The Germane spie truly discovering the deplorable condition of the kingdom and subjects of the French king : being an abstract of the several years observations of a gentleman who made that the peculiar business of his travels : with a continuation of Christianismus Christianandus.

THE Germane Spie: TRULY DISCOVERING The Deplorable Condition of the Kingdom, and Subjects of the FRENCH King.

A Certain German Gentleman, a Subject to one of the Northern Princes, a Perſon of great Uunderſtanding, and no leſs devoted to the good Cauſe; being returned ſome Weeks ago, by the Way of Italy, from the Kingdom of France, where he Travell'd a long time, and took an extraordinary Care to inform himſelf of all things; with an admirable Exactneſs, has imparted to us in his own Language, a Writing, containing ſeveral Remarks of conſiderable Importance, which he made upon the preſent State of France; of which we find it to be our Duty, and for the Intereſt of the Publick Good, that the Nation ſhould be inform'd: To which effect, we immediately with great diligence, ſet our ſelves to Tranſlate the ſame.

And this we do ſo much the more willingly, becauſe we find that ſeveral Perſons have form'd in themſelves ſuch an advantageous Idaea of the Power of France, by reaſon of the taking of Mons and Nyſſa; that we deem'd it proper to diſabuſe thoſe People, and all others that are led into the ſame Errour.

Our Author begins with a Diſcourſe of the Beauty of the Country, and Temperature of the Climate, the goodneſs of the Fruits, the agreeable Diſpoſitions and Politeneſs of the Inhabitants, and their Aſſability towards Strangers, which in truth is very great; and after he has entertain'd the Reader for ſome time with theſe things, he tells us,

That the Miſeries of thoſe People, are not to be expreſs'd; That there is not any Nation under Heaven ſo oppreſs'd, even in a time of Peace, neither excepting the Muſcovites nor the Turks; and that thoſe diſtreſſed People are reduced to ſuch a Condition of Poverty, that though the mercileſs Exactors exerciſe in thoſe Places, ten times more Cruelty than an Hoſtile and Victorious Army is wont to do upon a People newly ſubdu'd; nevertheleſs the King is not able to raiſe the half of his ordinary Impoſts, which he rais'd about three Years agoe, becauſe the People have no Money, and for that the Kingdom lies ſo like a Deſart in many Places.

That this Year there will be a Failure of above Thirty Millions, upon the Score of Non-ability to pay.

That all Manufactures are at a very low Ebb; as thoſe of Silk, Linen, Paper, &c. And that all the Artificers are either dead, or in the Wars; and that their Trade is abſolutely ruin'd, as well by Land as Sea, as well without as within the Kingdom; and that Lewis XIV. receives but very little Money by it: Which is the reaſon, he has been conſtrain'd to have recourſe to violent Means, which are never made uſe of, but when the State is ready to periſh; ſuch as are the Creation of a great number of new Officers, the Borrowing of Thirty Millions, the Augmentation of Officers Fees for large Summs, the extraordinary Taxes upon the Clergy, his Command to ſell a great part of his Plate, and the enhauncing the Value of Money; by which means, the King has rais'd above a Hundered Millions, without which he could not have paid his Men this Year.

That all Proviſions for the Belly, as Corn and Wine, are ſunk above the ſixth part of the Value, which they were formerly worth, and much leſs than what they coſt the Husbandman.

That they who have Lands to Let, cannot find Farmers, and that the Houſes tumble down, and the Lands lie untill'd.

That they who have Offices, have no Profit by them.

That they who have Money due, cannot get the Intereſt of their Money i • a long time, unleſs they be ſuch who have lent Money to the King ſome years agoe, becauſe he thinks thereby to oblige all thoſe that have Money, to lend it him.

That all the Subjects of that Kingdom in general, are all equally ruin'd: as,

The Church-men, who formerly were very Wealthy and Powerfull, but now their Lands and other Eſtates no longer yeild 'em any Mony: And for the inferiour Clergy, they have nothing to doe, for they neither Marry, nor Baptize, nor Bury; all the Men being kill'd in the Wars.

The Grand Nobility live onely upon their Penſions, and Court Employments: The Gentry are a Body the moſt miſerable in the World, and which ought to curſe the Reign of this King.

The Officers of Juſtice, of the Politick Government, and the Finances receive no Benefit, either by their Eſtates or Emploiments, and yet the King loads them every day with new demands.

The Univerſities, Colleges, and Academies for Riding, Dancing, and Exerciſe of Arms, are all ſo low, that the Maſters die for Hunger.

That whereas prudent Princes never make War, but with one Part of the Revenue of their Subjects, and never Conquer, but to Enrich and People their Dominions, Lewis XIV. has devour'd in War three Fourths of all the Funds of the Kingdom, and is haſtning to eat up the Remainder; and that his own Subjects are a thouſand times more miſerable, than the People which he has Conquer'd; as appears,

Firſt, In that the Lands and the Houſes, one with another, are not worth above the fourth Part of the Revenue, of what they were worth; beſides, that there is no Rent to be ſeen, and to fell them, they would not yield a ſixth part.

That there is a fourth Part of the Houſes, that fall to ruin; and a fourth Part of the Lands, that are thrown up.

That the Husbandman, who formerly gained 8 Sous a day, living in the Country, now gets not above two, and that pay'd him in Corn, of which a Buſhel that was formerly commonly worth 30 Sous, is not worth above five or ſix; and withall, that there is very little Corn in the Kingdom, take it in general.

That by conſequence, the King has devour'd all the Money that was due to the Rich Men of the Kingdom, by the Loans of Money to particular Perſons; and this exceeds above a third Part of all the Stock of the Kingdom. For Lands, Houſes, and Rents being eaten up, the Mortgages muſt fail.

That he has ſeveral times devour'd the Offices and Employments of the whole Kingdom, which he ſold at dear Rates, and which were to him inſtead of a Grand Principal Subſtance, which produc'd nothing to the Officers.

That all theſe Offices of Judicature, Civil Policy, and the Finances, could not have coſt leſs than eight hundred Millions, and that the ſmall Wages which they receive from the King, are ſwallow'd up in the Taxes which they pay from time to time.

That the innumerable multitude of theſe Offices, and of their exorbitant Prices is ſuch, that theſe People having but ſmall Wages, and ill Paid, cannot drain leſs than a hundred Millions a year▪ from the People, by the litigious Pettifogging, their Cheating and Extortion.

That the King has diſſipated above two Thirds of the Coined Money of the Kingdom, as well by exhauſting the Price, as by tranſporting it out of the Kingdom, and beſides that has devour'd two Thirds of the Plate within theſe 40 Years.

That he has devour'd the Eſtates and Lands of Cities, Corporations, and particular Perſons, by re-uniting them to the Crown Demeaſnes.

That he has devour'd ſeveral Hundreds of Millions, which he extorted from thoſe that were call'd Partiſans, who were Farmers of his Impoſts, whom he deſpoil'd and robb'd, after they had robb'd others.

That the Kingdom of France is diſpeopl'd within theſe Forty years, above half in half; but chiefly within theſe ten Years.

That there are in the Armies of the King of France, between ſix and ſeven Hundred Thouſand Men, including in the Number, a hundred, or a hundred and twenty Toll-gatherers, and Subſidy Collectors; and are thus numbred: 50000 Horſe, 18 Dragoons, 33 • 000 Foot, 30000 belonging to his Artillery, and Proviſion, and Ammunition Waggons, and 50000 in his Fleets and Gallies, and above 100 or 120 Camp-Varlets, which make up the number of 700000 Men, the greateſt part of which are Un-marri'd.

That there are deſtroy'd and die every Year, few leſs than a Third part of theſe Men, according to the Liſts of Recruits, which are ſo many Females excluded from Marriage. And that at the end of 10 Years, Marriage being ſo much hinderd, above the half of any numerous Nation will come to be deſtroy'd.

That the Lives of all the People loſt within 10 Years, according to the Eſtimate, which is made of Men and Women Slaves in Algier, amounts to ſeveral thouſand Millions.

That from the Example of Paris, where this Depopulation is leaſt diſcern'd, the reſt of the Kingdom muſt be extreamly diſpeopl'd.

That he is very well inform'd, that there are fewer People in Paris by a Third part, than there were about Twenty years agoe, and that they live in extream Miſery there, notwithſtanding the multitude of Coaches, and the great Court.

That the Houſes, for the generality, ſtill retain above half the value of their ancient Hire; but that the Rent is ill Paid, and ſeveral of the Houſes ſtand empty; that the Tradeſmen die there for hunger.

That there are hardly any Lacquies, Clerks, Proctors, or young Barbers to be ſeen, as being all conſum'd by the War; and that all the reſt of the Cities and Towns of the Kingdom, are in a worſe Condition.

That there may be ſtill near Ten Millions of Souls in the Kingdom, and that within the laſt ten Years, the number has leſſen'd between 4 or 5 Millions.

That by the number of Pariſhes, which are Twenty Seven Thouſand, compar'd with the number of Men not Marry'd, which are in the War, or in the number of Collectors, that there ought to be 22 Men, and one fourth in each Pariſh one with another.

That France can never recover it ſelf, (though the Government ſhould be chang'd,) without a long Peace, and unleſs ſhe abandon her Conqueſts and Uſurpations; by reaſon the Manufactures are carry'd into Foreign Countries, the half of the People deſtroy'd, the Money waſted, the Funds charg'd with more Debts than they are worth; becauſe the vaſt Army of Toll-gatherers and Collectors is not diſmiſs'd; the Sale of Offices and Employments is not ſuppreſs'd; and becauſe all thoſe Officers drain'd, exhauſted, and ſamiſh'd, will lie ſucking the People to the very Marrow, as well as the Court; otherwiſe who can believe, though Trade were once again reſtor'd, that France can always raiſe the ſame Summs, which ſhe has done for a long time, unleſs theſe Maxims of Injuſtice and Violence be reſtor'd, with which ſhe is over-whelm'd.

That the Money is extreamly diminiſh'd in France: For that for a long time, the King purchas'd the Alliances and Amities of all Princes, corrupted their Miniſters and other, Counſellors, paid large Penſions to make them declare for France, or only remain Neuters; expended upon Spies, both great Ones, and thoſe of leſſer Note, conſiderable Summs; ſent Armies out of the Kingdom into the Service of other Princes; purchaſed Cities and ſtrong Holds, as Dunkirk and Caſal, the Garriſon of which Place ſtands him in a great deal of Money every Year, as alſo Pigneroll. The Huguenots have carry'd out Thirty Millions. The Horſes ſent for every Year out of Germany; Switzerland, and other Places ſince the War, coſt at leaſt Six Millions every Year, each Horſe brought from thence, being Valued at 20 Piſtols a piece; for that there are no Breeds of Horſes in the Kingdom, by reaſon of the incredible Poverty of the People, that cannot compaſs it to have Stocks before hand.

That in Gold-lace, Embroidery, Cloth of Gold, Fringes and Gilding, there are waſted in France above Ten Millions of Livers in that Metall, and in England more; adding withall this Sentence, Ambitioſa Paupertate perit Gallia. Through ambitious Poverty France is ruin'd: And in this is ſhewn the Blindneſs of the Engliſh Nation, who complain of the Tranſportation of their Money, and that it is ſcarce, while they themſelves in ten Years, deſtroy as much Silver by this means, as there is Money in the Kingdom.

That all the Money which France raiſes by Contribution, does not exceed for or five Millions of France, which is not above the Fortieth or Fiftieth part of her Expence.

That the Trade which remains behind, is very little.

That the Profit by Privateers is not conſiderable.

Laſtly, That the War, beyond Compariſon, does leſs miſchief to the Confederates than to France; That the Confederates, for the moſt part, gain by this War; That Germany in general, draws great Advantages from it, though ſeveral Princes and States ſuffer by it; and that thoſe Advantages advance to a conſiderable Value.

That the Advantages will far ſurmount the Diſadvantages, which Holland receives thereby; and that at length ſhe will gain much more than ſhe does at preſent, and will get a large Intereſt, by the principal Summs ſhe now disburſes. That Spain will alſo be a gainer, though ſhe loſes at preſent.

That the D. of Savoy will find his Satisfaction for that he loſes, and will loſe much leſs being United with the Confederates, than if he had clos'd with Lewis XIV. upon the Conditions which he propos'd; for that then he had been deſpoi'ld paſt recovery, in regard that France never keeps her Word. But that England gains more than any of the Confederates, though many People will not believe it.

That in time of Peace, ten Thouſand Engliſh, as well Maſters as Servants, travel into France, who ſpend three times as much, as the Revenues of Scotland and Ireland; their Expence reckoned at a 100 Livers Sterling a piece, one with another. They get, for the moſt part, above a Million Sterling by the Baubles of Paris; and that now they get but little by the Manufactures of Goldlace, Silk, large Hats, French Glaſs, Woodden-Combs, Paper, Linen, which are ſettl'd here by the favour of the War; by the Salt, Brandy, Sider and Bere, which is made here; by the ſmall Quantity of French Wine which is conſum'd at preſent; by the ſeveral Fruits Dry and Green, and French Sweat-Meats, which are little eſteem'd.

That England is, at this day, much more Wealthy than France; and that if God had afflicted England with ſuch a Government, and a King of Lewis the Fourteenth's Humor, ſhe might doe much more than France does now.

That therefore all Princes, that are tempted to imitate that King in his Humors, to be a Conqueror and an Abſolute Prince, ought rather to ſwallow Poiſon, and quit the World, than to ſuffer themſelves to be over-rul'd by ſuch Barbarous and Curſed Paſſions.

That indeed, in ſome meaſure, Lewis XIV. is to be excuſed for his Attacking Mons and Nyſſa; as ſuppoſing him to have a good Correſpondence, both in the one and the other, and that his Deſign was thereby, to re-eſtabliſh or maintain the Reputation of his Great Power, of which he began to be ſomewhat doubtfull; and to prevent his Credit from falling, as well among the Rebels in Ireland, as among his own Subjects, and at Rome, where there is ſuch Diſputing about the Election of a New Pope; and that he thought this would ſtrike a Terror into the Confederates, eſpecially the Duke of Savoy, who he troubles the moſt, and therefore would oblige him to make his Peace apart, and others after, or together with him. He was alſo willing to make the World believe, that the Congreſs at the Hague, of which he had Intilligence 8 Months before, did nothing aſtoniſh him. And therefore beleiving it was high time for him to Attempt ſomething, he pickt out Mons, before any other in the Low-Countries, and took all his Meaſures to Crown the Enterprize with Succeſs. And the Reaſons why he pitch'd upon Mons were theſe: Becauſe it was a Place the moſt advanc'd toward France, and for that the Confederates would ſooner make an Invaſion of his Country on that ſide, than any other way; becauſe it was a Place which fetch'd great Contributions out of France, and the Conquer'd Provinces, and for that being large and wealthy, it might ſerve to make a Magazine for K. William's Army; and becauſe that if the Confederates were ſo far weakn'd, as to make a Peace to his Advantage the next Winter, he would rather keep it, than Aeth, Oudenard, or Charleroy, which he had been once already oblig'd to quit, to ſerve as a Bar to the Spaniſh Low-Countries; beſides that, it is the Capital City of a large Province, which the Conqueſt of that Town would reduce wholly under his Subjection. As for Nyſſa, aſſuredly it was Bought and Sold; for that otherwiſe it would have been a fooliſh attempt to have Attacqu'd it in the Heart of Winter, being a Place Impregnable; and that the Traitors were agreed, to cover their foul Play, to fire the Powder, under the Favour of the firſt Bombs that Catinat ſhould throw into the Town; by which means they ſhould take the French Money, yet appear honeſt Men. That as for the Circumſtances and the Soldiers kill'd by the Accident, it might all be ſo manag'd, as if the whole had happen'd fortuitouſly, the better to cover their Intrigues.

Therefore 'tis preſumed, that France went the beſt way to try, whether ſhe could by theſe means ſeparate the Allies one from the other; and farther, that there is no queſtion to be made, but that France, by other Intrigues, ſupported with Money, will do her utmoſt to make a Peace the next Winter; for that othe • wiſe ſhe is ruin'd for ever, notwithſtanding all the outward haughtineſs ſhe carries in her looks, and that it is the Intereſt of the Allies, not to be too haſty, but to ſtand reſolutely upon their Terms.

That whatever outward ſhew Lewis XIV. makes, it will be impoſſible for him to ſupport another Campaign after this, but that he muſt be oblig'd to conſtrain his Subjects to ſell the laſt remainder of their Plate, and to raiſe the Price of his Money at leaſt half in half. And that all this will hardly ſuffice for another Campaign; for that the farther he goes forward in theſe Exceſſes, and the more his uſual Impoſts decay, the leſs Money he will have, and the more the People will be ruin'd.

Having now given you a ſhort, but faithful Account of the Miſeries and Calamities that the French King's Subjects groan under at home, as alſo the ſinking Condition of the State; which we may modeſtly affirm to be the Effects of his Tyrannical Government on the one hand, and of his Infidelity and Injuſtice towards his Neighbours and Allies on the other; let us now examine the Particulars of his Tranſactions with each Neighbouring Potentate for ſome time paſt, and then let the Impartial judge, whether any thing but Oppreſſion to his People, and Ruin to his Kingdom, are likely to be the Events of ſuch perfidious Practices. We will begin with England.

How happy was the King of England, at his firſt Reſtauration, belov'd by his People, ador'd by his Parliament, and in perfect Union with his Neighbours the Dutch! What might not thoſe two Potentates in cloſe Confederacy have done? France trembled at the thoughts of it, and deſpair'd of graſping Univerſal Empire, unleſs ſhe could divide this ſolid oppoſition, ſo pernicious to her ſoaring Projects.

