Riding, which was the Sieur de la Bro [...]e formerly in the Con­stable de Montmorencies entertainment; after whose Death, the Duke gain'd him to himself by so great Benefits, that he gave him at one clap ten thousand Crowns in Gold, with an Annuity of a thousand Crowns issuing out of the Hostel de Ville of Paris, the most certain Revenue at that time in France: Neither did he here limit his Bounties. Under this Gentleman's excellent Discipline, his two eldest Sons arriv'd to such a perfection in their exercises, that no young Lords of their condition in the Kingdom went be­fore them.

When they had acquir'd as much by precept as seem'd necessa­ry, he conceiv'd it time they should establish that knowledge by experience, and by observing the manners and ways of living of other Countries; to which purpose having put them into an Equipage suiting their quality, he sent them into Germany, to the [Page 276] end that by the different Governments of the several little Repub­licks of which the vast body of that Empire is compos'd, they might be better enabled to judge of good and evil customs, and extract a more certain knowledge for their own future conduct in the Employments to which they were by him design'd. They ar­riv'd in that Country in a very troublesome time, when all ways were very difficult, and unsafe; but the illustrious name of the Fa­ther, in greater repute in any part of Europe, than in France it self (present vertues being for the most part less consider'd) did not only open all ways, and secure all passes to them; but made them also receiv'd with great respect, and honour'd with many ci­vilities, and favours by all the Princes, and Republicks of both par­ties. After having staid some time in Germany, and visited at lei­sure the Cities, and most eminent places there, they went from thence into Italy; where they made a considerable stay, and where for the greatest part they made their residence at Rome, continu­ing still their Exercises; from whence they went to visit the most eminent Cities of that sweetest part of Europe; where having made an acquaintance with most of the Princes and Lords of that Nation, they return'd into France.

Whilst the two eldest were thus forming their minds and bo­dies to such qualities as were either necessary, or at least becoming their condition; Lewis the youngest of the three, design'd for the Church, was with no less care brought up in the knowledge of Letters; whom so soon as the Duke his Father conceiv'd to be of a fit age, he sent him to La Flesche to the Colledge of the Father Je­suits, where the discipline requisite for the profession he was to take upon him, was in very great repute. He there continued se­veral years, and came not thence till he had first run through all the degrees, by which men climb to the highest pitch of know­ledge; and in effect, when he was call'd thence to come to Court, he had made so happy a progress, that Cardinal Perron, a great friend of his Fathers, having been by him intreated to dis­course with his Son, had an exceeding great opinion of him, and believ'd him likely to make one of the greatest men of that age, if he proceeded in his profession with a diligence proportionable to the great parts wherewith he enter'd into it.

The three Brothers arriving almost all at the same time at Court, the Duke their Father began to think of establishing the greatness of his Family upon the surest foundation; and thereupon consider'd each of them by himself, for the dividing his Estate amongst them: wherein though they were all embellish'd with so many excellent qualities, that it could hardly be discern'd which [Page 277] had the greatest merit; yet the Duke having design'd to confer his own name upon the second, that consideration enclin'd him a little more to him than the other two. By Article at his Marriage with Margaret de Foix, Countess of Candale, his eldest Son was to carry the name of Foix, and to inherit his Mothers Estate, clear'd, and augmented by the Duke's mony: and his own name was also so great, what by the vertue of his Ancestors, and what by his own, that he would not leave him on whom it was con­ferr'd, inferiour either in Reputation, or Estate to any whomso­ever of his condition, in the Kingdom. He had already by his Service obtain'd from the Queen Regent the Reversion of all his Offices; viz. of that of Colonel General of the Infantry of France; of first Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, an Office he had ever kept since his first Favour; of Governour of the City, and Cittadel of Metz and of the Messin Country; of the Pro­vinces, Cities, and Castles of Xaintes, and Angoulesme; of the City and Government of Rochelle, the Country of Aulins, with the higher and lower Limousin; of the City, Castle, and Territo­ry of Boulogne, and of the City, Country, and Castle of Loches: all which he at this time thus divided amongst his three Sons. To his eldest, the Count of Candale, he assign'd in present (causing him forthwith to be admitted into it) the Office of first Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, with the Governments of Angoumois, Xain­tonge, Aulins, and Limousin in Remainder; to which he added the whole Estate of the House of Candale, amounting to above four­score thousand Livers yearly revenue in goodly Lordships; as al­so the Dutchy of Espernon, with the Earldom of Montfort, toge­ther with other Lands arising to above fifty thousand Crowns a year: to which the Duke having obtain'd an assurance of a Ma­reschal's Staff for this Son, so soon as a more mature age and ex­perience should render him capable of that Employment, he con­ceiv'd that a high Spirit, as his was, ought to rest very well satisfied with so fair a Fortune.

To the Marquis de la Valette, his second Son, he assign'd his Of­fice of Colonel, and the Government of Metz in reversion, with the rest of his Estate whether hereditary or purchas'd; which made up a Revenue equal to the first, together with his share of the Rents, and personal Estate.

For his third Son also he provided to the value of fifty thousand Crowns a year at least in Church preferments; of which he was not content only to put him into present possession, but gave him moreover a years Revenue advance, that he might have where­withal to maintain a port suitable to his condition: to which he [Page 278] further added the survivancy of the Government of Boulogne, and Loches, with the Office of chief Almoner to the King, which was a leading step to that of great Almoner of France.

In this distribution of his Fortune, the Duke's paternal care and liberality, might (a man would have thought) have amply satisfied the most aspiring Ambitions, and the most avaritious Natures; neither could the two youngest enough magnifie the bounty of so good a Father, who by his Industry, and his Blood had rais'd them to such a height of Riches and Honour: but some malevolent Spirits, enemies to the peace and happiness of the el­dest, by a violence upon his nature, perswaded him he had not been kindly us'd in this partition; that therein his younger Bro­ther had the best, and most solid Employments assign'd to him; whereof Mea [...]ng that [...] Co­lone [...]. one was a Command of it self sufficient to oblige all the Gentlemen of France, together with a Frontier much more considerable, than the best Province of the Kingdom; whereas what was consign'd to him, was only an Office of little value, and no great repute at Court, with the expectation of a Mares­chal's Staff, considerable 'twas true, but a great way off; and that for his Governments, they lay so in the heart of the Kingdom, that his Authority would be very little, or nothing at all; by which means making him at first undervalue the benefits he had receiv'd, they so debauch'd his gratitude at last, as to make him publickly complain of his Fathers proceeding, and to despise all he had, seeing he had not all he desir'd.

The Duke, advertis'd of his Sons discontent, labour'd all he could to reclaim him, and make him see his error, which he af­terwards did; neither could any thing be more grateful, and obe­dient, than he ever carried himself, so oft as he suffer'd himself to be govern'd by his own natural inclination.

Even before the King's death, the Fortune and Greatness of the Father, with the merit, and Riches of the Sons, had rendred their Alliances so considerable, that there were few persons of great Quality at Court, who had not been offer'd to the Duke in Mar­riage with them; but amongst the several Matches propos'd for the Count de Candale, his eldest Son, the Duke preferr'd that with the Dutchess of Haluin, Grand-child to the Duke of Haluin, and Daughter to the Marquis de Megnelay, The Marri­age of the Count d [...] [...] the Duk [...]el­dest Son. the inheritrix of a rich and illustrious Family, before all the rest, Whereupon a Marriage be­twixt them shortly ensu'd, though discontents soon after arising, grew at last to that height, that in a few years they came to an ab­solute separation. Those who had the power to sow division in the Marriage-Bed, had the same to perswade the Count de Candale into [Page 279] an open breach with the Duke his Father; the grief whereof (the most sensible of any he had ever met with in the whole course of his life) as it was the cause of infinite others, which be­fel him afterwards, had like to have brought him to his Grave. Yet did the Duke (as if he had already foreseen what did after fall out) all an indulgent Father could possibly do, to reconcile him­self to his Son, and his Son to his Duty: wherein though Le Plessis (the usual mediator of all differences in that Family) did as much as could be expected from an extraordinary prudence, and a sincere affection, it proved all to no effect; the Count either unable to support the injury he believ'd had been done him in the partition of the Offices, or not well enduring the presence of a Father, he was conscious to himself he had not kindly us'd, being resolv'd by a voluntary Exile, to seek some repose for his troubled mind. He determin'd therefore to forsake France, but the end of his Travel was not simply for diversion; neither could he satisfie himself with the meer exercise of some Vertues only to be practis'd in the obscurity of retirement, and in the privacy of a Closet; it was by painful, and perillous actions, and by ex­posing his life to the uncertain event of great Enterprizes, that he would qualifie and sweeten his discontents. Spurr'd on there­fore by this generous resolution, he took the second time the way of Italy, where arriving at the Court of the great Duke of Tus­cany, at a time when he was equipping some Gallies for the Le­vant, he entreated that Prince to permit him with his friends to put himself aboard those Vessels. There had not any person of his condition, for many years, gone out of the Kingdom with so honourable a Train of Gentlemen, and those in so handsome an Equipage, as the Count did; having above fifty Gentlemen of good quality in his company, whom either their respect to the Fa­ther, or the esteem of his own person, had prevail'd upon to run the same fortune with him: Loziere, de Themines, Monberaut, Ca­longes, Magnas, the two Brothers de la Tour, Villandry, Cipierre, Vernegue, Monplaisir, de Vic, la Boissiere, with many other Gentle­men of note, were of this number; when the Duke his Father, how afflicted soever at his resolution, yet unwilling he should be expos'd to so infinite, and almost inevitable dangers, without some prudent and faithful person to stand by him in all hazards, per­mitted Le Plessis likewise, who had been very useful to him in his former Travels, to attend him in this sally also; not doubting but he would by his conduct be as serviceable to him in his mili­tary undertakings, as he had formerly been by his dexterity in other Affairs.

[Page 280]The Duke of Florence having consented that the Count de Can­dale with his Companions should embarque in his Gallies, they cours'd up and down the Coasts of the Levant, performing some exploits by Sea, The Count de Candale's Voyage into the Levant. and making some attempts by Land, and always with good success: but the particular design of this expedition being upon the Fortress of Aglimant, the most important of all Caramania, they were to steer their course that way, and to pre­pare themselves to assault it. This Fortress, favour'd by a good Harbour, was man'd with six hundred Turks, and moreover fur­nish'd with Artillery, Ammunition, and all things necessary for its defense; which, as it lay expos'd to the inroads of the Chri­stians, those who had the Guard of it, were so vigilant to its pre­servation, that there could be no hope of effecting any thing by surprize. Neither could the Admiral of the Tuscan Gallies ( Signior Enguerrany by name) who was to answer for any miscarriage in the Enterprize, resolve to hazard an attempt, in which he evi­dently saw so many, and almost invincible difficulties: but the Count de Candale, having generously desir'd the greatest danger might be conferr'd upon him, and his, his noble resolution cut off all disputes, and the assault was forthwith concluded.

If in the proposition of this Enterprize the Count had evidenc'd the bravery of his Spirit, he made it in the execution more mani­festly appear. Don Pedro Medici of the Duke's own Family, ha­ving resolv'd to make one in this Voyage, would do the Count de Candale the Honour to fight in his Squadron, which having had the precedency in landing, had the same deference continued to them throughout the whole Action; which so succeeded to the Count's glory, that after a stout resistance he forc'd the place by Petards, and took it; yet not without the loss of some Christians, whereof some Gentlemen of Quality in his own Squadron there lost their lives. Pedro Medici was himself desperately wounded, Le Plessis more slightly; as also Monberaut, and some others: but Villandry, la Boissiere, and Vernegue were laid dead upon the place A loss however soon recompens'd by that of the Turks, who had above 300. men slain in the Fight, with two hundred and fifty of them made slaves, as two hundred and forty Christi­ans were set free: So that the Florentine General having seiz'd of all the spoil, the Count de Candale contented himself with the bare Honour of the Victory. The Fortress was set on fire, and in a short space totally consum'd; the chiefest the [...]urk had upon that Frontier, and that serv'd as a Port to being but five Leagues distance thence.

This action carried on with so great prudence, and perform'd [Page 281] with so admirable Valour, was crown'd with an universal ap­plause: So that the Count de Candale return'd into France loaded with Glory and Praise, and Le Plessis having whilst he was abroad sweetned his temper, and given him a better taste of his Fathers Affection, at his return home, he also return'd into his Duty and filial Obedience; which made the Duke with an excess of joy receive him with open arms into his bosom; a re-union that continuing some years, the Count liv'd at Court in great Ho­nour, and as high Reputation as any Gentleman of his condition in the Kingdom.

At this time there likewise [...] hapned an absolute and perfect re­conciliation betwixt the Duke and the House of Guise; for as the refusal of the Marriage of Madamoiselle de Montpensier had lost him the Count de Soissons friendship, so did the consummation of that of the Dutchess of Montpensier her Mother with the Duke of Guise, acquire him that of that Duke, and all his Family.

This great Alliance in the revolutions, that after hapned, was of no little importance to the Duke of Espernon. The favour of Concino Concini Marquis d' Encre began at this time to shew it self, and to appear out of the conceal [...]dness, and ob [...]curity, where it had till now lain hid, and to raise it self to such a prodigious stature, as drew upon the Marquis the envy of the whole Court. I do not here pretend to speak of the Birth of this Favour, nor of the degrees by which it rose to that excessive height, to which it was so suddenly advanc'd. I shall only say that this Marquis, find­ing himself too weak to bear the great weight of Envy with which he found himself oppress'd, sought the friendship and support of the Duke of Espernon; who he knew was alone sufficient to protect him against all the rest, and to whom, how ambitious soever he might be in his own nature, he made no difficulty to submit. He had in the spring of his favour receiv'd several good Offices from him, in acknowledgment of which, or to interest the Duke further in his preservation, he caus'd the Marriage of his only Daughter with the Marquis de la Valette the Duke's second Son, to be propos'd unto him; offering with her in Dowry the Office of Constable for the Duke himself, so soon as the King should come out of his Minority, of which the time was near at hand; and for the Marquis, Mony and Offices, as much, and as many as they could expect by the means, and through the medi­ation of a Favourite, who, through his Wife, possess'd an abso­lute Empire over the Queen Regents will.

Would the Duke have taken the advice of many of his Ser­vants, he had not perhaps, as he did, rejected this p [...]oposal▪ but he [Page 282] would never suffer himself to be overcome, either by the impor­tunity of his Friends, or the consideration of his own peculiar interest, The Mares­chal d' Encre seeks the Duke of Es­pernon's Al­liance, and is rejected. as to that motion; insomuch that instead of receiving so advantageous offers with some shew of civility and respect, he fail'd little of rejecting them with injury, and contempt, as he did with great disdain: nay he express'd great offense, and un­kindness against those who press'd him to it. An obstinacy that I have often heard condemn'd by some, who believ'd the Duke had never fall'n into those disorders, whereinto he saw himself after­wards plung'd by the Marquis d' Encres excessive favour, had he made himself Moderator, that is Master of Affairs, as he might with great ease have done: but as he would pretend to no favour himself, so could he endure no other Favourites; insomuch that he would rather make it his business to pull this down, than by his interest to serve himself in doing his own work.

Though by this repulse the Marquis d' Encre (upon whom all things depended at that time) was infinitely cool'd towards the Duke; yet did he not manifest any disgust at all: The Duke was so necessary at Court, the Queen could not be without him; he had propounded, and caus'd the Match with Spain to be resolv'd upon, contrary to the opinion of the Princes of the Blood, and divers others of great condition, who follow'd their interests; yet could not the busines be carried on to the Queen satisfaction, if he did not remain at Court, to fortifie such in their first reso­lution, as otherwise might perhaps be taken off by the considera­tion of the great power of those, who so stiffly oppos'd it. It was therefore necessary to make use of him in this occasion for the ac­complishment of what had been first propounded by him: and in the end the conditions of the two Marriages having been mutu­ally accepted of in both Courts, there was great demonstration of joy in both Kingdoms, France particularly pouring out it self in magnificences to a degree almost of profusion, could too much gratitude have been express'd for a blessing that has already pro­duc'd so much happiness, and that is likely to bring much more to the Kingdom.

Whilst the Court was busie about the preparation for these so­lemnities, the Prince of Condé, and the Count de Soissons, sudden­ly withdrew from Court; whose retirement, together with some discontent those of the Religion made shew of at the same time, gave great apprehension, that matters were likely to come to a speedy rupture: but the wisdom of the Queens Council having apply'd seasonable remedies to this disorder, if they did not abso­lutely take away the effect of what they fear'd, they at least deferr'd [Page 283] deferr'd it; so that the publick Peace was for this time secur'd. The Queen caus'd the Princes to be treated with, who were at last content to return to Court, and to sign the conditions of the Marriage; and those of the Religion, having by this little disorder procur'd some inconsiderable concessions, referr'd to a fitter op­portunity the design they had to interrupt the main work, which they conceiv'd would be infinitely prejudicial to their Interest, and Safety.

I cannot in this place forbear another digression from my Sub­ject, Anno 1613. to speak of the acquisition the Duke made at this time of one of the principal Servants he ever had in his Family, and one whose merit made him afterwards very eminent at Court, where he obtain'd no little Favour and Esteem with the King himself; and this was the Sieur de Marsillac, a Gentleman of as great va­lour, and as graceful a presence as any whatsoever of his time. This man had formerly had a dependence upon Balagny (call'd the Brave of the Court) whom Balagny had taken out of the Re­giment of Guards, where he trail'd a Pike, to put him upon one of the boldest, and most honourable Actions a Gentleman of his condition could possibly undertake, A Challenge carried by Marsillac from Ba­lagni to the Duke of Eguillon. and that was to carry a Chal­lenge to the Duke of Eguillon, since Duke of Mayenne. This bu­siness hapned in the Reign of Henry the great, who did not con­demn him for it; and, though it was the first of this nature that perhaps had ever been known in France, gave notwithstanding the Duke of Mayenne his Father no satisfaction therein, what complaints soever he could make. I have heard Marsillac himself tell the story: He adventur'd a poor younger Brother as he was, to go execute his Commission even in the Duke d' Eguillon's own Bed-Chamber, whose generosity and freedom he could never sufficiently commend, he doing him the honour to go out with him alone to give his friend satisfaction, without other caution, than his own bare word, though he could by no means prevail with him, to let him be further concern'd in the Quarrel, being resolute to end the dispute without a Second; the only thing whereof he could complain in the Duke's behaviour towards him; though he gave him at the same time as much reason, to magnifie the extraordinary, and noble care he took to conceal the action from the Duke of Mayenne his Fathers knowledge. He was in the house when the Challenge was brought, and has often been heard to say, that had he known his temerity, he would have caus'd Marsillac to have been tost out of the Windows, to have taught him what it was to bring a Message of that nature to a Prince, from a private Gentleman: and doubtless he would [Page 284] have been as good as his word, he was so highly incens'd at the af­front; which perhaps serv'd for an example shortly after to the Baron of Luz, in his challenge to the Chevalier de Guise. As for Marsillac after the death of Balagny (who was kill'd in a Quarrel) being entertain'd into the Duke of Espernon's Service, he obtain'd under him in the command of his Guard, which he bestowed upon him, so high a reputation, and esteem, that he was at last desir'd by the King; where his Majesty gave him a Company in his own Guards, and his deserts were infallibly raising him to a much higher fortune, if at the same time the King express'd the greatest esteem and affection for him, he had not at the Siege of Privas receiv'd a Musquet [...]shot in his head, which as it determin'd his hopes, was also the reward of all his Service.

