THIS Admonition, how plainly soever it may sound in your ears, is very seldom improper to be given in any Place, or un­fit to be pressed at any Time. It was the most frequent and constant Message delivered unto the People, by all the Prophets under the Law, Jer. 7. 3. & 18. 11. & 25. 4, 5. & 26. 13. I have sent un­to you (saith God in the former part of the Verse) all my Servants the Prophets, rising early and sending them, 2 Kings, 17. 13. saying, Re­turn ye every man, Ezek. 33. 11. Jonah. 3. 8. &c. It is repeated se­veral times both in this Prophecy, and in other Books of the Old Testament. [Page 2] It is also the great Design of the Gospel, by the clearest Methods of Instruction, by the most powerful Arts of Persuasion, by all its excellent Precepts, encouraging Promises, and awakening Threatnings, effectually to enforce this very Exhorta­tion. Our Lord and Saviour came into the World to call sinners to repentance; Mat 9. 13. that is, to a removal out of the paths of sin, or a return from their evil ways, in­to a better course of Life and Acti­ons. His eminent Forerunner cryed in the Wilderness, Mat. 3. 2. Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand. Which he himself too, while he lived upon earth, earnestly urged with his own most gracious lips; warning and assuring men, that except they would repent, Luk. 13. 3, 5. they should all perish. And when he ascended to Heaven, he left this Charge with his Apostles, that Repentance and Remission of sins should be preached in his Name among all Nations. Luk 24. 47 He commanded them to publish and de­clare to all the World, That he, who is the Son of God, 1 Tim. 2. 6. having given himself a Ransom for all, Heb. 2. 9. and tasted Death for eve­ry man; by Vertue of his Death and Passion, all those of Mankind that re­pent of their Rebellion against God, and [Page 3] return to a sincere Obedience to him, shall obtain Pardon of sin, escape that Eternal Death, which is their deserved Punishment, and be made partakers of Everlasting Happiness.

In Obedience to this Command, and in Imitation of those Examples, the Do­ctrine of Repentance hath been much insisted on by the Apostles and their Suc­cessors in every Age. And yet, as much as it hath been preached, there are some persons in almost all places widely mi­staken about the Nature of it, and very many that neglect to practise it; among which, some think themselves priviledg­ed and exempted, and so take no care about a matter wherein they suppose they are unconcerned; others imagine it to be a work altogether out of their power, and therefore despair of doing it; others presume they can do it any time, when they will, which makes them con­tinually delay it. I hope, by the help of God, to speak something to the Convi­ction at least of these several sorts of Im­penitents, and with respect to each of them, I shall consider these four things.

The true Nature of Repentance.

[Page 4] The Obligation that lies upon all men to repent.

The Power God giveth them to do this. And

The proper Season for it.

All which Heads of Discourse offer themselves to us in the Text. The first, which is the Nature of Repentance, is here plainly described by Returning from our evil Ways, and Amending our Doings. The second, The Obligation that lies up­on all men, without exception, thus to repent, to return, and amend, is also clearly expressed, Return ye every man. The third, The Power men have to do this, is implied in the whole Precept, as delivered from God, since it cannot con­sist with his Infinite Wisdom and Good­ness to require an Impossible Undertak­ing. And lastly, The proper Time and Season for this Work is declared to be Now, the present Time. Return ye now, &c.

1 I begin with the first, The Nature of Repentance described in my Text, by Returning and Amending. And here I shall not detain you with any long Ha­rangue on an Argument that hath exer­cised [Page 5] so many Tongues and Pens, but shall only endeavour in a few words, to give such an Account thereof, as may serve to disabuse the deluded Sinner, and detect some prevailing Errours in this Affair of so great consequence.

To say nothing of the meer Shadows and Appearances, those Pictures and Ima­ges of this Great Duty, the rent Gar­ments, disfigured Faces, demure Looks, Heads bowed down like a Bul-rush, &c. There are many things which, with a more fair and plausible pretence, pass under the Name and Notion of Repen­tance. There are

Convictions and Awakenings of Conscience,

Confessions and Supplications,

Sorrow and Regret occasioned by sin,

Purposes and Resolutions against it.

But all these put together will not constitute us true Penitents, unless we add what the Text requires, a real Con­version and Reformation, a Returning from our evil ways, and an Amendment of our doings. The former may be pre­cursive Acts, good preparatives to Re­pentance, but this latter is the Thing it self.

[Page 6] When Repentance is spoken of, or called for in Holy Scripture, it is usual­ly described by such Phrases as these, 2 Tim. 2. 19 De­parting from Iniquity, Isay. 55. 7. Forsaking our evil ways and thoughts, Dan. 4. 27. Breaking off our sins by righteousness, Isa. 1. 16. & 44. 22. & 55. 7. Ceasing to do evil, and learning to do well, Jer. 4. 1. Turning and Return­ing to the Lord, 1 Pet. 2. 25 Returning to the Shep­herd and Bishop of our Souls, James 4. 8. Cleansing our Hands, Rom. 13. 12 Purifying our Hearts, and draw­ing nigh unto God, Casting off the Works of darkness, and putting on the Armour of light. From which, and the like Ex­pressions, it is very evident, That true Repentance is a real Conversion, a turn­ing from all sin unto God. St Peter words his advice thus, Acts 3. 19. Re­pent and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out. And thus God himself interprets his own Command, when he requires Repentance, Ezek. 18. 30. Repent, saith the Lord, and turn your selves from all your Transgressions, so Iniquity shall not be your Ruine. And whenever Repen­tance is set forth in Scripture by any kind of Convictions, Confessions, Sor­row, or Resolutions, they are supposed to be truly sincere, and immediately productive of Conversion and Amend­ment; [Page 7] but without this Effect, they are totally invalid.

The clearest Convictions, and the most inlightned Apprehensions of all that Evil, which is to be found in any of our Ways or doings, are no Arguments of true Repentance, unless that Light hath a genuine and free Operation upon our Wills and Affections, to move them to such an Abhorrence of all those evil Ways and Doings, as concludes in the Amend­ment of them. For otherwise Balaam whose Eyes were opened, and Esau and Judas, who had so great Apprehensions of Sin and their Loss by it, and Nebu­chadnezar and Darius, who had such a Sense of the Majesty of God, and Herod who heard St. John Baptist gladly, and Felix who trembled at St. Pauls Discourse, yea, and the very Devils, who are said to believe and tremble, must all be placed in the Catalogue of Penitents.

And although these inward Convicti­ons may break out into Confessions and Supplications, yet no Confession or Pe­tition whatsoever, is any Act of sincere Repentance, except it flow from a real Hatred of Sin, and be attended with an Endeavour to forsake it. 'Tis sad to see, [Page 8] how Men run the Round of Sinning and Confessing, and Sinning again and then Confessing again, all the while conceiting themselves to be secure enough in that black Circle: As if every sin, although never so often repeated, were as soon ex­piated as confessed. But do they think to cheat and charm God Almighty thus ea­sily, when they come to him, with their Hypocritical Acknowledgments, and feig­ned Promises of Amendment, made per­haps with much appearance of Affection, but not without some kind of mental Re­servation, or secret Intention of affronting him again? Will the great Searcher of Hearts be appeased by such a Mock De­votion, as Lewis the eleventh paid to the little Image he wore in his Cap, which, when he designed the Murder of any whom he feared or hated, he would take from his Head and kiss, beseeching it to pardon him that one Evil Act more, and it should be the last? What performance can be more slight, what more easie and trivial, than to give God a few good words, like the Complements we bestow upon Men, and to exclaim against our selves in perfunctory Confessions? There is no Mortification in all this; it ex­hausts [Page 9] neither Blood nor Spirits; it lops off none of our Limbs; it breaks none of our Bones.

And what if our Confessions be made with some pain and sorrow? That doth not presently argue the sincerity of our Repentance. Every Melancholy Fit at the Remembrance of our sins, is not to be ac­counted Godly Sorrow. For no small grief and sadness may arise in the Mind of the most impenitent Criminal, not out of any Dislike of his Fault, but of the Punishment that follows it; not be­cause himself is wicked, but because there are good Laws against him, and a just Power and Authority to put them in Ex­ecution. The sinner may be extremely troubled to see, that what is so pleasant to him is not safe. The Presage of the uneasiness of Hell, Acts. 5. 33. in which all the De­lights of sin are like to conclude, Acts. 7. 54. may of­ten cut him to the Heart, and yet this Grief may little or nothing abate his Af­fection to it. He may still look kindly on his beloved Lusts, although he behold them with Tears in his Eyes. But when he thus weeps not at the Evil, but at the Danger of those ways in which he walks, and will not return from the Evil, al­though [Page 10] though he hath so sad a Prospect of the Danger, his wilful Guilt defiles his Tears, but his Tears will never cleanse his Guilt. When all the Terrors of his Mind, and all those Anticipations of Hell, those gnaw­ings of the Worm, which he feels in his Conscience, cannot persuade him to a­mend his doings; such a high Fortitude in sin, such a resolute Embracing it under so difficult Circumstances, plainly shews that he is wedded to it with indissoluble Bonds, hath taken it for better and for worse, and will keep and maintain it, with its Delights and Pleasures, and with its Plagues and Torments too, never in­tending to be divorced from it.

But if the Apprehension of infinite Dan­ger, and the formidable Aspect of insup­portable Misery, have some Influence up­on him to cool his Affection to his Sins, and produce Resolutions of Amendment, this indeed is a good Step towards Repen­tance, but still there may be a conside­rable Distance, betweeen the Purpose and the Thing it self. When Men have surfei­ted with their sins, they cast them up with Bitterness, make passionate Resolu­tions against them, and wash themselves, as they think, in penitential Tears, but as [Page 11] soon as the Tears are dried up, the Reso­lutions are forgotten, and they return to the Vomit and Mire. Thus he who was intemperate the last Meal, resolves to fast the next; but when a few Hours have wrought off the heavy Load of his first Excess, he adds a second, and his Vow of Abstinence is either not remembred, or not regarded. But such ineffectual Reso­lutions, so suddenly broken, do rather en­hance, than expiate our Guilt; and surely the Aggravations of sin deserve not to be numbred among the Acts of Repentance.

Thus we see, set a man have the clea­rest Convictions of the Evil of his Ways, let him make solemn Confessions and Supplications, and do it with some Re­gret at the sad Consequences of his sins, and some Resolutions against them, he hath not yet repented with that Repen­tance, which will procure a Pardon from God, unless he return and amend. There­fore our Church, to prevent all mistakes, begins her Absolution with these Words. Almighty God, the Father of our Lord Je­sus Christ, who desireth not the Death of a Sinner, but rather that he may turn from his Wickedness and live,—implying that there is no Repentance unto Life, [Page 12] without turning from sin; no true Pe­nitent, but the true Convert. And thus much is evident, even from the proper and natural signification of those two words in the New Testament, by which Repentance is expressed, [...] and [...], the one importing a real change of Mind, the other better care for the future. So that if we be sinners, there is an indispensable Necessity of altering the Temper of our Minds, and the Course of our Actions. Nothing can secure us but a real Reformation; nothing less than this can evince the Truth of our Re­pentance. And the Work of Reforma­tion ought to be applied by us to the right Objects, to our own evil Ways and Doings, and to all of them without Ex­ception. This the Text expresly re­quires, Return ye now every man from his (his own) evil ways, amend your (your own) doings.

The World is full of Reformers, and yet there is but little Reformation. The Reason is, because most men love to re­form without their own Province, and beyond their own Jurisdiction, to re­form every thing besides themselves. They are Curiosi in aliena Republica, cri­tically [Page 13] censuring and controlling the A­ctions of others, without any Authori­ty, intermedling where they have no Commission, dictating Counsel before 'tis asked, and correcting those matters which belong not to them. They are very zealous for the Reformation of their Neighbours, yea and their Superi­ours too, they will teach their Teachers, and direct their Governours. As little Friends as some men are to the sacred Episcopal Order, they will needs be, in St. Peter's Phrase, 1 Pet. 4. 17 [...], the worst sort of Prelates, the Visiters and Refor­mers of anothers Diocess: And as great Enemies as they profess themselves to Popery, they will needs be little Popes and Universal Bishops where ever they come. The very Mechanicks and Pea­sants of this Age have their new Schemes of Theology, and new Models of Go­vernment, by which they will under­take to regulate and reform the whole Frame of things among us, both in Church and State; when in the mean time they suffer their most proper Charge, their own souls, to lye under a Chaos of Disorder and Confusion, over-run, wasted, defiled, and almost destroyed by [Page 14] unreasonable Appetites, rebellious Lusts, and ungovern'd Passions. These men can rip up the Vices of the Times, without any Reflection upon themselves, who help to make the times so vicious; never calling their own Ways to Remembrance, nor once considering, how sadly the ge­neral and publick Guilt is increased, by the no small Addition of their particular and personal Sins. They will attempt to sweep and cleanse all the Town and Coun­trey, and every Corner of the Kingdom, rather than the Dunghil at their own Doors.