The French King well underſtood that the King of England, would he but put himſelf to the trouble of knowing his own ſtrength, and making a true uſe of it, was in a condition not only to mediate, but to force a Peace among all the Potentates of Europe. For by a ſtrict Union with the Hollanders, he was abſolute. Maſter of the whole Ocean, and conſequently of the Riches of the World; inſomuch that the Mines of America were not ſafe to the King of Spain, but by his Permiſſion; and by ſending to the weaker ſide the aſſiſtance of his Land Forces, formidable as well for their Courage as their Diſcipline, he was able to have turn'd the ſcales of Victory which way ſoe'er he pleas'd. Now then in regard that by the common Rules of Policy and Fore-ſight, the French King could not but be well aſſur'd, that whatſoever Princes he aſſail'd, the other would be as certain in the weakneſs of his Condition, to have recourſe to the two Grand Fortreſſes of Europe, Potent at Sea, and no leſs powerful by Land, to prevent the R • vage of his Territories; whether the Dictates of Achitopheliſm, and Machiaviliſm, might not in ſome meaſure juſtifie the moſt Chriſtian King, in purſuing the beſt Methods he could to ſeparate ſuch a Conjunction, ſo prejudicial to his aſpiring Ambition and Self-intereſt, may not be ſo much, perhaps, the Queſtion; but whether he is not to be look'd upon as the worſt of the whole Race of Cain, and as a Miſchief and Peſt which all Mankind ought to eſchew; who, beſides the moſt unchriſtian like ways, by which he ſought to ſubdue his Enemies, treated his moſt faithfull Friends and Allies with that infidelity, that Treachery, that baſe and ſcornfull Ingratitude, as he did the King of England. By which it was plain, that all the Kindneſſes and Remuneration which the Moſt Chriſtian Lewis intended the King of England for all his Services, was only that he ſhould have been the laſt, that for all his Services and Aſſiſtences given to the French Crown, to the over-ſight of his own Intereſt, and his

True it is, that notwithſtanding the Convulſions that threatned his Kingdom during his Minority, yet Mazarine having by a Conjunction with Cromwell, ſurmounted all thoſe difficulties, much increaſed his Power, and inlarged his Conqueſts by new Acquiſitions: (For Cromwell, whom for his pains Mazarine was wont to call a Fortunate Fool,) gaping after the Golden Mines of Peru, to ſupply his empty Coffers, contrary to all the Rules of Engliſh Policy, was altogether for pulling down the diſtant Monarchy of Spain, and advancing the neighbouring power of France. Mazarine had the length of his Foot; and therefore reſolv'd to make the beſt of him, by pampering up his Gold craving humour, and foſtering his Animoſities againſt the Spaniard. And ſo cunning was Mazarine, that he granted the heedleſs Uſurper whatever he demanded, conſidering that when Cromwell had aſſiſted him to doe his work, in bringing under the Houſe of Auſtria, and by that means caſting the Balance of Europe on the French ſide, he ſhould afterwards have leiſure enough to recover what he had ſeem'd to part with; which was afterwards too unhappily verified by the eaſie regaining of Dunkirk. Thus Cromwell being the firſt that rais'd the Grandeur of the French, to which he contributed not a little by the War which he made at the time with Spain; the two Princes that ſucceeded him, were ſo wheedled and bewitched by the French Kings ſpecious pretencees and fair Promiſes, that they did, tho undeſignedly too much aſſiſt, him to get up to the Pinicle of Univerſal Dominion; as if this Moſt Chriſtian King had made uſe of Charms and Philters to faſcinate their Eyes and Ears, neither to ſee themſelves ſo often abus'd, nor to hear the advices of their moſt faithfull Counſellours.

How happy was the King of England, at his firſt Reſtauration, belov'd by his People, ador'd by his Parliament, and in perfect Union with his Nighbours the Dutch! What might not thoſe two Potentates in cloſe Confederacy have done? France trembled at the thoughts of it, and deſpair'd of graſping Univerſal Empire, unleſs ſhe could divide this ſolid oppoſition, ſo pernicious to her ſoaring Projects.

The French King well underſtood that the King of England, would he but put himſelf to the trouble of knowing his own ſtrength, and making a true uſe of it, was in a condition not only to mediate, but to force a Peace among all the Potentates of Europe. For by a ſtrict Union with the Hollanders he was abſolute Maſter of the whole Ocean, and conſequently of the Riches of the World; inſomuch that the Mines of America, were not ſafe to the King of Spain but by his Permiſſion; and by ſending to the weaker ſide the aſſiſtance of his Land Forces, formidable as well for their Courage as their Diſcipline, he was able to have turn'd the ſcales of Victory which way ſoe'er he pleas'd. Now then in regard that by the common Rules of Policy and Fore-ſight, the French King could not but be well aſſur'd that whatſoever Princes he aſſail'd, the other would be as certain in the weakneſs of his Condition, to have recourſe to the two Grand Fortreſſes of Europe, Potent at Sea, and no leſs powerfull by Land, to prevent the Ravage of his Territories; whether the Dictates of Achitopheliſm, and Matchavilliniſm, might not in ſome meaſure juſtifie the moſt Chriſtian King, in purſuing the beſt Methods he could, to ſeparate ſuch a Conjunction, ſo prejudicial to his aſpiring Ambition and Self-intereſt, may not be ſo much, perhaps the Queſtion; but whether he is not to be look'd upon, as the worſt of the whole Race of Cain, and as a Miſchief, and Peſt which all Mankind ought to eſchew; who, beſides the moſt unchriſtianlike ways by which he ſought to ſubdue his Enemies, treated his moſt faithfull Friends and Allies with that Infidelity, that Treachery, that baſe and ſcornfull Ingratitude as he did the King of England. By which it was plain, that all the Kindneſſes and Remuneration which the Moſt Chriſtian Lewis intended the King of England for all his Services, was only that he ſhould have been the laſt, that for all his Services and Aſſiſtences given to the French Crown, to the over-ſight of his own Intereſt, and his Peoples welfare, ſhould have been rewarded with Invaſion and Conqueſt.

To make this Separation therefore between England and Holland, the moſt ſubtile Mercuries of France were ſent abroad with their Silver Wands, to lull the Britiſh Argos aſleep, and prevent his watching over the Heſperian Garden of European Liberty; or rather with a deeper Intoxication of Aurum Potabile Draughts, to allure his Miniſters into a downright Falſification of their Truſts. Nor was it poſſible for all of them to eſcape, being befaſcinated or to reſiſt thoſe Golden Temptations; but, like People that muſt go through with what they have taken money to perform, preſently ſeveral artificial inſinuations of Injuries receiv'd from the Dutch, as to Amboyna, and the Fiſhery, were whiſper'd about in England, while at the ſame time the freedom of the Sea, and the preſervation of Trade, were with the ſame ſubtilty to be diſputed in Holland, on purpoſe to exaſperate the jealouſie of thoſe People. Things that might ſo eaſily have been adjuſted where there had been the leaſt Condeſcentions to Reaſon, that it was undoubtedly above the reach of moſt Mens underſtanding, that the Policy of Great Britain ſhould prefer a trivial Quarrel about Sprats and Herrings, (for the buſineſs of Amboyna had been compounded long before,) above the common ſafety of three Nations, and that a Proteſtant Kingdom, without being conſtrained thereto by ſome unavoidable neceſſity, ſhould ever fight with ſo much Rage and Fierceneſs for the Deſtruction of the Proteſtant Intereſt: Or that Engliſh Counſellors ſhould adviſe their Prince to run the Fortune of a French King, without any rational Proſpect of Advantage to himſelf. But it was plain that the Moſt Chriſtian King was then laying his moſt Ʋnchriſtian Trains for the Deſtruction of England; and as palpable it was, that the Dutch War was deſign'd by the French to ruine the naval ſtrength of both Nations, and thereby to break the Balance of Europe. It was a Myſtery beyond unfolding, that the Chief Miniſters of England ſhould take ſuch ſtrange Meaſures, ſo to miſlead their Sovereign, that in order to the making good his Title to the Kingdom of France, he ſhould enable the French King to invade all Chriſtendom, and to extend his Empire beyond all bounds; or that to ſecure to himſelf and his People the Sovereignty of the Seas, he ſhould with ſo much induſtry endeavour to force all the Dutch Ships, with all their Naval Power, into the Arms of the French, and rejoyce at their Victories as if by Conquering the Land, the French did not at the ſame time become Maſters of the Havens, Rivers, and Fleets of the Dutch. And yet ſuch was the vaſt Predominancy which French Treaſon, and the hidden Conſpiracies of French Counſels had over theſe great Politicians, and the Aſſcendent which they had over the King of England, that he was ſo kind to the French King, for ſetting him together by the ears with the Dutch, that he ſent him his Vice Admirals, and other Sea Officers, to encourage and promote the ſetting out of his Fleets, and in pity of their want of experience in Sea Affairs, took his raw Seamen by the hand, train'd them up in his own Fleets, among the beſt of his Seamen, and taught them that skill which the Engliſh had been many Ages a learning; and all this in hopes to enable the French King to aſſiſt him in beating his beſt and moſt ſecure friends; wherein the French, according to their wonted Treachery, fail'd him too, when they were put to the Tryall.

All the World would have thought the King ſhould not have ſo ſoon forgot the Punic Faith of France in their kindneſs to his Perſon, while he was abroad in Exile among them; or if then they might pretend the Intereſt of their Kingdom, and palliate their faithleſs and inhumane Dealing with him by neceſſity of Self preſervation; yet no ſuch neceſſity conſtrain'd him to forget the French King's oppoſing his Reſtauration with ſo much violence as he did; and his Caballing with his greateſt enemies to keep him out of his Kingdom, more eſpecially ſince he was then ſo ſenſible of it, when it was recent in his Memory; that upon his coming into England, he commanded away Monſieur Bourdeaux, the French Ambaſſadour, and would not ſuffer him to come into his preſence.

But the Moſt Chriſtian King knew full well how to work himſelf again into the King of England's favour, and at length by throwing a French Dalilah into his embraces, quite cut off the Locks of the Britiſh Sampſon. All on a ſudden France ſeem'd to be remov'd into England; nothing but French Baubles and Gugaws pleaſed our Engliſh Gentry: A French Faction prevailing at Court, French Mountebanks for Phyſicians, French Faſhions, French Hats, French Lackeys, French Fidlers, French Dancing-Maſters, French Tooth-Drawers, French Barbers, French Air in our very looks, French Legs, French Compliments, French Grimaces, and French Debauchery, to fit us for French Slavery: And had the French Diſeaſe been then unknown in England, 'tis to be queſtioned whither it would not have been entertained with as general a Conſent as the Sichemites ſubmitted to the Pain of Circumciſion, though to the hazard of being all deſtroy'd by the French Simeon and Levi, while ſore and driveling under the Diſtemper. Nor is it to be doubted but the French Chriſtianity would have as eaſily made tryall of ſuch a Deſign as they did of the reſt of their Tricks, had they thought it would have taken effect.

It is well known, that before the firſt Dutch War was entred into, the King of England ſought to make Alliances with France and Spain, but the Spaniards were ſo Cock-ſure of the French Promiſes, that they would not make any Approaches to Friendſhip with England, without the giving up of Dunkirk, Tangier, and Jamaica.

As for the French, a Project of a Treaty was offer'd them, and promoted with all earneſtneſs by the Lord H—s at Paris, but it was plainly diſcern'd that the principal deſigns of the Moſt Chriſtian King was only to draw the King of England into ſuch an Alliance, as might advance his deſign upon Spain; and therefore ſo ſoon as he had ſet the Dutch and us together by the Ears, and ſaw that thereby the Balance of Europe was broken, he no longer minded Alliance with England: But after many Propoſals of Leagues, and many Arts uſed to highten the jealouſies between Us and the Hollanders, he at laſt ſided with the Dutch, though to ſo little purpoſe, that his Intentions plainly appeared to be no other, than to ſee the two moſt Potent Obſtacles of his Ambition deſtroy one another, to the end he might with leſs Oppoſition invade his Nighbours, and increaſe his own Naval Strength. Nay, the Juggle went much farther, for that in the heat of all the War, he ſtill kept Negotiations on Foot, and made overtures and propoſals of Peace, by means of the Queen-Mother, whom in the end he ſo far, and ſo treacherouſly deluded, as to aſcertain her, and by her means to aſſure the King of England her Son, that the Dutch would not ſet out any Fleet the enſuing Summer, and yet underhand preſs'd the Dutch with all the Vigor and Importunity imaginable to fit out their Men of War again, with a promiſe, rather than fail, that he would joyn his Fleet with theirs againſt the Engliſh. Now it was upon a Suppoſal that the Moſt Chriſtian King was at that time a good Chriſtian and true to his Word, in purſuing his pretended Propoſals of Peace; and upon that faithleſs French Paroll it was, that the King of England put forth no Fleet to Sea that Year, upon which followed that Fatal ſurprize of our Ships at Chatham; then which a greater Diſ-honour never happened to the Nation ſince the memory of Hiſtory. But at laſt, as we had been oblig'd to the Craft and Treachery for the War and the Shame we received by it, ſo we were glad to receive the Peace that enſued from his favour; which was concluded at Breda between England, France, and Holland.

By this Treaty of Breda, the French were oblig'd to reſtore St. Christophers to the Engliſh in the ſame manner and form as is expreſt in the Articles; but inſtead of performing their Engagement according to the true intent and literal meaning of the Articles, they from time to time upon ſeveral unjuſt and frivolous Pretences, deluded and delay'd the Engliſh Commiſſioners that were ſent to take Poſſeſſion of it; till finding there was a neceſſity to comply with us in ſo ſmall a matter, while we were preparing to venture a ſecond quarrel in their behalf, it was at laſt ſurrendred, after four year's baffling, to Sir Charles Wheeler. However to ſhew the perfidiouſneſs of French dealing, before they deliver'd it they deſtroyed all the Plantations, laid the whole Iſland waſte, and left it in a much worſe condition than if it had never been planted. And as if the ſeizure and detaining of the King of England's Territories had not been ſufficient, they interrupted alſo the Trade of his Subjects in thoſe Parts, and aſſuming to themſelves the Sovereignty of thoſe Seas, would not ſuffer any Ships but their own, to ſail either by or about thoſe Iſlands; but as if it had been Criminal ſo to doe, took and confiſcated ſeveral Veſſels upon that account. From all which a Queſtion will ariſe eaſie to be reſolv'd, whither any thing be recorded of the old Carthaginians more perfidious than this; and whether the King of England might not have expected more Honeſt and Chriſtian dealing from the unbelieving Turk, than from the Moſt Chriſtian King.

'Tis true, that after the Peace of Breda, the King of England was at lieſure to conſider how the French King had abus'd him, by engaging him in a War with his Proteſtant Nighbours, and how he had ſeemingly taken their parts to prolong the War; that while they were battering, and bruiſing, and weakning one another, he might have the fairer Opportunity, in violation of all the moſt ſolemn and ſacred Oaths and Treaties, to invade the Spaniſh Netherlands; and obſerving with what a rapid Torrent of Victory he bore down all before him, thought fit to interpoſe before the flame that conſumed his next Nighbour, ſhould throw it's ſparks over the Water; and therefore ſent into Holland to invite them to a nearer Alliance, and to enter into ſuch farther Counſels as were moſt proper to ſtop the Fury of the French King; which offer being by the Dutch embraced with open Arms, a defenſive League was concluded in five days time between Holland and England, together with another for the repreſſing the farther Progreſs of the French Armes in the Spaniſh Netherlands: In which the Sweeds afterwards making a third Party concern'd, gave it the name of the Triple League.

This was no way pleaſing to the French King, however for a while he diſſembled his reſentment of the Affront, though from the firſt moment he reſolved to make uſe of all his Charms, and Golden Magick to diſſolve this Triple Knot, whatever it coſt him.

To this purpoſe the Ducheſs of Orleance, is ſaid by the French to be ſent over hither, believing no Inſtrument ſo proper as the King of England's own Siſter to prevail with her Brother. King Charles met her at Dover, where their endearments one to another were ſo much the more reciprocally prevailing, by how much it happens that Princes more rarely than private Perſons enjoy their Relations: And when they doe, yet their kind Interviews are many times attended with ſome fatal diſaſter; of which though there was no appearance here in England, yet the firſt News we heard of her upon her Return to France, was, that ſhe was dead: However the Affair was ſo dextrouſly managed, that a French Ambaſſadour was forthwith diſpatch'd out of France, and an Engliſh Ambaſſadour ſent to Paris, and as the French gave out, a private League was clapt up, to the ruine of the Triple Alliance, to all the highth of Intimacy and Dearneſs; as if upon diſſecting the Princeſs, there had ſome State Philter been found in her Bowels, or that a Reconciliation with France could not have been celebrated with a leſs Sacrifice than that of the Bloud-Royal of England. This ſuppoſed Treaty was a work of Darkneſs, not to be div'd into in a great while, but afterwards the French King caus'd it to be made publick, as we ſhall ſee by and by.