We here with a new year enter upon a new disorder, Anno 1614. of which the immoderate greatness of Conchini was either the effectual, or at least the pretended cause; New disor­ders in the Kingdom. and doubtless his favour and inso­lence were rais'd to that excess, as rendred him intolerable; either of which are sufficiently odious in whomsoever they happen to befound; but being united in him, pull'd upon him the hatred, or [...]nvy of all sorts of men. The most part of the great ones see­ing themselves excluded from all knowledge of Affairs (neither is it possible to satisfie all who will pretend to that priviledge) cast their eyes upon the Prince of Condé, to interest him in their dis­contents; and the Hugonot Faction not being able without great jealousie to see the Marriage accomplish'd, was no less ready than those Grandees to break into open arms: The one and the other then being in such a disposition, had joyntly by the negotiation of the Duke of Boüillon recourse to the Prince of Condé, perswa­ding him to oppose himself to Conchini's greatness, to demand pu­nishment for those evils of which he had been the cause, and a Reformation in the State; the old and common pretense of all such as would infest the publick peace. The Prince had ever since the death of the Count de Soissons been in high consideration, not only by reason of his quality as first, but also as it were sole Prince of the Blood; to which his admirable endowments rendred him no less conspicuous, than did the preeminence of his Birth: He was knowing, dexterous, and intelligent in all sorts of business, beyond what could be expected from his age: notwithstanding all which great qualities, something yet being wanting, that some conceiv'd was requir'd in a person of his eminent condition, they had not allow'd him that share in the management of Affairs he either merited, or at least desir'd; an injury that he very much re­sneting, and moreover animated by the perswasions not of the [Page 285] Duke de Boüillon only, but also by the Dukes of Longueville, Mayenne, Nevers, and Luxe [...]bourg, who had every one a particu­lar pretext for his defection, made him suddenly depart from Court, and retire himself to Mezieres in Champagne, from whence, should he be smartly laid to, he might conveniently retreat to Se­dan. To this place he was follow'd by all the other discontented Lords: as for the Duke of Vendosme, who had likewise promis'd to do the same, not being able to get clear of the Court so soon as he intended (having been detain'd prisoner in a Chamber of the Louvre) he nevertheless finding means to deceive his Guards, escap'd soon after to his Government of Bretagne, where he did what he could to fortifie the Faction by the interest he had in that Province.

This great number of discontents put the Court into strange disorder, the old Ministers of State, who had seen nothing of a Civil War for many years, apprehending this would certainly involve the Kingdom in a desperate confusion: but the Duke of Espernon having consider'd that the Princes for the most part had neither mony, nor credit at home, nor no intelligence abroad, few places to retire unto, and fewer friends amongst the people, whom the serenity of the present Government had rendred very well satisfied with their condition, was of a quite contrary opi­nion. The Duke [...]. He therefore advis'd the Queen Regent to cause them by the Regiments of French, and Swisse Guards, with such Horse as were ready at hand to be suddenly pur [...]d; assuring her, that if the King would please to put himself into the head of this little Body, he might with the greatest ease imaginable, and without resistance suppress a faction that had inconsiderately engag'd in a Rebellion without other ground than the meer instigation of some mutinous spirits, and no other support at all. Not follow­ed, to the great disad­vantage of the Royal Affairs. It was the same advice he had formerly given Henry the III. in the time of his fa­vour, and in the first commotions of the League; which not having then been hearkened to, had cost the King and the whole Kingdom so dear: but the same Counsel had here the same suc­cess, the wisdom of the Ministers of State could not give ear to an advice, wherein they apprehended so great a danger; so that for want of having observ'd what the presence of a King does in a Kingdom, where the respect to the Sovereign Authority has ever been so inviolate, as that it seems to be a quality inherent to that people, they lost the most favourable opportunity to have secur'd the present peace, and to have prevented the mischiefs that ensu'd, could possibly have been wish'd. An oversight that the Prince of Condé very well observing, as I have heard him say him­self, [Page 286] he of that observation (as we shall see hereafter) made a great advantage for the King's Service in the Queen Mothers Affairs.

The advice of taking Arms being thus rejected, the Duke of Espernon refus'd to have any hand in the insuing Treaty, wherein he saw they were to purchase a Peace he neither thought honour­able, nor likely long to continue. It was nevertheless soon con­cluded, and the Princes having at this time found no disposition in the people to follow the humour of their priuate discontents; nor being able of themselves to raise any considerable force, made no great difficulty of selling a Peace, they would undoubtedly, have bought at any price, had they once been made to feel the smart of War. But for this they had great summes of mony, that furnish'd them for another Rebellion, with some other conditi­ons, as that there should be a Convocation of the Estates General for regulating such disorders as (they said) were introduc'd into the Kingdom. And this was that call'd the Peace of Saint Mene­hou, according to the Articles of which, there follow'd after a Convocation of the Estates, but not till the Declaration of the King's Majority had first been ratified in the Parliament of Paris; that Act having been thought convenient to precede the Assem­bly, to the end that whatever they should there conclude, might be more authentick, and admit of no dispute for the time to come.

During this Session of the Estates, and in the sight as it were of all France, which in the persons of their Deputies seem'd to be then present at Paris, the Duke did an action which made a great bustle, and noise in the beginning; but that in the issue, through the high consideration and esteem of his Authority and Vertue, was pass'd over well enough. I have already said, when speaking of the erection of the Duke's command of Colonel Ge­neral in Title of an Office of the Crown, that the King annex'd thereto a Sovereign Justice, or Court Martial over all the French Infantry. In any difference betwixt Souldier and Souldier, the Duke, together with the Officers of that Body to which the Soul­dier did belong, was absolute and sovereign Judge of the Offense; but if the difference hapned to be betwixt a Souldier and a Citi­zen, there he was to call some Officers of Justice, together with the Officers of the Regiment to assist him. Rules that, being en­ter'd amongst the Statutes of the Crown, are at this day part of the Law, as they make up the most noble part of that brave com­mand. It hapned that at this time, two Souldiers of the Regi­ment of Guards fighting a Duel in the Pré-au-Clercs, a place within [Page 287] the Jurisdiction of the Abby of Saint Germans, the one being slain, the other was taken, and delivered into the hands of the Prevost of Saint Germans, who detain'd him in the Prison be­longing to the Abby. Whereupon the Duke conceiving this had been ignorantly done by the Officer, who perhaps might not know how far in this case his Authority did extend, sent the Pre­vost-Martial of the Regiment to the Bailiff to make him under­stand the right the Duke had to demand his Prisoner, and withal civilly to entreat him to deliver him up, that he might be brought to his Trial: But this entreaty was answer'd with a surly and po­sitive denial, which being, in the terms it was deliver'd, carried back to the Duke, made him infinitely impatient, that the Laws establish'd in favour of his command, should suffer so great a contempt: neither could he on the other side submit to pursue all the due Forms, by which he was by order of Law and Justice to retrive his man. Thinking it therefore the most expedite way to make use of his own Authority in the case, he commanded the Lieutenant of the Company of which the Prisoner was, to take a Squadron along with him, and by fair means or foul to bring him away; which was accordingly executed: and upon a se­cond refusal the Prison of Saint Germans broke open, and the Souldier carried away to be punish'd according to the rigour of the Law, but by those nevertheless who were his proper and na­tural Judges.

Hereupon the Bailiff goes to the Parliament to complain of the contempt had been offer'd to the Court by a violence upon their inferiour Officers: upon which complaint, and an Indict­ment Viva voce preferr'd by the Bailiff himself; the Parliament issued out a Warrant to apprehend the Lieutenant for executing his Colonels Order, with a Citation of personal appearance against the Colonel himself: A proceeding, that as it could not certainly be approv'd by all, surpriz'd and nettled the Duke to the last degree. He complain'd of it to the King, representing at the same time his reasons to justifie the Act, and not being able to support the contempt he conceiv'd was cast upon his person, by a body he had ever honour'd, and sometimes oblig'd, he would give the world an accompt it was no easie matter to serve a Process up­on him. That from the Parliament had been granted out the six­teenth of November, and on the ninteenth the Duke went thi­ther in person, accompanied with five, or six hundred Gentle­men, besides whom there also crowded as many more young Souldiers of the Regiment of Guards into the Palace; inso­much that all the Base-Court, Galleries, and the very Hall it self [Page 288] was full of them. The Duke pretended he went to present him­self in obedience to the Process had been issued out against him, though no one could believe he went in such a posture with any intent of submission: So that the Parliament advertiz'd of his coming with so great a Train, and not knowing his design, nor to what his passion might transport him, suddenly adjourn'd, re­tiring every man his own way before their usual time.

As it is hard to govern a confus'd, and unruly multitude, a sort of young hair-brain'd fellows, who attended the Duke, offer'd some indignities, and affronts to some of the inferiour Officers of the Court; and being most of them in Boots, purposely intan­gled their Spurs in the Ushers, and Proctors Gowns, thinking thereby the more to oblige the Duke, as they appear'd more sen­sible of his offense. An insolence that infinitely aggravated the business, which without that had been foul enough of it self. A great complaint whereof was made against the Duke, as respon­sible for all that hapned at the Palace, every one believing that, in the design he had to brave the Parliament, all things were done by his order, which had pass'd in his presence.

If the Duke had manifested a resentment of the injury he had receiv'd from the Parliament, the Parliament express'd no less for what the Duke had done to the contempt of their Dignity; yet did they make no complaint thereof to the King; but remaining in a profound silence (the truest sign of a violent affliction) order'd a cessation of Justice, with a determinate resolution never to meet again, till first a publick and solemn reparation should be made.

This business, proceeding to such a height, put the King and Queen into a very great confusion; they thought it neither con­venient nor safe in this juncture of Affairs, which seem'd to threaten some sudden mischief, to disoblige the Duke of Espernon; neither did they think it an easie matter to perswade him to pay the Parliament any great submissions; who, on the other side, would in such a case as this accept of no ordinary satisfaction. At last the King sent the Duke de Vantadour to the Palace, to tell the Parliament from him, That by their Body his person being repre­sented, ‘all the injury they pretended to have receiv'd from the Duke of Espernon reflected immediately upon him: That his Majesty also took it to himself, to whom it did belong, to vindi­cate his own Honour, which he should be sufficiently able to do without any necessity upon them of espousing his Quarrel: but that because the business had made some noise, that might perhaps have given some offense to the publick, he therefore de­sir'd they should receive a publick satisfaction, and such a one as [Page 289] should satisfie the world of the great respect he had to Justice. That in order thereunto it was his pleasure the Prisoner should be return'd to the same place from whence he had been taken, and by the same person by whom he had been fetch'd away; and as for what concern'd the Duke, who protested he had no intention to offend the Parliament in what he had done, he should be desir'd in his own person to make the same protesta­tion before them.’

Things being thus order'd, the Duke of Espernon the nine and twentieth of the same month went to the Palace; when, though with no extraordinary Train about his person, so many never­theless of his Friends had convey'd themselves into the Palace, as were sufficient to make head against his Enemies, should they, by taking advantage of the place, or by pretending to do a right to the Assembly, have attempted any thing against him. Being come into the great Chamber, and having taken his accustomed seat, he, speaking with his hat on, in few words Remonstrated: ‘That having never had other intent, than to pay all due respect to an Assembly in which he had had the honour for many years to have some place, he could not but admire they should inter­pret what was an effect of that due honour and respect, for a premeditated offense: That he was not altogether so unthrifty of his own Interest, as to offer an injury to them, which he could not but know would rebound upon himself: That he had, for two and thirty years past, been a Member of that Ho­nourable Body; during all which time there had not been per­haps a man of his condition, more passionate for their Service, than himself in the Kingdom: That he had set down amongst the good fortunes of his life, the opportunity he had happily met withal of expressing his good Affection to the Dignity of that Assembly, when after the death of Henry the Great, of Glorious Memory, he had first advis'd them to make use of their own Authority in providing for the Regency of the King­dom: That he had tendred them his Service upon that occasi­on, which had not been altogether ineffectual to the putting them in possession of a priviledge which would doubtless be ta­ken notice of in ages yet to come: That if any indiscreet per­sons had made use of his name, either for the pretense of their insolencies, or in the prosecution of their own private revenge, he seriously demanded their Justice, as the person most con­cern'd in the offense: That he very well knew his enemies would lay hold of that occasion, to make him appear in all the fault; but that he did humbly beseech them to judge more fa­vourably [Page 290] of his intentions, and that all things past might be forgot (concluding his speech with these very words) That he di [...] intreat to be excus'd, if in a rude and unpolish'd discourse, he had not given that satisfaction he could have wish'd to their Learned Ears, who having been all his life a Captain of Foot, had ever made it more his study to do, than to speak well.’ To which the first President Verdun, after having gather'd the Votes of the Assembly, return'd this Answer: ‘That since the King was graciously pleas'd to incline more to Clemency than Ri­gour, the Court by his Majesties express Command, and in con­sideration of his many brave Services, as also willing to make the best interpretation of what had pass'd, accepted of his ex­cuse; hoping thereby for the future, to engage both himself and his Sons to pay those Services to the King and Kingdom to which they were in gratitude oblig'd; and to that Court the Honour and respect was due unto them.’ Of which he never af­ter fail'd; neither at the hour of his death, was there any person of his condition in the Kingdom, who had more friends than he in that honourable Assembly, nor that had more reason upon several occasions to magnifie their Justice.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Seventh Book.

SOon after the forementioned dispute betwixt the Parliament, Anno 1615. and the Duke, the Assembly of Estates broke up; which, instead of the happy Reformation was expected to ensue, was imme­diately follow'd by a War; upon which the Council (after having long waver'd in the un­certainty of the Peace so lately and so dearly bought) saw it neces­sary at last to resolve. The Com­motion of the Princes to hinder the Marri­age with Spain. The discontents of the Prince of Condé was again the cause of this, as it had been of the late Commotion; and those discontents again founded upon the greatness of Con­chini, now advanc'd to the honour of Mareschal of France. The Mareschal therefore finding the Prince had conceiv'd an implaca­ble animosity against him, and very well foreseeing, that unless he freed himself from the difficulties he would eternally strew in his way, he could never raise himself to that pitch of greatness, to which he did aspire; he resolv'd to come to a publick Rupture with him, and to remove him from the King's Presence by a War that should for a sufficient time secure himself from those obstacles [Page 292] he was otherwise certain to receive from so powerful an Enemy. The Prince was already retir'd in great discontent from Court; having as before, taken the way of Champagne, that he might be near Sedan, his surest refuge, should he be overmatch'd by the Royal Power: where after Conchini had long amus'd him with the hope of some advantageou [...] Accommodation he at one blow cut him off that expectation, by causing a Summons to be sent him to be in readiness to attend the King in his Progress into Guienne, whither his Majesty was resolv'd shortly to take a Jour­ney for the consummation of his Marriage; an Affair that having ever been oppos'd by the Prince, he very well understood the meaning of that Summons, and now plainly saw how he was to trust in the strength of his own Arms. He had ever since the last breach been so solicitous to continue his intelligence, and to main­tain the League he had contracted with the Lords of his Party the precedent year, that it was no hard matter for him to engage them in this n [...]w Quarrel: the Dukes of Longu [...]ville, Mayenne, Vendosme, and Nevers declar'd highly in his favour, and the Duke of Boüillon (whose interest carried the whole Hugonot Faction along with it) did the same; so that all things were apparently dispos'd for an intestine War, in all the best Provinces of the Kingdom.

So many discontented persons, and those so considerable in themselves, put the Court into no little disorder; the Kings Jour­ney in order to his Marriage had been resolv'd upon, and the time with the Spanish Agents concluded; which was every where so publickly known, that the Honour of the King and the Queen Mother was not a little concern'd in the consummation of a thing, to which they were so solemnly engag'd: but there was scarce any who durst undertake to overcome the difficulties were prepar'd to hinder that great Affair. For after the retirement of all the fore­nam'd Princes, there was not any remain'd at Court, except the Dukes of Guise and Espernon, who were capable of serving the King in so dangerous an occasion; and of these the Duke of Guise, though in shew well enough with the Queen, stood never­theless so suspected to her, that she durst not trust an Army in his hands, lest by joyning with the discontented Princes (whereof the greater part were his Kindred, or nearly ally'd to him) his Ma­jesties Person might be left wholly to their discretion; and al­though she had not the same jealousie of the Duke of Espernon (no body doubting his Fidelity) yet could not that command be con­ferr'd upon him, without giving offense to the Duke of Guise.

[Page 293]In this anxiety then how she might satisfie them both, the Duke of Espernon went one day to attend the Queen, where he made it his humble request to her Majesty, The Du [...]e of Espernon's Service up­on this oc­casion. she would not in the least consider his particular satisfaction in this occurrence: ‘Tel­ling her he should ever be very well satisfied, provided their Majesties were serv'd as they ought to be: That he did hope they would, and that he was doing something in order to se­curing their Journey so far as Bordeaux; wherein he neverthe­less pretended to no other Command, than barely to ride in the head of those Friends, which he should make ready for that Ser­vice: That perhaps a greater Authority might give distaste to some, who at this time were by no means to be disoblig'd: That for what concern'd the Princes, a good Army interpos'd betwixt them, and Paris, under the command of some man of Quality and Experience would be sufficient: and that for any thing could be apprehended from those of the Religion, whose greatest strength were in Poitou, Xaintongue, and Rochelle upon the way to Bordeaux, he himself would undertake; his Go­vernments in those parts giving him sufficient power so to do.’

The Queen Mother, by this assurance being confirm'd in her first design, [...] told the Duke that she absolutely resign'd the King's Person, and her own to his care and protection; that she therefore desir'd him to order all things, as should seem to him the most convenient, as she absolutely left them to his Valour and Wisdom: A Commission the Duke had no sooner receiv'd, but that seeing himself authorized so to do, he caus'd the King's de­parture the seventeenth of August to be proclaim'd, perswading the Queen to confer the Command of the Army which was to at­tend the Princes motion upon the Mareschal de Bois-Dauphin; advi­sing her Majesty further, and in the first place to provide for the security of Paris, that the Princes Servants, who had great Autho­rity in the City, might raise no commotion there in their Maje­sties absence.

After therefore that had been taken order for, by the securing of some eminent and suspected persons, the Court departed from Paris, happily arriving in a few days at Poictiers: and had not Ma­dam the King's Sister fallen sick of the Small Pox delayed their Journey, their Majesties had been upon their return before the Princes could have got their Forces together; but that unhappy accident, having constrain'd them to stay near two months at Poi­ctiers, gave their Enemies leisure to put them into great apprehen­sions: which was also the only harm they received from this in­surrection.

[Page 294]At the same City of Poictiers there hapned another disorder at this time, wherein had not the Duke of Espernon, who was prin­cipally concern'd in the Affair, rendred himself unusually tract­able, another obstacle to that Progress had infallibly ensu'd. The Duke of Guise, from the time of his Marriage with the Dutchess of Montpensier, had pretended to the Wardship of Madamoiselle her Daughter; who was Inheritrix to such a Fortune, as might reasonably induce any man to covet the management of so brave an Estate, which nevertheless he could not obtain, without the consent of the Duke who was great Uncle to the young Princess: and he, having very good reason to believe the Duke of Guise did in this claim, more consider his own interest, than that of the Dutchess of Montpensier his Niece, would never gratifie him in that particular. But the Duke of Guise conceiving his Service to be altogether necessary at this time, took this opportunity to im­portune the Queen, either to cause the Duke of Espernon to satis­fie him in this point, or to give him leave to retire. Whereupon the Queen spoke of it to the Duke, whom she found very averse to any such motion; he humbly entreating her Majesty to dis­pose absolutely of all his own concerns, but not to command him to neglect his Nieces interests: though in the end, the Queen, who could promise to her self no good issue of that Journey, without a good intelligence betwixt these two great persons, so far prevail'd upon the Duke, that he was content to satisfie the Duke of Guise; by which means their friendship upon the point for ever to be dissolv'd, upon this little occasion, grew greater and more firm than ever.

As it had been no hard matter to foresee how advantageous the long Sickness of Madam, and their Majesties stay at Poictiers would be to the designs of those of the Religion, and others who were engag'd in the Princes Quarrel: So had the Duke of Es­pernon omitted nothing that might any way serve to divert the dangerous effects of that untoward accident. And herein he had been especially solicitous to put his Governments of Xaintonge, and Angoumois into a posture fit for his Majesties Service, upon that the security of that Voyage chiefly depending. To this pur­pose therefore he had sent thither the Duke of Candale, his eldest Son (already establish'd in the succession of those Governments) to keep them in Obedience: Nevertheless what he did for so good an end, succeeded otherwise than he expected, news be­ing brought him, that this Son had entertain'd resoluti­ons much contrary to his own, and having suffer'd himself to be misled by certain ungovern'd passions, was fall'n off [Page 295] from his duty to embrace new Counsels, and to follow new De­signs.