But the true Penitent is a more humble and Modest Reformer, 1 Thes. 4. 7. one who studies to be quiet, and to do his own business, keeping at home, and being chiefly, if not only, employed in reforming himself. Neither doth he think it enough to return from some of his Evil Ways, or to amend some of his Doings, while the rest are neglect­ed; but he will endeavour to make an impartial Reformation of every thing that is amiss.

If we forsake our sins only in part, or commute one for another; if we leave some troublesome and inconvenient Vices, and take up such as seem more expedi­ent; [Page 15] if we avoid Swearing in common Discourse, that our solemn Perjury may be less suspected; Rom. 2. 22. if we abhor Idolatry, because we desire to commit Sacriledge; if we learn to suppress the Eruptions of [...]ash Anger, that our designed Revenge may at a fitter Opportunity be more se­cretly and effectually accomplished; what kind of Reformation is this? Can we think our selves grown better Men, by such an Exchange and Bartering of sins? Or, is not this rather the very Policy and Subtilty of Wickedness, whereby we discover our deeper Skill in the Trade and Mystery of Iniquity?

Thus I have endeavoured to vindicate Repentance from some false and dange­rous Notions, and to give some Account of the true Nature of it, as it is descri­bed in the Text by Returning and Amen­ding.

The next thing to be considered is the 2 Universal Obligation, which lies upon all men without exception thus to repent, which was my second Observable. Return ye every man. We have all been like Sheep going astray, therefore every man is ad­monished to return; There is none that doth good, no not one, so constantly and [Page 16] perfectly as he should; therefore every one must amend his Doings. If we say, that we have no sin, we deceive our selves. And yet there is a Generation of men among us, Pro. 30. 12 like those Agur speaks of, so pure in their own eyes, that they will not be washed from their filthiness, a sort of Enthusiasts, who pretend to be absolutely perfect with out the least sin in any of their Ways or Doings, and consequently to be priviled­ged and exempted from all the trouble­some work of Reformation. This is the Boast of divers Quakers, and some other Fanatical Spirits. But the prodigious Ex­travagance of this pretence, being so o­penly exposed in the Incivility and Im­morality, as well as Irreligion of their Lives and Actions, I need not use any words to confute them.

Neither shall I stay to represent the grand Imposture of the Roman Indulgen­ces and Dispensations, that vain and ridi­culous Purchase of a certain Supersedea [...] from the Labours of Repentance, or [...] strange kind of Pass-port, by Vertue o [...] which the miserably deluded sinner think [...] himself safely conducted in his Evi [...] Ways, as if he might securely retain his Sins, when he hath parted with a little o [...] his Money.

[Page 17] But since the indispensable Obligation that lies upon every man, to return and amend, is so plainly expressed in the Text, I proceed to the third Observable, The Power God gives men to do this; which, although it be not so expresly declar­ed, is most certainly implied; as we must needs acknowledge, if we con­sider, that this is the great, constant, and peremptory Command of God, de­livered by all his Servants the Prophets. And the words, in which it is delivered, are Verbs active of the Imperative Mood, Return ye, Amend ye. They call for Action, the Effect of Power, which al­ways supposeth the Being of its Cause. For no Effect can be produced, where there is not a capable Efficient; nei­ther doth God ever require that it should. It cannot consist with his in­finite Wisdom and Goodness, to put us upon an impossible Undertaking, or to command us any Thing, which we have no Power or Capacity to per­form, although we use the most sin­cere Endeavour. If he did, such a Command would not be Obligatory. No Person can be obliged by any Law of God or Man to do that, which [Page 18] is not possible for him to do. By all the Measures of Reason and Equity, the total Want of a Power to obey, excuseth from Obedience. As we may clearly see in some particular Com­mands of God, which in some Cases we are not obliged, because not able, to observe. The Man that lies lan­guishing upon the Bed of Sickness, is not bound to come to the publick Prayers of the Church; nor the Deaf, to hear Sermons; nor the Dumb, to make an Oral Confession of his Faith. But the general Precept of Forsaking our Sins and Reforming our Actions, obligeth every Man in what Circum­stances soever he be placed; because every one may do this, if he be un­feignedly willing.

'Tis very plain, that the great Ob­stacle to Repentance and Amendment of Life, lies in Mens Wills, and not in their Want of Power. For if they had no Power at all to reform their Lives and Actions, if they were forced to go on still in the Ways of Sin their walking in them would not be sinful. They could be charged with no Fault, in doing, what they could [Page 19] not help. But that which makes men truly criminal, that which makes them Sinners, and guilty before God, is this, That they omit something required, which they might perform if they would, or do something forbidden, which they might avoid.

All actual Sin is either the Neglect or Abuse of some Power or Faculty given us by God, which we should and might employ to a better Pur­pose.

It is therefore in the Power of eve­ry man to forsake his Sins in good measure, and to amend his course of Life; This every Rational Man would certainly do, if he did not wilfully neglect or abuse the Power he hath. Men indeed, by their sad degeneracy from the Primitive State of Humane Nature, have contracted a great Im­potency and Weakness; but this Im­potency they might in some measure put off and be freed from, if they would; this is not such a Weakness, as is really distinct from Wilfulness. If the By as of their Wills were not so propense to their Evil Ways, they might return from them; and when the Scripture [Page 20] seems to represent their Condition to be such, that they cannot, the Sense of such Texts may be no more than this, That their Wills are so depraved, so bent to Wickedness, that they can­not obtain of themselves to be Wil­ling to do what they easily might do, if they were not unwilling. For Instance, St. Paul tells us in the eight Chapter to the Romans, Verse the se­venth, The carnal Mind cannot be subject to the Law of God. Not, as if sinful men were perfectly unable to forsake their Vicious Practices, and obey the Holy Commandments. But he means, that through the Love of Sin, and Hatred of the Div [...]ne Law, they cannot obtain of themselves to be willing to renounce the one, and submit to the other. For he saith in the same Place, that the carnal mind is Enmity to God; and this is the chief Reason, why it cannot be subject to his Law. The Man that heads an in­testine Rebellion, cannot pretend that he hath no Ability to serve his Prince: He hath Strength and Forces at his command, if they were not misem­ployed by his disloyal Affection. And [Page 21] every Sinner hath Faculties and Pow­ers, which he might call off from the Service of Sin to the Service of God, were it not for the Naughtiness of his Heart.

If it be objected, That although Men have the Power to repent and amend, yet the Want of a willing Mind will certainly hinder them from it; neither can they obtain a Willingness of Mind, without the Grace of God renewing their Wills, and effectually inclining them to better Ways and Doings. All this I readily acknowledge, but this should not discourage any from endea­vouring to repent and reform them­selues: Because the Divine Grace and Assistance is never denied to mens sin­cere and earnest Endeavours; our Bles­sed Saviour having assured us, that God will give his holy Spirit to them that ask him, Luk. 11. 13. No man therefore is so far void of Power to repent and amend, but he might do it if he were willing, and he shall also by Degrees be made willing, if he hear­tily pray for the Grace of the Holy Spirit, and with his Prayers joyn his constant Endeavours to bring his Will [Page 22] to some complyance with the Will of God. Whoever takes this course and perseveres in it; let him not be afraid, he shall not miscarry.

If any shall still contend, that men cannot so much as pray for the Grace of God with any degree of Sincerity, nor use any sincere Endeavour to re­form themselves, except God enable them so to pray and so to endeavour, and therefore that they have no Pow­er at all, and can do nothing in the least towards these Effects; this Sequel is to be denied. For although no man hath any Power in and from himself, either of Repenting, or of Fraying to God for his Grace; yet all, even the worst of Men, have some Power to­wards it given them from God, and those that use the Power given them shall still receive more and more.

Is there not such a Thing as the Preventing Grace of God, whereby he is aforehand with us, and most freely begins to dispose and incline us to Repentance and Reformation, before we do in the least either desire it or endeavour it. The Beginning of such a good Disposition and Inclination, is [Page 23] I conceive at some time or other gene­rally wrought by the most just and merciful God in all the Children of Men. He finds a Time to awaken the Natural Conscience of every Sin­ner, to raise in him a Sense of his Guilt, and a Fear of his Danger; which Apprehensions, if they be not oblite­rated or suppressed, will put him upon Endeavours to provide for his own Safety.

And upon such Awakenings of Con­science, there are none but might be­gin to amend their Doings, and to be­come less sinful by leaving off some of their ill Practices. Although they cannot arrive at a Mature State of Piety and Vertue all on a sudden, yet they might look, and make towards it, with some desires and Endeavours to attain it. They have Power doubt­less to reform in part, which if they do, God will supply them with more Power; and if they proceed in impro­ving the Divine Grace and Assistance, as it is afforded them, they shall still receive larger and larger Measures there­of, until the Work of Reformation be perfected. He that hath (that is, he [Page 24] that improves what he hath) to him more shall be given; but he that hath not (that is, he that doth not improve what he hath) from him shall be taken away, even that which he hath, Mark 4. 25.

In short, The Holy Spirit of God doth sooner or later come home to all our Souls, in some measure, communi­cating the Aids of his Grace to e­very one of us. Now when men quench the Spirit, 1 Thes. 5. 9. and resist the holy Ghost, as often as he strives with them; when they stifle his Convictions, Acts. 7. 51. re­ject his Motions, and put off all serious and awakning Considerations working in them; when they endeavour to drown the Voice of Conscience, which is the Voice of God, either by the continual Noise and Throng of Worldly Busi­ness, or by constant Diversions to false Pleasures, and vain Entertainments of Fancy, which so possess their Imagina­tions, that they quickly expel all pi­ous Thoughts; it is no Wonder, that the Holy Spirit, being often resisted doth at least leave such men to walk on still in their evil ways, and to die and perish in their Sins. But if we be [Page 25] willing and obedient, under the Power and Conduct of Gods Spirit working in us; if we hearken to his Dictates, and comply with his Motions, he will still come in to our Assistance with greater and greater Aids, 1 Cor. 15. 58. and we may be assured, that our Labour shall not be in vain in the Lord. If we will cooperate with the Grace of God, 2 Cor. 12. 9. his Grace shall be sufficient for us. If we will do our Parts towards the making us holy and happy, God will certainly do His. If we use our sincere endeavour, that is, if we do what we can towards it, (and none can say, that they cannot do that) God will infallibly bless our Endeavours, and make them prospe­rous and successful. So great is our Encouragement to work out our Sal­vation, Phil. 2. 12, 13. although we are to do it with fear and trembling, when it is God that worketh in us both to Will and to Do of his good pleasure.

But because there are not so many of those, who are kept off from Re­pentance and Reformation through de­spair of Success, as there are of those, who continually delay this necessary Work upon a bold Presumption, that [Page 26] they can do it at any Time when they will; the Remainder of my Discourse shall be spent in the Consideration of the proper Season for it; which was my last Observable. Return ye now every man.

4 The onely Time for Repentance and Reformation is Now, the Present Time; and 'tis of infinite Concern that we enter upon it without delay, lest we for ever lose the Opportunity of Doing it. 2 Cor. 6. 2. Now is the accepted Time, Now is the Day of Salvation; to day while it is called to day. Heb. 3. 13. No other Time is ours, but the present; We can no more command the future, than recal what is past. And therefore it was good Advice, which a Jewish Do­ctor gave his Scholar, that he should repent one day before he died, mea­ning, that he should do it that very day, because he had no Assurance of another. He that doth not presently return from the Paths of Sin, may per­haps the next Step be beyond all pos­sibility of Retreat. He that adjourns the Amendment of his Doings to a­nother Day, may within a few Moments be cut off from all further acting in this Life.

[Page 27] And yet, how securely do men de­fer their Repentance and Reformation from Time to Time, as if they were the absolute Lords and Masters of Time, to recall it or prolong it, as they please. Of these Persons we may observe three Sorts.

Some put off this Work to the ve­ry End of their Days, walking in the Counsel of the Ungodly all their lives, and yet hoping to die the Death of the righteous.

Others think, their old Age will be soon enough to become serious and penitent, wise and religious.

Others design to defer their Re­pentance only to the next more con­venient Opportunity, when they hope to have better Leisure for it.

I wish it were as easie, effectually to dissuade these Persons from such Delays, as it is to discover the great and present Danger of the least of them. As for the first, The putting off Re­pentance to the Time of Sickness and the Approaches of Death, this is a most unreasonable Presumption and hardly differs from perfect Madness. For a Death-bed Repentance is a Thing so [Page 28] very uncertain, whether it will prove Sincere and acceptable to God, that there cannot be a more prodigious Fol­ly, than to commit an Eternal Con­cern to such an infinite Hazard. What Assurance can there be of any ones Sincerity, who delays his Return to God, till at the very last he be for­ced to it, by the Exigence of his dy­ing Condition? 'Tis to be feared, he is not a free and ingenious, but a ne­cessitated, and very like to prove a fa­tally wretched and eternal Penitent who with much Grief and Sadness forsakes his evil Ways, when he can walk in them no longer; who begins to amend, when the Season of Sinning is over; and to cast out his [...]usts, when Nature it self doth it, whether he will or no: For although he love his Sin never so passionately, he must now leave them; and although he hath ha­ted God and Goodness all his days, he must now fly to them, or else be dashed upon everlasting Misery.