'Tis true, the Knowledg of this was of great Importance to England; but the diſcovery was the moſt apparent Demonſtration in the World of French Perfidiouſneſs, ſo enormous as it could not be imagined to have entred into the Breaſt of a Moſt Chriſtian King, ſo treacherouſly to expoſe the Secrets of his deareſt Confederate, after he had drawn him in by all the Aſſurances of his aſſiſtance imaginable: And the reaſons that induc'd him to make the detection were no leſs Impious, though agreeable to the Practice of the French King; who after he has made it his buſineſs to decoy in Princes, that lend an eaſie ear to his Enchantments, or with too much facility ſuffer themſelves to be overcome by his Alluring Engagements, into any unſeemly and diſhonourable undertaking, believes he has them then ſafely tack'd to his Intereſts, and that they will not dare to flinch from his Deſings, for fear of being expoſed to their People, which he takes care in due time to have artificially inſtill'd into their Ears; a Maxim of Chriſtianity which lies conceal'd from all other Men, but the moſt Chriſtian of Princes: And thus it was, that the French King having amus'd the Emperor with the Noiſe of a Treaty, and at the ſame time brought the Turk into Hungary, to joyn the Malecontents, to excite his Private Confederate the King of England to follow his ſteps in Government Bare-faced, cauſes a little Book to be Printed and Publiſhed, with the Privilege Du Roy, Entitl'd, The Hiſtory of the Tranſactions of this Age, and therein ordered the Dover Treaty (as they call'd it) to be inſerted, and to that purpoſe furniſh'd his Hiſtoriographer with Notes and Directions by the Hands of his Secretary Colbert, to the end that the King of England, being truly as he deſign'd, ſet out in his Colours, and deſpairing of being ever after truſted by his People, might be enforced to take ſuch Reſolutions as Deſpair and Fury ſhould inſpire him withall, to the Deſtruction of thoſe he had ſo highly diſoblig'd; there being nothing more than the Subverſion of England which the French King aim'd at. 'Tis true, he was ſo kind as to recall the Book, upon the loud complaint of the King of England's Ambaſſador; however it was an apparent Demonſtration to all the World, how little truſt or reliance there was in French Amity, and plainly ſhews that there is no way to bind this mighty Sampſon by Oath, Promiſes, Treaties, or by any other the moſt Religious Ties and Conſiderations, which are no more to him than Spiders Webs, but by an abſolute clipping off the Locks of his Power, and diſabling him ſo as never to riſe more.

But to return to the Triple League: In the end the French King by his wicked Policy ſo contrived the matter, as to cauſe a new Rupture twixt the Dutch and the Engliſh; and as if he had intended to be the Maſter of Iniquity, and to make the King of England as bad as himſelf nothing would ſuffice till he had prevail'd with the King to attack the Dutch Smyrna Fleet returning home, and dreaming of no ſuch matter; which, as it was contrary to the Genius of the Engliſh Nation, and to the Nature and Gentle Diſpoſition of the King of England himſelf, is wholly to be attributed to the Wiles and wicked Temptations of the Moſt Chriſtian Prince, who never ceas'd pealing it into the King of England's Ears, that if he could but maſter the Wealth of the Smyrna Fleet, he ſhould never want Mony again. And being thus betrayed by wheedling French Hallucination, what can the French expect but the Severity of England's juſt Revenge; wherein we may venture with the greater hopes of Succeſs, as being engaged with all in the common Cauſe of Chriſtendoms Tranquillity.

Add to this, that when the French King thought the King of England was engaged ſo far by the Smyrna Attack, as that he muſt needs go forward, the Moſt Chriſtian King then openly declared, 'twas none of his Quarrel, and that he only engaged in it to aſſiſt the King of England, merely in reſpect to His Perſon: By which means the King of England was again betrayed and neceſſitated to declare War firſt, and to expect the Aſſiſtance of his Confederate afterwards.

Nor is it leſs obſervable, that the French King, in conjunction with a Proteſtant Prince, to render him odious among all the States and Princes of Europe, whether Proteſtant or Roman Catholick, gave it out, that the War againſt the United Provinces was a War of Religion, undertaken merely for the Propagation of the Roman Catholick Faith, and as the French Miniſter expreſſed it in a Solemn Speech to the Emperor's Council, that the Hollanders being Hereticks, who had forſaken God, all good Chriſtians were bound to Unite to their Extirpation. To confirm which the more, the French Miniſters, no doubt not contrary to their Inſtructions, declar'd and aſſur'd many Princes, that to let all the World ſee how far their Maſter was from any ſuch Ambitious deſigns as were laid to his charge, and to ſatisfie the World that he entred into the War merely out of a Religious Zeal, and for the Glory of God; he was ready to part with all his Conqueſts, and to reſtore to the Hollanders all the Towns he had won from them, if they would but re-eſtabliſh the True Worſhip they had baniſh'd out of their Dominions. Such is the Moſt Chriſtian King, who ſcruples not to falſifie with Heaven, ſo it may but ſupport and colour his falſhood upon Earth.

Well, the Moſt Chriſtian King, having by his Ungodly Policy thus engaged us in a Bloudy War with Holland, purſues his own deſign by Land with all the Vigour Imaginable, in ſo much, that the ſwiftneſs and force of his Motion ſeem'd to be ſomewhat Supernatural; but all this while he leaves us to doe our own work by Sea. 'Tis true, his Fleet appeared among us, and made up a third Squadron under white Colours, but under that Colour of Innocence, they thought it ſuch a crime to ſhed Bloud, that they always kept out of harms way: Rather they did us more miſchief than good, in regard that when our Admirals encountr'd the Enemy in hopes of their Aſſiſtance, they always left the Engliſh in the Lurch to bear the Brunt of the Engagement againſt the ſuperiour Numbers, which it was their Duty to have attack'd. A peice of Treachery ſo inſupportable, that only they who ſuffer'd it would have endur'd it, by which the whole Engliſh Navy was abſolutely betrayed by a faithleſs Allie, and by which the Lives of great numbers of the Engliſh were loſt, which by their Conjunction might have been ſav'd. So that it was apparent that thoſe ſacred Ships of the French were a ſort of Noli me Tangere's, not ſent to aſſiſt their Confederares, but only to ſound the Engliſh Seas, to ſpy our Ports, to learn our Building, to contemplate our way of Fighting, to conſume ours, and preſerve their own Navy, to encreaſe their Commerce, and to order all ſo, that the two great Naval Powers of Europe having cruſh'd one another, he might remain ſole Lord of the Ocean, and by conſequence Maſter of all the Trade of the World,

Thus it happen'd, that after three Engagements of Ours againſt the Dutch Fleet in one Summer, while nothing was tenable at Land againſt the French, it ſeem'd that as to us every thing at Sea was Impregnable; which was not to be attributed either to want of Courage or Conduct, but was only to be imputed to our unfortunate Conjunction with the perfidious French like the misfortunes that happen to Men by being in ill Company.

This Misbehaviour of the French rais'd the Indignation of the Engliſh to ſuch a Pitch, that the Parliament reſolving to give no more Mony for the continuance of the War; the King was perſuaded to make a Peace with Holland; which was concluded accordingly, towards the latter end of the Year 1673.

And to ſhew that the King of England had all the reaſon in the World ſo to doe, we are to take a little farther proſpect of the uprightneſs of the Moſt Chriſtian King to his Friend and Allie, who had at ſuch a •• a • t expence of Treaſure eſpous'd his Quarrel.

For the French Army having paſſed the Wale, caus'd ſuch a General Conſternation all over Holland and the Confuſion they were in was ſuch, they could hardly reſolve whether to yield or continue to defend themſelves. The States therefore ſent away ſeveral of their Deputies, ſome to the King of England, others to the Moſt Chriſtian of Princes, to know of both upon what conditions they would be willing to make Peace and Agreement.

Thoſe that were ſent to the King of England (to ſhew how juſtly he intended to have dealt with the French or whether it were out of Fear of giving him any Jealouſie or Offence,) were met as far as Graveſend; and being forbid their approach to White-Hall, were conveigh'd to Hampton-Court, and there, as it were, honourably confin'd, till his Majeſty of England could hear from the Moſt Chriſtian King, whether thoſe Deputies might be admitted.

But the other Deputies no ſooner arriv'd at the French Court, but two Secretaries of State were ſent to them, who, without farther delay, demanded in the firſt place what Power they had to Treat; and next, what Propoſals they had to make in order to a ſpeedy Peace.

The Deputies anſwered, they came not to make Propoſals, but to receive Conditions from his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, as it better became them. Upon which, to haſten them to a Concluſion, the French Miniſters told them in ſhort, That whatever his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty had conquer'd, in their Dominions, he lookt upon as his own already and therefore would not part with it, without an Equivalent, as well for what he might farther ſubdue, before the concluſion of the Treaty, as for what he had already in Poſſeſſion.

With this Anſwer Monſieur De Groet, one of the Holland Deputies, poſted back to the Hague, and with no leſs ſpeed was ſent back again with full Inſtructions and Authority, jointly with the reſt of his Colleagues, to treat and conclude a Peace with them.

No ſooner was he return'd, but Monſieur Louvoy, one of the French King's Secretaries, gave the Deputies a Draught of a Treaty, or rather the Pretenſions of the King his Maſter; upon the granting of which, he was both willing and ready to return to his former Amity with the States, and to conclude a firm Peace with them.

Upon which two things are Obſervable Firſt, that the Conditions themſelves were ſuch, which, if granted would have made the French King as perfectly Maſter of the Country, as if he had Conquer'd it by the Sword. And in the Second place, That in all the Articles there was not the leaſt word relating to England, nor any more notice taken of the King of Great Britain, than if he had not been at all concern'd in the War.

And farther, to demonſtrate that it was never the deſign of the Moſt Chriſtian Prince that the King of England ſhould be a gainer by the War, Monſieur De Groet declared at his ſecond return to the Hague, when he carryed the King's Project along with him, that when the French Miniſters were ask'd what was to be done with England, they made Anſwer, that the States might doe as they pleas'd with England, and come off as cheap as they could, for that the French were not bound by their Treaty to procure them any Advantages. A great Happineſs in the mean time for the King of England to be engaged in ſuch a War, with ſuch a Falſe and Treacherous Allie; for it is plain, that the Dutch had no ſooner ſignifi'd their deſires, but the Moſt Chriſtian Prince had it preſently in his Head to have cheated the King of England. For could the Moſt Chriſtian King in that ſame dreadful Conſternation of the Dutch, have got the Poſſeſſion of the United Provinces by the more conciſe, and leſs expenſive way of Treaty, he would ſoon have found an expedient to have defrauded his dear Confederate of any ſhare in them. Which was the reaſon the Moſt Chriſtian Sophiſter ſpurr'd on the conſternated Dutch with ſo much haſte, and with ſuch a clandeſtine ſpeed purſu'd his Advantage, that the King of England might not have a Moment's time to provide for himſelf.

But the King of England having ſerv'd the Moſt Chriſtian Prince more juſtly in his kind, by a ſeparate Peace with Holland, and the ſudden Advancement of His Highneſs the Prince of Orange, attended by the Fall of the De-witts, quaſh'd all the lofty Frenchman's hopes of gaining, either by Treaty or by Conqueſts, what his thoughts aſpir'd to. So that now, as if he had been arriv'd at the Tropick of his Fortune, he was forc'd to roll back again with the ſame ſwiftneſs as he aſcended to the highth of his ſucceſs. However that he might not loſe his old wont, as a mark of his diſpleaſure, and as it were to puniſh the Engliſh Nation for his diſappointments, notwithſtanding the Peace that was ſtill firm between the two Crowns, he let looſe his Privateers among the Engliſh Merchants, to that degree of Treaty-Violation, that from that time for near two years together (Peace all the while, if French Peace may be call'd Peace,) there was no ſecurity of Commerce or Navigation, but at Sea they Murther'd, Plunder'd, made Prize, and Confiſcated all they met with. The French Pickaroons lay before the Mouths of our Harbors, hover'd all along our Coaſts, took our Ships in the very Ports, ſo that we were in a manner Blockt up by Water. And if any made Application at the Sovereign-Port of the Moſt Chriſtian Solyman for Juſtice, they were moſt inſolently baffled, except ſome few who by Sir E. L's intereſt were redeem'd upon ſomewhat eaſier Compoſition. For evidence of which the following Papers, return'd by certain Members of the Privy Council, in Purſuance of the King's Order, as alſo the Regiſter which was annex'd to it, of the ſeveral Veſſels that were then complain'd of to be taken, are a Memorial not eaſie to be cancell'd.

So loud and ſo thick were the daily complaints of the Engliſh Merchants, of their loſſes ſuſtain'd by the French Privateers, in the Year 1674. and 1676. notwithſtanding the Publick Amity between the two Nations, that the King referr'd the Examination thereof to ſeveral Lords of the Committee of Trade, who, upon due Examination of the Affair, obſerv'd that the Petition of the Merchants, preſented to the King the 31ſt. of May, 1676. was grounded upon theſe Heads.

Firſt, That their Ships and Goods, though mann'd according to the Act of Navigation, and furniſh'd with all neceſſary Paſſes, were daily ſeiz'd, carry'd into Dunkirk, Calais, Sherbrook, and other Ports, the Maſters and Owners kept cloſe Priſoners, to force them by hardſhip to abuſe their Owners, or elſe for the relief of their own private Neceſſities (being commonly Stripp'd and Plunder'd) to enter into the Privateers Service, which great numbers had done with very pernicious Effects.

Secondly, That the delay and charge of proſecuting the Law in France, did commonly make the Owners become loſers of half the Value, when ever they were ſucceſsfull.

Thirdly, That there was no reparation ever gotten from Privateers for what they Plunder'd and Imbezl'd, which made them freely ſeize upon all they met, and perpetually moleſt the Navigation of the King's Subjects; for which Reaſons they humbly implor'd His Majeſty's Relief and Protection.

Thereupon the King was pleas'd to command that ſome of his Frigats ſhould ſail forth to clear the Coaſt of thoſe Privateers, ſeize them, and bring ſuch as had offended to make Reſtitution. Moreover the King order'd, that the Lords of the Committee of Trade ſhould take good notice of the particular Caſes and Complaints depending, that ſuch as were of weight and merit, might be fitted for his Gracious Recommendation for Relief: As alſo to ſurvey the whole number of Seizures which had been made upon his Subjects, in order to lay before his Majeſty what hardſhips had been ſuſtain'd at Sea, and what ſort of Juſtice had been adminiſter'd in France.

In Obedience to which command, they brought in a Liſt of ſuch Ships as had been ſeiz'd to the number of fifty three; and the Caſes wherein the Owners had repair'd to the King for relief. Which, as in the General it ſuppos'd a Juſtice in ſuch complaints, ſo it left a ſuſpition of great hardſhips in the Methods of Redreſs; beſides that the number of Captives was no ſmall proof of the facility of Condemnation.

While the Lords were in the midſt of this Examination, there was preſented to the Committee, as it was receiv'd from Monſieur Courtin, the French Ambaſſador, an Extract of a Letter from Monſieur Colbert to Monſieur Pompone, one of the French King's Secretaries, dated June 28th. 1676. in theſe Words.

FOr what concerns the Prizes, it would be a difficult matter to anſwer all the Caſes contain'd in Monſieur Courtin's Letter.

What I can ſay to it, is, That the Council for Marine Affairs ſits every day at St. Germaines.

That all Privateers and Reclaimers know it.

That Sir Ellis Leighton, nominated by the Engliſh Ambaſſador, hath always notice of it, and is always preſent at it.

That not a week paſſes, but I give him two or three Audiences, and oftentimes I ſend for him on purpoſe.

That his Reaſons are all read, reported and committed; as likewiſe are all Petitions of Reclaimers, and I ſhall tell you more, I acquaint him with the Reaſons upon which Judgment is given.

In giving Judgment, all Veſſels which have any Appearance of being Engliſh are releas'd, and very often; and almoſt always; though we are ſatisfied that the Ships are Dutch, yet they are releas'd becauſe there is ſome appearance of their being Engliſh, and every thing is judg'd favourable for that Nation. And it is no leſs true that all Ships that are taken are Dutch Built, that they never were in England, that the Maſters and all the Equipage are Dutch, that the Cockets are for Perſons unknown, and which are not oft-times ſo much as nam'd; that they carry with them only ſome Sea Breifs from Waterford or ſome other Town of Ireland; that the whole Ships Company depoſes, they were ſent to Holland; that we have found on Board three or four Veſſels, Bills of Accompt, by which it is ſeen that the Engliſh took two, three, and four per Cent, for owning Ships and though it is impoſſible to avoid confiſcating them, yet theſe are the Ships which make ſuch a noiſe in England.

To which the Lords of the Committee upon ſerious Examination, by way of Anſwer repreſented to the King, That their Sentiments of the matter were quite different from what was pretended by the French; for that they underſtood that when the Engliſh Ships were carried into the Ports of France, many of the Mariners complain'd of ill Uſage, and ſome of Torment, their Papers being ſeiz'd, and their Perſons under reſtraint, till all the Examinations were ready prepar'd; and that then all their Writings were ſent up to the Privy Council at St. Germaines, where judgment was definitively given, and ſeldom any reaſons for the Condemnation mention'd in the decree, and never any Appeal or Reviſion admitted; and whether that were the Tenderneſs or the Juſtice pretended by the French, they could not tell: But they appeal'd to the Ambaſſadour Monſieur Courtin himſelf, whether the Method of proceeding in England had not been quite otherwiſe; and therefore that the different Methods of Juſtice and Clemency in England, might have entitled His Majeſty to a different acknowledgment, and more advantageous effects from the French.

That as to the latter part of the Paper, it ſeem'd to contain very harſh Imputations upon the Trade of His Majeſty's Subjects; and that only from ſome ill practices perhaps found out, general Rules were made, which having enter'd the Thoughts of ſome Eminent Miniſters, that wonder'd that notwithſtanding the frequent and multiply'd Recommendations of his Majeſty for Juſtice, the event of the French Tryals ſhould prove ſo unfortunate; that if his Majeſty would but caſt his Eye upon the Cauſes annex'd, he would ſoon ſee.

Whether, as it was imputed, all the Ships taken were Dutch Built.

Whether they were all ſuch as never were in England.

Whether all the Maſters and Mariners were Dutch.

Whether the Cockets were for Perſons unknown, and oftentimes not nam'd.