Whether it were the sense of this miscarriage in his Son (which also occasion'd a new, and a wider breach betwixt them) or the apprehension of being by this means made incapable of perfor­ming his word with the King and Queen, that put his mind into that disorder whereinto he soon after fell; so it was that he fell sick of so violent a grief, as every one expected would carry him to his grave. Things nevertheless succeeded in his Government according to what he had undertaken; their Majesties after the re­covery of Madam, having left Poictiers, proceeded in great secu­rity to Angoulesme; neither there, nor in any other place through­out the whole Journey meeting with any impediment at all. But the Duke wounded to the soul with the violent sorrow [...] of his Sons untoward carriage was now no longer able to bear it out; but having convey'd their Majesties to the utmost bounds of his Government (that is to say out of all danger, they there entring upon Guienne, where the way was clear to Bordeaux) fell sudden­ly into so great a weakness, that he was carried back for dead to Angoulesme: The Duke of Espernon falls despe­rately sick. He lay above forty hours (a very extraordinary thing) without speech, pulse, or any kind of motion; insomuch that not a person about him, but concluded him absolutely dead: but at last his Spirits, which had been so long overcome with grief, and his strength weakned by a very long abstinen [...]e, being stirr'd up by a glass of Water (his ordinary and best Remedy, and which he ever made use of in all distempers) he began a little to come to himself, with so great an astonishment nevertheless, that he continued a great while without any kind of knowledge; his sighs, which were the issue of his grief, being the only evidence almost he gave that he was yet alive. Yet could he not, in this great and total neglect of himself, forget the care of his Masters Affairs, he being no sooner return'd to a new life, but that he dispatch'd away the Marquis de la Valette, who had continued about him, during his Sickness, to attend the King, and Queen; that the Friends he had engag'd in this Voyage, having himself as it were present with them, in the person of so dear a part of him­self, might continue more diligent in their duty.

The Duke had the honour, during this Sickness, to be visited by several persons sent purposely by the King and Queen to see him, by whom he receiv'd very obliging Letters, under their Ma­jesties own hands; and when something recover'd, others of the same stile and kindness. Mounsieur de Villeroy also, after their old animosities, being become his very great friend, writ very often [Page 296] to him; wherein he still gave him an accompt of all Affairs, con­juring him to make all the haste he could to Court, where he said his Presence and Service was never more necessary than at this time. Two of which Letters I have seen, bearing date the twen­tieth, and four and twentieth, of October 1615. Not that the Duke was nevertheless upon so good terms at Court, as he had former­ly been: neither did those Letters imply any such thing, it being hardly to be expected he could be in any eminent degree of favour with the Queen Mother (upon whom, at that time, all things depended) being out with the Mareschal d' Encre, whose Wife had so strange an ascendent over her Majesties inclinations; but that his Service could, in this juncture, by no means be spar'd: neither did he, how evidently soever he saw his favour decline, fail, out of that consideration, in any part of his Duty, being resolute rather to perish, than that their Majesties should suffer the least inconvenience. So soon therefore as he was able to Travel, he went to Bordeaux, where he arriv'd the twelfth day of No­vember, and a few days after attended the King to Castres, a lit­tle Village upon the great Road from Bayonne to that City; where the King would t [...]e first time see the Queen his Spouse, and where the Duke, who was very perfect in the Spanish Tongue, had the honour to entertain her at the Boot of her Coach, whilst his Majesty, in a crowd of some young Lords and Gentlemen on Horseback pass'd by incognito to view her.

The young Queen, Queen Anne of Au­stria arrives at Bordeaux. arriving at Bordeaux the 25th. of November, found the Court in a very great Alarm at the news of the Princes being advanc'd on this side the River Loire; whose Forces being by this time united, and moreover re [...]inforc'd with some Forein Troops, were likely to make their Majesties return to Paris very difficult, and dangerous. An occasion wherein the Duke of Es­pernon's Services were again of very great moment, who, during his abode at Angoulesme, after his recovery, had made many Le­vies, which were all ready at Ville-Bois; a recruit that consisting of 5000. Foot, and 400. Light Horse, and joyn'd to the Forces their Majesties already had, absolutely secur'd their return through the Countries of Xaintonge, and Poictou, possess'd by those of the Religion, and without any difficulty made good their way to Poictiers, and so to Tours, notwithstanding whatever the Princes could do to oppose them.

In this return of the King to Paris, the Duke of Guise was made General of the Army, which had hitherto serv'd under the Ma­reschal de Bois-Dauphin, and the Duke of Espernon had also the absolute Authority of their Majesties Conduct conferr'd upon [Page 297] him; who, for fear of distasting the Duke of Guise would never till then pretend to any command: an undertaking wherein he so acquitted himself, as might give him reasonable expectation of a grateful return: But who can promise to himself any fruits of his services, especially at Court, where the best are usually re­warded with hatred, or envy? nor had the Duke's a better ac­knowledgment, when having perform'd all that could be expe­cted from a Loyal Subject, and a brave Gentleman, and that their Majesties by his vigilancy and valour were once settled in safety, there was nothing more thought of, than how to revenge the Mareschal d' Encre, even at the price of so good, and so faithful a Servant.

The first evidence the Duke met withal of any manifest disgrace, The begin­ning of the Duke of Espernon's disgrace. was upon the occasion of a vacancy that hapned in the Company of la Courbe, one of the Captains in the Regiment of Guards: a Gentleman that having serv'd long, and with great Reputation in that Command, and hapning to die in this Journey; and his Son a young and hopeful Cavalier, having before his Fathers death been admitted Ensign to that Company, the Duke, who had been a great lover of the Father (whose brave and late Services seem'd likewise to plead in behalf of the Son) had mov'd their Majesties in his Favour, that that Command might be conferr'd upon him. Since the death of the late King, nor of long before, had the Duke ever appear'd zealous in any request he had not, without any great difficulty, obtain'd; neither had he less, but more reason now, than ever to expect the same favour, his recent Services ha­ving been of that importance to the Kings Affairs: all which ne­vertheless being either not regarded, or forgot; and the design had before been concluded to disoblige him, prevailing above the me­rits of the Father, the pretenders Right, and the Duke's Interest who interceded for him, la Besne, Lieutenant to the same Compa­ny, was preferr'd before young la Courbe, how displeas'd soever the Duke seem'd to be at that Election. Yet did he not resent this ill usage so high as to leave the Court, satisfying himself at present with manifesting his discontents bymany and publick complaints, though in vain, the Court now no more caring to offend him: but on the contrary taking this occasion to exclude him from the Council, where his candid, and unbyass'd opinions did nothing relish with such as would have all things give way to their own private interests (and doubtless had he at this time in the least ban­died with his enemies, they would immediately have attempted upon his person) that the Mareschal d' Encre, and his Wife might by so powerful an opposes be no longer travers'd in their designs.

[Page 298]The Duke's Affairs were in this posture, when their Majesties having first recover'd Poictiers, and afterwards Chastellerant (where the Peace concluded at Loudun was sign'd) arriv'd in the end at Tours; neither did the Duke there fail, how ill soever he saw himself entertain'd, continually to pay all due reverence to the Queen, when coming one day into her Chamber with a great many other Lords and Gentlemen, one of the beams that sup­ported the floor suddenly broke; insomuch that all that side of the Room fell down with a sudden ruine, overwhelming all those that stood upon it, to their exceeding great peril. Many persons of very eminent quality were engag'd in the danger of this fall, amongst whom the Count de Soissons, then very young, was one, as also the Duke Bassompierre, The Du [...]e in great danger. Villeroy, and some others: The Duke be­ing always very well attended, his Servants suddenly leap'd into the midst of the ruines, to relieve him, where, though himself was dangerously engag'd, and very much hurt in several places, especially in one shoulder, he nevertheless call'd out to his Friends to run and save the Count, himself also assisting as much as in him [...]ay to disingage him from the rubbish, and to put him out of danger by the Window of a low Parlour; being much more solicitous of this Prince's safety than his own: who, being by his own, and his Servants diligence secur'd, he afterwards disingag'd himself from the ruines, and wounded, as has been said, was con­vey'd to his own Lodgings. The Queen Mother, who, by good fortune had escap'd the danger (that part of the Chamber where she sate, being supported by the more faithful strength of the other Beam that remain'd entire) sent very graciously to visit all the persons of Quality, who had receiv'd any hurt by this accident, the Duke only (who was design'd for the worst usage) excepted. It is not to be doubted, but that the Duke must needs highly re­sent so manifest a preterition, by which he evidently perceiv'd they intended to make him sensible of his disgrace; so that fear­ing, should he continue at Court after so clear a testimony of dis­favour, something of a ruder nature might be put upon him, he forthwith resolv'd to retire himself, as he did, but with high and publick complaints of the injustice was done him, and of the un­worthy recompense he received for all his Service. He spent two days before his departure in visiting, and taking leave of his friends, forbearing nevertheless that Ceremony to all he conceiv'd not to be such, in what degree of favour soever they might be at Court; he either having never understood, or having never been willing to learn those mean Court Maxims that oblige men to dissemble their resentments, and to give thanks for injuries receiv'd: de­claring [Page 299] on the contrary to all the world, that he went away with the dissatisfaction an honest man ought to have for the loss of his time, and service. Notwithstanding at last, taking his leave of their Majesties, he was by the King and Queen very civilly dismist, The Duke of Espernon retires from Court. though the Queen Mother receiv'd his last complements with the usual coldness she had already begun to discover upon several oc­casions.

After this manner the Duke retir'd back to Angoulesme, his old, and ordinary refuge, in all his disgraces, whilst their Majesties con­tinued their Journey to Paris, where they arriv'd in Iune; and whither the Prince of Condé also (imagining he had by the Treaty. of Loudon establish'd his Affairs in so sure a condition, that it was not in the power of event to work any alteration to his disadvan­tage) came presently after; but he soon found that nothing is more unstable, than a power, how great soever, that depends meerly up­on its own strength, the sole name of a King (though a Child, and the publick administration managed by a man hateful to all) being sufficient to arrest him in the very arms of all his Confede­rates, The Prince of Condé confin'd. and even in the City of Paris, where he believ'd his person, through the affections of the people in greater security, than in any other place of the Kingdom.

All the Princes, and Lords, not only those then present at Court, and who had engag'd with the Prince in the late commo­tions, but also all the rest of their party, astonish'd at so extra­ordinary a proceeding, and believing that after an example like this, neither respect of persons, nor any security in general was to be expected, they suddenly retir'd from Court; to whom the rest almost as suddenly re-united themselves for their common safety. The Mareschal, who thought that by securing the Head of the Faction, he had likewise secur'd himself from the danger of the rest, was infinitely surpriz'd when he saw them now united in more formidable numbers than before, and that the Lords of the House of Guise also absented themselves upon this occasion; wherein nevertheless he had this hope, that so many persons of equal quality would not long agree together, especially if press'd home by the Royal Arms: An opinion that made him resolve to set immediately such Forces on foot, as should be sufficient to encounter, and suppress them in several places at once. Neither did he care to reduce any by Treaty, save only the Duke of Guise, conceiving an Accommodation with him would be more easily effected, than with any of the other, by how much he had ever observ'd a greater moderation in him, and his Brothers towards himself, than the rest; to which likewise the complacency the [Page 300] Duke had ever manifested for the Queen in other occasions, gave him greater assurance of a flexibility in him to her Majesties de­sires in this, and that without much difficulty a good intelligence might be establish'd betwixt them; as there afterwards was, the Guises, having receiv'd caution for their security, being content to return to Court.

This little negotiation being so happily dispatch'd, The M [...]res­chal d' Encre takes arms against the, Prince of Condé's Par­ [...]z [...]ns. the Mares­chal immediately betook himself to Arms, and so vigorously, that in a very few days, three great Armies were set on foot, whereof one was sent against the Duke of Mayenne, who was retir'd to Soissons; another against the Duke of Nevers in Champagne; and the third against the Dutchess of Nevers, who with a generosity (something extraordinary in her delicate Sex) was resolute to de­fend the Dutchy of Nivernois, which was the Inheritance of the Duke her Husband.

In this disorder of Affairs, Anno 1616. the Duke of Espernon, apprehending that the hatred the Mareschal had conceiv'd against him, was no less than that he manifested against the rest, and that he would infal­libly fall upon him, so soon as he had dispatch'd with them, he had no mind to be surpriz'd, nor to suffer himself tamely to be op­press'd; considering therefore that alone he should not long be able to resist the power of the King, whose name his enemy had usurp'd in all his Affairs, he address'd himself to the Duke of Montmorency, to engage him in his Quarrel; by whose mediati­on he made no doubt to draw over l' Esdiguieres also. The Duke knew those two to be no better satisfied with the present Govern­ment than himself; who, although they were not openly perse­cuted as he was, yet the example of the other persons of the same condition, making them reasonably to apprehend for themselves, what they already saw others suffer; he doubted not, but that without much difficulty they would be perswaded to embrace the union; neither was he mistaken herein, the Duke of Montmoren­cy, as also l' Esdiguieres, absolutely engaging with him. So that these three Confederates, having opportunity to concur in the work, through the mediation, and by the assistance of several powerful friends the Duke had in Guienne, nothing could hinder them from uniting, in so necessary a defense, and so just a Quarrel.

The Duke, Anno 1617. notwithstanding he had thus wisely play'd his game, and that he was certain to receive very great assistance from his Confederates, did nevertheless very well understand, that as he was nearest to the approaching danger, so it would be very ne­cessary for him to put himself soonest into a posture of defense, [Page 301] that the Mareschal might not surprize him. His thoughts therefore were fully intent upon the resolution of Arms; but he wanted not only a cause, but even a pretense to colour his preparation; with­out which only to go about it, was to make himself Criminal in the highest degree: neither (the Court Minion being absolutely his enemy) could he reasonably hope, either for a Commission from thence for the raising of men in the King's name, and at his expense; or so much as to be permitted to do it at his own charge. In this strait and anxiety, what course to take, the Rochellers gave him as fair a pretense, as he could possibly desire, to do that under the vail of Duty, and Obligation, which he could not otherwise have undertaken, The Duke of Esper­non's pre­tense for the taking of Arms. without incurring the highest censure. They had at this time surpriz'd a little Castle, near to their City, and situate upon the Sea-coast, call'd Rochefort; an enterprize con­demn'd by all the world for the most sensless, and unadvis'd, that could possibly have been undertaken, to begin a War by an action of so little importance, in a time when themselves, and their whole party were priviledg'd by so absolute, and inviolate a Peace. The Duke, who had been at so great a loss before, and that could not then have wish'd for a more specious pretense, it may easily be imagin'd was very ready to lay hold of this occasion now; neither did he fail herein to aggravate the misdemeanour to the height: but repeating all the Accusations he had formerly preferr'd against the Ambition, and Infidelity of those of the Reformed Religion, and particularly against those of Rochelle, he of them drew up a kind of Manifesto, which he caus'd to be publish'd in all parts of the Kingdom. ‘In this Declaration he forgot not to reckon up the several insurrections those of that Faction had broke into, to make their advantage of every disorder, had at any time hapned in the Kingdom, notwithstanding all satisfa­ction had been given them by the inviolate observation of [...]eve­ral Edicts granted in their favour: That they had been observ'd for many years to call together Assemblies in Rochelle, without either his Majesties Order, or Royal Assent; from which such unjust and unreasonable Propositions, and demands were usu­ally sent to the King, as made it appear they did not Treat with his Majesty in the quality of Subjects, but like Free-States that were nothing ally'd to his Sovereign Power: That by such a behaviour it was plain enough, the City was arriv'd to the ut­most degree of Licence, and that the Rochellers could never satis­fie their Ambition, till they had introduc'd a popular Govern­ment amongst them: That if hitherto his Majesties Council had (contrary to his Judgment, and Advice) wink'd at the pro­gress [Page 302] of so dangerous a design; that nevertheless he, to whom the Government of their City was entrusted, and who there­fore was more concern'd, than any other to keep such in their obedience, as were committed to his care, was resolv'd to cha­stise their insolence; which he nothing doubted, but by the as­sistance of his own friends he should be able to do, and to make them know they had hitherto been only strong in the weakness of our own Counsels.’ This had in truth ever been his saying, and the effects made it appear he had made a right judgment; so that under this pretense he took Arms; which, as it was colour'd by a design that immediately pointed at his Majesties Service, so did he not scruple to make use of the King's mony in the Levies he made upon this occasion.

With these summes, though very small, and some mony of his own, he rais'd four Regiments of Foot, consisting of above four thousand five hundred men, and betwixt five and six hundred Horse; to which were added sixscore Guards on Horseback in his own Livery: a force, which though not very considerable for their number, were yet such as he conceiv'd sufficient to keep the Field against any he had a mind to offend.

The Rochellers (who formerly had by many injuries highly in­cens'd the Duke) no sooner saw him resolv'd, and ready to ad­vance in a posture of War, even to the Gates of their City, but they began now to examine their Forces, which they had not so well consider'd before the danger, and which the more they exa­min'd, the weaker they found them to be: This City the Capi­tal of a powerful Faction, and that had so often disputed the King's Authority, enrich'd by an extraordinary Traffick, and con­federated with all the Protestant Princes of Europe, finding it self in so weak a condition, that it could not in this necessity muster 2000. men, to sally out of their Walls; utterly without Horse, or the least assistance from any of their Confederates and Friends: So that converting their usual Rhodomantades, and Menaces into the most submiss terms of Humble Supplication, addressing themselves by their Deputies to the King, they humbly, and with all importunity besought his Majesty to interpose his Royal Au­thority betwixt the Duke of Espernon and them, that he might not commence a War against them.

Had the Rochellers made this confession of their weakness at another time, it would doubtless have very well pleas'd the Council; and 'tis likely the Duke of Espernon would have been countenanc'd in his design, to the end that City might have been made to know, what they were one day to apprehend from their [Page 303] Prince's indignation: but the Mareschal d' Encre unable to en­dure that his Capital Enemy should be in Arms, and consequent­ly in a posture fit to frustrate the design he had long projected of his ruine, made the Council resolve to dispatch away Boissize, one of the Council of State, to the Duke with a positive command to lay down his Arms.

Boissize at his arrival found the Duke with his Forces, quarter'd at Surgeres, but four Leagues only distant from Rochelle, and ready to march up to the City; neither did he fail with all the Rhetorick he had to disswade him from that resolution: ‘Representing to him the danger of what he was about, lest the noise of the en­terprize in hand should alarm the whole Hugonot Party, whom the King would by no means should be provok'd; and in which case, of a particular Quarrel, he would be the cause of a general War.’ With which commands from the King, and Queen, he moreover mix'd menaces of their highest indignation, should he disobey; with many promises on the contrary of all satisfaction from the Court, and the Rochellers if he would desist; all which, wanting force to divert him from his purpose, the Duke gave order in the presence of Boissize to sound to Horse, and net­tled to the last degree, at the difficulties he saw strew'd in the way of his designs, march'd directly towards Rochelle. Boissize seeing his endeavours altogether ineffectual, and that the Duke was ob­stinate in his first determination, after having highly protested against his proceeding, went, and put himself into the Town, gi­ving the Inhabitants thereby to understand, that their Majesties had no hand in the Duke's Enterprize, that it was absolutely con­trary to their order, and that therefore they were at full liberty to arm themselves for their own defense. But this consent, though it warranted their Arms, gave them nevertheless no other power, so that they were to suffer whatever the Duke was pleas'd to in­flict upon them: He quarter'd his men in their best Farms, made his approaches up to the very Gates of their City, and de­feated some who (under the protection of their Counterscape) at­tempted to oppose him; till in the end, after having maintain'd his Army, for almost a month, at their charge, and that his fury was a little abated by that little revenge he had taken in some in­conveniencies he had put them to, he grew more flexible to a new Order he receiv'd from Court, and was at last content to let them alone.

It was by Vignoles, that the Duke receiv'd this last Command, a man for many years, well known, and highly esteem'd by him, which rendred the Duke more flexible to a Treaty with him, than [Page 304] the other; from whose mouth having receiv'd his Majesties plea­sure, he made answer; ‘That having now made a discovery to the whole Kingdom of the Rochellers weakness, the dis-union of their Faction, and with how much ease they were to be re­claim'd when ever his Majesty should think fit, he was content to let them rest in peace: but that, if the King had pleas'd, he might at this time have punish'd their insolence, as it was in his power easie to do, he could without much trouble have done his Majesty a very important Service; but he saw (to his great af­fliction) his Enemies, who were prevalent with his Majesty, envy'd him the honour of this Action; but that he must how­ever give place to their malice in obedience to his Royal plea­sure, though in a thing very prejudicial to his Majesties own peculiar Interest: That therefore he would retire so soon as the Rochellers should surrender the Castle of Rochefort into his Maje­sties hands and; that after that act of their Obedience, having no other particular concern, he had nothing more to desire of his Majesty for his own private satisfaction, than that his Majesty would please to assert, and avow what he had only undertaken for his Service in the past occasion.’ Which being accordingly in another dispatch brought him by Vignoles, and all those who had assisted, and serv'd him in this occasion compriz'd, he rose from before Rochelle; dismissing his Army nevertheless in such sort that most of the Commanders (most of them having relation to him) might be ready upon the least warning to re-unite in the same equipage as before.