When a man is tumbling off from the World, and sinking towards the Bottomless Pit; it is no wonder, he should catch at God. Being arrived at [Page 29] the Non Ʋltra of his Evil Ways, at the Chambers of Death and the Su­burbs of Hell, it is no strange thing, that he should stop his carreer, and begin to give back. When he stands upon the Brink of the deep and devou­ring Gulph of Tophet, sees the Mouth of the Infernal Furnace opened to re­ceive him, smells the Brimstone, hears the noise of the Damned, and begins to be singed with the Flames; it can­not be supposed that he should leap in without any Reluctancy. No, no, having so near a Prospect of imme­diate Ruine, the natural Desire of Self-preservation will cause him to try his utmost, whether there be any possibi­lity of Escape? Now he will cry aloud to God for Mercy, make great Ac­knowledgments of the Evil of his for­mer Ways, high Professions of his de­sires to return from them, and strong Resolutions to devote unto God a Thousand Lives, if he had them to give.

But it is a great Question, whe­ther there be any thing of Grace or Goodness in all this Repentance, which is extorted from the dying Sinner, by [Page 30] such a pressing Necessity. This Repen­tance, so hastily brought forth in the very last Extremity, must needs with­out a Miracle prove an Abortion and wither before it grows up. Most even of its fairest Appearances do undoubt­edly miscarry, and tho' in regard of their Vehemency, they are called Ear­ly seekings of God, yet being so late in respect of the Time, when they commence, they are as it were pre­pared for the Triumphs of the Justice and Indignation of God, who laughs at the Calamity of those, who in their Health and Prosperity have set at nought all his Counsel, Pro. 1. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28. and would none of his Reproof.

And what if there be some Hopes, that this late Repentance may some­times prove to be of the right Kind, and Effectual to Salvation? Let us suppose it possible, that the dying Sin­ner, who hath spent his Days in the broad way to Ruin, and just finished his Journey thither, may in his last mi­nutes retract all his former Course, and draw within the hollow of that little Span, the vastness of that Action, which is necessary to remove the Sins of a [Page 31] whole Life. And let us grant it pos­ [...]ible, that the holy and righteous God may so far even prostitute his Grace, [...]s to receive to Favour, one who hath [...]tood out in Rebellion against him to [...]he very utmost so long as he was able; yet seeing this is only possible, and no more; will any Wise Man ex­ [...]ose himself to such Extremity of Dan­ger; because there is not an absolute [...]mpossibility of Deliverance?

Indeed the deferring our Repentance and Amendment of Life, until we are [...]ust ready to dye, is so irrational [...]n Act, that although very many, as [...]t sadly falls out through continual De­ [...]ays, have this great Work to do at that Time; yet I suppose there are out few, who in their serious Thoughts do really design and forecast a dying Repentance. No, although men will not yet return from their evil ways, they intend not to run on so far, until they come to the very Brink of Destruction. They resolve to stop in good time, as they think, and while they may retreat with Safety. When the young Man hath rejoyced a little longer in his Youth, and walked in [Page 32] the ways of his heart, and in the sight of his Eyes, he fully intends to return and amend in his old Age, Eccl. 11. 9. soon enough to prevent his being brought to Judg­ment for these Things.

But art thou sure, O foolish Sinner, that thou shalt live to Old Age? A­las, how suddenly mayst thou be arrested by the cold Hands of Death, even in the Heat of thy Youth, when thou least thinkest of such a Thing? The most flourishing Vigour and Strength is liable to innumerable Dangers, and may be consumed in a Moment. Som­times men are taken away without any Warning, in the midst of their Pleasures and Enjoyments; so that none can be certain of long Life; and none are more unlikely to attain it, than those who most expect it; espe­cially when such Expectation is used as an Encouragement to delay Repen­tance. Such Presumptuous Sinners may very justly provoke God to blast their vain Hopes with a sudden Disappoint­ment. When the Rich man in the Gospel, having laid up much Goods, promised himself many years to enjoy them, how sharply and suddenly was [Page 33] he both confuted and confounded, with that bitter and surprizing Re­buke, Luk. 12. 18, 19. Thou Fool, this night shall thy Soul be required of thee.

But suppose men escape the various Accidents of an untimely Death, and have their Lives prolonged to many years; yet if they run thorow all the Stages of their youth in a Wicked Course, and never stop till Gray Hairs overtake them; if they forsake not their Sins, while they have Strength to commit them, but follow their Lusts, until a decrepit Age puts out their Fire; the Repentance of such old Sinners may be very doubtful, whether it be sincere and acceptable to God, as well as that of the Death-bed Pe­nitent. Mal. 1. 14. He, that hath had a Male in his flock, and yet hath kept for God onely a corrupt thing, will hardly escape the Curse of the Deceiver. There is but little Hope, that God should be pleased with that man, who never draws nigh to him, until the years draw nigh in which himself hath no pleasure, who comes with the very Ruines of Nature, with a shatter'd Understanding, a crazy Body, feeble Limbs, and de­cayed [Page 34] Senses, presenting himself a rotten and unsavoury Sacrifice; like that old decrepit Mimick at Rome, who being grown out of date, and slighted by the People, made his Recourse to the Capitol, and there acted his Part as well as he could, before the Image of Jupiter, and the rest of their Gods, as if they would accept what Men had despised.

But perhaps we do not intend so unworthily to requite the Author and Preserver of our Lives, by pouring out unto him only the Dregs and Lees of them. Neither will we so improvi­dently adjourn the Care of our Souls to those evil Days, when we can hard­ly bear the Infirmities of the Body. We will repent, and serve God, and reform our selves very speedily. One­ly we desire that this Work may be postponed a little while, until we have a more convenient Season when we hope to be in a better Temper for it.

And do we onely hope? Alas! a­las! if we cannot infallibly foretel, that such a fitter Opportunity and bet­ter Disposition will both together [Page 35] happen to us, we still run a great Hazard.

How foolishly do we boast of to morrow, Pro. 27. 1. when we know not what a day may bring forth? Nay, perhaps to mor­row may never be brought forth: For who can tell, whether the Sun may live to make another Day? or whe­ther the next Night may not close his Eye, bury him in Darkness, and hang the World in Mourning at his Funeral? Or if he shine forth again, we may not live to see his Light. There is no future Time that we can cer­tainly promise our selves, no, not that of which we have the nearest Pro­spect. Perhaps this very Time is our last Opportunity, and if we let it slip, 'tis irrecoverable. For ought we know our eternal State in Happiness or Mi­sery may depend upon our well or ill employing the few Hours that are left of this very Day: And these are passing from us with a swift and in­sensible Motion; one of them is gone while I have been speaking to you, and the rest will follow apace. And although, when this Day is spent, we may possibly have many more to come, [Page 36] yet all the moments of our Time are winged, and will continually fly away like an Eagle, or Post, or Ship, or like an Arrow that leaves no Path. So that unless we be very watchful, and take a strict Account of them, they will slip from us and be utterly lost. And if we carelessly or wilfully lose those pretious Moments, which now offer themselves to us, it is much to be feared, that we shall still do so with the next, and the next, and the next until all our Time be expired.

If we be unwilling to reform to day we have no Reason to imagine, that we shall be more willing to do it to morrow. The longer men walk in their evil ways, the more strongly are they inclined to continue in them and the Difficulty of forsaking them grows greater and greater by every De­lay; their vicious Habits are still more deeply rooted, Gods Patience more highly provoked, and the obtaining hi [...] Favour and Mercy more uncertain. So that if men refuse to repent now, they can have no Assurance, that they shal [...] ever have, either the Time, o [...] the Grace to do it hereafter; and i [...] [Page 37] they die impenitent and unreformed, they may be most certainly assured, that they shall perish everlastingly.

Let us therefore be Wise, Deut. 32. 29. before it be too late, let us understand this, and con­sider our latter End.

God Almighty give every one of us this Wisdom, to lay hold on the present Opportunity, and to perform that with­out delay, which is so much our Safe­ty as well as Duty; to repent and turn our selves from all our Transgressions, that Iniquity may not be our Ruine; Ezek. 18. 30. to deny all ungodliness and worldly Lusts, Tit 2. 12, 13. and to live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world; looking for that blessed Hope, and the glorious Appearing of the great God, and our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father, and the Holy Ghost be all Honour, Praise, and Power, Now and for ever, Amen.

IF the Counsel, which Solomon hath given to Subjects, should be su­spected to be guilty of any Error or Partiality, or any sinister self-seeking design, because himself was [...] King; as if therefore he regarded [...]nely the Princes Interest, and not the [Page 42] Peoples; whoever considers the admi­rable Perfections of his Heroick Mind, the vastness of his Understanding, and the Largeness of his Heart, may easi­ly clear him from all Suspicion of that Nature, that can possibly arise from the Quality of his Place and Office. For since he was not only the King of Israel and Judah, but the Prince of all the Philo­sophers in the World, the Wisest of all Mankind, his Dictates are worthy to be received as Oracles; and where he speaks in his own Cause, the Greatness of his Wis­dom puts his. Truth and Justice be­yond Question. At least his Integrity cannot be disputed, nor his Authority denyed, where he speaks by Divine In­spiration, as he doth in this Collection of his Proverbs. Amongst which, that that I have pitched upon, is not the least remarkable. Melanctho [...], and others of the first Reformers, who were for promoting at once both Piety and Peace, have recommended it as one of the Principal Sentences of this Book; and not undeservedly: For it hath in it the best Advice that can in so few words be given, to prevent our Ruine, and to make us happy both in this [Page 43] Life, and in that which is to come. It contains these following Parts.

First, A serious Exhortation to Re­ligion, My Son, fear thou the Lord.

Secondly, A parallel Exhortation to Loyalty, to fear also the King.

Thirdly, A useful Caution against [...]oyning or associating with Seditious innovators, who are some of the chief Enemies both to Religion and Loyal­ty, Meddle not with them that are given [...]o change; or, according to the old Tran­slation, Meddle not with them that are se­ditious.

Fourthly, A pressing Argument to [...]nforce the Caution, taken from the [...]wift Vengeance that shall surprize such [...] men, and the unknown Miseries into which both they and their Associates may tumble headlong; For their Ca­ [...]mity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth [...]e Ruine of them both?

Before we consider each of these Par­ticulars distinctly, and by it self, it may not be amiss to take along with us some [...]rief Remarks upon the close Con­ [...]exion of them in the same Rule or [...]recept.

We see here at the first View, Re­ligion [Page 44] and Loyalty, the Fear of God, and the Fear of the King do very well consist together. Solomon exhorts to both in the same breath; and St. Peter hath also done the same, in almost the same words that Solomon speaks. 1 Pet. 2. 17. Fear God, Honour the King. And what God hath joyned, let not vain Man think to put asunder. The most subtle Heads of our separating Factions cannot separate these one from the other. They cannot indeed break off one Link from the inviolable Chain of Truths and Ver­tues. The greatest Fomenters of Divisi­on can breed no Jars nor Oppositions, where there is an innate Union, an essential Harmony, an eternal Concord The men that are most of all given to change, can never alter the Nature of Things.

We see here Loyalty to our Prince is a thing commanded by God himself together with Piety and Devotion to­wards himself; yea and commanded in the very next place to it; so that the one is a part, an inseparable part, a very considerable part of the other. And it follows from hence by apparent con­sequence, that mens Disloyalty is a clea [...] [Page 45] Indication of their Irreligion. If they fear not the King, they fear not God. If any man seem to be religious and bri­dleth not his Tongue, Jam. 1. 26. from speaking evil of Dignities or higher Powers, 2 Pet. 2. 10. that mans Religion is vain; Jud. 8. and it is much more so, Rom. 13. 2. if he holdeth not his hands from Resisting those Powers. In like manner, on the other side, if any man seem to be loyal; if he profess the most awful Veneration, the most dutiful Affection to the King, yet, if he be void of Re­ligion, his Allegiance is very uncertain. He that is a bold Rebel against Hea­ven, and a false Traytor to his Ma­ker, is not like to be true and faith­ful to his Prince. He may indeed be Loyal for a Time, so long as his Interest or his Humour inclines him to it, but when he hath an Opportunity to rebel with advantage, all his Allegi­ance will be cast off.