Whether in the whole Liſt there was any more then one Ship from Waterford, any more than ſix from the reſt of all Ireland, or ſo much as one from Scotland.

Whether it were credible that all the Ships Company ſhould ſwear they were bound for Holland, when ſo many were taken coming from Holland.

On the other ſide, His Majeſty would find in the Liſt how many were Engliſh Built, taken with Engliſh Colours, Engliſh Mariners, Engliſh Owners; ſome of them known to His Majeſty, and to whom the beſt Papers His Majeſty could ſign, or the Treaties requir'd were given all in vain.

So that if the Caſe were in the General quite different from what in the General is repreſented, they hop'd it was no crime for His Majeſty's Subjects to make ſome noiſe in England, when they are Damnified, and ſee their Goods taken from them by Violence, and that Violence rather juſtifi'd than redreſs'd by Law.

Wherefore conſidering that the Root of all theſe Diſorders aroſe from the Violence and Rapine of the French Capers, who were to be lookt upon as Diſturbers of the Publick Quiet, and Enemies of the Good Friendſhip between the two Crowns; they were humbly of Opinion that His Majeſty had juſt Occaſion from the injuries paſt, and thoſe which were then depending, and which every day increas'd, to make a ſerious Repreſentation of all to the Moſt Chriſtian King, and not only to preſs for ſome better Method of repairing the Greivances mentioned, but to inſiſt upon the calling in of all the French Privateers; or elſe that His Majeſty ought to doe right, and give defence to his Subjects, from all the inſolencies which they ſo frequently met with. This was ſign'd.

Angliſey Bath Craven J. Ernle Finch C. Bridgewater H. Coventry G. Carteret

I might here add the Liſt it ſelf, by which it plainly appears, that, contrary to Monſieur Colbert's Allegations, the Ships ſo taken were all either Engliſh Built, or Foreigners made Free, fraighted by Engliſh Merchants, own'd by Engliſh Men, and mann'd with Engliſh, with Cockets and Bills of Lading to Engliſh. But 'tis ſufficient for me to ſhew, that the Miniſters and the Maſters are Chriſtians alike, Plunderers and Robbers, not only of Imperial Territories and Royal Dominions, but Beaſts of Prey, that turn the Seas into a Deſart, to gorge their voracious Appetites upon the Eſtates of private Perſons; and that upon the Account their Injuſtice and Rapines ſo wickedly and unjuſtly practiſed upon the People of England, no Nation under Heaven can have reaſons more allowable on their ſide to juſtifie a War with France, than England has, for the many Diſhonours, Injuries, and Affronts ſo ungratefully done us, in recompence of all the Kindneſs and great Services done them from time to time.

For what greater kindneſs could there be, than to furniſh the Aſpiring Monarch with a continually recruited body of Ten Thouſand of our Engliſh Youth, whoſe daring Bravery and Courage made oftentimes a Rape upon Victory it ſelf, to force her on his ſide, and reſcu'd once his whole Army from deſtruction; when in conſternation, and purſu'd by the Imperaliſts, upon the fall of Turenne? Yet when by the importunity of the Parliament, they were recall'd out of his ſervice, inſtead of fairly diſmiſſing them, well pay'd, for Dunkirk or Calais, from thence to croſs over for Dover, which was their direct Way; they were ſent through Burgundy, through Liomois, and ſo through the Provinces that lead to the Ports of Guyenne, that ſo the French might have time to debauch the Officers and Soldiers. In ſhort, the Soldiers who ſince their being in France, had been accuſtom'd to drink Wine, finding themſelves in a Country where it was almoſt as plentifull as Water, would not croſs the Sea to go home and drink Beer, but took pay under the Captains of the French Army in Catalonia, who were for that purpoſe poſted in their way. As for ſuch of the Officers as had nothing to loſe in their own Country, they were likewiſe debauch'd after the ſame manner, and diſpers'd at the ſame time in the Regiment of Fuſtenburgh, which was in the Garriſon of Perpignan: So that when the Engliſh arriv'd at the Place where they were to Embark, they were not the Tenth of what they ſhould have been, had France dealt faithfully in the Buſineſs.

Thus we have run through the Treacheries and Infidelities of the French in reference to England. There is no Queſtion, but much more might have been ſaid; however, here is enough to ſhew that there can be no ſafety in the friendſhip of a Prince, who makes it his ſtudy to be injurious in all his Actions, and faithleſs in all his Promiſes: Mendaciis & fallaciis tanquam praeclaris Artibus gaudens. But ſuch is the miſchief of that pernicious Vice, deſire of too much Glory, that it conſtrains a Man to be perfidious, as it was ſaid of Cneus Domitius; Nimiae Gloriae Cupiditas perfidum exiſtere coegit. And this was a Maxim among the Ancients, that Fidelity, like the Soul, when it has once left a Man, never returns again: And therefore with ſuch a one, Bellum ſuſpecta Pace tutius eſt.

Now let us look Abroad, where we ſhall find the Moſt Chriſtian of Princes, ſtradling over Violations of Oaths by another Name, call'd Perjuries, and all the Laws and Bounds of Juſtice which God and Man have provided againſt the Inundations of Violence, to graſp the Univerſal Monarchy of Europe. There you ſhall find him Invading, Burning, Spoiling, Plundring, Sacking, and Depopulating the Territories and Dominions of his Peaceable Chriſtian Neighbours, hewing out his way through the Bowels of Chriſtendom to the Imperial Throne; and all this under Claims and Pretenſions, abjur'd by all the moſt Solemn Renunciations that Religion could invent. Yet in Re-vindication of thoſe Claims and reaſſumed Rights ſo religiouſly renounc'd, like another Parentibus abominatus Hannibal, filling all with Bloud, Maſſacre and Devaſtation to Tyrannize over waſted Ruines, Cities laid Deſolate; and deſart Mountains, rather than not to Tyrannize at all. Where he could not enter with his Sword, he open'd a Paſſage with his Gold for ſubſervient Treachery, and the Foundations of future Miſchief into the Courts of moſt of the Princes of Europe; deflouring the Fidelity of their Counſellers, and raviſhing the Allegiance of their moſt Boſome Intimates, as if there had been a kind of Omnipotency in the Power of France to make Treachery and Falſhood Ubiquitary.

Perhaps this may be thought a little too ſevere; but this is not a time to Complement the Publick Enemy of Chriſtendom. This is a Seaſon to ſpeak out, ſince the wellfare of England is involv'd in the Common Fate of Europe. It is the Buſineſs of England to evidence how the French have violated the Law of Nations, which is common to all; and how they have labour'd to introduce ſuch Maxims into the World, as would deſtroy even the whole commerce of Mankind, and render Humane Societies no leſs Dangerous than a company of Tygers, Bears, and Lyons. Nor is England leſs concern'd to defend the Publick Faith of Treaties againſt the crafty Eluſions and Quaint Evaſions of the French, and to remove out of the ſight of Chriſtendom ſuch Scandalous Examples, which, by conſequences no leſs fatal than unavoidable, would expoſe the Weakeſt to the Predominant Will and Pleaſure of the ſtrongeſt, and eſtabiſh Force, the Grand Arbitrator of all the Proceedings and Affairs of the World. It is the Buſineſs of England, in confederacy with Foreign Princes for the General Wellfare of Chriſtendom, to betake Her ſelf to ſuch means and courſes, as may put a ſtop to a rapid Torrent againſt the Impetuoſity, of which no Ties of Treaty, Marriage, Oaths, Bloud, Kindred, Friendſhip, or Condeſcenſion, can be Mounds and Bulwarks ſtrong enough to keep it within its Chanel. It is the Buſineſs of England, as far as in Her lies, to defend the common Intereſt of all Princes and States againſt a Prodigious Deſign; which for its Foundation, has nothing but an Exorbitant deſire of Conqueſt; no other End, than only Dominion; no other Means, but force of Arms and Treacherous Policy; nor any other Bounds, but what Chance and Fortune will be pleasd to preſcribe. Laſtly, It is not only the Buſineſs, but alſo for the Glory of England at this time, to recover Her former Grandeur; and as She was wont to doe, ſo at this time to decide the Fortune of Europe, and pronounce the Sentence either of Her Freedom or Slavery: For between theſe two, there is no Medium to be expected, nor Peace to be ſecur'd. England for a long time has lain in a profound Lethargy, and therefore it is high time for Her now to awake, and put Her helping hand to prevent the Misfortunes and Calamities to which all Europe is expos'd by the prevailing Tyrannies and Oppreſſion of France.

We are then in the next place to conſider how like a Chriſtian the Moſt Chriſtian King has dealt with the King of Spain, his Brother, His Friend, and Allie, after a Peace the moſt Solemnly concluded and ratified, after the moſt Sacred manner that could be imagin'd. Certainly the Calamities, the Miſeries, the Murthers, Rapines and Devaſtations, and Innumerable Impieties that attend on War, are ſo diſagreeable from the Principles of Chriſtian Religion, that nothing ought to be more Seriouſly, more Moderately, and more Warily conſider'd than the Juſtice of undertaking it: And therefore ſaid Herennius, Captain of the Samnites, having enter'd into a War againſt the Romans, after all that could be done to procure Peace, Rerum humanarum maximum Momentum eſt; quam propitiis, quam adverſis agant diis. Nor did he juſtifie the War upon any other grounds, than that his Countrymen were conſtrain'd to it, and had no other hope but in their Arms. Juſtum eſt Bellum, Samnites, quibus neceſſarium, & pia Arma, quibus nulla niſi in Armis relinquitur ſpes.

The Romans, though too blame perhaps in the Samnite War, (for which they dearly paid, and well it might be wiſh'd the French might pay as dearly for what they have done,) generally never enter'd into a War, but they ſet forth the Juſtice of their Reſentment, which for the moſt part was in revenge of their Allies, or to ſuccour their Friends and Confederates. Thus the firſt Punick War was to ſuccour Meſſana in Sicily, beſieg'd by the Carthaginians. The ſecond in revenge of Saguntum, ſack'd by Hannibal, contrary to the League between the two Common-wealths. And the third alſo for Reaſons of the ſame Nature: And ſo cautious they were to avoid the Scandal of being thought to make War, merely out of an Ambitious deſire to extend their Dominions, that after they had vanquiſh'd and reduc'd the Rhodians, who had taken part with Perſeus in the Macedonian War, they let them go unpuniſh'd: Ne quis divitiarum magis quam injuriae Bellum incoeptum diceret. And the ſame Author ſays, that in all the Punick Wars, after the Carthaginians had committed many nefarious Acts and Breaches of Faith to their Detriment, they never took any occaſion to doe the like; Magis quod ſe dignum foret, quam quod in illos jure fieri poſſet quaerebant: So that occaſions of enlarging their Dominions were rather offer'd than ſought for by that Victorious Common-wealth. And it is obſervable, that the Ceremonies of denouncing War that were firſt inſtituted by Ancus Martius, the Heathen King of the Romans, were perform'd as Religiouſly, and with equal Soleminty to the Ceremonies of their Divine Worſhip. For when the Fecial came to the confines of the Country, againſt which the War was intended, Audi Jupiter, he cry'd; Audite Fines, Audiat Fas: Hear O Jupiter, Hear O ye Confines, hear Right and Juſtice: I am the Publick Meſſenger of the People of Rome, and come a Fecial, juſtly and piouſly ſent, and let Faith be given to my Words. After that, having made his demands, he again calls Jupiter to Witneſs, and thus proceeds. Si ego injuſte, impieque illos homines illaſque res dedier Nuncio Populi Romani Expoſco, tum Patriae Compotem me nunquam ſinas eſſe; if ſatisfaction were not given by the Prince or People to whom he was thus ſent within three and thirty days, the Fecial return'd again, and denounc'd War after this manner. Audi Jupiter, & tu Juno, Quirine, Diique omnes coeleſtes voſque terreſtres, voſque inferni audite; Ego vos teſtor Populum iſtum injuſtum eſſe, neque jus perſolvere, &c.

Thus the more noble Heathen Romans, before they invaded the Borders of their Enemies, invok'd the Gods to Witneſs the Juſtice of their Cauſe, and the Wrongs and Injuries of thoſe that had incens'd them to take Arms. On the other ſide, the Moſt Chriſtian King not regarding either God or Man, unexpected, unprovok'd, nay, after he had given aſſurances that he had no ſuch deſign in his thoughts, thunder'd into his Neighbours Territories, under the Protection of League and Amity; and like a ſudden Tempeſt, with Sword and Fire, levels all before him.

Burgundos Fraude Petivit

Such an Ignoble and Unprincelike way of entring into Hoſtility, as looks more like Robbing upon the High-way, than a generous Method of War: For that it was a baſe and ignominious ſurprizal againſt the Faith and Honour of a King, beſides the Breach of Treaty is apparent from two Circumſtances; the one that paſs'd at Paris between the French King himſelf, and the Marqueſs De la Fuente Extraordinary Ambaſſadour from Spain, who being upon his return into Spain upon the Death of the Old King, and not a little apprehenſive and jealous, that the vaſt Preparations made in France, were intended againſt the Queen and the Young Prince, was very importunate with his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, to give ſome new and greater Aſſurances to the Queen of Spain, of the reality and ſincerity of his Intentions, though it were but only to quiet and ſettle her mind, againſt all the contrary Advices ſhe receiv'd from all Parts. Upon which the Moſt Chriſtian King with all poſſible Aſſeverations engag'd his Faith and Royal Word to the Queen, in the Perſon of her Ambaſſadour, that he would religiouſly keep the Peace, and continue a moſt faithfull Friendſhip both to Her and her Son.

Another circumſtance was that of the Arohbiſhop of Ambrun, who, after the French Army was already in the Field, and had poſſeſs'd Charleroy, ſome four or five days before the News of it came to Madrid, proteſted and vow'd in Verbo Sacerdotis, and by all that was Sacred among the Roman Catholicks, that his Maſter intended nothing leſs than what was reported of him, and that he would never break with the King of Spain, nor invade his Dominions as long as he was under Age. And when the March of the French Army, and the Hoſtilities which they committed, ſo little agreed with the Promiſes of the Moſt Chriſtian King; anſwer was made that it was no Breach, but only a taking Poſſeſſion of what belong'd to him: But the only way to ſurprize Men, is to take them unprovided; and the only way to take them unprovided, is to ſwear with all the Aſſeverations imaginable, that you never intend to doe them any harm. And this is one of the Moſt Chriſtian Kings ways of making War upon his Neighbours, ſo far from giving them thirty three Days Notice of his coming, that he will hardly allow them thirty three Minutes: But it is a meanneſs in a Prince inſtructed by ſo great a Tutor as Mazarine, to be a ſlave to his Word; for which reaſon Fides Gallica, is of late become Fides Punica, no ſooner given but as ſoon broken.

True it is that the French Academy has been long endeavouring to refine their Language, by leaving off the uſe of ſome obſolete Words, by introducing others of a new Coyn, and enriching it with ſeveral quaint Expreſſions of a freſher Date; but how they could alter the ſignification of Words, and call War by the name of Peace, is a thing not eaſie to be underſtood: And therefore it were to be wiſh'd, they would explain to the World what they mean by the word Rupture, and how they can make a violent Invaſion with Men and great Guns, to agree with the Obſervation of a Treaty, which forbid all manner of Attempts by armed Force, and was ſtipulated and contracted to no other end, but to prevent them: That they would explain which way it is poſſible for Peace to conſiſt with the Fatal effects of War; and how it is to be imagin'd that wanting the Formality of a Herauld to Proclaim the Hoſtility, it ſhould loſe all its Terrors and Injuſtice; ſince moſt Men of ordinary Reaſon believe that to be a Rupture which oppoſes the very Eſſence and Being of the Peace, ranverſes the very Foundations, and diſcompoſes all the Harmony of it.

Now the Cauſes that mov'd the two Crowns to make the Pyrenaean League, were the deſires of the Welfare, repoſe and eaſe of their Subjects. The effect was, to put an end to the many miſchiefs of the War; to forget and extinguiſh all the Cauſes and Motives which occaſion'd the War; and to eſtabliſh a Sincere, Entire, and Durable Peace between the two Kings, and their Succeſſors.

All which was ranvers'd by the firſt Invaſion of the Spaniſh Netherlands, which diſturb'd the Welfare and repoſe of the People, renew'd the Publick Calamities, and rekindl'd all the Cauſes of the paſt Wars.

But to come to Particulars, the abandoning of Portugal was one of the eſſential Fundamentals of the Peace, without which it never could have been treated nor concluded. In reference to this, the Sixtieth Article runs thus: For that His Majeſty, meaning the Moſt Chriſtian King, hath foreſeen and fear'd, leſt ſuch an Engagement ſhould be an unſurmountable Obſtruction to the concluſion of Peace; and conſequently, reduce the two Kings to the neceſſity of a parpetual War. And a little lower in the ſame Article, he goes on in theſe Words: Although in conſideration of the Peace, and conſidering the abſolute neceſſity his ſaid Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty has been in to perpetuate the War by the Rupture of the preſent Treaty, which His Majeſty found to be unavoidable, in caſe he would have any longer inſiſted upon prevailing in that affair with His Catholick Majeſty, to have obtain'd other conditions, than ſuch as he offer'd.