What the Duke had express'd to Vignoles of his discontents by word of mouth, did not nevertheless save him the labour of wri­ting to Court in such a style, as manifested he still retain'd the ho­nest liberty his great spirit had ever suggested to him, during the Reigns of his two former Masters. He therefore sent a Letter to the King, in the beginning whereof having excus'd himself in that he had not paid so prompt an Obedience to their Majesties first Orders, deliver'd by Boissize, and given reasons for it, that directly pointed at the Honour of the King himself, which as he said he conceiv'd to be very much concern'd in the business of Ro­chelle, he continued in these words:

I have the rather inserted the express words of this Letter, that you may see after what manner the Duke took his disgrace, and how he behav'd himself towards his Enemies, notwithstanding they carried the whole favour, and sway of the Court: the Ma­rescbal d'Encre being manifestly pointed at in this dispatch. We have since liv'd in a time, when to speak our discontents so plain, and loud, would perhaps have been out of season: but in that wherein the Duke writ this Letter, men were at least permitted to complain; and oftentimes those complaints procur'd a relief, to such, as like the Duke, had the spirit, and power to accompany those complaints, with the effects of a vigorous resentment.

After this manner ended the Enterprize of Rochelle, which gave some jeering companions of that party, occasion to say, for a [Page 306] piece of wit, whatd' Aubigne has recorded since, That the Duke of Espernon was come to make h [...] Entry before Roch [...]ll [...]: though it has been thought this entry before gave the King from that time forward to understand, it might also be made within, and that the Enterprize was not above his power to effect. We have since seen him bring about that glorious design; and it is certain that this action brought that present benefit along with it, What ad­vantage ac­cru'd to the King, by the Duke of Espernon's Enterprize upon Ro­ch [...]le. that the Council ever after look'd with greater contempt upon the Hugonot Party, and the strength of the Rochellers, than before: They now discover'd the weakness of these by the dis-union of all the rest, and from thence judg'd aright, that it being impossible for the separate Forces of this Faction without great difficu [...]y sud­denly to unite for their common defense, one party might be sup­press'd in one Province, before any of the rest could put them­selves in a posture in another to relieve them. This opinion (that in the sequel prov'd true) made the Council the bolder by their Arrest of the 23 of Iune, 1617. to order the restitution of the Church Lands in Bearne; an Affair that had for three years to­gether been depending in the Council, and so long fruitlesly so­licited by the Deputies of the Clergy of France. Not that the Council did not conceive it very just, but they look'd upon it as a thing so highly important to the peace of the Kingdom, that they durst never till now give them that satisfaction. But the Duke's Enterprize cut off all difficulties, by which the Rochellers having been constrain'd publickly to confess their own weakness, it was conceiv'd the King's presence would have as much Autho­rity in Bearne, as the Duke's had had in the Country of Aunis. I have heard several persons of Quality, and those men of imploy­ment at that time (as Mounsieur de Roussy and others) say, that the Service the Duke did the Kingdom in this very occasion, was never duly consider'd, he having thereby first discover'd the weak­ness of the Hugonot Party, and perhaps chalk'd out the way to their extirpation.

The Duke of Espernon having openly declar'd himself an ene­my to the Mar [...]schal d' Encre, and already made some preparation in order to [...] defense of his Person, and Fortune, many persons who were afraid of persecution fled to him, settling themselves at A [...]g [...]ulesme under his protection: Amongst whom Bulion, at that time a Counsellor of State, and since Sur-Intendant of the Finances, was one; where he long continued in the Duke's Fami­ly, and who ever after retain'd a grateful memory of that obliga­tion, as he had good reason to do, the Duke receiving him into his Arms in so critical a time, as he was threatned with no less [Page 307] than death, had he fall'n into the Mareschal's power. Guron, who was likewise another of the proscrib'd, with many others, came to seek the same refuge; all whom the Duke made no difficulty to receive into his protection.

The Duke having (as has been said) settled the Friends he had in his Governments in such a readiness, as upon any occasion to make head against his Enemy, took a Journey into Guienne, his native Country, in that great Province to get together what num­bers of Friends and Souldiers he could, for the better defense of his Fortune; in which Voyage he increas'd his Forces to such a degree, that being all joyn'd together, they were able to make up a Body of 8000. Foot, and 1200. Horse. The extremity he knew the Duke of Mayenne to be reduc'd unto in Soissons, and the Duke of Nevers in the places whereunto he had retyr'd, made him very well see, that the Torrent would suddenly break in upon himself: notwithstanding how reasonable soever his apprehen­sions were, and how necessary soever to put himself with the soonest into a posture of defense, it might be, he could not how­ever forbear to prefer the last Duty he ow'd to a good, and vertu­hus Mother, before his own particular preseruation. This Lady having been dead from the year 1610. in an exceeding old age, and lamented by the Duke, as if she had been more immaturely ravish'd from him, he had ever had a great desire to pay her me­mory the last office of her Obsequies: But the great and impor­tant Affairs, which had detain'd him at Court having hitherto frustrated that pious design, he no sooner now found himself in this little interval of repose, The Du makes a great Fune­ral for his Mother. but that he resolv'd without further delay to satisfie that Obligation: Assembling therefore together at his paternal House of Caumont above 300. Gentlemen of Qua­lity of his Relations and Friends, he there by a magnificent ex­pense, manifested his gratitude to a person so near and dear unto him.

The Ceremony of this Funeral was no sooner perform'd, but that the Duke departed from Caumont to Bordeaux, and from thence was also upon the point to return into Angoumois, there to draw all his Forces together, with a resolution to defend himself to the last, and rather to die with his Sword in his hand, than to suffer himself tamely to be oppress'd; when by le Chalart, Secre­tary to the Mareschal de Roquelaure, his intimate friend, he receiv'd intelligence of the death of the Mareschal d' Encre. The death of the Ma­reschal d' Encre, slain by a shot in the L [...]uvr [...] This Mareschal's death hapned the 24. of April, 1617. and the news by an extra­ordinary diligence came the 27. to the Duke; which how wel­come it was to a man who saw himself deliver'd from so powerful [Page 308] and so implacable an Enemy may easily be imagin'd. He had ve­ry well foreseen, that with the assistance of all his Confederates and friends, he could not long be able to resist the Power and Au­thority of the King; with both which his enemy would have been arm'd against him: and on the other side, the King him­self being by this execution become, as it were, the revenger of his particular wrongs, all his past actions would be justified in the exemplary punishment his Majesty had inflicted upon the person of Conchini.

In this excess of joy he departed from Bordeaux to Angoulesme, The Duke of Espernon goes to Court. and from thence soon after to Court, there to make a new tender of his Fidelity and Obedience to the King, and to try in this new face of Affairs, what foundation he could lay to his own future peace. He was in this Journey attended by his two younger Sons, (his own misfortune, and miscarriages having banish'd the eldest from his favour, and presence, ever since his Majesties Voyage to Angoulesme) and at his arrival receiv'd by the King with all the de­monstration of favour and affection, he could possibly expect, or desire: to which Luines the new Favourite (willing to be sup­ported in his rising greatness by so powerful a friend) highly sought, and importun'd his friendship, which also by some good Offices he endeavour'd to acquire. One of the things the Duke was most earnest with him for, and that Luines did most faithfully promise was a Cardinal's Hat for the Archbishop of Tholouse his youngest Son, at the first promotion: as for himself he was at the very first restor'd to the full, and absolute Function of all his em­ployments, having satisfaction given for all the retrenchments had been made upon his offices, and commands, or any of their perqui­sits and rights, and in fine stood in a very good degree of favour.

Yet did not this continue long, and whether it were the too prodigious favour of Luines, (grown up on a sudden to a greater height, than that of the Mareschal d' Encre had ever been) that stir'd up the Duke's old aversion he had ever had for Court Mignions; or that his own private emulators, by their ill Offices had render'd his humour suspected to Luines: but the Duke soon perceiv'd him to be quite another man from what he had been at first: At which causless alteration, being highly nettled, and preferring (according to his custom) a free, and profess'd enmity, before a faint, and dissembled friendship, he inveigh'd publickly, and highly against the new Favourite; by which means, and by co­hering with other persons of condition, no better satisfied than himself with Luine's promotion, he drew upon himself alone the hatred, and jealousie that ought to have been common to them all.

[Page 309] The first thing the Duke de Luines did to disoblige him, Anno 1618. was the breaking his word, who contrary to what he had promis'd, and made him expect, concerning the Cardinal's Hat in favour of his Son, A Rupture betwixt the Duke of Es­pernon and the Duke de L [...]nes. had preferr'd Mounsieur de Retts Bishop of Paris, and openly assisted him in the pursuit of that dignity: To which was added, that they began afresh to intrench upon his command of Colonel, some Foot employments having been dispos'd without the Duke's consent; by which being further exasperated, he highly complain'd to some of the chief Ministers: amongst whom Mounsieur du Vair Or Lord Keeper. Garde des Sceaux, one of the greatest Autho­rity, having given him no satisfaction, but on the contrary new matter of discontent, he was not long before he took an occasion to let him see how sensible he was of the offense.

It was upon Easter-day in the year 1618. and in the Church of St. Germain de l' Auxerrois, that the Duke took occasion to quarrel with him. The Dukes and Peers who were then at▪ Court offended at the place the Garde des Sceaux du Vair▪ not only in the Council, but also in all other both publick and private Assemblies, would assume above them, had generally address'd themselves to the Duke of Espernon, as to the eldest of their Order, to interest him in their discontent. It was also suspected that the Chancellor Syl­lery, (ill digesting that a man so inferiour to him in Dignity, should usurp upon him in State) was willing enough to promote a business of this nature against him; and that being upon very good terms (as he had ever been) with the Duke of Espernon, he had also help'd to blow the fire. However it was, or by whose suggestion soever it first came into the Dukes head, little perswa­sion would serve turn to make him passionately undertake a busi­ness, wherein he conceiv'd his own Honour and Dignity to be so much concern'd. It was therefore resolv'd betwixt the Duke of Moutmorency (of all others the most incens'd against du Vair) the Dukes de Monbazon, de Retz, d' Vsez and some others of the same quality, that he should be affronted upon the first occasion, should he again offer to take place above them. Wherein though it was a business of danger enough, to affront a Minister so pow­erful by the favour of his Prince, and so violent in his own na­ture, the Duke of Espernon nevertheless made no difficulty to un­dertake it; not having (it should seem) consented to the first pro­posal, with an intent to leave the execution of it to any other, than himself. Upon Easter day therefore (as has been said) the King and all the Court being in Ceremony at Saint Germain de l' Auxerrois, and the Garde des Sceaux having, according to his custom, taken his place above all the Dukes and Peers, the Duke [Page 310] of Espernon violently pull'd him from his seat, and compell'd him to retire. It may easily be suppos'd an action of this kind could not pass without some untoward language; neither were those words thrown away upon a man insensible of offense; the Garde des Sceaux going immediately out of the Church, and expecting with great impatience the end of the Ceremony, that he might complain to the Duke de Luines of the affront he had receiv'd: Wherein nevertheless he did not reflect upon what had pass'd, as an injury meerly respecting his own person, ‘But as a Party, and a Faction form'd, and made in the Court, by the Duke of Espernon, who had seduc'd all the Dukes and Peers under the colour of an imaginary pretense, to interest them in his own private discontents: That this ambitious spirit so long inur'd to Government, and Command, thought himself de­priv'd of his lawful possession, if remov'd from the absolute sway of the most important Affairs: That it was through the sides of a Garde des Sceaux, that the fortune of the Favourite was levell'd at; and that it was only a tryal, by attempting up­on his creatures, what opposition they were to expect when they should immediately fall upon his own person: That it therefore highly imported him, whilst he had power to do it, betimes to secure an enemy, that would not spare him, if he once got him into his hands.’ An advice that made so much the deeper impression upon the Duke de Luines, by how much he was before well enough satisfied of the Duke of Espernon's hatred so highly manifested, by what he had publickly declar'd against him. He therefore went immediately with the Garde des Sceaux to the King; where being come, he insisted not much upon the scuffle betwixt the Duke and du Vair, endeavouring on the con­trary all he could to disguise that action from looking like a parti­cular Quarrel; but qualified it with the name of the most im­pudent and audacious practice that could possibly be introduc'd into a State, that a Duke of Espernon in the face, and presence, and in defiance of his King▪ should dare to make a combination with persons of the greatest quality in the Kingdom, to affront the Royal Authority.

The King was so highly incens'd at a Remonstrance preferr'd to him by two persons in whom he had so entire a confidence, that immediately, and without reserving to himself so much as the liberty to consider the interest he himself particularly had in the Duke of Espernons ruine, or to call to memory the long and faithful Services he had paid to the Crown, he in this case abso­lutely resign'd over his own Authority to them; insomuch that [Page 311] at that very time ( [...] 'tis said) it was r [...]solv'd upon to arrest him. Nothing then remain'd but a fit opportunity to effect their de­sign, The King resolves to Arre [...] the D [...]ke of Espernon. which it was also [...] requi [...]te should be such, as might seem [...]o warrant the success of the Enterprize, it being very unsafe [...]o of­fend a man of his spirit by halves; who having power, places, friends, and mony to improve all those to the be [...], and withal a very high discontent upon him, migh [...] do more mi [...]chief tha [...] any other person whatever of his condition in [...]rance To which may be added that from the time of his dispute with Mou [...]sieur du Vair, the Dukes and Peers at Court were scarcely ever absent from him, especially the Duke of Montmo [...]ncy, who was no [...] dear to him (not only out of respect to the alliance betwixt them, but also by the particular love he bore him, and the esteem he had for him) than one of his own Children, was inseparably with him: They eat, went to Court, and made all their visits together, the Duke's two Sons also continually attending upon him; so that it was no easie matter to attempt four persons of their courage (and who were not without many Friends, and Servants of great Fi­delity and Valour to serve them upon all occa [...]ions) at once. To all which, the Regiment of Guards were so made up of the Duke's Creatures, that he seem'd to be stronger in the King's own Palace than at home: to avoid all which difficulties it was concluded to surround him by night in his own House, and to seize upon his Person.

If the Duke had many, and those powerful Adversaries, his ver­tue had on the other side acquir'd him so many Friends, and some of those so careful of him upon this occasion, that he had timely notice of the design in hand, some say by the Princess of County, others by the Chancellor de Syll [...]ry; but by what means soev [...]r it [...] came to his knowledge, upon the first r [...]mou [...] of it (which (as it did here) commonly fore [...]runs a more certain intelligence) he had taken a resolution to withdraw himself, to defeat the effects of what was threatned, and contriv'd against him: wherein though he was so far cautious as to prevent the intended mischief; yet could he not forbear so unseasonable an of [...]entation of the little fear he had in a place where so much was to be apprehended; as doubtloss prompted his enemies sooner to push l [...]ome to the inten­ded business. He was for five or six days together continually seen riding through the streets of Paris with so extraordinary a Train, under colour of taking leave of several of his friends, and acquain­tance, that those who had before premeditated his ruine, interpret­ing all for contumacy, and done on purpose to brave them, re­solv'd in the end upon a positive night, wherein with four Com­panies [Page 312] of Swisse to surprize him in his own house, and to carry him away. All which the Duke being likewise inform'd of from so good a hand, The D [...]ke of Espernon leaves the Court. as that the intelligence was no ways to be suspe­cted, he presently put himself upon his preparation, to make his best use of that advice. This caution therefore being sent him up­on the sixth of May at night, and the surprizal being design'd the night following, he had so little time to lose, that he imme­diately dispers'd Tickets to all his most assured Friends, and Ser­vants to be in a readiness by break of day to mount to Horse; according to which appointment, he found above 300▪ ready at the precise hour to attend him, who after having convoy'd him to his House of Fontenay in Brie (where they conceiv'd him lodg'd in a place of safety) most of them retir'd to follow their own af­fairs.

This retirement of the Duke's being but ten little Leagues from Paris was so far from frustrating the design of his surprize, that on the contrary it made the bufiness seem more likely to suc­ceed: the Duke de Luines therefore having consider'd, that in this solitude he would have far fewer friends about him, than in Paris, the former order was only one day deferr'd, and the Swisse commanded to march away the day following, being the 8. of May, together with some Brigades of Cuirassiers, and Light-Horse to invest Fontenay. But the same persons who had given the Duke the first intelligence, being no less vigilant ot his preservati­on now than before, gave him also as seasonable notice of this, as of the other design; giving him to understand that his danger was not yet over, and that it concern'd him with all diligence to convey his person into some place of greater safety: Which ad­vice having made the Duke resolve to get again to Horse, so soon as all the Family had sup'd, and that every one thought of retiring to his rest, he (having in the mean time with great secresie pro­vided all things necessary for a tedious journy) commanded his Trumpets to sound to Horse; his necessity enforcing him so to do at that unseasonable hour, (though he was certain to undergo all the inconveniencies of a very dark, The Duke takes his way towards Metz. and turbulent night) to get clear of the manifest, and approaching danger; at that time therefore he set out towards Metz, the place to which at his depar­ture from Paris he had taken a resolution to retire.

By break of day the Duke, and all his company, arriv'd at Se­zanne in Brie, where both himself, and the Horse that were with him, were so weary, the rain, the dirt, and all other incommodities of an ill journy having equally toil'd out, and dejected horse and man, that he had a great desire, and very great need there to stay, [Page 313] and take some repose; though his Servants, conceiving him to be yet in danger, were so importunate with him, that they got him to mount again, making him to continue on horseback all that day, and the night following; when arriving the next day at Montmirel, he found himself so weary, and spent, with riding, watch­ing, and the indisposition of Age, which now began to grow upon him, that he was ready to faint; but being laid upon a bed, and refresh'd by sleep, he soon found himself well enough to pro­ceed in his journy, though with nothing so much precipitation as before.

Through so many traverses and difficulties it was, that the Duke of Espernon waded to the foundation of the most glorious Act of his life, and which, in my opinion, ought to be plac'd on the highest Pyramis of his Fame; I mean the Queen Mothers escape from Blois: The Treaty [...] for the Queen Mo­thers escape from Bloi [...] set on foo [...] at this time. of which the treaty began soon after the Duke's coming to Metz, where he arriv'd about the 20. of the same month of May, having departed the 6th. from Paris.

And then it was that the Duke de Luines highly, and openly declar'd himself an enemy to the Duke, giving his friends plain­ly to understand, he could in no wise repute them to be his, if they did not totally abandon the Duke's interest; offering them at the same time his favour and protection, if they would do it, and thundering out great threats against such as would not embrace his Quarrel: wherein the constancy of the Duke's friends is highly to be commended; who notwithstanding the greatness of the Favourite they had to deal withal, the great promises where­with he endeavour'd to allure them, and the implacable hatred he publickly profess'd against their Friend, and Master, would scarce any one of them be debauch'd from the fidelity they had pro­fess'd; whereas some on the contrary were so generous as to carry him intelligence of Luines his proceeding so far as Metz, and of the offers he had made to withdraw them from the Service, and Friendship they had promis'd, and sworn unto him.

The Duke very well judging by what had pass'd at Court be­fore his departure thence, and by the continuation of those pra­ctices since, that his enemies intended to give the last blow to his ruine, began anew to consider of the means to defend himself. He was very confident they would never offer to attempt any thing against him by open force in Metz, neither would they be easily induc'd to provoke him to the utmost extreme, the consequence being of two dangerous importance: but doubted wisely withal, that no artifice would be spar'd, nor no covert practice unattempt­ed against him which were by so much the more dangerous, by [Page 314] how much a man is oftentimes surpriz'd with the effect, before he is aware of the cause. There were in the City divers ill affected and seditious persons, whom he could never disgust, and whom Luines fail'd not to deal withal to put in for a Party in Metz, who being in themselves of too little authority for any thing of that kind, their malice converted to Spies upon the Duke's Acti­ons, to send continual intelligence to Court, whether false, or true, and by their Artifice possess'd the Duke de Luines with jea­lousies, and fears, about things that were altogether uncertain, and vain. To make therefore a better discovery of the truth, and to the end he might penetrate with more certainty into the Duke of Espernon's intentions, Favier a Counsellor of State, and a man of great sagacity in Affairs, was sent away under the shadow of a Commission, to reside sometime in Metz, and to try if by his dexterity he could better guess at the Duke's designs; though all those endeavours were equally fruitless to the Favourite, who had to do with a man not easie to be pry'd into, nor surpriz'd.