Here also we may perceive, in or­der to the preserving a due Fear and Reverence towards God and the King, how necessary it is, that People should be forewarned of ill men, that they should be cautioned against associating with dangerous Persons, particularly, [Page 46] those that are given to change, those that are for Alterations and Innovations, those factious Male-contents, who be­ing weary of the good and anci­ent Constitutions ordained by God and the King, make it their Study and En­deavour, to undermine and Subvert the established Religion and Govern­ment.

And since both they and their Ac­complices shall be pursued with Ven­geance; since none can tell what se­vere Chastisements a Provoked God, and an angry Prince, may prepare for them, it cleary follows, that those who joyn with the Seditious, are very ill advised, and have no true Regard to Self-Preservation, while to prevent ima­ginary and fictitious Dangers, they throw themselves into real and certain Misery.

But to come to a more distinct con­sideration of each Particular observed in the Text; I begin with the first, the Exhortation to Religion, My Son, fear thou the Lord. Of which Fear I shall briefly consider,

• [Page 47]The Nature,
• The Degrees,
• The Effects, and
• The Contraries.

First, As for the Nature of the Fear 1 we owe to God, it is not a slavish Dread, joined with Anguish, Hatred, and Despair; but a filial Reverence, mix'd with Hope and Love. It is such an awful Apprehension of Gods infi­nite Greatness in himself, and his ab­solute Dominion over us, as is accom­panied with a delightful Sense of the transcendent Goodness of his Nature, and his admirable Kindness to us.

If we could behold nothing in God but irresistible Power, soveraign Will, and Severities of Justice, our case would be like that of the Devils, our Fear would then be nothing but pure Dread and Horror, and the only Product of our Faith would be to make us trem­ble. Jam. 2. 19. But although the Majesty of God Almighty hath such an overpowring Glory in it, Isay. 6. 2, 3. as dazles and confounds all Mortal Creatures, and makes the very Seraphims cover their Faces, yet since [Page 48] the astonishing Terror of it is allayed and mitigated by his Goodness, and since we believe him to be the Lord God merciful and gracious, that Fear, which we are to have of him, 2 Tim. 1. 7. is not pure solitary Fear, but Reverence, or Veneration, which suffers Love to co­habite.

2 But then Secondly, as for the De­grees of this Reverential Fear, they ought to be the highest and the grea­test, that the Soul of man is capable of. The very highest Measures of Fear are most due, most fit to be payed to Gods absolute Soveraignty over us, and lower measures can never secure our Obedience to him. Dr. Ou­tram. For (if I may take the liberty to borrow some De­monstration of this from a late excel­lent Divine) suppose we fear any Thing or Person in all the World more than God, then when ever there happens a Com­petition between the Fear of that Thing, or that Person, and the Fear of God, the greater Fear will overcome the less, and so cause a Neglect or Vi­olation of our Duty to him. But where the Fear of God is predominant, there it will secure our Duty, there it will [Page 49] be attended with sincere Obedience.

And this in the Third Place, is the 3 natural and proper Effect of such a Fear, If our Fear of another be in any emi­nent degree, it will command and ex­act from us the same degree of Care and Study, to serve and please the Person feared. Fear implies an Appre­hension of Danger, and Danger, so far as 'tis apprehended, will so far excite us to use and employ the best Means we can for our Preservation.

If we chuse to disobey God, it is be­cause we do not fear his Threatnings; and if they are not feared, it is because they are either not believed, or not con­sidered. But the clear and firm Belief, joyned with the serious consideration, of the Miseries threatned to Disobedience, cannot but restrain and deter us from it. We cannot indulge our selves in Sin, unless we enjoy some Pleasure in it; and we can enjoy no Pleasure in it, unless we forget or disbelieve the everlasting Punishments, which Almighty God hath prepared for it. While men have real and settled Appre­hensions of those Punishments, and while the Remembrance of them, keeps them under the Awe of Fear and Dread, their [Page 50] Sins will appear so grievous to them, that they will be forced to abstain from them for their own Ease and Satis­faction.

And if the Fear of God be consider­ed; as it is a filial Reverence compoun­ded with Love, it will be much more powerful to move and excite Obedi­ence to him. Reverence willingly of­fers, readily pays, and chearfully per­forms what was forced and constrain­ed by meer Fear. If Awe and Affe­ction be united in a devout Venera­tion of the God whom we serve, his Service, which before was a Yoak and a Burden, then becomes perfect Free­dom, so pleasant and so natural to us that to refuse it will be an Extinguish­ing of our own Joys, a Resisting o [...] our own Desires, and a Violence to our­selves. A man, that highly reveres a­nother, is as much inclined to please him as he is to please himself, and as un­willing to offend him, as he is to wound his own Breast.

Obedience therefore is an Insepara­ble Effect of filial Fear or Reverence And that which is so, is the most certain [...] Mark of the Truth and Reality o [...] [Page 51] our Religion. We all profess Religion, and the Fear of God, we all pretend the highest Awe and Reverence to his divine Majesty; But do we sincerely endeavour to serve and please him? Are we guilty of no wilful disobedi­ence, no chosen and deliberate viola­tions of his holy Laws? If we indulge any of these, the true Fear of God is not in us.

For it is, fourthly, to be noted, That 4 these are the Contraries and Opposites unto this Fear. All wilful and pre­sumptuous Sins are perfectly repug­nant to it. These are Affronts and Con­tempts, bold and Impudent Practices, which carry the Marks of great Irre­verence clearly written upon their Brow. When men deliberately chuse to do those things, which they plainly see and know to be contrary to the Divine Laws, this is a manifest Discovery, that there is no Fear of God before their eyes. Let us therefore prove the truth of our Religion, by the sincerity of our Obedience; particularly by our Obe­dience to those Commands of God, which require us to be Loyal to our Prince. That we may fully shew, what [Page 52] an Awful Sense we have of the Ma­jesty and Soveraignty of the most high God, both in our Words, and in our Actions, let both our Words and Acti­ons declare, how much we revere his Power and Authority, not onely in himself, but in those also whom he hath set over us.

2 And so I come to the second part of Solomon's Advice, wherein we are admonished unto the Fear of God, to subjoyn the Fear of the King, who is Gods Vicegerent. Of which I shall dis­course in the same Method, as I have done of the former, by considering its

• Nature,
• Degrees,
• Effects, and
• Contraries.

1 First, As for the Nature of the Fear, which we owe unto the King, 'tis ve­ry much of the same nature, with that Fear which is due to God himself, onely 'tis inferior and subordinate to it. For Kings are honoured in holy Scrip­ture, with the adorable Name of God. And the Laws of England looking up­on [Page 53] the King as a God upon Earth, do attribute unto him in some Ana­logy diverse Excellencies, that belong properly to God alone; such as are a kind of Omnipotency in raising men from Death to life, by pardoning whom the Law hath condemned; a cer­tain Omnipresency, by his numerous Officers, who every where represent him; and little less than an Infallibi­lity, and an absolute Perfection of Wisdom and Righteousness: For our Law will have no Error, no Injustice, no Folly, no Imperfection whatsoever to be found in the King.

The Fear therefore which we owe to our dread Soveraign, even like that which we render to the divine Majesty, is a most profound Reverence for, an high Esteem of, and a most humble and du­tiful Affection unto, his Sacred Person and Authority. It is a filial Fear com­pounded of Dread and Love: For the King is the Father of our Country, by whose Providence and Protection, we are supported and defended, by whose vigilant Care and Conduct we quietly enjoy all that we possess. Of this (as St. Jerom hath observed) even the Phi­listines [Page 54] were so sensible, Hieron. l. 9. in Ezek. that it was a constant Custom among them, to call all their Princes by the name of Abi­melech, which signifies both Father and King. And it was the Promise of God to his Church, that in the Times of the Gospel, Isay. 49. 23. Kings should be her nursing Fathers, and Queens her nursing Mothers. Which great Blessing hath been, and is, most visibly enjoyed by us in this Nation, as much as by any People un­der Heaven.

Since then by being born the Kings Subjects, we have the Happiness to be his Children, the very law of Nature doth oblige us, to pay him all the Aw­fulness, and Affection, and Duty of Children. Mal. 1. 6. If I be a Father (saith God) where is mine Honour? If I be a Ma­ster, where is my Fear? Now the King next and immediately under God, is the great and common Father, the su­preme Lord and Master of us all.

2 And therefore, secondly, The Degrees and Measures of Honour and Fear, which are due to the King are the ve­ry highest, and the greatest, next unto those that are due to God himself. The supreme Power and Authority under [Page 55] God, being lodged in the sacred Per­son of the Soveraign Prince, he may justly demand the supreme Honour. Within his own Dominions he is only less and lower than God, he is grea­ter and higher than all Ranks and Or­ders of Men. Yea all the States of the Realm joyned together, all the Nobles and Commons, and the whole Body of the People have not a Pow­er and Authority equal to his. All his Subjects, whether Publick Magi­strates or private men, not only se­verally and apart, but joyntly and to­gether are under his Command. For otherwise, he would not be the King of a Kingdom, or a Political Society, united under one Form of Government, but only a King of single men sepa­rately taken, and so he would be a strange kind of Chimerical and ima­ginary Prince, a King of nothing but a Rope of sands.

In the first Epistle of St. Peter, Chap. 2. ver. 13 and 14. that great A­postle makes this plain Distinction be­tween our Subjection to the King, and to all other Magistrates, whether ta­ken collectively or distributively, We [Page 56] are to submit to the King as Supreme, to all others as his Officers and Delegates Sent and Commissioned by him; all of them together, as well as each of them a­part having received all their Power and Authority from him, and he having recei­ved his from God alone. Rom. 13. 2. 4. For the King is no Substitute of the People but the Minister of God, and his Power is the Ordinance of God.

This is the Voice of Scripture and of Reason, and this I may with the greatest Confidence, because I can with the strongest Evidence affirm; it being not only the unanimous Opinion of all the Wisest Politicians, and States­men in the World, but also the Catholick Doctrine of the Christian Church for ma­ny hundreds of years together, that a Monarch or Soveraign in his own Domi­nions hath no Superior, but God Almighty.

And indeed it would be very strange, if any considering men should think otherwise: For it is a manifest Con­tradiction to be a Soveraign or Su­preme Prince, and to have a Superior. Those Kings, who have any Power a­bove them, are only titular, not real Kings. The Soveraignty is always lodg­ed, [Page 57] where there is the highest Au­thority; And according to the Consti­tution of our Nation, it is most cer­tainly in the King, for the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal, together with all the Commons assembled in Parliament, do by a Solemn Oath ac­knowledge the King to be Supreme, and themselves to be his Subjects; and they have in publick Statutes par­ticularly declared, the sole Supreme Command and Government of the Mi­litia, ever to be, and to have been, by the Law of England the undoubted Right of his Majesty, and his Prede­cessors; and that both or either Houses of Parliament cannot, nor lawfully may raise or levy any War, offensive or de­fensive, against his Majesty his Heirs and lawful Successors. Neither can a­ny Laws or Statutes be made by them, but onely such as the King approves. Neither is the King accountable to them, or to any other, or liable to be punished by them or by any other, besides God.

These are the Essentials of Soveraign­ty, or supreme Power, to have the sole Power of the Sword, to have the Legislative Power, to have a Power [Page 58] which is irresistible and unaccountable, and no way subject to the coercive Authority of any other. Every com­pleat and Imperial Soveraign hath all these? And that we are under such a Soveraign, the whole Parliament did acknowledge in the 24. H. 8. c. 12. in which it was Resolved, That by sun­dry Authentick Histories and Chroni­cles, it is manifestly declared and ex­pressed, that this Realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the World, governed by one Su­preme Head and King, having Digni­ty and Royal Estate of the Imperial Crown of the same.

The Kings Majesty being therefore the only Supreme Governour in his Dominions, next under God, and ha­ving full, perfect, and entire Jurisdicti­on and Authority from God alone, which no other Magistrates have, but by Emanation from him, ought to be revered by us, with the highest De­grees of Awfulness and Veneration, that can justly be paid to any Person or Power upon Earth. The Fear and Ho­our we owe to him is greater than we owe to any other, and is the ve­ry [Page 59] greatest that can possibly be expres­sed, except only that Divine Honour and Adoration, which is peculiar to the Deity.

Thirdly, This Awful Fear of our So­veraign 3 Prince, if it be really within us, will have the very same Effect that the Fear of God hath. It will produce a most humble and loyal Submission, a most faithful and dutiful Obedience to him. We shall execute his Commands with Chearfulness, and bear with Pa­tience what he inflicts upon us. We shall carefully endeavour to observe and keep all his just Laws, that is to say, all those which are not contrary to the Laws of God. And if it so happen, that we cannot comply with his Injunctions, by Reason of their Repugnancy to the Divine Commands; then we shall meekly and quietly sub­mit to the Penalties that ensue such non-complyance. There is but one only case, wherein a good and loyal Subject, who duly fears and honours his Prince, will refuse to obey him, and that is, when such Obedience will by no means consist with his Obedience to God; then indeed he will obey God rather than Man, because he fears God [Page 60] more than any mortal Man, more than the greatest Monarch in the World. But there is no Case what­soever, wherein he dareth, either to resist or reproach the Person or the Authority of the King, or to offer any Indignity to him.