In the ſecond place, it is plain that the King of Spain, to ſhew how reſolv'd he was that France ſhould abandon Portugal, rejected the French King's offering, beſides the places he was bound to reſtore by the preſent Treaty to his Catholick Majeſty; all the reſt of the Places and Conqueſts, generally made by his Arms, during the preceding War, provided that the Affairs of the Kingdom of Portugal might be left in the ſame condition as they were then, as by another part of the ſame Article it appears: So that when nothing elſe would doe, it was by the ſame Article concluded and promiſed as follows:

His Majeſty will no farther meddle with that Affair, and obliges and engages Himſelf, and promiſes upon his Honour, and upon the Word of a King, for Himſelf and his Succeſſors, not to give unto the ſaid Kingdom of Portugal, either in General, or to any Perſons in particular, of what Dignity, State, Condition, or Quality ſoever they be, now or hereafter, any Help or Aſſiſtence, Publick or Secret, Directly or Indirectly, of Men, Arms, Ammunition, Victuals, Ships, or Money, upon any pretence or any other thing whatever, either by Land or Sea, or in any other manner: As alſo, not to ſuffer that any Levies of Men be made in any parts of his Kingdom or Dominions; nor to grant Paſſage to any that may come from other States, to the Aſſiſtence of the ſaid Kingdom of Portugal.

One would think that nothing could have been more authentickly expreſſed, or in terms more clear or more particular, beyond the power of Nicety to find a flaw, or to make any other interpretation of the words, contrary to the ſenſe and meaning of the Parties at that time. And yet the Moſt Chriſtian King found out a way to fail in all the Points, and all the circumſtances of his Promiſe: For notwithſtanding his Honour, and the Word of a King, before the Treaty was ſign'd, Cardinal Mazarine, ſent privately the Marqueſs of Cheaſes into Portugal, to aſſure them, that tho' in order to the concluſion of the Treaty then on foot with Spain, the French were forc'd to leave them out, and to engage not to aſſiſt them; yet, whatever they promis'd, they would never forſake them, but would ſtill protect them againſt Spain, as they had done before: And they kept their word with Portugal, becauſe it was to the prejudice of Spain. To which purpoſe, the Peace was no ſooner concluded, but they ſuffer'd ſeveral Bands of Soldiers ſecretly to convey themſelves into Portugal; which being complain'd of by the Marqueſs De la Fuente, ſuch was the Punic Faith of France, that openly they ſent Publick Orders to the Governours of their Ports, not to ſuffer any Soldiers to embark for Portugal, but underhand gave them other Orders to let them paſs by way of connivance. Soon after M. Turenne made publick levies of Men, for the relief of Portugal, which the Spaniſh Ambaſſador repreſenting to the Council of France, receiv'd a cold and ſcornfull anſwer, that it was a particular Act of Marſhall Turenne, wherein the Court was no way concern'd: Nor did the French ceaſe to furniſh the Portuguieſes with Corn, and all ſorts of War-like Ammunition and Proviſion. Moreover, Letters were intercepted by the Spaniard, by which they were aſcertain'd, that all along after the Peace was concluded, the French fomented and encourag'd the obſtinacy of the Portuguieſes, and diverted them from accepting the advantageous conditions that were offer'd them, by animating them with the hopes of potent Succours, not only for their own defence, but alſo to carry an offenſive War into the heart of Spain. Other Letters were likewiſe intercepted, Written from the Arch Biſhop of Ambrun, and Monſieur Lienne confirming the continual correſpondence which was between them in favour of the Portugals: Nor was this all, for the D. of B. was preſently after the Treaty, ſent to lie with the French Fleet upon the Coaſt of Portugal, and ſtay'd there a whole Summer to ſecure the coming and landing of Proviſions and Ammunition, of which the Portuguieſes were then in extream want; and this at the ſame time that the French offer'd to mediate an Accommodation between Spain and Portugal. Nor was it long after the concluſion of the Pyrenaean Treaty, that Monſieur Colbert made ſeveral Voyages into Portugal, to encourage them againſt the Spaniards, and to enter into ſecret Alliance with them: And ſometime after the Spaniards took a French Veſſel, wherein was found an account of the ſuccours which France had ſent from time to time into that Kingdom; by which it appear'd, that France had paid at her own expence a ſtanding Army in Portugal, to ſupport a War againſt Spain.

And to compleat her Perfidy, at length ſhe concluded a League offenſive with that Kingdom, of which theſe were the principal Conditions: That they would be the Friends of each others Friends, and Enemies of each others Enemies, England only excepted: That France ſhould furniſh them with as many Men, as ſhould be neceſſary to carry an offenſive War into Spain, both by Sea and Land, and ſhould advance by way of Loan, the one half of the Pay for the maintenance of the Auxiliary Troops. That France moreover ſhould pay them every Year by way of Loan, the ſumm of 300000 Crowns, and that all the Ports which ſhould be taken from the Spaniards upon either Sea, ſhould be put into the hands of the French, and that they ſhould not treat either of Truce or League without joynt conſent. This League to continue Ten Years.

By ſo many ſeveral Inſtances, let all the World be judges how little credit there is to be given to the Punic Faith of France, or what any other Prince can expect from his Honour, or his Promiſes in any matter whatſoever; who thus foully forfeited ſuch a moſt Solemn Engagement to the Crown of Spain. For that a Treaty carry'd on between two Princes in order to a Marriage, which is one of the moſt Solemn Negotiations that can be handled among Men, and confirm'd by an Oath, ſanctifi'd with all the moſt ſacred Myſteries of Chriſtian Religion, for a punctual obligation of performance, ſhould be thus inhumanly violated, is not to be parallell'd by any Example or Inſtance in Hiſtory.

That noble example of the Roman Conſuls, who bid Hanno not to fear, the Publick Faith ſecur'd him, is a thing of late unknown in France, where there is no ſecurity or truſt in the Honour or Royal Promiſe of the Prince. For his truth to Portugal was only ſelf-intereſt, to ſupport the Portuguieſes againſt Spain, as formerly the French were wont to league with Scotland againſt England; ſo that whether the Character of Amurath the firſt, Emperor of the Turks, who is ſaid to have been Homo fallax, qui datam fidem ex opportunitate proferendi imprimis metiebatur, bella & pace ſimulato Egregius, may not fitly be apply'd to the Moſt Chriſtian King, is left for them to determine who have felt the ſmart of his broken Leagues; which brings us to the ſecond Breach of the Pyrenaean Treaty. It is ſaid, and acknowledg'd by the Plenipotentiaries in 33d. Article of that Treaty, that the particular Capitulation of Marriage between the French King and the Eldeſt Daughter of Spain, bearing date with the General Treaty, was of the ſame force and vigor with the Treaty of Peace, as being the chiefeſt part thereof, and the moſt worthy, as well as the greateſt and moſt precious Earneſt of the ſecurity of its Duration.

The Queen Mother of France, and Aunt to the Infanta, deſiring nothing more than the happy and ſuitable Union of two Perſons that were ſo dear in her Affection, to remove all impediments, and diſpell the doubts and ſcruples of the Spaniſh Counſel; found out an expedient, that by the contract of Marriage, the Infanta ſhould abſolutely renounce all manner of Right or Claim, which ſhe might for ever have to the whole, or any parts of the Spaniſh Succeſſion under any Pretence or Title whatever, to the end the Spaniſh Monarchy might in no caſe be liable, either to Foreign Subjection, or to be Diſmember'd: And they were more inclinable on both ſides to this expedient, becauſe the way had been open'd for them before by the Example of the Queen-Mother, whoſe Renunciation was of the ſame Nature with the Pyrenaean, both in form and ſubſtance, and grounded upon the ſame incompatibility of the two Succeſſions.

The King of Spain believing the ſame ſincerity in others as in himſelf, hearken'd to the offer, and thought that with ſuch a precaution he might reconcile the Spaniſh Law with the Salique, and fully ſecure the Liberty of his Subjects. France on the other ſide acknowledg'd the thing to be juſt and uſual, and freely conſented to it, for the ſake of the general good that ſhould reſult from ſuch a Peace, and confirm him in the poſſeſſion of ſo many conqueſts. Thereupon the Inſtrument was drawn up by conſent, and the French King oblig'd himſelf to ratifie it.

Whence it is plain, that the Renunciation was an eſſential Member of the Peace, the very Soul and an inſeparable condition of the Treaty of Marriage, without which it never had been projected nor concluded, and conſequently neither the Treaty of Peace.

Then again, that it was no private Act, but a Law and Pragmatick Sanction eſtabliſh'd by joynt conſent of the two Crowns, is as clear from the words of the Act it ſelf; And in the fifth and ſixth Articles of the ſaid Treaty, it has been decreed and reſolv'd by joynt conſent, that is to ſay, of the two Kings; and with one will, after ſerious conſideration, &c. that both my ſelf, and the Children which God ſhall give me by this Marriage, are and ſhall remain uncapable, diſabl'd, and abſolutely excluded from any right or hope to ſucceed in any of the Kingdoms, States, Signiories, &c. And a little lower, condeſcending to this with the joint deſire and earneſt wiſhes of their Subjects, Vaſſals, and Natives, who deſire that it may have the force and vigour of a Law and Pragmatick Sanction, and that it may be receiv'd and obſerv'd as ſuch; and ſome lines lower in the following Section, are added theſe words: And it ſhall be decreed, by joynt conſent, that it is their Majeſties Pleaſure, that this Act ſhall have the force and vigour of a Law Eſtabliſh'd in favour of their Kingdoms, and the publick intereſts of them.

A little above the three moving cauſes are ſpecifi'd; And in regard it concerns the Publick State of both Crowns, that being ſo large, they may never come to be united together, and to prevent all occaſions that may happen of joyning them, &c, which is more fully explain'd two Pages lower. And having joyntly regard to the Publick and Common Good of the Kingdoms, which God has entruſted him with, which together with theſe belonging to the Crown of France, are equally intereſted in this; that the Grandeur and Majeſty which they have upheld and maintain'd for ſo many Years together, with ſo much Happineſs and Glory to the renown of their Kings, may not be diminiſh'd nor fall to decay, as of neceſſity they will diminiſh and fall, if by the means and cauſe of this Marriage, they ſhall happen to unite and be joyn'd together in any one of the Children and Succeſſors; the ill conſequences whereof would cauſe ſuch diſcontents and afflictions to the Subjects, as ought to be conſider'd: Then the cauſes of the Renunciation are expreſs'd to be the publick good of the Kingdoms, the preſervation of the Grandeur, and Glory of their Majeſties; to prevent the diſcontents of the People, and the Inconveniences which might otherwiſe ariſe, and to facilitate for the future the Marriages between the Children and Succeſſors of the two Princes. All which cauſes being in their own nature unalterable, and of neceſſity abſolute, could not be faſten'd upon any particular Act, nor limited to any teſtrictive conditions.

This League therefore thus grounded upon theſe Foundations, were ſuch Limitations and bounds to a Perſon aſpring to the Univerſal Monarchy of Europe, as were not to be fenced in with the common Ties and reſtraints of Oaths and Treaties. And therefore ſo ſoon as the Old King of Spain was dead, the French Lawyers, well underſtanding the humour of their Sovereign, and preferring the little Quirks of Law before the Publick Faith ſtarted up a claim for their King in the right and behalf of his Wife the Infanta, notwithſtanding her Solelmn Renunciation, which was made a Member of the body of the Treaty, and as ſacredly ſworn to by the French King himſelf; pretending that a great part of the Spaniſh Low Countries was devolv'd to him in her Right by the Municipal Laws, and Local Cuſtoms of thoſe Countries. Whereas it is a thing well known, that when Sovereign Princes enter into Treaties (which are indeed the true and only Laws between Monarchs) they are regulated and confirm'd according to the Law of Nations common to all; and being ſo to be underſtood, it is an idle thing for Civilians to imagin, that a conſideration of Laws Municipal, or cuſtoms belonging to any particlar Country, under the Dominion of either of the Treating Princes, can be admitted to the overthrowing of a Treaty, or the depriving either of the Parties of the Benefit and Security which he has thereby.

But notwithſtanding the Renunciation was ſo carefully Penn'd, as if a whole Grand Council of Civil Lawyers had been call'd to out-doe all former Terms and expreſſions us'd in ſuch Contracts, and to find out new binding Clauſes; to prevent all poſſibility of Evaſion, the French King was more eaſily induced to believe that his own great Cannon-Law was above all other Law, and more conſentaneous to his Reaſon and h • s Deſigns; and therefore againſt the very ſenſe and end of the Renunciation, under the ſlight pretence of a Non-Entity, he betook himſelf to force and violence, and with a powerfull Army fell on a ſudden upon Flanders, and other parts of the Spaniſh Territories, with ſuch an Inundation of War, that it was impoſſible for the unprovided Spaniard to reſiſt him; more eſpecially, after ſuch deep Aſſeverations, that all his vaſt Preparations were no way intended againſt the Spaniſh Dominions.

Theſe proſperous ſucceſſes occaſioned the Triple League, which put a ſtop to the French Career, and brought on another Treaty, which was manag'd at Aken, or Aix la Chappell • , in order to a new Agreement between France and Spain. The Obſervation of which affords us another inſtance of that ye call French Fidelity.

By this Treaty the French King was to remain poſſeſs'd of Charleroy, Binch, Athe, Doway, the Fort of Scarp, Turnay, Oudenard, Lille, Armentiers, Courtray, Bergues, and Turnes, and all their Bayliwicks, &c. and reſtore to the King of Spain the County of Burgundy together with Aloſt. And to this Treaty all the Princes of Chriſtendom were invited to give the two Kings their Promiſes and Engagements of Warranty, as to all the Contents of the Treaty. And by another Article of the Treaty it was accorded, that whatever ſhould on the day of the Ratification of the Peace be found upon the Lands of France, ſhould appertain to Her, and that whatever in like manner ſhould be found upon the Lands of Spain, ſhould appertain to the Crown of Spain; but, as if it were an impoſſibility for France to keep her word, the Moſt Chriſtian Prince deſigning to make his Advantage of this Article, before the Ratification came, caus'd the Ax to be ſet to a Wood of Overgrown Trees, which was upon the Lands of Spain, and having fell'd the Timber, tranſported it into his own Dominions, that when the Ratification ſhould come, he might have an excuſe for what he had done.

In like manner, though he were to reſtore all Burgundy by the Articles of this Treaty without reſervation, and though he were Sworn upon the Croſs, the Holy Evangeliſts, the Canons of the Maſs, and upon his Honour, fully, really, and bona fide to obſerve and accompliſh all the contents of the Articles: yet he both diſmantl'd the ſtrong Holds and Places of the County, carryed away all the Ammunitions and Warlike Proviſions, and would have deſtroyed the Rich Salt Pits of that Province, but for the powerfull Interpoſition of England and H • lland.

Nor could this Treaty of Aix, ſo religiouſly ſworn to tie up the French King from exacting heavy Contributions from the Ducheſs of Lymburgh and Luxenburgh, from laying new claims to ſome Towns as important as any of thoſe that had been granted him by the Peace; nor from confiſcating the Eſtates of the Subjects of the King of Spain, that refus'd to forſwear their Allegiance, not ſparing the Royal Houſe of Mary Mont. And as if theſe Infractions and Incroachments had not been ſufficient, they forc'd their way with great Quantities of Merchandize through the Spaniſh Territories, without paying Cuſtoms, and not long after enveavour'd to ſurprize the Town of Hainault. And in ſhort, they did whatever they pleas'd, plunder'd even the moſt ſacred Places, and acted without remorce or pitty, whatever can be imagined by inſolent and unconſcionable Men.

This perfidious dealing of France with England and Spain, ſpreading over Europe like a Gangrene, as it prov'd extreamly prejudicial to ſome, ſo it became no leſs pernicious to others of the Europaean Princes.

Among the reſt, the Duke of Lorrain, by the Pyrenaean Treaty, was to be reſtor'd to his Dukedom of Lorrain, with all the Places and Towns which he had poſſeſſed in the Biſhopricks of Mets, Toul, and Verdun. But France, after the Exeeution of the other Articles of that Peace, delay'd as long as ſhe could the performance of that part which related to the Duke, and ſtill refus'd to reſtore him to his Country, till ſhe had made him condeſeend to another Treaty with her, whereby he was conſtrain'd to part with ſeveral other conſiderable Places, beſides what had been granted to him by the General Peace. Nor would that Uſurpation ſatisfie her voracious Appetite; for that after a Year and an half of an unſettl'd Poſſeſſion, during which time, under ſeveral unjuſt pretences, new quarrells were every day pick'd with him, till ſhe forc'd him with a conſiderable Army, to ſurrender into her hands his Town of Marſul.

Nor was it long after before the French again compell'd him to ſign a new Treaty, ſtill more diſadvantageous than the two former; nor could he then, as little as before, have any quiet Enjoyment of that little they had left him, till they had worm'd him out of all. For every day the French encroached upon his Juriſdiction, the Liberties of his Territories, and his Sovereignty it ſelf: He laid moſt Enormous Taxes upon the Duke's Subjects; he conſtrain'd him to disband his Forces, and then to raiſe new Men again, as the Moſt Chriſtian Uſurper thought fit. He was kept from revenging his own Quarrels, to take part in that of others, all his Enemies were let looſe againſt him, to ſtop the progreſs of his Armies, as ſoon as he had gain'd the leaſt Advantage. And in few Words, the Noble Duke, who deſerv'd a much better Treatment, was all that while rather a Vaſſal to France, than a Sovereign Prince. Neither would this ſatisfie the Ambition of the French King, who finding by many circumſtances how highly the Duke reſented ſuch Deſpotick Ʋſage, he ſent one of his Generals to ſurprize and ſeize his Perſon, and to bring him either dead or alive. A new French Mode of dealing with Sovereign Princes, not known in the more generous Climates of Europe, and which may give us ſome Hopes of ſeeing the Northern part of the World govern'd by Baſha's as well as the Eaſtern.