After Favier's return to Court, there hapned so pleasant a thing at Metz, as I hope, though mix'd amongst more serious Af­fairs, will not much importune my Reader, and that was this: The Duke de Luines continually expressing a great desire to have constant intelligence of what was done at Metz, A pleasant Story. and few being willing to undertake a thing the Duke's severe humour made ap­pear so full of difficulty, and danger, one fellow, a Courtier, and who thought by such an undertaking to advance himself highly into favour, made a voluntary, and brisk tender of himself for that employment, offering publickly to go to Metz, and there to serve (as he said) Mounsieur de Luines, against the Duke of Es­pernon: Which generous offer of his was as kindly receiv'd, and as readily accepted; so that with good store of Crowns in his pocket to defray his journy, he was presently dispatch'd away upon that design; yet not so soon, but that before his departure from Paris, the Duke had notice of what a Mounsieur was coming to brave him in his own Government. In a few days my Gentleman arrives at the Gates of Metz, where at his first coming he was made to undergo all the severities usually observ'd in Frontier Towns; they made him dance attendance a good while at the Gate, where after having been sufficiently abus'd, hiss'd, and hooted at, he was by four Souldiers of the Garrison conducted to his Inn, who (it may be imagin'd) were not commanded to use him with overmuch respect. But if this first part of his entertain­ment surpriz'd him, he was much more, when his Host coming to him at night, demanded his Name, Surname, Country, Qua­lity, [Page 315] and Age, with many other interrogatories, as if he had been upon the Selette, that for which we have no word, be­cause no such thing; it signifying a low stool, on which Criminals in France are plac'd to be examin'd. Selette. From all, or most of these questions, he for some time defended himself, till being threatned if he would not answer, to be proceeded against as a Spy, he was at last constrain'd to do it; when as his answers came from him, he saw them re­corded in a great Book (order'd for that purpose amongst other ancient rules establish'd for the defense of the place) though he conceiv'd that under the protection of the Royal Name, which he had ready to produce, he ought to have been dispens'd from that Ceremony. He was scarce recover'd from his first astonish­ment, when he saw four of the Duke's Guards (at that time call'd les Simons, a name very famous at Court) entring his Chamber. Their first Complements (it may be suppos'd) were none of the most obliging: neither did they long forbear to tell the new come Gallant, ‘That they were order'd by the Duke their Master, to have an eye upon his actions: That the Duke very well knew upon what pretense he came to Metz, but that the true cause of his coming was to him much better known, which was to do a di [...]ervice to the King, to observe the weaknesses of the place, and to give intelligence thereof to his Majesties enemies: That therefore they were not to leave him, and that they very well knew how to prevent him from executing his malicious de­signs: That in the mean time it would concern him to have a care how he behav'd himself, since no mercy was to be expe­cted, if the least thing was discover'd in him contrary to his Majesties Service.’ At this declaration the poor man was put into a most terrible fear, he knew the Dukes Authority to be absolute in Metz, and that whatever he should determine, though it should reach to his life, and under what pretense soever it might be, would infallibly be executed upon him: Whereupon he ask'd his Guards if there were no possibility of safety for him? to which they reply'd, that doubtless yes, provided he attempted nothing against the Crown. After which they entertain'd him with stories of how many they had Bastinado'd at Paris, and after what manner the Duke us'd to chastise several fool-hardy fellows, who had imprudently attempted upon his Honour. If he went out of one Chamber into another, they were continually at his heels, and if [...]e went to sleep, they lay down by him; never ceasing day nor night to afflict him: insomuch that after having two days endur'd this usage, such a terror seiz'd him at last, that he fell down at his Guards feet; weeping, praying, and conjuring them to as­sure the Duke that he was his most humble Servant, that he ac­knowledg'd his fault, begg'd his pardon, and did humbly intreat [Page 316] he would give him leave to depart the City. At which, though his Guards seem'd to comfort and assure him, advising him not to fear, and protesting that the interest of his Majesties Service only excepted, they were there to no other end, than to do him Service: yet were all their consolations vain, so invincible a fear had possess'd him, and so wholly was he taken up with the de­sire to escape from the danger, whereinto he saw he had so pre­cipitously engag'd himself. The Duke, after he had a few days made himself merry with mortifying his Gull, let him at last de­part; who, as he had been before at Metz, became afterwards the Fable of the Court.

Yet did not the Duke spend his time altogether in diversion, having serious business enough to take up his thoughts with some­thing of more concern, and those were the Affairs of the Queen Mother. This Princess after the death of the Mareschal d' Encre; having been constrain'd to leave the Court (where Luines could not suffer a person of her Authority, and offended to the degree she had been, to reside) had the Castle of Blois appointed by the King for her retreat. To which place accordingly the Queen, (in this change of her Fortune, being allow'd to keep very few of her Servants about her) departed with a very slender Train. The Bi­shop of Luçon since Cardinal of Richelieu) who had been Secre­tary of State during the favour of the Mareschal d' Encre, was one of those who follow'd her in her disgrace, as Chanteloube also was another: but the Abbot Rucellary and Italian, and very affectionate to her Service, was, as a person altogether unnecessary about her Majesty, sent back into one of his Abbies: neither did the Bi­shop of Luçon remain long without another Order of the same kind, by which he was first oblig'd to reside in his own Diocess, and soon after to retire into Avignon.

The Queen Mother, The Queen Mother at­tempts to recover her liberty. from the time of her departure from Court, had meditated nothing so much, as how to recover her lost Authority, and to overthrow that of the new Favourites; wherein, though she had communicated something to Messieurs de Luçon, de Rucellay, and de C [...]anteloube, men of the greatest Fide­lity and Conduct about her: and though they had taken some pains for her satisfaction, yet could they discover no possibility of effecting her Designs: Neither were they permitted long to con­sider of the means, the entire confidence the Queen was disco­ver'd to repose in them, being suspected at Court, having soon procur'd the banishment of the two first (as has been said be­fore) of which that of Luçon had rendred him utterly uncapable of all manner of correspondence with her: But Rucellay a man [Page 317] of great courage, vivacity, and ambition, having for some time conceal'd himself about Blois, and having from time to time in disguise taken opportunity to consult with the Queen, was (after having rejected several propositions) at last of opinion, that she should address her self to the Duke of Boüillon, to try, if with the party of those of the Religion, who were absolutely at his dispose, he might be induc'd to declare himself of her side, and to attempt something in her favour.

The Queen being very well pleas'd with this proposition, The Q [...]een [...] her [...] to the D [...]ke of [...] Ru­cellay as chearfully undertook to make the first overture of it to the Duke of Boüillon at Sedan. I have often heard this Abbot (du­ring five, or six weeks that I was continually with him in order to the Queen Mothers dispatches, which all pass'd through his hands after her escape) tell the whole story of this negotiation; so that I am able to say something of my own knowledge, bot [...] as to the qualities of his person, and the circumstances of that Treaty, which perhaps will not be altogether unpleasant to my Reader. Rucellay then was a Gentleman of Florence, A Chara­cter of Ru­cellay. descended from a Father, who by the Correspondence he had maintain'd with Za [...]et, Bandiny, Cenamy, and some other active men of that Nation (who in those times play'd their game so wisely, as to keep in with all parties of the Kingdom) had made himself a For­tune in France. Amongst other advantages he had there made to himself, he had got the possession of several Abbeys, arising in all to a Revenue of above ten thousand Crowns a year; amongst which that of Signy in Champaigne not far from Sedan was most considerable. His eldest Son (which was he of whom I am now speaking) as most eldest Sons of the best Families of Itlay (that education making them capable of the greatest Dignities of the Court of Rome) was bred up to the Church: neither had he been wanting in his industry to acquire all those qualities that were most likely to recommend him to the highest Preferment. He had studied much, and particularly been diligent to learn to speak, and write accurately in his own Language; wherein he succeeded so well, that his own fine parts, together with the plentiful For­tune he was Master of (he having no less in Secular Revenue, than in Spiritual Entertainment) procur'd him so great a Reputation in the Court of Rome, that he there obtain'd the Office of Clerc de Id Cham [...]re, a kind of Se­cretary. Clerk of the Chamber. Pope Paul the Fifth, under whose Papacy he was there admitted, look'd upon him with a very gracious eye, and though a young man, intrusted his discretion with many se­crets of State, not seldom making use of his Pen in Affairs of greatest importance; and often saying, by way of favour, that he [Page 318] discover'd something in him of Signior de la Casa his great Un­cle. All which favours having possess'd the Cardinal-Nephews with a great jealousie towards Rucellay (as himself said) or he perhaps having fail'd on his part, in a fit complacency to oblige them, he was by them persecuted to that degree, that he was forc'd to quit the Court of Rome, and to retire into France. A good part of his Estate lay in that Country, the Mares­chal d' Encre a Florentine, as he was, commanded all there, and those of his own Nation having ever been well receiv'd in that Kingdom, it appear'd he could not make choice of a safer, nor a more honourable retreat. He was thirty years of age, or there­abouts when he arriv'd in France, where he was at first very kind­ly receiv'd by the Mareschal d' Encre, and soon after in great esteem with the whole Court, where with twenty thousand Crowns a year, that he had coming in, he liv'd in so extraordinary a degree of splendor, as equall'd, if not out-went the greatest Nobility of the Kingdom: no Table was so neatly serv'd, nor so plentifully furnish'd, as his; no man more nobly, nor more handsomly attended than he; to which the presents he continually made of all the Curiosities wherewith Italy so abounds, as by her overflow to oblige all other Nations, were so many, and so considerable, as that single way of expense seem'd alone to exceed his Revenue. Neither did he win less upon the Ladies by his liberalities, and extraordinary fine fashion, than he did upon the men by his more considerable qualities; insomuch that he obtain'd the fa­vour and applause of all. And although the Mareschal d' Encre had not as yet fix'd him in any settled employment in the manage­ment of Affairs, yet was he with him in so eminent a degree of favour, as was a fair step (in the height the Court Favourite then stood) to the greatest Offices of the Kingdom. The death of the Mareschal therefore, as it had put a period to all Rucellay's future hopes, so did it possess him with such a grief, as was not to be comforted, but by the last effects of an implacable animosity he had conceiv'd against those who had been the instruments of his ruine: And this spirit of Revenge it was that prompted him to be one of those who animated the Queen against the new Favou­rites; though such Counsels were not necessary to her, who of her self was sensible enough; the particular injuries she had re­ceiv'd, having already incens'd her to such a height, that she was very easily dispos'd to employ him in a Treaty with the Duke de Boüillon, on her behalf. In this Journy Rucellay was to undergo much trouble, and very great danger, he never daring to Travel, but by night, and in disguise for the most part alone, and always [Page 319] without any Equipage; for how circumspect soever he had been in his intelligencies to the Queen, he could not however send them in so secret a manner, but that, she being continually, and narrowly watch'd on all sides by spies set over her by Luines to that purpose, some of his practices had been discover'd: insomuch that I have heard him say, he had notice given him, that several of his Pictures were sent to the Magistrates, and other inferiour Officers, that they might know, and apprehend him in any of their respective Juris­dictions. Yet could not all these difficulties fright him from un­dertaking this Negotiation, and if he had before given several te­stimonies of his wit, and bravery upon other occasions, he ma­nifested no less in this of the constancy of his Courage, his Wis­dom, and Fidelity, which were very eminent, and of great use in the conduct of this Affair. The main thing he apprehended in this undertaking was the infirmity of his own tender, and deli­cate constitution; who whilst he had liv'd in the calms of peace, the delights of Rome, or the effeminacies of the Courts of France, had ever been so impatient of the Sun, and Evenings Dew, Heat, and Cold, that the least intemperance of the Air would usually cause strange alterations in his health; which notwithstanding he was no sooner in Action, but that he found those little incon­veniencies left behind, as if he had had no leisure to be sick.

Whether it were that the Favourites only guess'd at the Queen Mothers discontents, by the offense they had given her, or that they had some more certain knowledge thereof, than meer con­jecture, they were however very vigilant to frustrate her Designs: To which purpose soon after her Majesties arrival at Blois, and the Banishment of the Bishop of Luçon, they had sent to her Moun­sieur de Roissy, under colour of a Council for the management of her Affairs. A man that in truth at another season would have been acceptable enough: but in this juncture of time, and pre­ferr'd to her by her enemies, could not but stand highly suspected to her. Neither had he without great reluctancy taken upon him an employment of that nature; the principal end of his Commis­sion being, as it was, to discover the Queens practices and designs; though neither his unwillingness could excuse him from going, nor all his art and observation hinder the Queen from conferring sometimes in private with those of her Servants in whose fidelity she repos'd the greatest trust, when he was there. Of which Luines being advertis'd, and willing not only to give himself some pre­sent repose, but also to live in greater security for the time to come, he resolv'd to take Religion into his assistance, and by a principle of conscience to engage the Queen in an absolute dependance on [Page 320] his Majesties good will, and pleasure. To this end therefore he would exact from her an Oath in the presence of God, and his Holy Angels (the very words of the Declaration she was to make) ‘That she neither now had, The extra­ordinary precaution of the Duke de Luines, to make him­self sure of the Queen Mother, fruitless. nor for the time to come would entertain other thought, and desire than what should tend to the prosperity, and advancement of the King's Majestie's affairs: That she would, so long as she had life, pay all the Duty and Obedience to his Majesty due, as to her Sovereign Lord, and absolutely resign her Will into his Royal power: That she would have no correspondence neither within, nor without the Kingdom in any thing whatsoever to the prejudice of his Ser­vice, his Crown, and Dignity; but did, and would disown all persons of what quality, or condition soever, that in her name should contrive any practice, or conspiracy, contrary to his Majesties pleasure: That she would moreover discover all Pro­positions and Addresses inconsistent with his Service, together with the persons themselves so addressing, and proposing, should any be so inconsiderate, as to offer any such thing; and impeach, and make known whoever should be so evilly affe­cted; and that she would never desire to return to Court, till the King should be pleas'd to order her so to do.’ Which prote­station was accordingly made betwixt the hands of Father Ar­noux a Jesuit Confessor in ordinary to the King, who had been expresly dispatch'd to the Queen to receive it. Wherein we may discover the short-sightedness of humane Wisdom; when this great Minister, thinking by this expedient to settle himself in the security he so much desir'd, engag'd himself (even by his own pre­caution) in new, and greater difficulties than before. For as on the one side Luines thought, that, through the perswasions of the King's Confessor, he had captivated the Queen under the Em­pire of Religion, she on the other side, satisfied to the contrary by Father Suffran her own Chaplain, and of the same Society, conceiv'd she did not violate her Oath, by attempting all ways to recover her freedom; insomuch that making use of her enemie's credulity, she pursu'd her business at greater convenience, than otherwise she could have done. Neither was this the only benefit she receiv'd by this declaration; another signal advantage arising thence, which was a very gracious Letter under the King's own hand; wherein, to manifest how absolute a confidence he repos'd in her Word, and Oath, he gave her leave to go whither she pleas'd within his Kingdom: which Letter serv'd afterwards as a pretense for her going from Blois, as we shall see when we come to speak of that Affair.

[Page 321] Whilst at Blois the Court Agents were thus diligent to cheat themselves, Rucellay was arriv'd safe at Sedan; where he had ac­quainted the Duke de Boüillon with his Commission, and wherein he fail'd not with his best Rhetorick to induce him to undertake the Queens deliverance. But the Duke, R [...]cellary ar­rives at Se­dan, and treats with the Duke of Boüillon, who refuses to engage in the business. who had no mind to stir from Sedan, where he thought himself so secure, who was already wearied out with his late troubles, who in the conduct of those troubles had run so great a hazard of his life, and liberty, and who likewise foresaw many great, and almost invincible difficul­ties in the business propos'd, would by no means be perswaded to engage in that Affair. Contented therefore to serve the Queen Mother with his advice, instead of that real assistance was expe­cted from him, he gave Rucellay this answer, ‘That being old, and infirm, as he was, well satisfied with his present conditi­on, and upon so good terms at Court, as to apprehend no ill usage from thence, it would be a great indiscretion in him to deprive himself of the peace he now enjoy'd, by engaging in a new Quarrel, full of trouble and danger: That he was not­withstanding the Queen Mothers most humble Servant, of which truth the best testimony he could at present give, was to point out to her Majesty a Neighbour of his, a man of a vigorous Constitution, though in a declining age, Wise, Valiant, Rich, Strong in a posterity of men capable of great things, that was withal possess'd of many very considerable places, both in the Heart, and upon the Frontiers of the Kingdom; and (which was more to be consider'd than all) who was so nettled with the ill usage he had receiv'd at Court, that there was no doubt to be made, but he would readily embrace any overture, that would direct him to a just revenge. In the conclusion of which Character he nam'd to him the Duke of Espernon.’ Rucellay was not so ill read in Affairs, The Duke of Boüillon advises the Queen Mo­ther to treat with the Duke of Es­pernon. but that he very well knew the person the Duke of Boüillon had propos'd, was of all other the most likely to do the Queens business: but besides that he had no order to address himself to the Duke of Espernon, there had moreover in the time of his being at Court, some difference hapned betwixt the Marquis de Roilhac, the Duke's Nephew, and himself; where­in the Duke's Authority having protected Roilhac, Rucellay had not receiv'd that satisfaction, he might otherwise reasonably have expected, for injuries of no ordinary kind. These injuries therefore, being still fresh in his memory, made him very averse to any Treaty with the Duke: neither was he ignorant how ill the Queen had us'd him, at his departure from Court, after the many, and great Services, that during her Regency she had re­ceiv'd [Page 322] at his hands, which altogether put him into a very great confusion. All these considerations nevertheless laid aside, either out of the desire he had to serve the Queen, or to be reveng'd of the Favourites, or to re-establish himself at Court, which he hop'd would put on a new face in the change of the Queens For­tune, he dispatch'd away to her with all diligence to acquaint her how the Duke of Boüillon had excus'd himself, and of the ad­vice he had given concerning the Duke of Espernon, that he might thereupon receive her Majesties further Command.

This posting to and fro took up so much time, that the Queens Letters of Credit to the Duke of Espernon could not come to Ru­cellay's hands, till towards the latter end of Iuly, nor he send them to the Duke till the month following; I say send them, Rucellay having no mind to sound the Foard himself, nor to make the first overtures of that Treaty in his own person, for the foremention'd reasons. He therefore employ'd herein one Vincentio Ludovici, a man in whom he repos'd an absolute trust, Rucellay sends Vin­centio Lud [...] ­vici to the Duke of Espern [...]n. and one, who having formerly been chief Secretary to the Mareschal d' Encre, after a long, and very severe imprisonment he had suffred since the death of his Master, had retir'd himself to Signy, and put himself into Rucellay's protection. Where living in expectation of some considerable em­ployment, Rucellay propos'd this negotiation to him, who as readi­ly undertook it; and having receiv'd full instructions, together with the Queens Letters of Credence, came to Metz, where at the Moors-Head he took up his Inn, and from thence sent to le Plessis (whom all the world knew to be the man in greatest trust about the Duke) to entreat him that he would take the pains to come see one of his old acquaintance, without further discovering himself.

I have heard le Plessis say, that by this Complement he present­ly guess'd what the business might be, that brought this man, who­ever he was, to Town; yet would he not appear upon this first Summons: but having a Valet de Chambre in his dependence, that he had bred from a Boy, in whom he durst confide, and of whose dexterity, and discretion, he had often made tryal upon several oc­casions, he commanded him to go to the Moors-Head, to see who it was desir'd to speak with him, and to observe if it were a face he had formerly seen, or one that was altogether a stranger to him. This man's name was Cadillac, which I insert here, because we shall shortly find him a principal Agent in this Affair.

Cadillac accordingly comes to the Inn, where his eye had soon found out his man; he observ'd him, spoke to him, and by his accent soon discover'd him to be a stranger, of which he present­ly carried back a report to his Master; giving him withal a descri­ption [Page 323] of his person. Le Plessis confirm'd by this accompt in his former opinion, would by no means confer with him till he had first acquainted the Duke: but having receiv'd his Order, takes his way towards the Inn. Thither being come in the confusion, and hurry that usually happens in those houses of publick enter­tainment, he soon found out the man he sought for, runs to him, and embraces him, as if they had been the greatest friends in the world, though they had never seen one another before, enqui­ring of him aloud of their friends in Xaintonge, where this stran­ger had never been; who, nevertheless very well understanding le Plessis meaning, deliver'd him the services of several persons they neither of them both knew: after which le Plessis drawing him aside, and entring into more particular conference with him, re­ceiv'd from his mouth the first overtures of his Treaty, which he also undertook to carry back to the Duke.