4 For in the fourth and last Place, it is to be remembred, that all Acts of wickedly presumptuous Disobedience, all Oppositions by Force of Arms, all reviling Expressions, and all manner of Affronts are the most manifest Contra­dictions to the awful Fear of Soveraign Majesty. Where the Word of a King is, there is Power, Eccles. 8. 4. But if his Word be slighted, and his Power de­spised, he is not honoured as a King. Who may say unto him, what doest thou? None surely can without great irreve­rence. Is it fit to say to a King, thou art Wicked, or to Princes, ye are Ʋngod­ly? Job. 34. 18. No, it is very unfit, it is one of the highest Instances of Impudence, Rudeness, and Unmanner­liness. It is such Behaviour as doth no way consist with the Deference, Obsequiousness, and profound Lowliness which ought to be in Subjects.

[Page 61] But what is it then, to take Arms against him? Is it not plainly a fight­ing against God, whom the King represents, and with whose Authori­ty he is invested, Prov. 30. 31. A King (like God) is one, against whom there is no rising up; No, not upon any pretence whatsoever, without open Perfidiousness and Rebellion; of which when any are guilty, they not only affront their Prince, and contemn his Laws and Government; they not only act contrary to their Duty and Allegiance, but they totally cast off the very State, and Quality, and Rela­tion of Subjects; yea, they are such Monsters of Men as do in a great De­gree renounce humane Nature, and com­mon Civility; They are as natural Brute beasts, made to be taken and de­stroyed. So St. Peter describes them, 2 Pet. 2. 10, 12.

If we have therefore any Fear of God or the King, if we have any Re­gard to Religion or Loyalty, Huma­nity, or Civility, we will abhor the thoughts of ever joyning with such salvage, untamed, ungovernable Crea­tures, such Wolves and Tygers in hu­mane [Page 62] Shape as Rebels and Traitors are▪ Yea if we desire to keep our selves out of danger, we will have nothing to do with any of the Friends or Cor­respondents of such ill men, with a­ny factious Designers, who do more remotely attempt to destroy the Go­vernment, by introducing the Changes and alterations of it. Which brings me to

3 The third Observable in the Text, The useful Caution against Joyning or Associating with seditious Innova­tors, Meddle not with them that are given to change. That is, joyn not thy self to any turbulent Sect or Party, whose Discontent with the present State of Things, or desire of Novelty makes them affect a change, especially in those two great Interests of a Nation, Re­ligion, and Government, both which the due Fear of God and the King would preserve inviolate.

Now by how much the better the established Religion and Government is, by so much the worse and the more detestable are all such Combina­tions and Confederacies for the Change of either of them. Upon which Ac­count I verily believe no People in [Page 63] the World have greater Reason to hearken to this Counsel of Solomons, than we have. For wherefore should we desire or endeavour an Alteration either of our Religion, or our Govern­ment?

Our Religion is the true Christian Religion restored to its primitive Pu­rity, and reformed from the Corrup­tions and Abuses both of Hereticks and Schismaticks. And shall we joyn with those who would exchange this sober, rational, well-tempered Religion, ei­ther for the Extravagancies of Enthu­siasm, or the Follies of Superstition, the Delusions of the Sectaries, or the Idolatries of the Romanists? Shall we joyn with those, who would exchange decent and duly regulated Ceremonies, either for rude and unseemly Gestures on the one side, or for a Multitude of ridiculous and pompous Rites on the other; who would turn pious and primitive Discipline into lawless liber­ty, or intolerable Impositions; sound and ancient Doctrine, in all Points a­greeable to the written Word of God, either into uncertain and unwritten Traditions, or into novel Enthusiastick [Page 64] Divinity; and serious well compos'd Forms of Prayer, understood by the People, either into mere Battologies and Ex­temporary Effusions, or into unedify­ing Masses in an unknown Tongue.

It is a great and a most true com­mendation of our Religion, worthy to be ever remembred, which was given by his late Sacred Majesty, in some of his last Words to the then Prince of Wales, our now most Gracious Sove­raign. His words are these, I do re­quire and intreat you, as your Father, and your King, that you never suffer your Heart to receive the least check against, or Disaffection from the true Re­ligion established in the Church of Eng­land. I tell you, I have tried it, and after much Search, [...]. c. 27. and many Disputes, have concluded it to be the best in the World; not only in the Community as Chri­stian, but also in the special Notion as Reformed; keeping the middle way be­tween the Pomp of Superstitious Tyran­ny, and the Meanness of Fantastick Anar­chy.

And as for the Government over us if Reason and Scripture may be heard it is the most excellent Form of Go­vernment. [Page 65] It is a Monarchy, and the best sort of Monarchy, not a Despotical and Arbitrary, but a Political or Paternal Mo­narchy, such as is administred by Just and equal Laws; not an Elective but an He­reditary Monarchy, free from all Inter­regnum, and from many Mischiefs to which Elective Kingdoms are subject. It is such a Monarchy as by an ad­admirable Temperament preserves at once, both the just Liberty of the Sub­ject, and the Soveraign Majesty of the King. It is a Monarchy of great An­tiquity. We have been under the Go­vernment of Kings, beyond the utmost Records of all History. Of Kings we may justly boast, more than any o­ther Nation in the World: For it was our Island, that yielded the first King, and the first Emperor, that ever em­braced the Faith of Christ, Lucius and Constantine, Princes who in the Glory, and Stability of their Actions, abun­dantly answered the significant Omens of their Illustrious Names. One of our Kings also was the first, who cast of the Antichristian Usurpations of the Church of Rome, and settled the Reformation by a Law. And it hath been ever since [Page 66] under the same good Conduct of Kings, that the true Christian Reformed Religion hath been hitherto preserved among us.

Shall we then be so unwise, as to hearken to the Antimonarchical Insinu­ations of those restless Demagogues, who would alter and change, subvert and destroy this most excellent this most ancient, Form of Government? And what if some Men, will not, or cannot ap­prehend, that our Government deserves to be thus extolled? What if they sup­pose this Constitution to be none of the best? Yet every plain Country­man may understand, That the Mis­chiefs of a Change are unspeakable. A Change of Government cannot ordina­rily be introduced without a Rebelli­on, and all the fatal Consequences that attend it; a Rebellion which commonly begins with factious Combinations un­der Pretence of Defending Religion, Li­berty, and Property; proceeds by ar­med Force, and all the Ways of secret Stratagem or open Assault; and ends in Blood and Slaughter, Spoil and Deva­station, Rapine and Plunder, Oppressi­on and Sacriledge; a Rebellion, I say which, if prosperous and successful, make [Page 67] a great Change indeed, overturns all Order, and Rule, and licenses all the Injustice in the World; lays the Reins upon mens necks, and takes off the Restraints of their Appetites; throws down the Fences of Law, and leaves all open to the Incursions of Violence; gathers mens Lusts into a common Storm, and fills all things with Hor­ror and Confusion; breaks up the Foun­dations of the Earth and lets in a kind of Hell upon us. All these dire Ef­fects of Subverting the Government this Nation hath sadly felt; and if we took any Notice of the Black and Fa­tal Day in the last week, Januar. 30. they must needs at this Time be fresh in our Memories.

But perhaps all this doth not dis­courage the men that are given to Change. The seditious Incendiaries care not, although the whole Kingdom be in a Flame, if they can but warm them­selves at the Fire; and at the End of all this Blood-shed, Ruine, and Deva­station, they expect nothing less than the rich Spoils of a happy Victory, and the Glory of Triumph. I shall there­fore consider in the last Place, what may abundantly confute and confound such vain Hopes.

[Page 68] 4 The dismal Presage in my Text concerning the swift Vengeance, that shall surprize such ill Men, and the unknown Misery into which both they and their Associates may tumble head­long. For their Calamity shall rise sud­denly, and who knoweth the Ruine of them both? that is, both of them that are given to change, and those that joyn with them. Or else it may be understood of the Destruction that shall come upon them, both from the Lord and the King. Who can tell what terrible Judgment, what heavy Punish­ment, both God and his Vicegerent may inflict upon them? Who can measure the divine Vengeance, which is armed with infinite Power? Who can limite or appease the Wrath of a King, which is as the Roaring of a Lyon, Prov. 16. 14. and 19. 12. or as a Messenger of Death. Kings are said to have long Hands; and God hath longer and heavier, which can soon reach, and will most severely chastise such Di­sturbers and Overturners of Peace and Government. In the Thirteenth to the Romans, St. Paul hath very plainly fore­told their Fate, that they shall receive to themselves [...], Judgment, or as we [Page 69] render it, Damnation. If we take the Word in the mildest Sense, the mea­ning is, that according to the ordina­ry Course of Gods Providence, they shall receive some grievous Punishment, here in this World. They seldom die the common Death of men, Numb. 16. 29. nor are they visited, after the visitation of all men, but are usually cut off by the visible Strokes of Vindictive Justice. And their Punishment is as signal as their Villany. They resist the Ordi­nance of God, and they receive a Pu­nishment worthy of God.

Every Age hath afforded Examples of this; but I will only instance in the Judgments, which followed the first notorious Sedition that happened in World, and the last great Rebellion in our own Nation.

That first Sedition (of which we have a large and full Account in the six­teen Chapter of Numbers) was the In­surrection of Corah and his Accomplices against Moses and Aaron, under pre­tence of asserting the Rights and Li­berties of the People, in Opposition to the arbitrary Government of Moses, whom they accused of Tyranny (as [Page 70] Josephus expresly saith, agreeably to what the Scripture it self doth imply) and the freeing themselves from the Incroachments upon their spiritual Pri­viledges, by the Usurpations of Aaron and the Priesthood. Which specious De­signs drew into the Conspiracy a great Number of Considerable Persons, even two hundred and fifty Princes of the Assembly, famous in the Congregation, Men of Renown. But notwithstanding their Popular Pretences, (which were, for substance, the very same, that gave the first Rise and Birth to our late Confusions;) and although they acted under some shew of Authority, when such an Assembly of Princes and Great Men joyned with them; (as our Re­bels also endeavoured to justifie their Proceedings, by the pretended Power of a Parliament;) although, I say, they had such fair Colours, for what they did, and such Eminent Men on their side, they were made to suffer the just desert of their Sin. Both Earth and Heaven conspired to punish them, and their Destruction was no less terrible than sudden. They had disturbed the Earth by their Faction, and the Earth [Page 71] as it were moved with Indignation against them, rent asunder, and opened its Mouth to swallow those in its Bowels, who were unworthy to live upon the Face of it. When they had been divi­ding the People, the very Ground di­vides it self under their feet, and breaks into a Chasm in the Place where they stood, that they might go down quick into the Pit of Destruction, Death and the Grave both seizing them at once. And those two hundred and fifty of the Seditious Incendiaries that offered Incense, were as swiftly consumed by Fire from Heaven. So suitable were their Punishments both to the Nature and the Degree of their Crimes.

And when the Israelites, instead of lear­ning their Duty by these dreadful Specta­cles, took upon them the next Day in a­nother Insurrection to justifie the Plea of Corah, to own those Rebels as the People of the Lord, and to charge Moses and Aaron as being guilty of their Blood; the Wrath of God went out against them and consu­med them, as in a moment, with such a quick dispatch, that, although Aaron with all possible Haste made an Atone­ment for them, there were destroyed [Page 72] by the Plague, no less than Fourteen thousand and seven hundred.

But to come to the Instance nearer home, What, I pray were the Effects of the late Rebellion in our Native Land? Was it not in the Event most pernicious and destructive to the Re­bels themselves, at least to the Chiefest of them? Did not their Calamity arise suddenly, so suddenly that themselves scarce sore-saw it? Those malignant Comets, having blazed a little while, quickly expired in Stench. Their Rise was sudden and their Fall too. Their restless Ambition made them violent­ly introduce a Change of Govern­ment; but what a Change did them­selves meet with, when they were thrown down from the Top of all their vain False Glory, to be the Ha­tred and the Hissing of the People? They had divided the Kingdom, and embroiled it in a Destructive War: God therefore divided them among themselves, and made them their own Scourges, like an Army of Philistines, still beating and threshing down one another, until the Restauration of his sacred Majesty, when the Hand of God [Page 73] was illustriously visible, both in bring­ing him to the Throne of his Father, and the principal Rebels and Murde­rers to Publick Justice.

Some indeed there were, who had no small share in the Guilt, and yet escaped the Punishment; But they may thank their most Gracious and Mer­ciful Prince, whose matchless Clemency hath been greater than the greatest of their Bloody Villanies. And after such a Pardon of such Guilt, if any Sub­jects of this Crown have a mind to rebel again, let them take heed lest they sin beyond all Possibility of For­giveness and barr themselves eternally, not only from the Mercies of the King, but also from the Mercies of God Almighty.