But 'tis an infallible Maxim, that every Prince diſpoſſeſs'd of his Eſtate, may hold for certain there will be nothing omitted on the Uſurper's part, or Conquerer in Poſſeſſion, to ruin him if poſſible, and all his Generation. Therefore 'tis not ſtrange that the French King ſhould leave no Stone unturn'd for the Deſtruction of His Highneſs of Lorrain: From hence it was, that the Imperial Governour of Philipsburgh, the ſame who afterwards baſely and cowardly ſurrender'd up that Garriſon to Crequi, ſo notoriouſly and openly as he did, attempted the Deſtruction of that Prince, by a Trap-door which he cunningly caus'd to be contriv'd for that purpoſe in the Bridge of that Place; through which the Duke, not dreaming of any ſuch French Treachery ſo near him, fell head long to the Bottom of the Ditch. For may it not be juſtly inferr'd, that this Governour had capitulated and agreed with ſome Chriſtian Miniſter of France, to execute ſo greatfull a peice of Treaſon, more eſpecially, ſince it was by the Power of the Favourers of France at Vienna, that the Traitors eſcap'd altogether unpuniſh'd.

And now we are come to Vienna, it will not be amiſs to take a ſhort view of the Moſt Chriſtian King's behaviour towards the Emperor, where he will be found nothing chang'd either in his Morals or his Politicks.

As for the occaſion that ever his Imperial Majeſty gave the French King, to make ſuch Bloudy Wars upon Him, there is no body that can tell of any: Nor is it probable that a Prince ſo good Natur'd, ſo Piouſly inclin'd, ſo much given to Repoſe, and Peace, and ſo averſe from contending with his Neighbours, or making War upon his Inferiours, as he is ſaid to be, ſhould be an Aggreſſor: But all the World knows that it has been long the Ambition of France to graſp in his hands the Univerſal Monarchy of the fourth part of the Habitable Earth; and this is that which makes the French King ſeek Occaſions of Publick Univerſal Diſturbance, and the better to ſucceed, to leave nothing unattempted that force or fraud can procure. It is no Quarrel between Nations, bearing enmity to one another, neither is it in revenge of Injuries received, but an impotent Rage and Luſt of Empire in one Man, that has ſet all Europe together by the Ears; Delirat Ludovicus, plectitur Europa. One man is mad for the Empire, and that madneſs of one man ſets all Europe in a Flame.

Now for that the worſt of Uſurpers would be thought to have ſome glittering pretence for their Injuſtice, therefore it is that the French King makes it his buſineſs, to find out men of Wit and Cavil, to turmoil for Juſtifications of his illegal Actions; ſuch men are eaſily found, and the Temptations of Gold makes them no leſs ſedulous to gratifie the Jupiter that commands the Golden Showres; ſo that if they can but find him a Pretence of Claim, he'll find Armies and Bombs to make it good. Under the warmth of ſuch Golden Encouragements was Hatch'd that Elaborate Peice, Entitled, The juſt Pretenſions of the King (meaning the French King) to Europe; wherein after the Author has laid it for a Foundation, that the Demeſnes and Conqueſts of Kingdoms are always the Demeſnes and Conqueſts of Sovereigns, and that the Conqueſts and Demeſnes of Crowns cannot be aſcertain'd or preſcrib'd; he adds, That the greater part of Germany is the Patrimony and Ancient inheritance of the French Kings.

Charlemaigne poſſeſs'd Germany not as Emperor, but as King of France. From which Doctrine it is evident, that his Imperial Majeſty, nor indeed any Prince in Europe, can ever be ſafe, nor hope for any quiet, while the Ambition of France is in a condition to lay ſuch a claim to their Dominions. More eſpecially, ſince it is known by wofull experience, that the French King gives no other Reaſons for his unjuſt Violences, nor cares to give any other than what the Lyon gave to the weaker Beaſts; one part is his Right, as King of the Foreſt, another becauſe he is able to ſubdue; the third he takes by Force, and for the reſt, touch it who dares.

Another Cunning, to ſet up a French Title is by the means of certain Scribes, as good as ever Granger, ſo dextrous at the ſtrokes of their Pens, that they will imitate the obſolete Gothick Characters with that exactneſs, that you would ſwear they were Written above Five or Six Hundred Years agoe, and by that means, they will ſet up a Dependence from ſuch a diſtance of time, that Beelzebub himſelf ſhall not be able to diſprove it.

Upon theſe Foundations it was, that as if he were dealing only with the Farmers of his Revenues, by a Publick Declaration he erected a Sovereign Court at Mets, compos'd according to the cuſtom of France, of a dozen of his Lawyers, who, by virtue of the King's Authority, and the Miniſtry of the Catchpoles of that clandeſtine Juriſdiction, ſummon before them all ſuch Kings and Princes as are poſſeſs'd of any Territory which the King is pleas'd to call a Dependence upon any State, with which he has nothing to doe; and when no body appears to acknowledge the Juriſdiction of this Tyrannical and Ʋniverſal Piepoudre, and to give them an account by what Right they poſſeſs what their Predeceſſors have for three or four Hundred Years peaceably enjoy'd; preſently the Moſt Chriſtian Prince makes his own Power his Judges and his Army his Advocates, and immediately with Fire and Sword ſeizes upon the confiſcated Dominion. And by virtue of ſuch Pretenſions as theſe, he claims and has poſſeſs'd himſelf of the Dukedom of Lorrain, the Dutchy of Deux Ponts, and the beſt part of Alſatia, as being dependencies of the Biſhopricks of Toul, Metz, and Verdun; and conſequently muſt be united to the Demeſnes of the Crown of France.

Having then ſo clear a Title to the Empire, no wonder he purſues ſo dreadfully the recovery of his Right. And yet the true Mother of the Child could not endure to ſee the Bowels of her Infant ript up before her Eyes; no, nor can we believe the Moſt Chriſtian Prince to be the Hereditary Father of thoſe Countries, which, in deteſtation of all Compaſſion, he ſo inhumanly ranſacks and depopulates; being then a Spurious Title, diſown'd by the Legitimate Parents of all true Titles, Law, and Juſtice, which only fraud and force could make good. Of both how dreadfully, and how too ſucceſsfully the Ambitious Monarch has made uſe in aſſerting his illegal claims, all Europe can too ſadly teſtifie; no leſs laviſh of his Gold than of humane Bloud. The Grand Viſier, and the Cham of Precopite Tartary, were his Penſioners, dazl'd with ſeveral Millions of his Louiſian Medalls; the one to divert the Arms of Poland; the other to keep his Imperial Majeſty employ'd in the utmoſt Limits of his Dominions, bordering upon Turky, that he with the leſs reſiſtence might revel in the Ruins of the flouriſhing Gardens and Cities of the Rhine. And as he tramples under foot all Faith and Honour at Home ſo by tampering with the Miniſters and Subjects of other Princes, he inſtructs them here to manage their fidelity to the beſt advantage of his own Ambition, and by a Metal of his own, tries what Metal they are made of before he deal with their Maſters. And with this ſort of White Powder, which does execution without Noiſe, ſhoots down more Citadels, Caſtles, and ſtrong Holds, and takes in more Towns than all the Thunder of his Cannon. In ſo much, that it has been obſerv'd, that when his Ambaſſadors go abroad, they either carry along with them the Principal Engins, or elſe they are ſent after them; an Ambaſſador, or an Agent go before his Army, and then uſually a Conqueſt follows. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is his Motto: A new way to Honour and Renown, unknown to Alexander, or any of the dull Roman Conquerors.

Had not the Steward of Commiſſary General Capellier's Houſe been tainted with this golden Poiſon, he had never been ſurpriz'd by his Maſter in the very Act of Traiterous Correſpondence with the Miniſter of France, to whom he gave an exact accompt of all he could diſcover in his Maſter's Houſe. And to confirm what his Maſter had detected, at length certain Letters, which the Steward was to have received from the French Miniſter, were ſeiz'd at the Imperial Poſt-Office in Frankford.

After the Peace of Nimeguen, the City of Strasburgh thought it ſelf in full ſecurity, confirm'd by ſeveral fervent and vehement Letters, which the French King wrote to them from time to time, and the aſſurances given them by his Reſident abiding in the City, that his Maſter deſir'd nothing more than to live in Peace and Amity with the Emperor, and with the Cities of the Empire. And yet by the underhand, contending and tampering with the ſame Reſident, a Traitor was choſen Burghermaſter, who acted altogether conformable to the Advice of France. On the other ſide, the Magiſtrates and Burgheſſes being lull'd aſleep by the fair Promiſes and Proteſtations of France, diſmiſs'd their Guard of Switzers, which were the chief ſecurity of their City: But no ſooner were the Switzers departed, but Monſieur Louvoy with a powerfull Army inveſted the City, and forc'd them to ſurrender upon ſuch Conditions as he was pleas'd to preſcribe them. After which the French King made no ſcruple to violate thoſe pitifull Articles which they granted them, and to treat them as Slaves like the reſt of his Subjects.

The Treaty of Nimeguen began in the Name of the moſt holy and indiviſible Trinity; and the end of it was, that there ſhould be an immoveable and unſhaken Peace between his Imperial Majeſty and the French King, to ſtop the deſolation of ſo many Provinces, and the Effuſion of ſo much Chriſtian Bloud; yet, no ſooner was the Emperor engag'd againſt the Turk, and that Spain and her Allies had laid down their Arms and disbanded the greateſt part of their Forces, relying upon the Faith of the Treaty of Nimeguen, but the Moſt Chriſtian King fell in upon Flanders with a more than Turkiſh Fury, Burning, Plundring, and Levelling with the Earth whole Towns and Villages, on purpoſe to conſtrain the People to revolt, and to become his Vaſſals to preſerve themſelves from utter ruin.

The Correſpondence of the Moſt Chriſtian King with the Ottoman Port, is too well known, and how it was at his Moſt Chriſtian Importunity, that the Grand Seignior broke the firſt Truce which he had made with the Empire, to ſecond the deſigns of Count Teckeley. whom France, out of a particular Zeal to the Catholick Religion, aſſiſted with Men and Money, and that prevailing charm it was that wrought upon the Port to ſend back Count Caprara, and reject the Propoſitions of Peace which he carry'd along with him. Of which the Marqueſs of Seppeville, then the French Ambaſſador at Viena, fail'd not with all diligence to give his Maſter Notice; who with no leſs ſedulity diſpatch'd another Perſon to the Grand Viſier, to oblige and encourage him to contrive the Seige of Vienna, urging him that it was for his Honour not to quit it; That the City was at its laſt Gaſp, and that it behov'd him to take it, whatever it coſt him, for the ſake of his Reputation, and the publick Good of the Port; for that the Seige having made ſuch a noiſe in the World, he could not leave the proſecution of it without Eternal Infamy to the Ottoman Empire, and the Grand Vizier; adding withall, that to facilitate the taking of the Town, and to divide the Emperors Forces, his Maſter would enter into Flanders with a Puiſſant Army, which would infallibly oblige the Princes of the Empire, to recall their Forces for their own Security. And in that point, he was as good as his Word to the Turk, entring Flanders at the ſame time with Fire and Sword, as if he had been ſecond to Mahomet. But when Vienna was reliev'd, he was ſo far from partaking in the general Joy of the reſt of the Chriſtian World, that he forbid his Eccleſiasticks to obſerve any Thanksgiving for the Victory of the Chriſtians, upon pain of incurring his High Diſpleaſure.

Nor is it only by the aſſiſtence of open and profeſs'd Infidels, that the French King fights the Emperor abroad, but by the means of his pretended Friends, and neareſt Counſellors, who having finger'd the Gold of France, become Traitors to their Lawfull Prince, and betray his very Cabinet Secrets. This occaſion'd the miſunderſtanding that happen'd between the Duke of Brandenburgh and Montecuculi, General of the Imperial Forces in the Holland War.

For in the Year 1672. when all Europe look'd upon the Ʋnited Provinces near the brink of Deſtruction, the Elector of Brandenburgh, fore ſeeing the conſequences to be expected from the ſucceſsfull enterpriſes of France, took the Field with a conſiderable Army, at what time Montecuculi was on his March, with a deſign to act jointly. Upon which Turenne was ſent to oppoſe thoſe two Armies, but by the ſeveral Marches and Counter Marches which the Elector made, Turenne's Army was ſo tir'd and harraſs'd, that about the end of the Campaigne it was in ſo miſerable a condition, that all Turenne could doe, was to defend himſelf; which caus'd the Elector to make a vigorus Remonſtrance of all things to be made to the Imperial Council. Which wrought ſo effectually, that poſitive Orders were ſent Montecuculi to join the Elector and fight Turenne, without farther loſs of time; ſo that nothing but Treachery, the mode of France, could have prevented the Total Ruine of Turenne's Army. But the French Inſtruments in the Imperial Court ſo order'd the matter, that Montecuculi's Orders were chang'd, and an expreſs command ſent him, neither to joyn the Elector, nor to fight Turenne. The Elector, who had receiv'd from the Court of Vienna a formal Letter, which gave him an Account of the true Order which the Emperor had ſent his General to joyn him, and fight the ſhatter'd Enemies, wonder'd when Montecuculi, being by him ſummond to execute the Order, refus'd to obey it: But Montecuculi, who knew nothing of the Letter ſent the Elector, could do no leſs than follow his own Inſtructions.

The Elector was concern'd in Reputation to make the Emperor ſenſible of Montecuculi's proceedings; and if Montecuculi was ſtrangely ſurpriz'd, when at his return to Vienna, his Imperial Majeſty call'd him to a ſtrict Account, why he neither join'd the Brandenburgher, nor fought Turenne, the Emperor was no leſs amaz'd, when his General produced for his diſcharge an Order in exact form, forbidding him to doe either the one or the other. This was a perfect Myſtery, however, afterwards it was found out to have been a contrivance between the French Emiſſaries, and ſome of the Imperial Miniſters, who having eaſily found a way to intercept the Original Order, and in the ſame Diſpatch to tranſmit a falſe one under a counterfeited Hand and Seal. And thus perhaps it was that General Souches, after the Battle of Senneff, drew off from the Prince of Orange, and left him in the Lurch, under pretence of not having order to doe any more than what he had done.

Tarbrack was a Town upon the Borders of Germany, that ſtood conveniently for the purpoſes of the French King, and therefore he reſolv'd to fortifie it. On the other ſide, the Imperialiſts complain'd of it to the French King, as a Truce and Treaty both at one time; but all the Anſwer they could get, was, that the Royal Chamber of Mets had irrevocably decreed it to belong to the Crown of France, and therefore the Imperialiſts had no reaſon to complain of a Sovereign Monarch's fortifying his Frontier Towns.

His very propoſals of Marriage are only ſnares to entrap ſuch Princes as will accept of his Matches; and becauſe his main deſign is at the Empire, therefore he ſtrives to ſcatter his Circes and Medias among the Princes of Germany. Believing Wives to be the fitteſt Inſtruments to betray their Husbands, and the nuptial ſheets to be the ſecureſt Harbours for Treachery.

Thus after the Marqueſs of Bethune's Siſter was married to the King of Poland, jealouſies between the King her Husband and the Emperor were fomented, and Factions ſet up in that Country, by the means of thoſe Golden Rays which the Sun of France diſplays in that Court by the Hands of the Bankers of Hamburgh and Dantzick. And the more to encourage her to play her Gaime according to the French Inſtructions, his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty made her Father a Duke and Peer of France, and promis'd to receive her as a Queen, and not as a Subject, if ſhe return'd a Widow, in her own Country. Thus he thought to have caught the Young Duke of Bavaria with one of his natural Daughters; but that Heroick Prince deſpis'd the Motion. And if the French King were aſſur'd that the Young Prince of Poland ſhould ſucceed his Father, there is another natural Daughter of France ready prepar'd for him; for otherwiſe, it would be a Daughter merely thrown away, if ſhe could not be in a Station to ſerve her own Country. For that the main end of the French King, in giving French Wives to the King of Poland, and the ſeveral Princes of Germany, is to divide the ſtrength of the Empire, and leſſen the Authority of the Emperor, by ſeparating from his intereſt the particular Princes of the Empire by private Intrigues, and diſtinct Treaties, which though it be contrary to the Treaty of Munſter, yet that ſignifies nothing to a Prince who has no ſuch Veneration for Leagues as to think them worth obſerving.

As for the French King's dealing with the Duke of Nieuburgh it was ſomewhat Barbarous; for that, after the French King had caus'd him to Mortgage the greateſt part of his Estate almoſt beyond the hopes of Redemption, in expectation of the Poliſh Crown, to which France had promis'd to advance him by the aſſiſtence of a strong Party, which ſhe had in that Kingdom, contrary to the Treaties, as well with the Duke as with the Elector of Brandenburgh, and to his reiterated Promiſes and Vows, both by word of Mouth and in Writing; he underhand, by his Creatures and Agents, oppos'd the Duke's pretenſions, and endeavoured with all the induſtry and importunity imaginable, to have the Prince of Conde preferr'd before him, and all the reſt of his Competitors; a ſufficient warning to all Princes how they relie upon the broken Reed of French Integrity.

The Elector of Brandenburgh was environed with French Emiſſaries and Spies, and ſome of his Principal Ministers ſo intoxicated with the Elixirs of France, that nothing was ſaid or done in his Palace, of which the French Envoy had not ſwift Intelligence. And the World was well inform'd of all the Intrigues and large Preſents, which Monſieur De Rebenack ſcatter'd about in that Court; of which the Agent himſelf was ſo unwary, or ſo fooliſh, as to make his boaſts.