No sooner therefore was he parted from Vincentio, but that he went to find out the Duke at the Haute Pierre (the place where the Governours of Metz ordinarily reside) where he gave him an ac­compt of the strangers business; together with the humble re­quest he made to be admitted to a further Conference with his own person. Whereupon the Duke call'd for his two Sons, the Marquis de la Valette, and the Archbishop of Tholouze, since Car­dinal de la Valette (it appearing very reasonable they should partici­pate of the Counsel, who were to have so great a share in the execution of the design) where amongst them it was concluded, that the Duke should the next day give audience to this Envoy in the Abby of St. Vincent in Metz, belonging to the Archbishop of Tholouze. According to which determination the stranger was early the next morning conducted thither, by the foresaid Cadillac; whither the Duke coming presently after, under colour of a visit to the Abbot, he went to seek out Vincentio in the Chamber before appointed for him, where he gave him his first au­dience in the presence of le Plessis only, The Duke of Espernon receives a Letter from the Queen Mother, by Vincentio Lud [...]vici. and where Vincentio deliver'd him a Letter from the Queen Mother that contained these words.

This Letter being read, and the Duke having ask'd the Bear­er what he had more to say, ‘He represented to him the many and signal Services he had formerly perform'd for the Queen, first in promoting her Interest when she was declar'd Regent, and afterwards throughout the whole course of her Admini­stration: telling him withal how infinitely her Majesty was afflicted: That she had not acknowledg'd those Services at so just a rate, as the quality of them did truly deserve: That ne­vertheless she having shew'd her self ready to gratifie him in se­veral things of some importance to him, she doubted not, but that a generous heart, as his was, would be apter to record those testimonies of her Favour and Affection to him, than some little discontents, that could not so justly be imputed to her, as to the necessity of the time, and the occurrences that im­posed them: That he very well knew the late King her Lord, and Husband had a few days before his death (as if he had fore­seen the persecution was preparing against her) recommended her Interests to his care and protection, wherein he had already in part so worthily perform'd the Trust that great Prince had re­pos'd in his Vertue, that she had reason to believe he would continue to oblige her for ever: That she was now reduc'd to such a condition by the violence of her Enemies; as after be­ing depriv'd of her liberty, to think her self in great peril of her life: That the King her Son, though his constraint was less apparent, was not himself however exempt from the tyranny they exercis'd upon her person: That it was in his power to re­deem them both from the slavery they were in; wherein, al­though she doubted not, but that the King would one day ac­knowledge a Service of this nature to such a degree, as the im­portance of it would justly deserve; she in the mean time would notwithstanding take all the obligation upon her self, and en­gage to make him see the effects of such a gratitude, as he might reasonably expect from a Princess, who conceiv'd her self oblig'd to his generosity for her liberty, And hear­kens to the Proposition. and her life.’ The Duke having made answer to this discourse in such terms of sub­mission, and respect, as befitted a Subject to a Princess of her con­dition, [Page 325] the Mother of his King, and one from whom, amongst some little unkindnesses he had receiv'd many benefits, and signal favours, proceeded without more ceremony to the negotiation; in the progress whereof, Vincentio in the Queens name promis'd so many men, and places, and such summes of mony, proposing withal so great and so advantageous conditions for the Duke, as made him conceive the proposition worth the thinking of, and to promise him in a few days a positive answer.

He was no sooner therefore parted from Vincentio, but that he sent for his Sons to deliberate with them about this Affair, in whom he met with young spirits, full of heat, and courage, that presently advis'd him confidently to embrace that motion, where­in they said there was no question to be made, but that the issue would be glorious for him, advantageous to the State, and easie to be effected in it self, through the concurrence he would certainly find in most of the great men of the Kingdom, who were appa­rently dissatisfied with the present Government, which was also no extraordinary thing in the best, and most happy Reigns. The Duke on the contrary by a long experience become more circum­spect could not suffer himself so easily to be overcome; but con­sidering he was about to expose his Life and Fortune, his Chil­dren, Friends, B [...]t without engaging himself at this time. and Family for a Princess who had not at other times been over mindful of his former Services, he had some reason to fear he should receive no better an acknowledgement of this, than he had done of the rest. Besides he knew very well that he should no sooner appear in Arms in order to the design in hand, but that the Kings whole Power, and his Person would immediately be upon him; and seeing no visible Forces sufficient to resist that Torrent, he could not clear his mind from those ap­prehensions wherewith it was involv'd. He represented there­fore to his Sons, that all those Confederates they seem'd to rely upon, should they joyn in the Quarrel, would most of them va­nish at the very sound of the Royal Name: That the most dis­contented of them would be reconcil'd to their Duty by the least satisfactions should be given them, and that then he alone should do the work of all the other great men of the Kingdom, at the price of his own particular ruine. So that after having again and again consider'd of this proposal, he could not perswade himself to condescend to the importunities of his Sons, and le Plessis, who was present at this deliberation, all they could say being able to prevail no further upon him at that time, than that Vincentio might in his name assure the Queen, he had a passionate desire to serve her, provided it would please her Majesty to enable him so [Page 326] to do, by letting him know what persons of quality she had won over to her party, with what summes of mony she could make for carrying on the War, until when he humbly desir'd he might reserve to himself the liberty of his promise, with an assurance of his Secrecy and Fidelity in the mean time.

Vincentio, after having staid eight days at Metz, went back with this answer to Rucellay, who with great impatience expected his return; and who having receiv'd this accompt of the business, thought they had done enough at this first push, in prevailing with the Duke to hearken only to the proposal: neither did he doubt, but that the difficulties he had represented, though very rational in themselves, would in the end be overcome by the suc­cess of those things, whereof the Duke, before he would give a determinate answer, desir'd to be assur'd. He therefore in all haste signified to the Queen the Duke's disposition to serve her, assuring her withal of the Duke de Boüillon's Concurrence with the Duke of Espernon, provided the last would undertake the Ser­vice. Whereupon her Majesty, secure of her Interest with the Dukes of Guise, and Montmorency, and many other persons of great quality; and nothing fearing also, but she should be able to raise a great mass of mony, what by borrowing, what upon her Jewels, and what by the Revenue of those Provinces would be engag'd with her, sent the same Vincentio a month after to the Duke, to give him full assurance of all things he desir'd. Upon which second dispatch, the Duke conceiving he might confide in the Q [...]eens word, engag'd himself (though not without some re­luctancy) to declare openly in her Quarrel, dismissing his little Ambassadour with a much better accompt, than before, and de­livering him a Cypher for his future Correspondence with the Queen; after which, and a particular answer to the Letter her Majesty had honour'd him with by Vincentio the first time, he launch'd so far into the Affair, that it was afterwards impossible for him to retire.

Rucellay having pump'd the whole secret of this Negotiation out of Vincentio, Rucellay takes him­self the Treaty in hand. and having no mind he should carry away the Reputation of an Affair of that importance, and so successfully begun, resolv'd for the time to come to undertake the Treaty himself, and laying aside his former aversions, with all other re­spects (which he likewise conceiv'd were not of so high a nature, as ought to stand in competition with the Affair in hand) would treat with the Duke in his own person. In order whereunto he advanc'd as far as Pont a Moulins, a little Village about a League distance from Metz; either unwilling, or not daring to venture [Page 327] himself in the City, till he first knew how the Duke was dispos'd to receive him. From this place therefore he immediately sent away for Cadillac (the same le Plessis had sent the first time to Vin­centio) not doubting but he would be the first should be sent to discover who he was▪ Cadillac thus sent for by he knew not whom, would not go out to him without first receiving his Masters Or­der, nor his Master give it him, till he himself had first receiv'd an Order from the Duke: Neither could the Duke suddenly consent to this intelligence, who, although he did not know the stranger to be Rucellay, yet suspecting him to be some new Negotiator, and unwilling to have so many intrusted with a business, upon the secrefie whereof depended his Life and Fortune, he waver'd long before he would give way to an enterview betwixt le Plessis, and this new Agent. He was at last notwithstanding content he should go: but if he had at first made some difficulty of allow­ing this Conference, before he knew Rucellay to be the man he was to confer withal, he was so out of all patience when he knew the secret was committed to an Italian, his enemy, and disoblig'd by him, that he was many times upon the point to have recall'd his word, and absolutely to give over the design. Le Plessis was then forc'd to return back to Rucellay with a very unsatisfactory answer; who, without being much out of countenance at this repulse (the Duke refusing to admit him into the Treaty) or the seeing the civility he had advanc'd so far towards a reconciliation rejected, told le Plessis coldly, ‘That since the Duke had a mind to do the business without him, he might, if he pleas'd, in good time proceed; but that in the mean time he was to under­stand, that it was to him the Queen had intrusted the secret of that Affair, and not to the other, who had hitherto appear'd in it, who was but his substitute, and by him sent to make the first overtures to the Duke, presuming his own person might not be so acceptable to him; but that he had seen the Duke of Boü­illon, and treated with him: That Vincentio had given him an accompt of all he had done at Metz, and had deliver'd a Cypher to him: That he knew very well that he le Plessis in the Cant­ing of that Cypher was call'd Floze, the Duke by another name, and his Sons by others. After which explanation he desir'd him to consider whether a man so well inform'd in, and able ot give so good an accompt of the business, was fit to be laid aside: That he could not but wonder the Duke of Espernon should continue to use him so ill, who had never given him any offense; but on the contrary had been highly offended by him, and his; that having so many and just inducements to revenge [Page 328] those injuries, he had now sufficient means to do it, were not his honour far dearer, than his ill usage was sensible to him: but that he would tread all those considerations under foot, to preserve his Fidelity to the Queen his Mistriss, provided he should not be urg'd on to the last extremes.’

This Declaration, though something high from an Enemy, and very rough from a man that pretended he came to Treat, car­ried nevertheless so much sting with it, and threatned so much to the ruine of the design in hand, that the Duke saw it necessary ei­ther to admit him into the Council, or to dispatch him out of the way: the latter of which being too cruel for him to consent unto, and on the other side it appearing of better advantage to treat with a man of the Quality Rucellay was, than with Vincentio, who could do nothing, but as he receiv'd Orders from him; the Duke resolv'd upon the first: So that Rucellay being upon these terms admitted into the negotiation, Rucellay with much difficulty admitted in­to the Treaty. he came by night to Metz, and in disguise (as he always went) was conducted to the Haute Pierre, where he had a Chamber made ready for him in the Duke's own Lodgings; out of which he never stirr'd for a whole month to­gether [...] Being there receiv'd, he had Cadillac appointed to attend him, as also one of the Duke's own Valet's de Chambre, whom he knew was to be trusted, order'd to bring him all necessaries from the Kitchin, and other Offices, without any bodies being able to guess who this person might be, that was so carefully, and diligently attended. The Duke went almost every day to see him, his Sons very often, and le Plessis ofter than them all; by which regular visits in the Duke, and by the great care was taken to seek out the best water (for Rucellay drank nothing else, and was very delicate in that) it was suspected some Woman of Pleasure was kept pri­vate in the house: A suspicion that perhaps contributed something to his better concealment, and to the restraint of a further curio­sity in such▪ as possibly otherwise would have been more inqui­sitive into the truth of the business, had they not entertain'd this mistake for the truth it self. Resolutions taken be­twixt the D [...]ke of Espernon and Rucellay. During this time of Rucellay's stay at Metz, things were fully concluded amongst them; where above all things, it was though necessary, that a strict League should be contracted betwixt the two Dukes of Espernon, and Boüillon, that things might the better succeed. There had indeed some former Jealousies hapned to the discomposure of these two great men, but such as had rather begot a coldness, than any disaffection be­twixt them; which Rucellay undertook to reconcile, as by the assi­stance of the Vicount de Sardiny (a very particular Servant to the Duke of Boüillon, and a man absolutely devoted to the Queen) [Page 329] he afterwards did, though it wrought not that good effect, was ex­pected from it, as shall in its due place be made to appear.

The Queen having heard no news of Rucellay, during his abode at Metz, though she had taken care to send to him, and in such an impatience to know how her Affairs succeeded, as may be imagin'd in the condition she then was, writ a Letter to the Duke in a borrowed hand (I think Chanteloube's, he being then the only man of trust about her) and in a [...]ustian style; the Queen here taking upon her the quality of a Merchants Wife of Saverne, absent from her Husband: of which these were the words.

[Page 330] It appears by this Letter, that Affairs were now in a very good forwardness, some mony having been sent by the Queen to Metz, which, Mony sent to Metz by the Queen. as it was the most important place of her Party, and wherein the Duke had resolv'd to leave the Marquis de la Valette his Son, he would not he should be left without some mony in his greatest necessity to assist him. He very well foresaw that after the Queens escape he should be the first assaulted, and expos'd (as he afterwards was) to the fury of the Royal Arms, and that up­on the preservation of Metz depended, in part, the life of the whole Action: but of how great moment soever this place might be to the design in hand, the summes nevertheless were very mo­derate, that were there left for its defense, arising to no more in all, than an hundred thousand Crowns, carried thither by Wagon from Saverne; of which summe Vincentio receiv'd an hundred thousand Livers for the use of the Duke of Boüillon, who was to take Arms in favour of the Queen, a part of the remainder only being left at Metz, for the raising of men necessary for the defense of the Town, and to buy Ammunition.

The Duke having found by this mony coming in, The Duke resolves to go serve the Queen. some, though very little effect of those promises, had been made him by the Queen, did from thence conclude her Servants had provi­ded so carefully for the rest, that nothing would be wanting of all those things whereof they had given him before so ample as­surance: In which belief he set himself wholly upon his prepa­ration to be gone; of which also having given notice to the Queen, her Majesty, whose condition was much worse than his, to quicken his haste, sent him another Letter in the same Canting style.

And in a Postscript,

And for the Superscription, as upon that before,

This Letter, which, betwixt persons so well read in one anothers designs, might with great ease be explain'd, was by the Duke pre­sently put into deliberation; first, that a day might be resolv'd upon for his departure, and next that something might be conclu­ded about the order was to be observ'd in going to receive the Queen. To this Consultation the Dukes two Sons, Rucellay, and le Plessis, were only admitted, where (as it usually falls out) the nearer they approach'd to the execution of their design, Some difficulties arise about the execution of the design. the harder it seem'd to be effected. From the time the Duke had first engag'd his word to the Queen, he had been very instant at Court, to obtain liberty to go into his Governments of Xaintonge and An­goumois, very well foreseeing, that without such a formal leave, he should meet difficulties enough in the very Journey it self, had he had no design to favour the Queens escape; but the more im­portunate he had been to procure that Licence, the more obsti­nate he had found them to be in the denial. They look'd upon him, as it were mew'd up in Metz, and were resolv'd to keep him in a manner a prisoner to his own Government, in that remote part of the Kingdom. So that the Duke in despair of pro­curing that priviledge, and seeing that under the colour of some very inconsiderable excuses, the King had a mind to make his presence at Metz appear altogether necessary to his Service, he sent his Majesty a very full Remonstrance of the urgency of his Affairs [Page 332] in those parts, with a repeated supplication, that he would please to permit him to go: Not that he expected a better success in this than in his former applications, he had lost that hope: but by this new Address to lull the Duke de Luines asleep, who ought in rea­son to believe, that this reiterated importunity pre-suppos'd an ex­pectation in the Duke to prevail in his request; and that conse­quently he would not depart from Metz, till that were first ob­tain'd. This Letter was writ by the Sieur de Balzac, and is, in my opinion one of the best pieces has flow'd from his admirable Pen; which notwithstanding I have not inserted here, forasmuch as the Reader may find it printed amongst the rest of his excellent Works.

By this Letter it was, The D [...]ke of Espernon's preparation, and the po­licy he made use of to co­ver his de­sign. that, whilst he was making preparation for his departure, the Duke endeavour'd to conceal his Design; wherein his policy was of infinite use, and this that follows of no less. He had a mind to send away before his Stable of manag'd Horses, consisting of thirty, what Gennets, and Barbs, the finest, and best in France, and equipage he had ever been very curious to maintain, as he continued to the last hour of his life. These hor­ses that had been very unfit to travel such Journeys, as he must of necessity take, had they staid to go along with him, and that could not in the mean time be convey'd out of Metz, without much notice taken, to hinder that observation, and to del [...]de such as were too clear-sighted, and too prying into all his actions, the Duke caus'd, for fifteen days together, bridled, sadled, and in all their equipage as they had been to go a long Journey, to be led out at several Gates of the City: wherein though it was given out by the Grooms, as done only to air them, left they should become useless by standing continually still; yet for a few of the first days they were seen to go out in that manner, no body believ'd other than that they were the Dukes forerunners, who intended himself soon after to follow. An opinion that made the people crowd in multitudes to gaze upon the sight, every one certainly concluding at first, what was effectually the Duke's real design: but in the end, seeing them, after a walk of four or five hours, continually brought back at night, and that which at first surpriz'd them by its novelty, being grown familiar by the continuation of it, even the most pe­netratingly inquisitive began to grow weary of their suspicion, letting them at last pass to and again without any regard at all. And then it was that the Duke commanded the Sieur de Campels the Gentleman of his Horse, who, till that time had been as ig­norant as the rest, at his next ordinary sally, to ride clear away, and to go to a House near Sanserra, and upon the Banks of the [Page 333] River Loire, call'd Rezé, belonging to le Puigeolet his Lieutenant in the Regiment of Champagne, there to expect him [...] which was ac­cordingly perform'd without the least notice taken, or any noise at all.

This part being thus perform'd, le Leige, Major to Rembure's Regiment, a Gentleman very expert in the Geographical Cart, and an excellent Quarter-Master for the lodging of an Army, came back to Metz, whom the Duke had sent a few days before to dis­cover all the ways, by which he was to pass into Angoumo [...]s; by whose extraordinary diligence, the way was already chalk'd out, and divided into Journeys, the Fords all sounded, and the whole thing exactly drawn into a Map. After all which precautions, the Duke still living at Metz, as if he never had design to part from thence, and having concluded with his Sons, Rucellay, and le Plessis the day of his setting out to be the 22. of Ianuary the ensuing year, all things were thenceforward prepar'd with the greatest secre [...]ie, and diligence imaginable, to be ready against the time to come. The Queen Mother had, as you have heard, signified in her last dispatch, that she was in hope she might convey her person to any place the Duke should think fit to name, thinking that the Letter she had receiv'd from the King (after the Protestation she had made to Fa­ther Arnoux) would priviledge her so to do, she having full liber­ty given her therein to go whither she pleas'd into any part of the Kingdom: but because that it was probable the design of that Letter was rather to comfort her in her solitude, and to swee [...]en her captivity, than intended to give her absolute liberty to dispose of her person; it was moreover thought impossible so to order the time, that she could at a certain and punctual hour transfer her self to a place where she might be free to dispose of her self at her own choice: Especially considering that all those who were about her, the major part at least, were Servants made, and corrupted by the Court Minion. Which sole difficulty appearing invincible, it was at last resolv'd, that, to avoid all suspicion, her Majesty should not stir from Blois, Anno 1619. but that the Duke, or some other trusty person by him appointed should advance thither, to receive, and convey her first to Loches, The Arch­bishop of Tholouze, af­terwards Cardinal de la Valette, departs from Metz before the Duke his [...]. and from thence to Angoulesme.