As for our selves, if we suspect or perceive any Factious Men to have de­signs against the Government, let not our Souls come into their Secret: Let us not meddle in the least with such Sons of Corah, except it be by all law­ful means to detect, oppose, and sup­press them. Let us no way joyn with them in their Cursed Attempts and Machinations, unless we desire to [Page 74] fall with them, in their Ruine and Calamity. But as it was Prophesied by Hosea of the Children of Israel, That after their Captivity they should return and seek the Lord their God and David their King; Hos. 3. 5. still, David their King, although it was then some hun­dreds of years after David's Reign, because the Succession was still in the Family of David; so God grant, that we and our Posterity may fear, and honour, and obey the Lord our God, and our David, our most Gracious So­veraign, and all his Lawful Successors, without any change of our excellently established Religion, or our happy Con­stitution of Government, to the End of the World.

IF the great Blessings and Calamities of a Nation be not thrown into it at all adventure, by the uncertain cast of blind Contingency, nor ir­resistibly thrust upon it, by the over­bearing force of inevitable Fate; if they proceed not from the confused and for­ [...]uitous Concourse of various Smooth-shap'd [Page 78] or Ill-figured Atoms, nor from the predominant Influences of auspicious or malignant Stars or Planets; but are both of them the certain Effects of an intelligent and voluntary Providential Administration, a Divine Power, Wis­dom, and Justice ruling in the King­doms of Men; if the one be the be­nigne Favours of Almighty God, the li­beral Emanations of his Immense Good­ness, wherewith he rewards and en­courages Piety and Virtue; if the o­ther be his penal Srokes, the awaken­ing Thunder-bolts of that Righteous Indignation, which Mens Sins have provoked; from hence it wil follow, that we have most just and real occasions for Solemn Days of publick Thansgiving for the one, and Humiliations under the other, which sort of Days, tho' some­times illegally consecrated by Factious Powers, and hypocritically celebrated with Mock-devotions to sanctifie Trea­son and Rebellion, ought to be so much the more sincerely, so much the more religiously observed by us, when our lawful Superiors have advisedly appoint­ed them. And from hence it will particularly follow, that we have still [Page 79] great reason, with Weeping, Fasting, and Prayer, thus annually to commemorate the Fatal Period of Time, in which our multiplyed Sins, and over-flowing Transgressions, after they had deprived us of all the Blessings, with which a just and peaceful Monarchy could make us happy, and introduced the plenti­ful Calamities of a Civil War, together with the numerous Plagues of many Princes, many Tyrannical Usurpers of Royal Authority, swell'd at length into such a Deluge of boundless Wicked­ness, as quite extinguished the Light of our Israel, and pulled down upon as, so singular an Instance of the Di­vine Vengeance, as no Nation had felt before, the most barbarous and unpa­rallel'd Murder of one of the best Kings [...]hat ever sat upon a Throne, our late most Gracious Soveraign. From hence [...] say it will appear, that this Days humble and mournful Reflection, on [...]hat blackest of Britain's Tragedies, is [...] great and common Duty, to which [...]ll, even the most innocent Natives of his piacular Island, are indispensibly obliged.

[Page 80] These Conclusions I take to be clear­ly inferred from those Premises, and I believe no sober and knowing Man can think otherwise, if he seriously and thorowly consider this Royal and Di­vine Aphorism, which came from the Pen of Solomon, and the Mouth of God. For the transgression of a Land, many are the Princes thereof: But by a man of understanding and knowledge, the State thereof shall be prolonged. In which words there lie before us these Four Observables.

First, a publick National Judgment and that is the ill State of a Nation under Polyarchy, or Plurality of Su­preme Governours, when many are the Princes thereof.

Secondly, the notorious Cause of such a Judgment, it is expresly ascribed to the Wickedness of a People, the trans­gression of a Land.

Thirdly, the opposite National Mer­cy, or the Happiness of a Nation un­der a well settled Monarchy, when [...] a man of understanding and knowledge the State thereof is prolonged: A man that is to say, one Man, one Soveraign Prince, in opposition to the many Prin­ces before mentioned.

[Page 81] Fourthly, The principal means where­by so great a Mercy is procured, and that is the Wisdom of the Monarch, his understanding and knowledge.

I begin with the first of these, the 1 National Judgment, many Princes; by which it is plain, we are to under­stand Supreme or Soveraign Princes: For many inferior Magistrates or sub­ordinate Governours, are at all times necessary to every State and Kingdom, even in their most peaceful and flou­rishing Condition. It is therefore the multiplication of Soveraigns, that So­lomon here speakes of; by many of whom may be meant, either many lawful So­veraigns, or many Usurpers; both which are publick Evils, although the latter be the more signal Judgment.

First then, by Princes in the Text we may understand lawful Soveraigns; and of them there may be either many suc­cessively, or many at once. There may be many successively in a Monarchical State; sometimes by the very Nature of the Constitution, as in an Elective Monarchy, where the Crown is not inviolably fix­ed in one Royal Family, and in the one [...]ight Line according to Priviledge of [...]irth, and Proximity of Blood; but is [Page 82] conferred on various Persons of divers Families or different Lines, according to the Will and Pleasure of the Ele­ctors. This is an ill State in compari­son of Hereditary Monarchy. At the Death of every Prince, 'tis subject to an Interregnum, in which the whole Frame of things may be unsettled; and every new Election not only commits the Ad­ministration of Affairs to untried hands, but may also expose the Kingdom to great Chages, and dangerous Revolu­tions, arising from the opposite Interests, Affections, and Inclinations of various Families, and consequently of such Per­sons as are chosen out of them.

Indeed if it happen that the Elected King be the Son of Nobles, as Solomon speaks, if he descended from the Sacred Race of Kings, and hath been educa­ted among Princes from his Youth; i [...] he hath not only the Title, Place, and Office, but the real Majesty and Au­thority, the God-like Spirit, the Wis­dom, Justice, and Clemency of a King matters may go well while he Reign­eth. Blessed art thou, O Land, when thy King is the Son of Nobles, Eccles. 10. 17. But if it so fall out (as it often may i [...] [Page 83] an Arbitrary Election) that the Prince be chosen out of the meanest of the People; if he be a Person of low Birth and servile Condition, the Kingdom can never be happy under such a Gover­nour. For a Servant when he reigneth, is one of those three things, for which the Earth is disquieted, and one of the four, which it cannot bear, Prov. 30. 21. 22.

Sometimes also by the Will and Plea­sure of Heaven, and by the Visitation of God, there may be many Princes successively even in an Hereditary Mo­narchy, when by reason of the fre­quent Deaths, and short Reigns of Kings, there is a Succession of divers of them within a few years. This is general­ly disadvantageous to the Happiness of [...] Nation, if it doth not prove fatal to

When there is such a Mortality of Monarchs, Psal 82. 6, 7. that the Earthly Gods die [...]ster than common Men; when the children of the most High are brought [...]w, and not one alone, but many of [...]e Princes fall by an untimely Disso­lution, before they can bring their de­ [...]ns and endeavours for the safety and [...]elfare of their People, to any good [...]aturity; and when the Crown thus [Page 84] swiftly passing from one to another, is devolved upon Infants, who are un­skilful in the Arts of Empire, obnoxious to the unfaithfulness of Tutors, and easie to be misled by the treacherous Conduct of ill Ministers, this ruffles the publick Affairs, and usually causeth great discomposures. Wo to thee, O Land, when thy King is a Child, Eccles.10. 16. Al­though this Wo may be in good measure prevented, where the Change and the loss of Princes, is recompensed by the continuance of the same wise Counsel­lors, and the defect of Age made up by the uncorrupted Innocence, and the early Piety of the Crowned Child.

But as the having many Princes suc­cessively, is sometimes the misfortune o [...] the best of Monarchies; so the having many together and at once, is the con­stant mischief of a Republick; when the Soveraignty is actually invested more than one, either in a certain num­ber of Select Persons, which is inco [...] ­modious enouh, or, which is mu [...] worse, in the very Multitude and ge­neral Crowd, in the whole Body of [...] People; the Head and the Feet, [...] Brains and the Heels, the Honoura [...] [Page 85] the Wise, the Sober, and all the base and blind and boisterous Rabble, ha­ving their share in the Government.

I deny not that these Republicks are lawful Powers in those places where by Divine permission they have had a durable continuance and establishment. Long Possession may give them a Title, and as bad as they are, Use and Cu­stom and the Situation of some Coun­tries, may make them tolerable in some few particular places.

Neither will I say, that Solomon did expresly and designedly pronounce this Sentence concerning them. The truth is, they cannot boast of so great An­tiquity. It doth not appear, that any such Forms of Government had ever been heard of in his Days. But be­cause many in this Age, and in this Na­tion, have been such fond Admirers of Common-Wealths, I shall for their sakes enquire, whether these rare Models of Government, although they do not fall directly under Solomon's Censure, be real­ly any better than the many Princes in my Text are supposed to be? Whe­ther they be not, for the most part, Judgments and Punishments sent from [Page 86] Heaven, for the transgression of a Land?

That they were generally so in their Original, I think is not much to be doubted. For what was it that brought Republicks into the World? Was it not Faction and Sedition? Were they not all at first meer Usurpations? Where is then any People, Nation, or Lan­guage, which was not anciently sub­ject to Kings? We cannot suppose that any was not, unless we will take upon us (as some of our Republicans have confidently done) to question the truth of all ancient History. Plato Re­divivus. p. 27. Tully places it inter notiora, Tull. l. 3. de legi­bus. among the things of known certainty, that all were of old under Re­gal Government. Justin begins his Epi­tome thus, Principio Rerum, Gentium, Nationum (que) Imperium penes Reges erat. To which agrees that of Salust, Salust. l. 1. Initio Reges diversi, nam in terris nomen Im­perii id primum fuit. Yea the sacred and infallible Story in the Writings of Mo­ses, who had both the Power of a King, and the Spirit of a Prophet, gives us sufficient poof thereof. And if we search after the first Rise and Birth of Ari­stocratical or Democratical States, we shall constantly find upon Record, that [Page 87] they were the natural products of Per­fidiousness and Rebellion.

When men shook off their Allegi­ance to their Prince, and revolted from that Establishment, to which they were born Subjects, then they Erected a Com­mon-Wealth Thus the Roman Repub­lick began by a Regifugium, the fickle and inconstant People changing the ve­ry Form of their Government, because of the particular miscarriages of one of their Governours. Thus the united Netherlands upon their Defection from the King of Spain, made up a Com­bination of many Independent Juris­dictions, joyning together of meer ne­cessity, to keep themselves from being punished, for rebelling against, and ab­juring their rightful Prince. Thus the Swiss Cantons revolting from the House of Austria, Genoa from the Empire, and Geneva from the Duke of Savoy, set up for themselves as Common-Wealths or free States, as they love to be called, casting off their ancient, and for the most part easie dependance upon their law­ful Soveraigns, that they might aspire to the Name and Shadow of a trouble­some Freedom. And even the so much [Page 88] celebrated Venetians stole their Repub­lick at first, taking advantage of the common Fears and Disorders, when Ita­ly was alarm'd by the Hunns.

Neither is there any such Commo­diousness in Republicks, after they are settled, as will make amends for the badness of their Original. If we look into their Administration, we shall find them attended with so many and so great Inconveniences, that the chief end of Government, which is the publick Peace and Happiness, or the well being of a Community, cannot be ordinarily obtained by them.

Nothing is more pernicious to any Society, than Contention and Discord. Can two walk together, saith God except they be agreed? Amos 3. 3. And if Two cannot, it is not to be expected that Many should. There can be no peace without Agreement, and the Agreement of many, if there be no Superior to unite them, is almost impossible. As A­narchy is constantly attended with con­fusion, so is Polyarchy with Division.

Where there is a considerable number of Men, that have an equal share in the Soveraign Power, there will be inevi­table [Page 89] Discords, Jealousies, and Emu­lations issuing from their different Judg­ments, and opposite Counsels, as to the Conduct of State Affairs. And although their Debates be ended by Majority of Suffrages, their Animosities, especially in the weaker side, will be the more inflamed. For since all Men naturally desire to have their own advice fol­lowed, those that are out-voted will be apt to look upon themselves as both disparaged and disappointed, from whence will arise Anger, Hatred, and Discon­tent; which Passions, if there be oppor­tunity, will break out into Conspira­cies and Insurrections, to suppress and ruine those whom they could not coun­terballance.