The Elector of Saxony better underſtood his own Intereſt, and therefore would not bite at the Golden Hook, as one that diſdain'd the treacherous Offers of France; but the French King endeavour'd by other ways to raiſe him diſturbances in his own Family, and to ſet him at Variance with his Neighbours, which would have ſtrangely imbroild him, had not the Emperor in time provided againſt thoſe Miſchiefs. However, leſt it ſhould be ſaid there was any Court in Chriſtendom, wherein the French King had not ſome Plough or other going, he forbears not to ſend into Saxony ſuch as know how to accommodate themſelves to the Humour of the Country, more eſpecially the ſtouteſt Drinkers he can find out, who by that means, making themſelves familiar at the Tables of the Great Perſons, watch their opportunities in the highth of Jollity and Compotation to draw the Worms out of their Noſes, and dive into the bottoms of their open'd hearts.

The Palatine Electors, neither Father nor Son, would cloſe with the Intereſt of the French, and therefore his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty ſacrificed the depopulated Cities of that Country to his Fury, even to the compaſſion of ſome that were the Executioners of his Rage; a Depopulation which none but ſuch Monſters of Men as the Moſt Chriſtian King employs would have undertaken; Men ſo impious and fearleſs of God, that one of them being mildly reprehended for the burning of a fair Town, reply'd, That he would burn God in Heaven, if his Maſter the King of France commanded him to doe it. But perhaps the Moſt Chriſtian King is of the Opinion of the Antient Galls, believing there is no way to give peace to a Country, but by rooting out the Inhabitants, according to that of Tacitus, Galli, ubi ſolitudinem fecerunt, pacem appellant.

Nor could the Biſhop of Munſter, as cunning as he was, preſerve himſelf from being out-witted by the French infidelity. For that being comprehended in the League of the Rhine, when he found himſelf attack'd by the States of Holland within the Empire, he implored the Aid of France according to the Guarranty, but in vain; for which when he was about to make his complaint, he was of a ſudden overwhelm'd with the Forces of France, and had not his Enemies us'd Moderation toward him more than his own Allie, his Territories though the Patrimony of the Church, had been laid in Aſhes before now.

When the French King broke Faith with Holland, to the ſurprize of a great part of their Country, he was ſo far from aſſigning any Cauſe, true or falſe, for his Actions, that he only publiſh'd a Declaration of War without any other Reaſons, than only the Ill ſatisfaction which His Majeſty had of the behaviour of the States General toward him, being riſen to that Degree, that he can no longer without Diminution of his Glory, diſſemble his Indignation againſt them, &c. Therefore he had reſolv'd to make War againſt them by Sea and Land, &c. And commands all his Subjects courir ſus upon the Hollanders, for ſuch is Our Pleaſure.

Certainly it was never known that in any Age or Nation in the World the Sword was drawn upon no better Allegations; a ſtyle ſo far from being Moſt Chriſtian, that nothing but ſome French Romance could parallel the Expreſſion. All that can be ſaid, 'twas A-la-mode de France.

But Holland had no reaſon to wonder at theſe proceedings, conſidering what a Prank the French King had plaid them before, when he pretended to joyn with them in the War againſt England. At what time France, by virtue of a Treaty of Guarranty with the States of the United Provinces, after ſeveral requeſts ineffectally made by the States, found her ſelf oblig'd to make a ſhew of undertaking to defend them againſt England; among the reſt of the Articles, there was one by which it was concluded and agreed in expreſs terms, that the Allies ſhould not Negotiate, much leſs conclude any Peace or Truce with the common Enemy, without the conſent of the other, and without procuring the ſame ſatisfaction for his Allie, as he would for himſelf. The States tied themſelves with that Integrity to this Obligation, that notwithſtanding the conſiderable Advantages offer'd them to treat ſeparately; they would not ſo much as lend an Ear to any Propoſition of that Nature. France on the other ſide, had always kept on Foot a private Negotiation, which nevertheleſs the Dutch had all the Reaſon in the World to ſuſpect, becauſe of the continual Poſting of Curriers between Paris and London. However France confirm'd them ſo authentickly in a contrary belief, and gave them ſuch poſitive Promiſes, that ſhe would never hearken to any Propoſition, unleſs in a joint Aſſembly, for a General Peace, that ſhe order'd the Count D' Eſtrades, that in Caſe the States would not give Credit to what he aſſured them as an Ambaſſadour, he ſhould quit that Character for ſo long time, and pawn his Faith to them as a Private Perſon. A great honour indeed to the Count d' Eſtrade, to have the Reputation of a Perſon that would not tell an untruth, but under the Character of a Publick Miniſter of France, and that the Probity of his Perſon was above the Dignity of his Employment. Though had he been ſo improvident to have been bound for his Maſter, he muſt certainly have anſwered both the Principal and Intereſt; for certain it is that England and France concluded the Peace without the conſent or ſo much as the knowledge of the States; neither did France make any mention of them or their Intereſts, or of any reſerve or relation to the General Peace. But that which was more ſurprizing was this, that after the French King had thus concluded a private Peace with England, notwithſtanding he had promis'd the King not to exerciſe any Act of Hoſtility againſt him, he us'd all his endeavours to oblige the Dutch to put forth their Fleet to Sea, engaging to join with them, and agreeing upon all the Conditions neceſſary for that purpoſe. A double headed piece of Treachery, fit to be recorded to the Eternal Infamy of the Faith Breaker.

If we look into Sweden, we ſhall find that ſhe was conſider'd as more potent than Denmark, and therefore a League was clapt up with them, to prevent the Danes aſſiſting Holland, and by that League the King of Sweden was to receive by way of Penſion or Gratuity, Sixteen Hundred Thouſand Crowns. But the French, upon ſecond Thoughts, finding the Treaty with the Sweeds to be of little uſe to them, refus'd to ratifie it, and ſent away Monſieur Trelon, to tell the King of Sweden in ſhort, that his Maſter declard it void; a quick and Majeſtick way to reſcind a Treaty at any time.

If we remove into Poland, there you ſhall find no body more buſie than the French King's Ambaſſadors at the Elections of the King, to procure the choice of ſuch a one as may be tack'd to his Intereſt, or at leaſt ſuch a one as may have no kindneſs to the Houſe of Auſtria, and all this to enable him the more to diſturb the Peace of the Empire. In purſuance of which ungodly deſigns, under a pretence of Advancing the Affairs of Poland, and ſettling a perfect Amity with that Kingdom, the French King contriv'd a Marriage for the Poliſh Prince, with a Lady of France. By which means he had a fair opportunity to ſend thither as her Attendents, and for the more Splendor of her Fame, ſo many expert Inſtruments of Miſchief, that immediately they form'd and ſettl'd a Cabal with ſuch Intrigues as in a ſhort time enflam'd the Nobility of that Kingdom into Animoſities and Factions, not likely to be ſo ſoon again extinguiſh'd: And at that time they wrought ſo far, that the King ſoon after became willing to reſign the Kingdom; upon which, the Turk, ſeeing the great Diviſions that were rais'd among them, was the more eaſily allur'd in by the French Cabal, who procur'd by Verſallian's directions that Miſchief, partly out of revenge becauſe they could not compaſs another King either of French Bloud or French Intereſt at the next Election, and partly, becauſe the New King had contracted a Marriage with the Emperour's Siſter.

And now Poland, by reaſon of its Situation, being ſheltered under the Wings of the French Ambaſſador, is fix'd upon by the French, to convey themſelves from thence into Hungary, and the Ottoman Port, for the better and more eaſie carrying on their Intrigues between France, the Male Contents, and the Turk. And firſt, it appear'd by ſeveral Letters diſperſed both in Conſtantinople, Tranſilvania, and Hungary, that upon the 30th. of December, 1681. the War was reſolv'd upon, and Sworn to againſt the Emperor, in the Serraglio of Conſtantinople, in the Holy Council, call'd the Divan, where the Mufti, High Prieſt of the Mahomitan Religion, ſits Preſident. Which ſufficiently laid open the Authors and Procurers of that War, and clearly ſhew'd, that the French were not aſham'd, as if it had been a famous Action in them to take advice of the Divan, and applaud the ſucceſs of the Negotiation, as they did in their Letters written backwards and forwards to the Rebels, in which they congratulated with the Rebels; for having drawn the Rebels to their Succour, they promis'd each other in their Letters all the Advantages they could expect, which aim'd at no leſs than to have driven the Emperor out of the beſt of his Dominions.

It was known that ſuch of the Hungarians as were forc'd to run their Country for conſpiring againſt the Emperor, liv'd only upon ſuch ſupplies of Money as they receiv'd from the French, to the end they ſhould not be conſtrain'd to make their Peace with the Emperour, whoſe Clemency they were made believe extended no farther than to offer it; ſo that they reſolv'd to proſecute their Enterprize upon the Promiſes that were made them from France. Which was the reaſon that Akakia renewed and confirm'd more powerfully than ever the League and Alliance with the Male-Contents in Hungary. The French Emiſſaries alſo, without any ſhame of violating the Law of Nations, and in Countries where the Solemn Treaty of Peace was in full force, though they had been manifeſtly diſcovered in a ſecret Conſpiracy, run on afterwards more than ever with an unparallell'd Impudence, as if all things had been lawfull for them to act without controul.

An Hunderd Thouſand Florins were ordered at Paris to foment the Diſcontents of the Hungarian Rebels, and quicken the Motion of the Turks; which ſumm was deliver'd at Dantzick, and paid into the Hands of a Banker, who afterwards deliver'd it into the Hands of the French Emiſſaries, at ſeveral Payments, the better to hide the Buſineſs. And the Sieur du Vernay Boucauldi, Count Teckely's real Spie, caus'd to be deliver'd to the Sieur Valentine Nemeſſan 11300 Duckats, to oblige the Male-Contents to take Arms again▪ and attack the Cittadel of Zatmar, after the French Mode; that is, to endeavour to gain the Garriſon or Citizens with Money.

Theſe Tricks of the French Emiſſaries were ſo well known, that the Princeſs Radzivilliana forbad the ſuffering any French to paſs through her Countrey of Saculia, fearing leſt they ſhould as in other Places, corrupt her People with Money, and one being taken paſſing through her Countrey, was by her command laden with Irons, and ſeverely puniſh'd. Nevertheleſs they took other Roads, and had frequent private enterviews with Valentin Nemeſſan, Peter Jagel, and other particular Friends and Allies of Teckely. They made it their Buſineſs likewiſe to have more and more frequent conferences in Tranſilvania, ſending firſt one, and then another to Paris with ample Accounts of their Proceedings, and for farther Inſtructions.

Of all theſe things the Emperours Ambaſſador in the Court of Poland complain'd to his Majeſty, and deſir'd that no French Man, not being an Ambaſſador, or bearing ſome other Employment, might be permitted to ſtay in his Dominions. Upon which the King gave Notice to the French Ambaſſador, to order Akakia and Du Vernay to withdraw: The Senate alſo told the ſame Ambaſſador, that they well underſtood that the French were they who had ſtirr'd up the Troubles in Hungary; that they knew what Money had been given for it, what Cabals they had held, and what the Sieur du Vernay kept • very day. They declared him to be a Spie, and that he had no other buſineſs to detain him about Leopold, but only to treat with the Turks and Mahometans about drawing the War into Hungary. The Ambaſſador anſwered, that Vernay was ſent with him into Poland to manage the Affairs of the Moſt Chriſtian King his Maſter, and deny'd that either Vernay or he had any commerce with the Hungarians or Turks.

But the Spaniſh Ambaſſador having made new Diſcoveries, renew'd his complaints to the King, who gave him Audience in the preſence of Vitry the French Ambaſſador, and before the whole Senate; where he ſpoke a long time againſt the abominable Methods and Practices of the French, carry'd on by Vernay, to promote the Troubles of Hungary, and bring the Turks into Chriſtendom; but then it was that Vitry, having no way to avoid it, declar'd Vernay to be joint Ambaſſador with him from the French King▪ by that means to ſhelter a Traitor to Chriſtendom under the Protection of the Law of Nations.

Much about the ſame time the Caſtellan of Primiſlau perceiving that neither His Majeſty of Poland nor the Senate exp • ll'd the French Spies, and moreover that their deſigns ſtill ſucceeded better and better, refus'd to permit Vernay to enter his Village of Nimoravia, but forced him to paſs another way.

Vitry was highly incens'd at this, and going directly to Court, laid before the King the Affront and Indignity offer'd to his Aſſociate Vernay, and was ſo bold as to demand the Impriſonment of the Caſtellan for ſatisfaction; but the King not enduring his Confidence, told him plainly, that it was to no purpoſe to couch Vernay under the Quality of an Ambaſſador, for that the Tragedies he acted under the vain pretence of an Ambaſſador, were too well known; that all the devices of the French, and their contracts with the Turk were diſcover'd, that the places which Vernay had corrupted were named; their Reſolutions and Deſigns known, that he could exactly tell how much Money had been remitted from France to Hungary, and how they had us'd Violence, Deceit, and wicked Practice againſt the Emperour, to the misfortune of Chriſtendom.

The Ambaſſador would have pretended to have clear'd himſelf of theſe things, which he ſaid were wrongfully charg'd upon his Nation. But the King growing hot, would not hear him, only told the Ambaſſador he would lay Ten Thouſand Piſtoles with him, that he would undeniably prove all that he had ſaid to be true.

At which the French Ambaſſador ſtood amaz'd, and by his ſilence ſufficiently confirm'd the thing. The reſt of the French that were preſent alſo, in a Conſternation fix'd their Eyes upon the Ground; not lifting them up, but to gaze upon one another, as it were accuſing themſelves. So certain it is, that the inward reproach of Conſcience, and the ſecret Power of Truth, put the moſt fierce and confident out of Countenance, and by reducing the Guilty to a ſhamefull Silence, force them to make ſome ſort of confeſſion of their Crimes.

Beſides what has been recited, there were ſeveral Letters intercepted, which clear'd up the Truth of the French correſpondence with the Turks and Hungarian Male-Contents. One from Monſieur Vernay to Count Teckely, wherein the French Spie tells him, that he had receiv'd with great joy the Letters which he ſent him from the Camp before Filleck, enclos'd in the Packets of the French Ambaſſador at Conſtantinople. That he had endeavour'd to ſend Jaygell what he had promis'd him, and what he had receiv'd, but wanted an Opportunity; farther he deſir'd the Count to order it ſo, that his Meſſengers ſhould come to him by Night, and directed him which Road they ſhould take, to avoid the Searches of the Polonians, concluding that he ſhould take care in all things that the Count ſhould be pleas'd to command him.

Another Letter from Count Teckely to Vernay, wherein the Count gives Vernay thanks to his faithfull Agent Valentine Nemeſſani, and promiſes him to acknowledge it, as occaſion ſhould ſerve; gives him an account of his taking Caſſovia and Filleck, and how he intended to proſecute his good Succeſs.

Another Letter from Peter Jaygell Governour of Caſſovia to Monſieur Vernay; wherein Jaygell gives Vernay an Account of the taking and diſmantling of Filleck, that Teckely had been Proclaim'd King of Hungary, and confirm'd in that Quality by the Great Turk, who ſent him from the Port a Hat inſtead of a Crown, a Standard, and a Sceptre. He tells Vernay farther, that Nemeſſani was gone to treat of Affairs at the French King's Court, and preſſes Vernay to haſten the ſupply promis'd by the French King.

Sufficient Proofs of the pernicious and Moſt Anti-Chriſtian Treacheries of the Moſt Christian King to the ruin of Chriſtendom. After all this, to ſhew the extent of French falſhood, you ſhall ſee that if it ſtand with his own Intereſt, the French King will not ſtick to betray himſelf, and diſcover his own Treaſons; for that at the beginning of the Dutch War, when he ſaw the Emperour arming himſelf in good earneſt to aſſiſt the Dutch, to diſſuade and divert him from his purpoſe; and to engage him, had it been poſſible, not to concern himſelf in the Quarrel, he very fairly offer'd to deliver into the Emperour's hands all the Original Letters and Papers he had receiv'd from time to time from his brib'd Friends and Creatures in Poland and Hungary, to the end that both his Imperial Majesty and the King of Poland might take ſuch Orders as they thought fit with thoſe Traitors▪ whi •• may ſerve as a fare warning and determent to all thoſe that prefer French Money before their Loyalty, and the true Intereſts of their Country.

'Tis true that for ſome time the Moſt Christian King made the raiſing of his Seige from before Luxenburgh a great Argument of his Christian. Zeal and Generoſity to his Imperial Majeſty, not to aſſail him when the Turk was at his Doors, but the true ground of his retiring, was this notwithſtanding his ſpecious pretences, at the inſtance of the Confederates, all good Offices were done by the King of England, and Memorials given, but all to no effect, till the word Parliament was put into them. That powerfull word had ſuch a charm in it, that even at a diſtance it raiſed the Siege; which may convince us of what Efficacy a King of England's words are when he will give them their full weight, and threaten with his Parliament.

Then it is that he appears that greater Figure which we ought to repreſent him in our Minds, the Nation his Body, he the Head, and join'd with that Harmony that every word he pronounces is the Word of a Kingdom. Such Words are as effectual as Fleets and Armies, becauſe they can create them; and without this, his Word ſounds abroad like a Faint Whiſper, that is either not heard, or which is worſe, not minded.

But to return to the French King, and bring him home to his own Dominions, where you ſhall find his extraordinary Kindneſs to his then Highneſs the Prince of Orange, in demoliſhing the Castle, and pulling down the Walls of the chief City of his Principality of Orange, to ſave him the expence of a Garriſon, and Plundering and Exacting vaſt Summs of Money from the Subjects of another Prince, living in Peace and giving him no Diſturbance, merely under pretence of entertaining the Children of Hugonots. Nay, you ſhall find him perſecuting his own Subjects under the Name of Hereticks, and ſending his Miſſionary Dragoons to conver • them by ranſacking their Houſes, robbing them of their Goods, defiling their Wives, deflowring their Daughters, and inflicting upon the Men torments more cruel and inhumane than thoſe of the Ten Perſecutions; and all this while, they were under the Protection of ſeveral Edicts, ſolemnly granted and ratified to them for the Exerciſe of their Religion without diſturbance.