This resolution being taken, the Archbishop of Tholouze, atten­ded only by his own ordinary Train, parted from Metz eight days before the Duke his Father, to go into Angoumois. The pretense of this Journey was to try to raise mony upon their Territories in those parts for their better support, they having not (as was pre­tended) wherewithal to defray their necessary expense, the Duke's Offices being now no longer paid him since his dispute with the [Page 334] Garde des Sceaux; though indeed the true cause of his going was to confirm the Servants the Duke had in his Governments there in their Duty, and to secure the strong Holds he had in Xaintonge and Angoumois, by a seasonable prevention of any practice from Court. There was also at the same time a dispatch sent to the Queen Mother, to acquaint her with their resolutions, that she might make her self ready against the day prefix'd; the charge whereof Rucellay having taken upon himself, he intrusted it to a young fellow whose name was Lorme, one whom he had bred up of a Page, and by whom he had in truth been very faithfully serv'd at Court, in some affairs of no ordinary nature; though in this, and in the most critical time for the ruine of the Enterprize in hand, he play'd fowl, and stumbled into the foulest Treachery in the world. He had often been employ'd to and fro upon this occasion, wherein he had ever acquitted himself with great since­rity and discretion: but now, though he had not penetrated in­to the depth of the design, yet guessing by the secresie had been enjoyn'd him, that it must necessarily be of very great impor­tance, what recompenses soever he had been promis'd by his Ma­ster, he chose rather by his infidelity to obtain them, than by a vertuous action to deserve them. Instead therefore of going to Blois, and from thence to Confolant in Angoumois (where he was order'd to expect the Duke, after he should be dismiss'd by the Queen, from whom he was to bring an accompt of the precise day of her escape) he went directly to Paris, where he address'd himself to some of the Duke de Luines his Servants, to be by them presented to their Master; to whom he said, provided he might be secur'd of a good reward, he would discover something of more than common concern. The whole design in great dan­ger to be ruin'd, through the infidelity of one of Ru­c [...]llay's Ser­vants. To this desperate pass was the state of Affairs reduc'd, when Fortune by a strange and unexpe­cted accident set the Machine again on work upon its own pro­per Base. Those to whom Lorme had apply'd himself for admis­sion to Luines, looking upon him as an Impostor, either made no mention of him to the Duke at all, or, if they did, represented him for such a fellow, as they themselves took him to be, making him wait at the Gates for three whole days together, without giving him either admittance, or answer. In the interval of which three days le Buisson, a Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, heard by chance that Lorme, Rucellay's man was in Town; which he had from one of his own people, who, being of Lorme's acquain­tance, had met him accidentally in the street. At which intelli­gence le Buisson (a man passionately devoted to the Queen Mo­ther, privy to her designs, and an affectionate Servant of the Duke [Page 335] of Espernon's, by reason of a Brother of his, a Lieutenant in the Regiment of Guards, who was one of the Duke's dome­sticks, being infinitely surpriz'd; forasmuch as Lorme had at other times ever been directed immediately to him, and not be­ing able to comprehend the cause of this alteration, began pre­sently to suspect there was some knavery in the wind. He therefore presently took order to have my companion narrowly watch'd, and was by his spies as faithfully inform'd of his being continually seen waiting at the Duke de Luines his Gate; by which discovery judging aright at what he was about, and foreseeing what mischief the sight of those Letters, he knew he had about him, would pro­duce, he undertook a dangerous, but a very necessary act, and that indeed prov'd the safety of the whole design. By a suppositi­tious hand, one that took upon him to be a Servant to the Duke de Luines, he caus'd five hundred crowns to be paid down to Lorme by virtue of which he retriv'd the Packet out of his hands, dis­posing so of Lorme himself, that he was never seen or heard of af­ter; by which means this great design in the greatest danger ima­ginable to be discover'd, and lost, was again restor'd to its for­mer condition.

The Duke, who as yet was totally ignorant of Lorme's treache­ry, and▪ who knew nothing of it of above a month after, put himself in the mean time upon his Journey; the order whereof at his setting out, and which he also continu'd during the whole Voyage, The D [...]ke's prudent conduct in the manner of his de­parture from Metz. I shall here present you. Wherein we shall observe so admirable a conduct, that we cannot forbear (notwithstanding the Duke's modesty) who ever gave Fortune too great a share in all his performances) to attribute the whole success of this enter­prize immediately to his own prudence. No body knew of his re­solution, till the night before his departure, when all the Gates of the City being shut, which at Metz (as at all other Frontier Towns) was commonly betimes, he commanded every one to make ready for their departure the next morning. He had some time before this caus'd eight thousand Pistols (his whole stock at that time) to be sowed up in Girdles of Leather (which were all found in his Truncks at his death in the same condition they were at his departure from Metz) such as a man might, without much trouble, wear about him, which he distributed to fifteen Gentle­men of his Family (whom he knew to be the most faithful, and that were the best mounted) to take care of, with orders to follow him wherever he went, should any cross accident befal him in the way. His Jewels also, which were lock'd up in a little iron Chest, and carried in a Male, was committed to a Valet de [Page 336] Chambre of approv'd fidelity, who had likewise order not to stir from his person. He had fifty Gentlemen only in his company, every one arm'd with a Case of Pistols, and a Carabine, forty Guards, with each one a Musket, and a case of Pistols, fifteen Sumpter Mules, the ordinary Officers of his Houshold, with se­veral common Servants. With this Troop amounting in all not to above an hundred good Horse (and that would have been too little had he gone upon the accompt of a private quarrel only) the Duke of Espernon adventur'd upon a Journey, contrary to the King's express Order, from one extremity of the Kingdom to an­other, and thence to return back again into the very heart of the same Kingdom, there to assist the Queen Mother; resolv'd (con­trary to the King's will) to make her escape from a place, to which she had been, by his Majesty in the nature of a Prison, con­fin'd; and without certainly knowing by whom he was to be as­sisted in his design, undertook to change the face of a mighty State, so quiet, and so united within it self, as that it seem'd impos­sible either at home or abroad to be threatned with the least dan­ger, or trouble: Wherein, if the attempt was bold, we shall find the execution no less worthy to be admir'd. He must alone make an end of what he had alone begun, his good Fortune, it seems, to his Glory, ordering it so, that not one great man of the King­dom (either envying, or astonish'd at so daring a design) would be drawn to embark in an action the honour and success whereof could derive to none but the Duke of Espernon: Memoires de Monsieur de Rohan. So that they were content to let him bustle it out alone, whilst themselves sate idle spectators of this haughty and noble Enterprize; though it was certainly reported, and believ'd, that many of them had engag'd themselves to the Queen to serve her upon this occassion.

The Duke having thus order'd his little Train, and not being able to separate himself from the Marquis de la Valette his most beloved Son, without taking his leave, he call'd him aside, where embracing him with the tenderness of an affectionate Father, he told him; ‘That the greatest testimony he could possibly give him of his Affection and Esteem, was (as he now did) to commit to his Vigilancy, and Valour the Custody of Metz, it being the principal member of his Fortune; and to the conservation of which he ought to be the more awake, as it concern'd himself much more than it did him, who having but a short time to live, could expect but a few years possession: That he might as­sure himself, he should with the soonest be beleaguer'd with all the Forces the King could make; and that no better was to be expected from the Inhabitants, how well affected soever they [Page 337] might pretend to be; to oppose both which, much prudence and constancy would be requir'd: That upon the success of the Action, wherein they were now engag'd, depended not on­ly their Fortunes, but their Reputations also; which if it suc­ceeded well, they should be loaded with Honour; but if other­wise, be look'd upon as Criminals, and Traytors: That there­fore they were to put on a Resolution rather to dye, than to fall into that disgrace; but that it was much better to live, and to overcome, as his heart assur'd him they should honourably, and fortunately do.’ By which few words the Marquis, being confirm'd in the generous resolution he before had taken, humbly besought the Duke his Father to be confident he would never do any thing unworthy his own Birth, or his expectation; when his tears having stop'd all further expression, he by that tenderness gave a much better testimony of his courage than otherwise, and at a greater liberty of speech, his own modesty would perhaps have permitted him to do.

The Duke was no sooner parted from his Son, The Duke goes out of Metz. but that he pre­sently went to Horse to begin his Journey, it being Monday the two and twentieth of Ianuary, as had been before appointed. The Gates of the City had not been opened since the evening be­fore, and then only that by which the Duke was to sally; which was also shut again so soon as he (who would himself be the last man) was gone out: Neither of three days after his departure was any one opened at all, the Duke having moreover (lest any Tickets might be thrown over the Walls, or any persons let down, who might carry intelligence of his motion to Court) left order with Paul, Lieutenant to a Company of Carabines, belonging to the Garrison of Metz, night and day to scour the Road to Paris, and to intercept, and stop all that should travel that way; a pre­caution of so good use, that the last news the Court receiv'd of the Duke of Espernon's departure, came from Metz, so well had all the Avenues been guarded on that side.

The Duke, being now out of the City, pursu'd his way with great diligence, taking as long Journeys as the heaviness of his Sumpter-Mules would permit, which, though they ty'd him to one stage a day, yet was that stage always nine or ten Leagues at least; and his good Fortune was such, that at this season, commonly the most turbulent of all the year, the weather was so exceedingly favour­able and fair, that there fell not one drop of rain all the way; inso­much that he not only could foard all the Rivers, but mounting every morning so soon as the Sun was up, both he and all his com­pany rid without their Cloaks all the day long, as it had been the [Page 338] warmest time in Summer. The fourth day after his departure from Metz, he pass'd by the Trenches of Dijon, where the Duke of Bellegarde his Cousin being Governour both of the Castle, and Province, and having the Sieur de Mun his Lieutenant in the Ca­stle, the Duke sent for him, who being it seems at that time out of the way, Fouqueroles Ensign to the Duke's Life-Guard came out in his stead to receive the Duke's commands. Of whom the Duke having enquir'd of the Duke his Master, he entreated him, so soon as he should write, to present his Service to him, and to acquaint him with his motion, but that nevertheless that complement re­quir'd no such haste, that he was oblig'd to do it otherwise, than by the ordinary way of the Messenger (the Packet Office being at that time not erected in France) as he desir'd he would not do; adding withal, that having been starv'd out of Metz, he was con­strain'd to go into Xaintonge, and Angoumois to live there upon his own Estate: Wherein, though Fouqueroles promis'd to obey his Orders, yet he was not so good as his word, he dispatching away an express Currier the next morning to the Duke de Belle­garde, to acquaint him with the Duke's motion; by which means it was that the King had the first intelligence of his departure from Metz, though it was not before he had been eight days upon the Road, and that it was now too late to stop him.

It is not to be imagin'd how strangely this news alarm'd the whole Court, The news of the Duke of Espernon's motion car­ried to Court. the King openly saying, that he ever thought if the Duke of Espernon could not obtain the leave he desir'd, he would infallibly take it: but the Duke de Luines, conceiving that (in all probability) the Duke would never have done such a thing without some design, thought fit to try if he could not effect that by fair means, he saw was not to be done by foul; and to that end dispatch'd away le Maine (otherwise call'd ( Chabans) to the Duke, with a Letter from the King to Authorize his Voyage, to­gether with all assurance of satisfaction in his Affairs, as also a particular complement, that he would accept of his Service, and that all things pass'd might be no more remembred betwixt them. Which Envoy we shall in due time find upon his way.

Dijon being pass'd, the Duke continu'd his Journey without intermission, baiting, or staying near the great Towns, till he had pass'd the River Loire at Port de Vichi; from whence he sent a new dispatch to the King, to give him notice of his Voyage into Xaintonge, and Angoumois; where he had (as he said) no other de­sign, than to live under his Majesties obedience. With this dis­patch Baussonniere Nephew to le Plessis, (a Gentleman of as good Parts, and as much Valour, as any other of his time) was sent [Page 339] away to Paris, where at his arrival he was very well receiv'd; but hapning to be still at Court, soliciting an answer to his dispatch, when the news was brought of the Queen Mothers escape, he ran a very great hazard of his life, his head being often brought into debate, that in his person they might punish the high Offense done to the King by the Duke his Master.

Two days Journey short of this Port de Vichi, the Duke's Quarter-Masters (who always carried Rucellay along with them in disguise, and who, the better to conceal him, us'd him with no other respect, An Encounter by the way. than as a Comrade) discover'd two Parties of Horse standing in a Field, a little distance from them, which at the first sight they apprehended to be two Troops, where of men­tion had been made to the Duke, one of Light-Horse belonging to the Queen, and another of Carabines commanded by Arnout; which he had been inform'd were dispos'd in Garrison near this part of the River (out of an opinion had for some time been en­tertain'd at Court, that the Duke (whether his Majesty would consent or no) would infallibly undertake this Journey into G [...]i­enne) to obstruct his passage. And indeed those Troops had wai [...]ed some time thereabouts; but whether it were that they had accidentally only been Quarter'd there, or that they had been tyr'd out with expecting, or that the coming of the Duke's great Horses towards Sanserra, (for they were now march'd that way) had made them alter their design: but so it was that the Duke re­ceiv'd not the least impediment from them. His people notwith­standing, something surpriz'd at the sight of these two Troops, re­turn'd upon the spur to give the Duke notice of what they had seen; at which intelligence, as at a thing that requir'd some con­sideration, he made a little halt, when immediately with a chear­ful and confident countenance, he said to those who were with him. We are now come too far my Masters, to return back again, we must either thorow, or dye. Which being said whilst he was drawing up to charge, he sent to discover who they were; when having word back, that they were two Gentlemen, who, being at Suits, had rais'd men on both sides to take possession of a House in dispute betwixt them, he continu'd on his way, this being the only Alarm he receiv'd throughout the whole Journey.

But almost in the same place, Another Encounter with the Duke of Guise, miss'd b [...]t a few ho [...]rs. at least at the Pass of Briare, which is not far from it, the Duke miss'd very little of an Encoun­ter of far greater importance; which was that with the Duke of Guise, who was retiring, dissatisfied enough with the Court, into his Government of Provence. Neither had he been gone above two hours before the Duke arriv'd at this Pass: whereas had he [Page 340] had the fortune to have come a little sooner, the Duke of Guise would doubtless have had much ado to perswade the Court, that so pat an Encounter had not been before compl [...]tted betwixt them. A jealousie that the known friendship betwixt the Duke and him would have rendred so plausible to all, that the Duke of Guise, not seeing a possibility of jnstifying himself against so violent a presumption, could hardly have avoided engaging on the Queens Party, seeing he must inevitably stand highly suspe­cted to the other; though the Duke of Espernon concluding him absolutely engag'd in the same design, did not much care to send after him, for fear of giving the Court too great a discovery be­fore Affairs were yet ripe: So that by this means, and from the very business it self, wherein he was thought to be so deeply con­cern'd, as perhaps he was, the Duke of Guise took occasion to make his own Game at Court, and to reconcile himself to the King, and the Favourites, he sending thither, seal'd up, as he re­ceiv'd them from the Queen, the Packets wherein she made her application to him, to engage him in her designs.

The twentieth day after the Duke's departure from Metz, he arriv'd at Confolant in Angoumois; where his Son, the Archbishop of Tholouze, together with the Sieur d' Ambleville, the King's Lieutenant in the Province, and the Duke's most faithful friend, and about three hundred Gentlemen more, came to wait upon him. And here it was that the Duke was infinitely astonish'd and surpriz'd; he had all the way expected to find Lorme there, with the Queens instructions about the manner of her escape: but his treachery (as yet unknown to the Duke) having turn'd him quite another way, gave the Duke reason to believe, either that the Queen Mother had alter'd her resolution, The Duke and his par­ty in a great confusion. or that otherwise she had been betray'd, and that the whole design had been discover'd: The one or the other of which had been equally ruinous to him, who must either way be certainly expos'd single, and naked to his enemies discretion. And as one mischief never comes alone, it fell out, that in the heighr of this confusion, he was assaulted by another of no less moment, and that consequently added very much to the perplexity he was in before. The man of the house where Rucellay, and le Plessis lay, was one of the Or Cuiras­siers. Gend'arme of the King's own Troop, whose name was Betison. This man dis­coursing with Cadillac le Plessis's Servant about the Affairs of the time (the common talk of that kind of people) innocently told him, amongst other things, that there was a bruit in the Country, as if the Duke were come to carry away the Queen Mother from Blois. It could never be found out from whence this rumour [Page 341] should arise, for it was so great a secret in the Duke's own Fa­mily, that the very persons who were continually employ'd in it, had not the least inckling thereof. Insomuch that Cadillac, who was himself as ignorant as the rest, told his Master this story for a ri­diculous thing: but le Plessis, who took it after another manner, and that on the contrary was astonish'd to the last degree, that an affair which had been carried on with the greatest secresie imagin­able, should become the discourse of the people, went immediate­ly to acquaint Rucellay with what he had heard; who being no less surpriz'd, than he, they went both together to the Duke, who was yet the most amaz'd of the three, and who by this was still more confirm'd in his former belief, that he was abandoned, and betray'd, wherein also the appearances were so great, that his opi­nion was not indeed much to be contradicted.

Le Plessis, who had waded very deep into this Affair, could by no means perswade himself that the Queen had any ways alter'd her resolution, yet did he not know what to say to her silence; He saw his Master's Enterprize was no more a secret, and that conse­quently he could not, without eminent danger make a longer stay at Confolant, his residence in that little place giving too ma­nifest evidence of some secret design. The consideration where­of made him resolve generously to expose himself to search out the truth of the business, and to clear those doubts the Duke was in at the hazard of his own life. Le Plessis takes a jour­ney to dis­cover how Affairs stood. In the close of the evening there­fore he departed from Confolant upon his own Horses, to go take post at Chastelloraut, and from thence to Loches; where, as he pass'd by he was to make sure of la Iliere, Governour of that place under the Duke of Espernon. This Gentleman, however faithful, and affectionate to the Duke his Master and Benefactor, was ne­vertheless at the first proposal very much surpriz'd with the greatness of this design, and to such a degree that he could not on the sudden prevail upon himself to embark in an Affair, wherein he discover'd so eminent, and inevitable danger: Insomuch that le Plessis not being able to overcome his apprehensions, and aver­sions, at this first Conference, durst proceed no further in his Jour­ney, it being above all things necessary to make sure of Loches. In the inte [...]im he saw he lost a great deal of time, and the Queen he knew, if she continu'd in her first resolution, must needs be in great anxiety, and suspense. He had moreover great reason to be­lieve that the news of the Duke's Voyage was by this time arriv'd at Court, and that then all possible diligence would be us'd (what­ever they might be) to prevent his designs. In which perplexity, not daring to depart from Loches, without having first made [Page 342] Iliere firm to their purpose; or at least till the Archbishop of Tho­louze (who was to follow presently after him) should come to se­cure the place, that being design'd for the Queens first retreat, he found a necessity upon him of committing the secret of this great and important Affair to Cadillac's fidelity and discretion: Cal­ling him therefore to him, entreating, and conjuring him to be faithful, with great promises of reward, he deliver'd him Letters for the Queen, with two or three words to the Count de Brenne, that he might by his favour be admitted to her Majesties presence. The Count had hitherto, 'tis true, been entrusted with no syllable of the design; but le Plessis knew him to be very faithful to the Queen his Mistriss, and that they had usually apply'd themselves to him to obtain Access, for several private Messengers that had been sent to her Majesty about this Affair. Cadillac acquitted him­self very well in his dispatch, he came to Blois, presented his Let­ter to the Count de Brenne, and was by him that very night presen­ted to the Queen, who entertain'd him some time alone in her Cabinet; and who after having heard the humble request he made in his Masters behalf, that her Majesty would please to send some trusty person to Montis (a post stage distant only from Blois) with whom he might the next day confidently confer. She made answer that she had no soul about her whom she durst trust; but that he should immediately back to le Plessis, to tell him from her, that without staying at Montis, he should come on as far as the Suburbs of Blois, where at the little Moor he should hear further from her. Cadillac accordingly return'd, riding all night back again towards his Master, to acquaint him with the Queens desire, whom at his arrival at Montis, he found got thither before him: La lliere (who had never faultred in his duty, and whom the fear of his Master's safety, rather than any consideration of his own, had made a little shie at first) being upon better delibe­ration now resolute to run the Duke's fortune, having it should seem set le Plessis at liberty to pursue his Journey: wherein never­theless he light upon an Encounter by the way, that had again al­most overthrown the whole design; and that had certainly done it, had he not by his dexterity, and the vivacity of his judgment, manag'd it in such sort, as to make it in the end contribute much to the good success of the Affair in hand.

You have already heard that upon the first intelligence the Court receiv'd of the Duke of Espernon's departure from Metz, An unex­pected and important Encounter upon the way. Luines had dispatch'd away le Maine to him with an approbation of his Journey from the King; and it now fell out that this Gen­tleman in pursuance of that dispatch, hapned to meet le Plessis [Page 343] upon the Road betwixt Ambois, and Blois; an Encounter that did not a little surprize le Plessis, who knew him to be a subtle man, and no very good friend to the Duke, by whom he con­ceiv'd he had not been so well us'd, as he deserv'd to be. Neither was there any possibility of passing by him unknown, they had been too long acquainted at Court for that; and it was much to be fear'd, lest the meeting of le Plessis upon this Road might make le Maine penetrate into the truth of his design, and consequently endeavour to obstruct it. In this apprehension, I have heard le Ples­sis say, That he was once in mind to have kill'd him; though considering that an act of that nature was likely to draw after it consequences that might utterly overthrow the Affair he had in hand, he quickly alter'd that resolution; conceiving it therefore better not to avoid his Encounter, he went chearfully up to him, where after he had some time entertain'd him with great demon­strations of intimacy, and friendship, he so order'd the matter, that he (without discovering the true intent of his own) got out of le Maine the business of his Journey, which was, that he was sent by the King, and the Duke de Luines to the Duke of Esper­non, to let him know that his Majesty was very well satisfied with his expedition, and that Luines desir'd to be his Servant. In or­der whereunto, having further enquir'd of le Plessis where he might find the Duke, he made answer, that certainly at Angou­lesme, where he arriv'd two days before he came from thence. Af­ter this manner did le Plessis disingage himself from this danger­ous encounter, diverting le Maine from the way to Loches, whither before he was going, to go enquire upon the Post Road some more certain news of the Duke: Whereas had he held on his way, and met him at Loches, as infallibly he had, the Queens Af­fairs had yet been in very great danger, le Maine returning in all diligence to Court, having had leisure enough to give Luines time, either to prevent the Queen Mothers escape, or at least to have ta­ken her upon the way, had she been gone from thence, Loches be­ing but one days Journey Post from Paris.