And the Reason why there are no greater Tumults and Seditions in our Modern Republicks, is because being al­most perpetually engaged, either as Principals or Confederates in Forraign Wars, the Factious Spirits have not leisure to quarrel at home. Pax tibi Marte, which is the Motto of Venice, may very well suit all the rest of them; For when they have no work cut out for their Swords abroad, they are al­ways [Page 90] running into Domestick Muti­nies, and by these the most flourish­ing of them, might long ago have been ruined, had it not been for the little mixture of Monarchy, with which their Constitutions are compounded; such as that of a Duke, or a State-holder, who reduceth the Factions to some Tem­per, and keeps the State from a Dis­solution.

Neither are Republicks in less dan­ger from Foreign, than they are from Intestine Enemies, which makes them live in perpetual fears of Invasion; and being unable to defend themselves, in this case also they are beholden to Mo­narchy: For the usual Asylum where they take shelter, is under the Wing of some Potent Neighbouring Prince, whom they chuse for their Protector.

Besides, nothing is of greater Mo­ment to the good success of arduous Affairs, than Secresie. But is there a­ny hope of secresie, where there are an hundred Ears to hear the Counsels, and fifty Tongues to publish them; and where ten or twenty of those fifty (as it usually happens) dissent from the rest? Will not these be hugely tempt­ed [Page 91] to revenge the neglect and refusal of their own Advice, by divulging the most important Secrets of the prevail­ing Faction?

And tho' there be sometimes a tolera­ble Acquiescence, in the Opinion of the Major part; yet the Debates and Con­sultations among so many different Judgments, are commonly so long pro­tracted, that before they can arrive at a Resolution, many favourable oppor­tunities for Action are irrecoverably lost, and their best Designs miscarry for want of timely Execution.

But beyond all that hath been said, there is this great mischief in every Aristocratical or Democratical Common-Wealth, that the many Princes or chief Magistrates by which it is governed, being only temporary Officers of no long continuance, have a separate In­terest of their own, distinct from that of the Publick; by which means they will be very apt, to aim chiefly at their own private advantage, in all their publick Trusts, and may be sometimes so far corrupted, as to betray their Country to a Foreign Power, when sufficient Assurance is given them, that [Page 92] they shall not only survive the Fate of the expiring Government, but enlarge their Fortunes by its Dissolution.

A King and his Kingdom have but one and the same inseparable Interest. If the Kingdom be ruined, the King perisheth. But it is otherwise in a Com­mon-Wealth, where some that sit at the Helm of State, See some of these, and diverse o­ther Incon­veniences of Republicks, more large­ly consider­ed in Dr. Nalfon's Common In­terest of King and people Ch. 3. may have the oppor­tunity both to secure and to enrich their own private Vessel, by sinking the publick Bottom. Neither will they be at all concerned for the loss of their share in the Government of it, when by selling that Power, which they must shortly resign, and bartering away the publick Interest together with it, they purchase a higher and a more durable Grandeur, than otherwise they could ever have obtained.

And now let any one judge, whe­ther this Form of Government, in which many have a Copartnership, be so great a Happiness to a People, as some have pretended it to be.

Secondly, if by many Princes we un­derstand many Usurpers of the Govern­ment, it will be much more evident that they are the Rods, and Scourges of [Page 93] Heaven, the Plagues and Judgments of a provoked God, with which he Visits a sinful People.

Usurpers are such men as are nei­ther born to Empire, nor legally cho­sen to it, but being inspired by insatia­ble Ambition, possess'd with unbound­ed Hopes, and mounted on the soaring Wings of Arrogance and Presumption, raise themselves with an insuperable boldness, and violently invade the Seat of Majesty.

They acquire their Power by the most wicked and unlawful means, and by the same evil Arts keep and main­tain it; by treasonable Leagues and Bonds of Iniquity, by Hypocrisie and Dissimulation, Perjury and Cruelty, Blood and Slaughter, and the total subversion of all Lawful Government, Right and Justice, Peace and Order.

They inveigle the giddy Multitude with specious Declamations against ma­ny pretended miscarriages in the whole conduct of Publick Affairs; that by ex­citing the wild Commotion of Popular Fury, and the restless Ferment of blind and bitter Zeal, they may have Instru­ments and Tools ready whet and pre­pared, [Page 94] for the great Work of a thorow Reformation, that is to say, of hewing down, and cutting in pieces, of pulling up Root and Branch, whatever hath not the luck to please them.

They fill all places with false Fears and groundless Jealousies of Arbritary Government, that when their success­ful and triumphant Rebellion hath de­throned their Rightful Prince, them­selves may Reign in his stead, with the greatest Heights of Arbitrariness. And when they have Lorded and Ty­rannized a little while, others get up and depose them. And these also, in a short time, are forced to give place to stronger Rebels, and greater Vil­lains, perhaps to some of their own Creatures and Servants, by whose help themselves were raised.

Thus the Government of a Nation, being once removed from its right Ba­sis, is toss'd about from one to another, and various Usurpers successively pos­sess themselves of it, as this or that Faction grows predominant. But O the Insolencies, the Oppressions, the Sa­criledge, the Murders, Desolations, and Confusions, the Crimes and Calamities [Page 95] of all sorts, that such a Land must suf­fer under! How deplorable is the Con­dition of that People, where such dire Revolutions do happen! How terribly are they shaken by these State-Tem­pests! Psal. 107. 27. How do they reel to and fro and stagger like a drunken man, and are even at their wits end! How distressed must be the case of all that have any Con­science, any Principles, any Faith, any Honesty to keep, yea any Estates, any Honour, any Lives to lose! What Preys and Sacrifices must they be to those great Thieves and Oppressors, un­der the glorious Titles of Patriots and Protectors, those bloody Murderers in the room of Nursing Fathers, those ra­venous Wolves in the Shepherd's place! O the sudden Convulsions, surprizing Paroxysms, insupportable Agonies of the Body Politick, when she is forced to be the Patient of such cruel Physi­tians, who pretend to heal her Brea­ches, by giving her the widest and deepest Wounds, and to restore her to a sound and healthful Constitution, by drawing forth her very Heart-Blood and vital Spirits!

This! this is the lamentable State [Page 96] of a Nation, when Usurpers, when ma­ny Usurpers have Dominion over her! Of all This, the execrable Occasion of the present mournful Solemnity affords the most convincing Proofs. Of all This, our own Native Country had a long, a sad Experience, for neer twenty years together. And although more than twenty be past, since our happy Deliverance from these Miseries, and the just Vengeance of Heaven upon the Authors of them; yet we see the same Faction begins now to lift up its head again, the same Antimonarchical Spirit is revived, and under the same Preten­sions too, of securing our Religion, Li­berty, and Property, of keeping out Popery, Slavery, and Arbitrary Govern­ment. Witness the late horrid Pha­natick Conspiracy against His Maje­sties Sacred Person, his Royal Brother, and this Hereditary Monarchy.

I never took delight in calling to remembrance the impious Follies of any sort of Men. Would to God they might have been buried in the deepest Oblivion, without any hope of a Re­furrection. But since the same Gene­ration of men, instead of forgetting the [Page 97] Practice of them, are still returning to the same; and since we have still cause to humble our selves under the Hand of God, which so severely chastised us by them; I must crave your Patience, while I briefly reflect on the Plagues and Mischiefs of those old Treasons and Usurpations, that we may be the more awakened, by all lawful means vigorously to oppose the first beginnings of any new ones.

And here I must present you with a dismal Scene of things: For whoe­ver shall consider our numerous Cala­mities, under the Infamous Reign of our numerous Usurpers, those before the Murder of the King, that horrid Fact it self, the very Center of all the rest, and those that followed after, will soon perceive, that the Flood-Gates of Ruine were set wide open, and that all manner of Confusion and Destru­ction came in upon us with an over­whelming Deluge.

Our Usurpers began their Tyranny, as such generally do, by a bloody Re­bellion. For Rebels and Usurpers are of the same Species; Rebels are Usurpers Militant, and Usurpers are Rebels Tri­umphant.

[Page 98] As soon as the Faction of the long Parliament departed from their Alle­giance to him, on whom all their Au­thority depended, and instead of of­fering their humble Advice in dutiful Counsels, endeavoured to obtrude their imperious Dictates, by an overbearing Force, our Land was immediately un­der many Princes; one Lawful Sove­raign, and as many Invaders of the Re­gal Power, as there were Seditious Members in either of the two Houses.

These heady Demagogues, after they had reproached the Government in contumelious Harangues, and injuriously Impeached the Chief Ministers of State, that the most able and faithful Ser­vants being removed, they might more easily wound their Lord and Master; after they had largly Remonstrated the Nations Grievances, among which they reckoned all the Complaints that Male­contents, with whom the easiest sub­jection is a Yoke and Bondage, could frame or imagine; after they had thrown down the Mitres, that the Crown might fall with them; excluded the Bishops from their Rights of sitting in the House of Lords, and affronted the King with [Page 99] the highest Irreverences, animating the insolent and clamorous Crowd in great Numbers to assault his Majesty, with their unreasonable Demands and tu­multuous Petitions; until His Sacred Person and Life being in danger, he was forced to withdraw in his own defence; they at length formed an Army, commenced their unnatural War, actually resisted the Ordinance of God, persecuted his Vicegerent with Fire and Sword, and ingulphed the Nation in a Sea of Blood.

Which perfidious and inhumane En­terprises, that they might the better carry on and justifie, they pretended to aim at nothing more, than the Ho­nour and Happiness of the King in delivering him from evil Counsellors, the security of the Subjects in their Rights and Liberties, and the Glory of God in the Purity of Religion.

By these Artifices they strangely [...]rought upon the cheated People, yea upon divers of the better sort of men, [...]hose Wisdom and Virtue might have [...]ade them eminent, if they had not [...]en unhappily infected with some par­ticular Errors destructive of Govern­ment. [Page 100] By these Methods, I say, they obtained large Contributions from Per­sons of all Conditions, and all Sexes, who freely sacrificed their Moneys to the Treasury, for the promoting so specious Designs. And besides these voluntary Offerings, they seized the Revenues of the King, Queen, Prince, Deans and Chapters, and Plundered the Houses of the Nobility and Gentry whom they knew or suspected, to be true and faithful to their Soveraign.

Hence it came to pass, that a for­midable strength was gathered to them, and great Multitudes amassed in such considerable Bodies, that they confi­dently promised themselves an easie Triumph over Captive Majesty. And then, after various Skirmishes, and Bat­tels, Sieges and Storms, after innumera­ble Butcheries, and boundless Outra­ges of Violence and Cruelty, Spoil, and Rapine, and Devastation, in which ma­ny Thousands, and Ten Thousand of Brave Men, and Loyal Subjects were either Murdered, or Maimed, o [...] Imprisoned, or Impoverished, by the Permission of Heaven, Villany and Treason was Crowned with succes [...] [Page 101] the Friends of Loyalty were scattered, and the Combination of Wicked Usur­pers prevailed over the most Just and Gracious Prince.

But how did they now manage their Victory, and what was the blessed Re­formation they purchased at the ex­pense of so much Blood and Treasure? They reformed the Church, by pulling down her Walls and Pillars, by de­vouring her Lands, destroying her Or­naments, Vestments, and Utensils, de­facing her Beauty, sequestring her regular Ministry, extirpating her Pri­mitive and Apostolick Government, abolishing her excellent Liturgy, throw­ing away all Forms of Publick Wor­ship, and tolerating all Religions, or rather, Irreligions, Schisms, and Here­sies. They reformed the State by the oppression of the People, the invad­ing and exhausting the Wealth of the Kingdom, the Subversion of the Fun­damental Laws, the Violating those before accounted so sacred Priviledges of Parliament, for which they pretend­ed to have taken Arms; the Cashier­ing the Peers of the Realm, and the Ruine of the Monarchy. They brought [Page 102] us to a glorious Liberty indeed, when the King and the Lords being laid a­side as useless, the Nations Ears were nailed to the Door-posts of the House of Commons, and when that House too, having Imprisoned or Excluded the far greater and sounder part of her own Members, acted all things accor­ding to the meer Will and Pleasure of a whole Legion of Arbitrary Prin­ces, an Insolent, Imperious, and Ty­rannical Army.

These things happened to us before the horrid Fact of this Black and Guil­ty Day, these made way for it. But then at the Perpetration of that in­comparable and unexampled Wicked­ness, all manner of Sins and Mischiefs seemed to be as it were concentred in one Point.

That execrable Murder and Martyr­dom of the most Sacred British Mo­narch, Charles the First, of Glorious Memory, taking it with all its Cir­cumstances, was perhaps the greatest and most comprehensive Sin, next to the Crucifixion of the Son of God, and the Sin against the Holy Ghost, that any of Adam's Degenerate Race was [Page 103] ever guilty of, since the Creation of the World: Was perhaps the greatest Judg­ment, that the inflamed Wrath of Heaven did ever inflict on these sin­ful Nations, since they were Nations; was such a Sin of this then Barbarous Island, and such a Judgment upon it, as the wide Ocean, with which it is environed, could hardly afford us briny Tears enough to lament and deplore.