Theſe are the Renowned Acts of Lewis XIV. diſplaying the lovely proſpect of his Falſhood to England, his breach of Faith with Spain, his Infidelity to Holland, his Juggling with the Northern Princes, his Treacherous Aſpiring to the Imperial Throne, his vaſt Expences to divide the Princes of Germany from the Empire, his endangering the ſubverſion of all Christendom by confederating with the Turk, and his Violations of the Peace of his own Subjects.

In a word, it has been his common Practice to give the World all manner of Diſturbance, and to render France the common Enemy of the Peace of Manking, and a publick Peſt among all States and Princes; in every Countrey and Kingdom he either finds Combuſtible Stuff, or elſe makes it, and then ſets Fire to it, being at an exceſſive charge to find Fodder for the various Animals of Faction in all Places. Which ſort of Politicks appear to be ſo much the more Criminal, becauſe there is no juſt revenging them, but that which obliges all generous Nations to fight their Enemies with their Arms in their hands, and openly. There being nothing ſo baſe as that which makes Men make uſe of wicked devices and execrable Treaſons as the inſtruments to ruine others; nor does he that thinks to aſſume the Name of Great by unworthy Artifices, render himſelf a whit the more truly Glorious: Souls truly Royal and Magnanimous have always deſpis'd the Conqueſts they could more eaſily obtain by Cunning and Trapan, than by Force and Arms: And it was out of their Opinion, worthy a Noble Spirit, that Alexander the great ſharply rebuk'd his Favourite Parmenio, who would have put him upon a crafty contrivance, telling him, it was only fit for Robbers to have recourſe to Treachery, as their only meanes to compaſs their Theiveries. But the French King is of another Temper, and thinks it more ſafe to conquer by Divide & Impera, than by dint of Sword. He knows himſelf good at Burning, witneſs Alſatia and the Palatinate laid in Aſhes, and therefore thinks it better to ſet other Countries, which he cannot otherwiſe come at, in a Flame by Treachery and Faction, that having enough to doe to quench their own Fires at home, they may have neither Leiſure nor Power to hinder his Projects abroad.

Doubtleſs then, ſince England has ſo lately ſeen her Nighbours Houſes in ſo ſad a conflagration, it is a ſufficient Juſtification for her to look to her own, and to ſecure her ſelf and all Europe from ſuch Boutefeus, and the ſaid effects of their impious deſigns.

Seeing then there is ſo little • redit to be given to the Carthaginian Faith of France, and that all the Motions of that aſpiring Monarch tend directly to the ſubverſion of the whole frame of the Government of Europe, and to erect a French Tyranny over all the enthrall'd Princes of this ſame fourth and beſt inhabited part of the World, there are two Motives which ought to excite the Princes of Chriſtendom, to take the common cauſe in hand: the one is intereſt of State, the other the ſtrickt obligation of Juſtice. The firſt is, the general concern of all the Potentates of Europe; the ſecond, the particular intereſt of the Princes of the Empire. We ſhall only take notice of the former, as being the moſt Ʋniverſal, and moſt conſiderable in the World, and which will lead us inſenſibly into the ſecond. The grand concern is now to ſupport the Right of Nations, which is common to all, and to prevent the introducing of Maxims into the World which deſtroy all commerce among Men, and will certainly render humane Society no leſs dangerous and inſupportable than that of Lions and Tygers; to defend the publick Faith of Treaties, and remove from the ſight of Chriſtendom a ſcandalous example, which, by the fatal conſequences of it, will ſurrender the moſt feeble to the Will and Pleaſure of the ſtrongeſt and moſt Potent; to ſtop the Inundation of a Rapid Torrent, againſt the impetuoſity of which neither Leagues nor Marriages, neither Oaths nor Ties of Bloud and Parentage, neither Amity nor Condeſcentions, are Mounds or Damms ſufficient to defend the common Bulwark of Chriſtendom againſt a vaſt deſign, which has no other ground than the Inſatiable thirſt of Conquest, no other end than deſpotick Domination by dint of Arms, and ſlight of Intrigue, nor any Limits but ſuch as Fortune ſhall preſcribe. In ſhort, England is now to decide the Fate of Europe, and to pronounce the Sentence of her Liberty or Bondage.

Nor does there want juſtification ſufficient to purſue ſo great and glorious an Undertaking to the utmoſt, when we conſider the Maxims of France, which are eaſie to be gather'd from the paſt and preſent conduct, her inſulting Monarch; whoſe deſign was to have thrown his Waſh-pot over the Empire, and his Shoe over all the reſt of Europe. The firſt Mixim of France is, to make War alwaies abroad, and to exerciſe her Young Nobility at the expence of her Nighbours. A Maxim very Politick, and well adjuſted for her own Advantage; but very incommodious for all the reſt of the World: For it is certain the Genius of that Nation cannot long endure the Calms of a Lazy Peace, ſo that if you cannot find employment for them abroad, they will be framing Commotions and Diſturbances at home. The Eldeſt Sons of all their Noble Families carry away the Eſtates without leaving any thing to the Younger, but an empty Title and their Swords; ſo that being little addicted to Learning, and diſdaining the life of Mechanicks, nothing remains but War, or Thievery, to reſcue them from Miſery; which is the reaſon that the Politicks of France oblige her to be continually picking Quarrels with her Nighbours, to evaporate thoſe Flames, which otherwiſe would prey upon her own Bowels.

Their ſecond Maxim is, to inſinuate themſelves into all ſorts of Affairs on which hand ſoever it be, and to make themſelves Ʋmpires in all buſineſs, either by Force or Subtilty, by Threatnings, or under pretence of Friendſhip, to wriggle themſelves into Treaties of Peace where they are Parties intereſted, as they did in that of the Biſhop of Munſter, and afterwards in the Aſſembly at Breda. There never was any Quarrel wherein they had not the cunning to pretend ſome Intereſt or Right; and never any People ſhew'd the leaſt inclination to rebell, but they always made them their Allies. But experience tells us that they never took part in any War but to enflame it the more, nor ever interpos'd in any Peace, to Sow the Seeds of new Differences.

Their third Maxim is to make Intereſt of State the only rule of all their Actions, without having any regard to the Faith of Treaties, or the Sanctity of Religion, or any other Ties of Parentage or Friendſhip, according to the Fundamental Principle of the D. of Rohan, That Princes commanded the People, and Intereſt, commanded Princes: So that all that the Turks have gain'd upon Europe from the time of Francis the Firſt till this time, they owe to their Alliances with France, and the Diverſions ſhe had made in their favour, by giving diſturbance to thoſe that enterpriz'd any thing againſt the common Enemy.

Their fourth Maxim is, to keep, as much as in them lies, all Foreign States employ'd and divided at home, or elſe engaged in Foreign War, (of which England in particular has found the ſad Effects,) and under pretence of aſſiſting ſometimes one, ſometimes another, to ſeek their own Advantages in the Troubles of others.

Theſe are the Maxims of Men that make haſte to be Rich in Ignoble Conqueſts; and the infallible marks of a profound and vaſt deſign, that muſt be ſtopp'd in time, to ſtop the ſpreading of the Ambitious Grangrene; for from a Royal and powerfull Profeſſor of ſuch Maxims as theſe, there is no Prince that can be ſafe in his Dominions. Among private Perſons it is the moſt difficult thing to deal with a Man of a large Conſcience; how much more a moſt Herculean task it is to cope with a mighty Potentate whoſe Conſcience is no leſs wide than his Ambition is Vaſt, who having eleven Millions of Sterling Pounds, torn from the Bowels and Mouths of his poor and wanting Subjects, at command to maintain his Wars, and bribe his way to Conqueſt through all the Fences of Religion, Morality, and Common Juſtice, values not the tremendous Anger of Heaven, nor the Violation of all the Laws of God and Nature, nor the preſervative Conſtitutions of Men to attain his ends. It is ſaid of Tamerlane, though a Scythian and Barbarian, that to one who earneſtly importun'd him in behalf of Bajazet, he made this anſwer, that he did not puniſh a King but an impions and nefarious Man. The ſame juſtification have the Princes of Europe, that they fight not againſt the Moſt Chriſtian King, but an Anti-Chriſtian Ʋſurper, who conquers to oppreſs, and oppreſſes merely to ſupport his Oppreſſion, and ſhew the Grandeur of his Power.

England has more juſt pretences to his Dominions, than perhaps he has himſelf, at leaſt far more juſt than what he has to the conqueſts which he has wreſted out of the hands of the Spaniard and the Emperor. England has the greateſt Reaſon in the World to recover her Antient, and till lately unconteſted Glory, and aſſert her long continued Dominions of the Seas, uſurp'd by the Aſſiſtence of a purchas'd Navy, which if once deſtroy'd, nothing but the ſame opportunities could again recover. It is ſaid that the Portcullis was added to the Royal Badges of the Crown of England, to ſignifie that the Kings of England had a juſt Right and Title, at pleaſure to ſhut up and open the Sea when they thought fit; and it may ſtill be prov'd by ſeveral ſubſtantial Evidences, that the King of England's Title to the Propriety of the Sea, is as good and perhaps better than any Title the French King has to any part of his Dominions by Land. And the Letters are ſtill to be ſeen in the Paper-Office at White-Hall, if not remov'd, Written by this King's Grandfather with his own hand to King James, to ask leave for ſome few Veſſels to Fiſh for Sowles, as he ſhould have occaſion for his own Table; and it ought to be ſo agen, for it is only fit that England ſhould guard the Seas, that ſo well defend and guard Her. Juſtice it ſelf now loudly calls to England to demand ſatisfaction for the illegal and vexatious Depredations and Practices committed upon her Merchants, even at the time when ſhe was in ſtricteſt League and Combination with her, to the ruine of her Trade, which is the Apple of her Eye, and the main ſupport of her Wooden Walls, her chiefeſt Glory, and, next under Heaven, her chiefeſt Safeguard and Protection. She ought in Juſtice and Honour to reſent the Indignities and Affronts ſo lately put upon her, in making her that ought to be the Balance of Europe, the Deriſion of her Enemies, and only the Pity of her Friends; ſuch a generous Animoſity and Reſentment as this would wean the Engliſh Nation from that fond Dotage upon French Baubles, French Faſhions, and French Vermin, to the loſs of above Sixteen Hundred Thouſand Pounds Yearly to this Kingdom, (there having been Yearly ſo much more imported of French Commodities, than exported of ours,) which only ſerves to enrich the Capital Foe to our own Ruine, and to fit us for the Yoke of French Slavery. For this is a certain Rule, that the firſt ſtep to the ſubducing of a Nation is to inſinuate into them a good liking, or rather a dotage of thoſe that are to be their ſubduers; and therefore it was, that the French King obſerving, that while the Engliſh were under the Conjunction of the Triple League, there was a general humour in the Nation in oppoſition to Frence, inſomuch that they had thrown off the French Mode and put on Veſts, to the end we might look the more like a diſtinct People, and not be under the ſervility of Imitation, which alwaies pays a greater reverence to the Original, than is conſiſtent with that Equality which all independent Nations ſhould pretend to; I ſay the the French King obſerving this, did not like this ſmall beginning of ill Humours, wiſely conſidering it as a natural Introduction, firſt to make the World his Apes, and then his Slaves; and therefore he ſet his Inſtruments at work to Laugh us out of our Veſts, which ſhe performed ſo effectually, that in a Moment, like ſo many Footmen who had quitted their Maſters Livery, we all took it up again, and return'd to ſerve the French.

And happy would it be for England if ſhe would caſt off her French Modes, her French Faſhions, and French Humours, which only ſerve to corrupt and ſoften the minds of thoſe for whom it would be much more glorious to remember the Fields of Poictiers and Agencourt, and rather to ſtudy the generous Examples of their victorious Anceſtors, than be the Slaves of French Imitation. The conquering Romans retir'd indeed to Athens to improve their Learning; but it betrays a poorneſs of Spirit inexcuſable in the Engliſh, who have two ſuch Magnificent Ʋniverſities of their own, to gallop to Paris for Breeding; as if Coupees, Complements, Grimaces, and Shrugs of the Shoulder were the only Accompliſhments of a Gentleman. Surely it was much better both for England and the General Peace of Europe, when the Engliſh taught them their running Sarrabands, and the good Breeding of Obedience, nor will it e'er be well, till the Engliſh become their Tutors again: For certainly there is no Government in Europe under which the People live ſo Miſerably, as under that of France; the Grand Signior, or the Kſar of Moſc • vy are not more abſolute of the People than the Tyranny of France. The French King may well be call'd Tyrannus, for he makes and abrogates the Laws at his Pleaſure; he cannot be ſaid to Rule, but Tyrannize over Cities, depriv'd of all the Franchizes and Privileges that render Societies happy, and to dominier over a poor naked People, ſtript of all things that make life comfortable. So that the People may be ſaid to Toil and Moil, but the Prince to wipe off the Sweat of their Brows into his own Coffers. You would ſwear that the whole Country were the habitation of Poverty, where Penury walks about in wooden Sandals, ſingle Petti • oates, and wrinckl'd Faces, as if the Products of that fertile Soil were forbid to be touch'd by the Innocent Manurers of that Terreſtrial Paradiſe, where the Corn, and Wine, and Fat of the Land is carry'd off to fit the Royal Magazines, or ſold abroad to cram the King's Exchequer. And after all this, when the ſholes of Locuſt Publicans have devour'd all, even almoſt to the very Stalk, for the ſmall remainder to bear the Burthen of inſolent free Quarter, is not only Tyranny, but licentiated Inhumanity.

All theſe Calamities and Miſeries has England yet eſcap'd, though fairly threaten'd with them, had not Providence been very mercifull to Her. The Husbandman plump and jolly, enjoying his Liberty and a fair proportion of his Labours, does not fear what the Confuſion of Babel never knew the horrid Jargonry of

Ayde, Octroy, Preciput, Equivalent, Crue, Taille, Eſtate, Subſiſtence de quartier d'hyvere, Garinzons, Mort payes, Appointments de Governours, Debtes & Affaires du Roy, Gratifications Extraordinaries, Deu Gratuit, Frais.

The neceſſary ſupports of Life, Wine, Beer, Sider, are not enhanc'd by,

Aydes ſur le Vin, Bierres & Cidres, plus le Huictieme Denier, le Souqueſt, le Batire, Impoſts & Billets.

The Markets are not peſter'd with Gabelles upon Corn and Meal, nor the Mills with Meaſure Coupee.

No Tolls of pied Fourchue, nor Duties taken by weight upon every pound of Fleſh ſold in the Shambles, nor Gabelles upon Salt▪ but what are laid on by conſent of the People themſelves.

The Shop Keepers are not moleſted with the Gibbriſh of the mark upon Paper, the mark of Silver, the mark of Tinn, the mark of Hats, the mark of all Stockins, Silk, and Woollen, the mark of Shoes, the mark upon all Stuffs, Woollen, and Silk, the mark upon Linen, the Gabelle upon Jie, the controle of of Exploites.

The Gentry are not vex'd with the Tax of free Gifts, Fifts, and Reſiſts, and Amortiſements.

The pr • ce of Valuation, the mark of Gold, the two Soulx in the Pound, the ſeal'd Duty, the duty of Controll, the regiſters Duty, the Prieſt for being admitted to the Annual, and the Annual or Paulette.

A ſort of Language of the Gallies, not underſtood by Engliſh Liberty, yet all theſe and many other abominable Taxes, Tolls, and Impoſitions, are punctually leavy'd one way or other at the King's ſole Will and Pleaſure, with many more too prolix to be number'd, and what ever elſe his Abſolute Power ſhall think fit to impoſe anew, where ever any ſubjects of the French Monarchy have their habitations, when his emergent occaſions intimate a pretence, and muſt be paid without any remorce or compaſſion to the half Famiſh'd Children and Families of the poor People, crying out for Bread.

Certainly to conclude therefore as I begun, the Lician Chimaera, and Lernaean Hydra that waſted all the Country round about them, and ruined the Inhabitants with the ſcalding Flames and Peſtilential Breath that iſſued from their Peſtiferous Jaws, were Types of Tyranny in General, ſo more particularly of the preſent French Monarchy; but on the other ſide, we find that both Bellerophon and Hercules continue to this day eterniz'd for ſubduing thoſe Monſters.

Such Fables as theſe, being the Off-ſpring of great Reaſon, and wiſe Head peices, were not invented merely to pleaſe their Readers, but to inſtruct the World, that Wars, which unavoidably muſt be attended with great Miſchiefs and Calamities, are not to be unjuſtly undertaken to doe wrong for wrong's ſake, under pretence of Illegal Claims and Pretenſions, but may be legally enterpriz'd to repell injuſtice and violence, and to curb the lawleſs Invaſions of Right and Property, which are the original Bleſſings and Benefits of God and Nature, the unjuſt Aſſailour of which becomes an Enemy to both; and a Monſter no leſs pernicious than either of thoſe two: For thoſe Monſters no queſtion were no other than two aſpiring Potentates, that made unjuſt and cruel Wars upon their Neighbours, without provocation given, and therefore were moſt juſtly ſubdued by Bellerophon and Hercules, and they no leſs juſtly rewarded for the benefit received by their glorious Actions, which even exceed all Fame. Vertue is Vertue ſtill unalterable; from whence we may conclude, that the ſame Glory ſtill attends, and that the ſame ſucceſs will prove the ſubduing theſe Chimaera's and Hydra's of Men, that for ſo long time have harraſ'd Europe with wicked Wars, and impious Depopulations, merely to gain the Honour of being like thoſe Monſters, Terrors and Deſtroyers of Mankind.