This untoward accident thus shuffled off, L [...] Plessis c [...]ming to Blois, is se­cretly ad­mitted into the Queens Chamber. and le Plessis being inform'd by Cadillac of the Queen Mothers order for him to come into the Suburbs of Blois, he fail'd not to execute her com­mands; where he was no sooner arriv'd, but that the Count de Brenne's Steward came to seek him, to guide him to the Castle, and to lodge him in the Anti-Chambre of the Count his Master. Night therefore being come, he was accordingly by him condu­cted thither, when, so soon as every body was retir'd, and the Queen left at liberty, and alone, she sent for him into her Cham­ber, [Page 344] to consult with him what remain'd to be done; where af­ter he had in few words given her an accompt of the long, and dangerous Voyage his Master had undertaken, out of the sole, and passionate desire he had to serve her, and that she had ac­knowledged that obligation in the handsomest manner she could by words express, le Plessis proceeded to represent to her Majesty the many dangers that attended this delay, remonstrating to her: ‘That it was now a great while since the Duke's departure from Metz: That he had already waited four or five days in a Vil­lage, in expectation of her Majesties Commands in order to her escape: That the true design of the Duke's Journey (though he believ'd it had no other ground than meer suspicion) was already become the common discourse of the people: That he had met le Maine going towards the Duke, upon the intelli­gence had already been carried to Court of his departure from Metz; and that therefore it was very requis [...]te her Majesty should make immediate use of the present occasion, which perhaps might in two days be irrecoverably lost.’ To which the Queen made answer: ‘That she was of his opinion, and that therefore they were then instantly to resolve upon the order, and the the means of her escape.’ Whereunto le Plessis having reply'd, ‘That that depended chiefly upon some man of Trust:’ The Queen made answer again: ‘That she had not one about her ( Chanteloube the only man of all her domesticks, to whom she had entrusted the secret of that Affair, being dispatch'd away to the Princes, and Lords, which she either conceiv'd already were, or soon would be engag'd in her Quarrel) in whom she durst confide.’

Whereupon, le Plessis conceiving there might be something of the humour of her Sex, or Nation, in so general a distrust, of his own accord propos'd to her the Count de Brenne; who, he said, had sufficiently manifested his fidelity in those Services he had already perform'd. A proposition the Queen did not seem absolutely to reject, saying (which are her own very words), That 'twas true she believ'd the Count to be a man of honour, but that notwith­standing she thought him very young for the conduct of so im­portant an Affair. Which scruple being satisfied by le Plessis, un­dertaking to make him capable enough; and seeing it was neces­sary to trust some one of the Queens domesticks, he thought a man of his condition, her Majesties Gentleman of the Horse, and Brother to the Marquis de Mony, a most passionate Servant of hers, was the most proper of all others to be made use of in this occasion. And accordingly, though it was then very far in [Page 345] far in the night, went immediately to talk with him about it; to whom (after he had felt his pulse a while, and found him very ready to undertake any thing for her Majesties Service [...] he at last declar'd the resolution had been taken, to deliver the Queen Mo­ther out of her captivity: a design, that he told him was to be ex­ecuted by a person of very great quality, concealing however the Duke of Espernon's name) who had drawn great Forces together in his Government, to favour her Majesties retreat; and in conclu­sion, that therefore he was the very next day to take order for Lad­ders, to get the Coaches ready, and to lay in fresh Horses, with all the secresie he in his own discretion should think fit, to the end that the night following without further delay her Majesty might be restor'd to her former Freedom. Not forgetting withal to re­commend to his consideration, what he might expect from the gratitude of a Mistriss, restor'd again to the whole sway of Af­fairs, her due Authority, and Greatness; besides the honour he would infallibly acquire to himself in so glorious an occasion.

The Count thus prepar'd and instructed, Preparation for the Q [...]eens es­cape. accordingly made pro­vision of all things necessary for the design; and le Plessis him­self remaining conceal'd in the Queens Cabinet (either to be, as it were, a Hostage for his Master's fidelity, or to be present with his directions in the execution of the design) sent Cadillac only back to the Archbishop of Tholouze, to acquaint him with the Queens readiness, the night following to make her escape. The Archbi­shop, who was to part from Confolans immediately after le Plessis, had order to advance no further than Loches (that place being de­sign'd for the Queens first reception) only to clear the Road in or­der thereunto: but le Plessis by Cadillac intreated him to advance as far as Montrichart, which was half way betwixt Blois and Lo­ches; assuring him that the Queen would infallibly come thither the night following, which hapned to be the 22. of Feb. an exact month to a day after the Duke's departure from Metz. Cadillac therefore posted with extraordinary diligence back again to Lo­ches to meet the Archbishop there; where being come, he found not only the Son, but the Father also, entring together the Sub­urbs of the City. The reason of which was, that though it had been at first resolv'd, the Son should go before with twenty or thirty Gentlemen only, to make the less noise, and give the less suspicion; yet could not the Duke his Father, when it came to' [...], consent to let him go so slenderly attended, where he apprehended the peril to be so manifest, and great. He knew not, in the anxiety and doubt wherewith he was involv'd, what to think of the Queens silence, of whom he had hitherto heard no news at all, [Page 346] to which the rumour that was already spread abroad of his real design, having more encreas'd his apprehension, nature would not permit him to expose his Son to so great an adventure, chusing much rather to run the whole hazard together with him, than that he alone should tempt the danger, whilst himself lay idle and secure.

Cadillac, The Duke of [...] hears from the Queen. having discover'd them at distance, spur'd up to them, transported with joy of the good news he brought; where he gave them a full relation of what had pass'd betwixt the Queen, and himself, and of what he had in Commission from his Ma­ster, together with her Majesties readiness to depart, and the secre­sie that had hither to been preserv'd in the Queens Houshold: but he could give them no accompt, why they had heard nothing from her Majesty at Confolans, she having deny'd to le Plessis that Lorm [...] had ever been with her, as it was too true; or that she had ever heard [...] syllable from the Duke, since his departure from Metz, which she said had put her into no little fear.

And here I cannot but wonder at the infirmities of men, and the [...]isproportion we may sometimes observe in the bravest and most heroick minds. The Duke of Espernon had for six months together been continually projecting this design, had foreseen all the accidents could happen, was come from Metz for no other end, an [...] had wish'd for nothing more than to see things at the pass they now were: notwithstanding all which he was strange­ly astonish'd at this news, and the immediate sight of the object representing to his imagination at once, what [...] he had only consi­der'd by particulars before, he seem'd to stagger in his resolution whether he should proceed any fu [...]ther or no in an Enterprize, the last Act whereof could only crown all the rest, and secure him for what was already done. He made Cadillac repeat above an hundred times in less than half an hour, what the Queen, and what his Master had said, with what he had himself observ'd: when suddenly, and of himself, grown generously resolute in his first design, he commanded Cadillac to return immediately to le Plessis, and to assure him, that the night following, the Archbi­shop his Son with fifty Light-Horse should infallibly be ready at Montrichart, and that the next day after himself would follow with the rest of his party, to receive the Queen, and to secure her re­treat, should any thing upon the way be attempted against her.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE of the Duke of Espernon.
The Eighth Book.

IF the Duke had on his part been alarm'd with these jealousies and mistrusts, The Queen prepares for her escape. the Queens Servants on the other side were in no less diffidence and fear. These were upon this occasion reduc'd to a very contemptible number; wherein I cannot but admire, that in so plentiful a fortune, as this Princess was Mistriss of (notwithstanding her disgrace) there was so little fide­lity to be found amongst her people, that she durst entrust the se­cret of this Affair to but four of her domesticks only. Of these the Count de Brenne was the chief, the others were Mazure, and du Lion Exempts des Gardes are old Souldiers of the Royal Guards, who as a recom­pense for their long Services are priviledg'd and exempt from Duty, Taxes, and Imposts, common to the rest of the people. Exempts of her Guards, and Katherine one of the wo­men of her Chamber, an Italian, and exceeding faithful. These being all strangers to le Plessis (and the Duke of Espernon being not as yet declar'd undertaker of the Enterprize) disputed very stiffly against her Majesties resolution, as being very unwilling to consent she should commit her safety to persons altogether un­known. The debate whereof was very hot in the Queens Closet, [Page 348] whilst in the mean time her Cabinets were packing up with her choicest Jewels, where though they could not very well approve of the thing, yet had they not however neglected to fix the Lad­ders; and Cadillac who had set out of Loches by eight of the clock that evening, was got betwixt twelve and one, upon the Bridge of Blois, to give the last blow to the design. He was here staid by the Count de Brenne's Gentleman of his Horse, and one of the Queens Footmen, who had been to convey the Coach out of Town, and who had orders to suffer one Currier only to pass; which, though this were the man intended in that direction, yet would they not permit him to pass upon his own word, but would themselves go along with him to the Castle, though he had taken so exact observation before of the way from without the City, to the Ladders that he serv'd for a guide to those, who pretended to conduct him. In the heat therefore of this diligence, he was not long e're he recover'd the first Ladder, by which ha­ving mounted the Terrass, he went to the second, which from the Terrass lead up to the Queens Closet Window, by which she was to come out. Being got up to the Window, which he found shut, he there heard the noise the Queens Servants made in their Debate; who were not yet to be perswaded out of the apprehen­sions they had conceiv'd of her Majesties person, and safety. Which first fears had been infinitely augmented, by the recovery of the Packet entrusted to Lorme, and retriv'd by le Büisson, which the Queen had but that very night, and almost at the same instant receiv'd: by which, though they were satisfied the treachery had fail'd of its effect, that knowledge was nevertheless so far from making them secure, that on the contrary it awak'd their jealousie, and by rendring them more apprehensive of others which they doubted might succeed, made them more circumspect than be­fore: Wherein though the Queen appea [...]'d the least surpriz'd, yet did she not think it as yet convenient to discover the person who was to assist her in this escape. Whilst they were in this suspense, Cadillac knock'd at the Window, who brought news that would satisfie all their doubts. The Window was presently open'd to Floze his man (that being the phrase) who was no sooner with­in the Cabinet, but that transported with joy, to see things so well prepar'd, he threw himself at her Majesties feet, telling her, that now all things were in as good a posture, as her Majesty could her self desire; that Monsieur d' Espernon was at Loches, Monsieur de Tholouze at Montrichart, and with them three hun­dred Gentlemen ready to serve, and attend her Majesty, whither­soever she should be pleas'd to go. This was the first time the [Page 349] Duke of Espernon had been mention'd in all this Affair, whose name was no sooner heard by the Queens domesticks, but that it clear'd them of their former apprehensions, no one after that once offering to oppose their Mistrisses resolution. They making no doubt, but that a man whose wisdom and power were so ge­nerally known, had taken order for all things necessary for the Queens, and his own particular safety. Here then was a sudden change of faces, not a person in the Cabinet, who discover'd not alacrity and satisfaction in their looks; especially the Queen, who without losing more time, her self gathering up her Gown, that she might at better convenience get out of the Window, The Queen goes out of the window of her Ca­b [...]et. gave the Count de Brenne her hand, who went out before her, her Majesty following next, le Plessis the third, and after him all the rest. The Queen had found so much difficulty, and trouble in this first de­scent, that she had no mind to make use of the Ladder, to go down from the Platform into the street of the Suburb, chusing rather (the earth being mouldred down in many places, by rea­son the Terrass was not yet fac'd with stone) to sit upon a Cloak, which being leisurely drawn down, convey'd her to the bottom with very great ease. The rest, either by the same way, or by the Ladder suddenly follow'd, when the Queen being immediately taken by the arms by the Count de Brenne, and le Plessis. as they were leading her along the Suburbs, they chanc'd to meet some of her own Officers; who seeing a woman led betwixt two with­out a Torch, concluded her to be a Wench; which she hearing, said laughing to le Plessis, They take me for a good one. Yet did not these encounters hinder them from suddenly recovering the Bridge, where they were to take Coach; but being come where they expected to find it, there was no Coach to be seen, nor any body left to tell them which way 'twas gone. So that here they were in a new disorder. The Queen knew not what to think of her people, nor le Plessis what to imagine of the thing: they be­gan to suspect one another, and (as it happens in all dangerous occasions) every one was so intent upon their own particular concern, that no one had reserv'd so much judgment as to advise what was best to be done. In this general jealousie, and conster­nation, comes one of the Queens Footmen, to guide them to the Coach; which they had convey'd into a little blind lane out of the way, that it might not be taken notice of by such as should have occasion to go over the Bridge. This fear then being then blown over, all past jealousies and apprehensions now vanish'd, and were forgot. The Queen put her self into the Coach, with the Count de Brenne, le Plessis, and Katherine, the rest had all Horses ready to [Page 350] mount; the Queens Cabinets also were all thrown into the Coach, one excepted, which by oversight was left upon the place; but being miss'd, before they had gone two hundred paces, was sent back for, and found; and it was worth the labour, having in it Jewels, to the value of above an hundred thousand Crowns. And this was the last alarm. They went out of the Suburbs, the Torches were lighted, and the Queen held on her Journey to­wards Montrichart, without any further adventure worth re­peating.

It hath already been said, that the Archbishop of Tholouze had taken with him fifty Gentlemen to advance as far as Montr [...] ­chart, to secure that little Town; of which party Rucellay was one. They had over night possess'd themselves of the Gates, to be Masters of the Bridge, which affords passage over the River, that almost environs the Town; neither were they ordered to stir from thence: but le [...]lessis, fearing the Queen should meet any accident, or receive any fright by the way, dispatch'd again Cadillac in all diligence to the Archbishop, to give him notice of her Majesties coming; and withal to desire him to send out twelve, or fifteen Gentlemen to meet her for her further assurance: which was presently done, and Rucellay would needs command the Troop, whilst the Archbishop staid behind to guard the Pass; which, should it have been obstructed, would infallibly have overthrown the whole design.

Not long after Rucellay's departure, The Queen Mother is receiv'd by the Duke of Espernon. the Queen arriv'd at Mont­richart, where she was complemented by the Archbishop, and whence (staying no longer there, than fresh Horses could be put into the Harness) she continued her Journey towards Loches, better attended than hitherto she had been. About a League on this side the City, she was met by the Duke of Espernon, with a hundred and fifty Horse (what Gentlemen, and what of his own Guards) he having dismiss'd most of the Gentry, as not necessary upon this occasion. At this meeting the Queen deliver'd the most passionate expressions of Obligation, together with the largest pro­mises of a grateful return, a Princess of her condition could pos­sibly make to a Servant who had so highly merited from her; which the Duke having receiv'd with all becoming respect, he was by the Queen commanded to come into the Coach; where being seated, she began to tell him of Lorme's [...] treachery, of which till this instant he knew nothing; proceeding to acquaint him with greater liberty, than by Letter before she durst do, with her designs; naming to him the persons she conceiv'd she had won over to her party, and giving him hopes of several things which [Page 351] notwithstanding succeeded not according to her expecta­tion.

The Queens escape had been carried with that secresie, that not a soul in the Castle had perceiv'd it; so that it was far in the morning, when the domesticks appointed for the Service of her Majesties person (seeing themselves not call'd to their ordinary em­ployments, and not knowing what to think of so profound a sleep) resolv'd to venture into the Queens Chamber: Where be­ing enter'd, and not seeing the Queen, they look'd for Katherine, who likewise was no where to be found. Every one therefore be­ing amaz'd at so strange a Solitude, they sought, and call'd, but all in vain: neither could they imagine which way they could be gone; the Ladders, by which the Queen had gone down, having been thrown into the River, the better to conceal the manner of her escape. At last having been some time in suspense, they had some news of the Queens motion, which begot a new astonish­ment amongst them, though proceeding from several motives. The most faithful and affectionate were glad she had recover'd her liberty; whereas those who had been corrupted by the Favourite (which were very many) fearing on the one side they should stand suspected at Court, to have been assisting to the Queen in her de­sign, and on the other, lest her Majesty (well inform'd of their in­fidelity) should punish the [...] according to their desert, knew not which way to turn, nor what to do. Whilst they were in this confusion, her Majesty writ to the Marquise de Guercheville her Lady of Honour, to let her and the rest of her women know of her arrival at Loches; The Queen Mother ar­rives at L [...]ches. where she would stay two days to expect them, and where both they, and her other Servants, who had a mind to come to her should be welcome, excepting five and forty, or fifty which (as suspected to her) she gave order should be turn'd away; withal that such as could not come time enough to Lo­ches, might find her at Angoulesme, whither she was design'd to go.

The Queen no sooner saw her self at full liberty, but that she began to meditate of the means to defend her self from the Fa­vourite's persecution, which in all probability was likely to be vio­lent enough; The Queen begins to fall to her business, and in the first place en­deavours to justifie her escape. as also to give the Duke the best colour she could, to justifie what he had done. To this purpose therefore she deli­ver'd him the original of the Letter the King had sent her under his own hand; whereby she was permitted to go whither she would, into any part of the Kingdom: Which Letter she also ac­companied with another from her self to the Duke, a few days antidated, and after the time of his arrival at Confolans; wherein [Page 352] she entreated his assistance in the prosecution of her design. By which means the Duke was clear'd of the imputation the Court laid to his charge, that he had taken away the Queen by force, and against her will; which had been a crime as well towards the Mo­ther, as the Son. The two Letters were these.

This Letter of Rucellay's style (who now (although a stranger) undertook nevertheless to serve the Queen in the nature of a Se­cretary) being dispatch'd, it was necessary they should think also of writing to the King, to give his Majesty notice of the Queens removal, and of the design she had to retire her self to Angoulesme: In which Letter she represented, The Queen Mothers Letter to King.

[Page 354]The King had no sooner receiv'd this Letter, but that the Fa­vourites began to study an answer; which, though it were in shew respective enough to the Queen, The King's answer to the Queen Mother. was yet full of threats to­wards the Duke. Wherein after his Majesty had express'd to the Queen his astonishment at the violence the Duke of Espernon had committed upon her person, he went on with great heat to de­clare: ‘That of all others he could never have suspected an of­fense of that nature, believing there had not been that man in the world, who, in a profound and inviolate peace, had had the impudence (which were the express terms of the Letter) not only to execute, but even to meditate a resolution to attempt up­on the liberty of the Mother of his King. From whence his Majesty proceeding to menaces of the most severe, and exempla­ry punishment, he in the end justified those about his person from the ill usage whereof she complain'd; as having been done by his own order, and that with as much favour and respect as any Son of a much inferiour Birth, could pay to a Mother: declaring withal, that he was resolv'd to take Arms, thereby to put her in full possession of that liberty, her enemies had taken from her; and to cause the honour, and respect to be paid her which was due to her person.’ The rest was committed to the Count de Bethune, The Count de Bethune sent to the Queen to tre [...]t with her. who was sent away with this dispatch, and who was to reside with the Queen to treat with her about an Ac­commodation; a Treaty his Majesty immediately set on foot, not thinking it fit, till that way had first been try'd, to commence a War, wherein the Queen his Mother would be head of the ad­verse party: A respect that did not long continue.

Whilst Bethune with this Commission took the way to Angou­lesme, the Queen Mother, who departed from Loches the same day that she sent her Letter to Court, The Q [...]een prepares for a War. was there arriv'd. It was upon the first of March, 1619. that she enter'd the City; where she was no sooner come, but that she dispatch'd away to all parts, to dis­pose those who had promis'd to engage in her quarrel, to declare now in her favour. Most of the Grandees of the Kingdom were at this time retir'd from Court, and almost all dissatisfied with the present Government; yet whether it were (as I have said) that seeing the Duke of Espernon had already so engross'd the entire honour of the Action, they could not in reason expect to share with him, who had alone executed the most glorious, and dan­gerous part of the design; The whole burden whereof falls upon the Duke of [...]spernon. or that they had been taken off by the Favourites promises (who in this juncture had not neglected to prevent the effect of their discontents) however it was, they were glad to do their own work at the Duke's expense, and as they had [Page 355] had no hand in the action, would not in the least appear in the Queens behalf.