That a King should be Tryed and Sentenced in a Judicial manner, with ceremonious Pomp, as a Capital Crimi­nal, by the meanest of his own Sub­jects, against all Laws Divine and Hu­mane, and contrary to their own pub­lick Remonstrances, Declarations, Pro­mises, Vows, and Covenants: That a Protestant King should be Murdered, not secretly in a Corner by the Dag­ger or Pistol, or Poison, of a bigotted Jesuit, a Clement, a Raviliac, or some such Roman Assassin; but openly upon a Scaffold, neer the Gates of his own Pa­lace, by a bold barefac'd Protestant Ex­ecution, before the Sun at Noon Day, before thousands of his own Subjects, before divers Foreigners of all Neigh­bouring Countries, this is such a mon­strous [Page 104] Parricide, as hath been an asto­nishing Spectacle to the present Age, and will be an incredible History in the future. In short, that a King so Wise and Just, so Pious and Virtuous, One whose Life was the visible Tran­script of the excellent Religion he pro­fess'd; whose Government by a Re­dundancy of Goodness, made his Sub­jects seem to Reign with him; one who was so great a Patren of the Church, so tender a Father of his Coun­try, should be persecuted and driven out of the World, by his own rebel­lious Children, with all this hellish In­solency and Indignity; after they had most solemnly professed, that they would make him a Glorious King; after he had most sincerely endeavour­ed to make them a Happy People; and after they had obtained from him so large Concessions, as no King grant­ed before, as no Subjects before demand­ed: I say, that men should ever be so wicked, as to act such an ingrateful Vil­lany among us; that God should ever be so angry, as to permit such an o­ver-whelming Calamity to befall us, this is a strange, and a new thing in [Page 105] the Earth, such as our Ancestors never heard of, such as I wish Posterity may never imitate.

Thus they made their Soveraign a Glorious King indeed, when they would not have him to Reign over them, when they would not suffer him to be any longer, Rex Diabolorum, as the King of England hath been sometimes called, and then truly was, but furi­ously removed him to a Celestial Throne, among the blessed Saints and Angels. Thus they effectually separated him from ill Counsellors, when they sent him to that High and Holy Place, where 'tis impossible there should be any. But that Angelical advancement, which made his Martyrdom a Royal Triumph, was the greater aggravation of the Re­gicides Diabolical Guilt; 2 Cor. 4. 17. And that far more exceeding and eternal weight of Glory, which turned his Loss of three Temporal Crowns into a light Afflicti­on to himself, made his three Kingdoms Loss of so Glorious a Prince the hea­vier Judgment upon them.

Had our many Usurpers, been only the Authors of this one Mischief, this alone would have abundantly proved [Page 106] them, the great Plague of Heaven for the Transgression of our Land.

But after and besides this, behold a long Train of direful Consequences. The King being Murdered, his only lawful Successor, the Heir apparent both of his Virtues and his Kingdoms, was forced to be an Exile for his own safety, and all lawful Government was banished with him. Those who had the boldness to Arraign sacred and in­violable Majesty, made no scruple to pass their unrighteous Sentence on the most Innocent of the People. The Ax, which had tasted Royal Blood, could not afterwards be satisfied, without frequent Sacrifices of the most Duti­ful Subjects, whom the devouring Sword had spared. And the truly Keepers of our Liberties took care to secure them, by making the whole Nation but one great Prison, and themselves the Jaylors.

These Birds of Prey began now to divide the Spoil, bestowing upon one another the Lands of the Crown, the Revenues of the Church, and the E­states of Delinquents, as the Rewards of their great Service, in delivering their [Page 107] Country from one pretended Tyrant, and setting up forty or fifty real ones in his room. For we were now go­verned, by a vile Remnant of Represen­tatives, who justly deserved the Infamous Name that was generally given them.

And when these upstart Mushrom Princes of the New Common-wealth had pretty well blooded, and fleeced the Nation; when they had Condem­ned without any Law, Executed with­out any Crime, and sequestered with­out any Mercy; until like the Locusts and Caterpillars, they hardly left any thing green, and flourishing among us; in a word, when they had done e­very thing that was good in their own Eyes, and bad in the Eyes of all the World besides; at length a leading Mem­ber of their Tyrannical Juncto, who also bore the greatest sway in their Murdering Army, being a more cun­ning Impostor than the rest, out-wits them all, pulls them down, and Rules by himself with as absolute a Power, as was ever assumed by the most Ar­bitrary Monarch.

This English Grand Seignior set over the Land a company of Bashaws, un­der [Page 108] the Title of Major-Generals, who in their respective Provinces, according to the Command of their Imperious Ma­ster, insolently domineered over the Nobility and Gentry, disarming, deci­mating, and banishing several miles from London, all whom they pleased to call Malignants, that is to say, all the Kings Friends, that had survived the sore­going Miseries. The Power he gave to these Decimators was great and boundless, and their Proceedings were purely Arbitrary, in Oppressing, Rob­bing, and Spoiling; wheresoever they suspected any to be guilty of Loyalty, taking from them yearly the Tenth Penny, unless they bought off that an­nual vexation with a valuable Compo­sition. So that the Free People of Eng­land were become as very Slaves as a­ny that live under the Turkish Go­vernment.

And after this great Usurper was cal­led into another World, to give an ac­count of the cruel and bloody Tyran­ny he exercised in this; we were un­der perpetual Confusions, and various Changes of Government and Govern­ours; Britain seemed then no fixed [Page 109] Island, but as it were a rolling Ship in the boistrous Ocean, steered by no Pilots, but the mutable and alternate blasts of contrary Winds; tost up and down from one Wave to another, and made the sport of the proud insulting Billows; until the miraculous Goodness of Heaven settled us again upon our Ancient Foundations, restored our Right­ful Monarch, and Excellent Monarchy, of which our great sins had so long deprived us.

And so I come to the Second Ob­servable 2 in the Text, the cause of this National Judgement, which is the same, that is the cause of all other Publick Judgments, even the publick Guilt, the Transgression of a Land.

It is the multitude of National Sins, that introduceth the multitude of Go­vernours. If a People suffer under the successive Invasions, numerous Oppres­sions, and unbounded Tyranny of ma­ny Princes; all this mischief, whoe­ver are the Instruments in bringing it upon them, is the just Punishment, and genuine Product of their own Iniqui­ties.

God often permits the Hands of Sin­ners [Page 110] to execute his Wrath upon Sin­ners, and makes the Wickedness of some the Chastisement of others. When his Indignation is moved, by the provok-Impieties of a sinful Kingdom, and when the time for Judgment is fully come; he will no longer shelter it by his Providence, from the Sons of Vio­lence and Blood; no longer restrain the Tumults of the Rabble, and the Mad­ness of the Crowd; no longer obstruct and defeat the mischievous Designs of turbulent Male-contents, who hope to raise themselves by the publick distra­ctions. 2 Sam. 15. 6. In such a Kingdom he often suffers a fawning Absolom to steal away the Hearts of the People, 2 Sam. 20. 1. or a cursed Sheba to blow a Trumpet and cry, To your Tents O Israel.

As God turneth a Fruitful Land into Barrenness, Psal. 107. 34. for the Wickedness of them that dwell therein; so he many times permits the best of Governments to be subverted, 1 Tim. 2. 2. because Men will not lead under it a quiet and peaceable life in all Godliness and Honesty. If a Na­tion happy in their full Possession of their Rights and Liberties, in the most excellent Laws for their security, and [Page 111] in a Wise and Gentle Prince to rule over them, have no due sense of their own happiness, but shall grow discon­tented and clamorous, and affect a Change, when they know not what to wish, it is just with Heaven to plague such a froward and ungrateful People with Changes enough, with all the various Miseries and Confusions, with which prosperous Rebellions and Usurpations are constantly attended.

The Life and Safety of the King is the Life and Safety of the People; their Welfare depends upon his. And there­fore one usual Method, which God takes, to punish the Sins of Subjects, is to deprive them of their Lawful Soveraign, of him who is the Breath of their No­strils, the very Soul of the Body Po­litick, and to give them up to the cruel and killing Mercies of all, that by Fraud or Violence can invade the Govern­ment.

Samuel plainly told the Israelites, that if they should do wickedly, they should be destroyed, both they and their King, 1 Sam. 12. 25. This was verified in good King Josiah; He must fall, 2 Kings 23. 26, 29. When God would remove Judah out of his sight. He who [Page 112] did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, 2 Kings 22. 2, 3, 4, 5, &c. and walked in all the ways of David his Father, and turned not a­side to the right hand, or to the left; He who was so great an Enemy to Idolatry, so Eminent a restorer of the Law, so munificent a Repairer of the Temple; Kings 3. 25. like unto whom there was no King before him, that turned to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his might, according to all the Law of Moses; like unto whom, there arose none after him; even he must be cut off in the Prime of his Days, when the Wrath of Heaven was kindled a­gainst the Sins and Provocations, not of himself, but of his Subjects. And it hath been the Fate of divers excel­lent Princes, to be snatched away from a People unworthy of them, when God hath determined to visit the Trans­gressions of such a People with Rods, and their Iniquities with Stripes, with the worst of Rods, the Scorpions of Usurpers, with the heaviest Stripes, the Lashes of base-bred, Judg. 9. 15. and new-rais'd Ty­rants. In this case Fire hath come out of the Bramble to consume the Ce­dars of Lebanon; or to speak plainly, [Page 113] zealous Incendiaries, those crackling blazing Thorns, being all in a flame, have burnt down the Royal Palaces, and put whole Kingdoms into a com­bustion. On this occasion the very Abyss of Sedition hath been opened, the Smoke of hellish Faction hath a­scended, and the Sun and the Air have been darkened by reason of the Smoke, Rev. 9. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. and out of the Smoke there have come Locusts. Their Faces have been as the Faces of Men, and their Hair as the Hair of Women, but their Teeth as the Teeth of Lions. They have carried kindness and humanity in their Coun­tenances, and smooth fairness in their Pretences; but their Actions have been Savage and Cruel. They have seemed to have only Breast-plates of Iron and defensive Armour; but their sound hath been as of many Horses and Chariots, running to the Battel, loudly proclaim­ing an offensive War. And they have had Tails like unto Scorpions, and Stings in their Tails, with Power to hurt Men certain Months and Years. They have had a King too, a King like the An­gel of the bottomless Pit, in Hebrew Abaddon, in Greek Apollyon. Such hor­rible [Page 114] Plagues as these, have been some­times used to chastise a Land, when she hath filled up the measure of her Iniquities.

And an impious People have the more Reason to expect these or such like Judgments from Heaven, according to the degree of their Guilt; because publick Societies of States and King­doms can suffer no other Punishments, but only such as are inflicted in this present Life. Particular Sinners, who shall receive their Doom at the last Day, may sometimes pass thorow this world with Impunity. But all Political Bo­dies and Communities of Men, will be dissolved before the final Judgment: and therefore the Holy and Righteous God hath always a time sooner or la­ter, to punish sinful Nations here upon Earth, unless his just Vengeance be prevented by a general Repentance.

Neither are these Calamities only sent down from the Justice of Divine Providence, they also naturally spring up from the Transgression of a Land. The prevalency of Vice, and the gene­ral dissoluteness of Manners, doth in its own Nature produce many great and publick Mischiefs. Pride and Self-con­ceit, [Page 115] Ambition and Covetousness, Un­charitableness and Animosity, Hatred and Envy, Malice and Revenge, are the very Seed and Spawn of all Fa­ctions and Seditions, Treasons and Con­spiracies, Insurrections and Rebellions, Subversions of Government, and Changes of Governours. Whence come Wars and Fightings among you, Jam. 4. 1. (saith St. James) are they not hence, even from your Lusts which war in your Members?

When Men have dethroned their Reason, that private Monarch, which God hath set up within them, to rule [...]ll their inferior Powers, and suffer'd the promiscuous Democratical Crowd of [...]ebellious Passions, to usurp that Royal [...]uthority, it is no wonder that being [...]laves to so many Lords and Tyrants within themselves, they desire to bring [...]eir Country under as many and as [...] Princes too; it is no wonder, that [...]ey are then so turbulent and vexa­ [...]us in humane Societies, so zealous for [...]lling down the publick Soveraign al­ [...] and for placing themselves and o­thers of their own Rank in his room. The restless Lusts of Men, if predo­ [...]nant and generally raging in a Na­tion, [Page 116] must inevitably excite and fo­ment mutual Enmities and Discords, intestine Commotions, Civil Wars, and various Disturbances, in which the tos­sing and wavering Government hath no fixed Establishment, but is continu­ly new modelled, changed, and al­tered, by every Faction that can usurp it. The wicked are like the troubled Sea, when it cannot rest, whose Waters cast up mire and dirt. Isa. 57. 20. Wickedness brings a Land into such an unquiet and tumultuous State, that the very mire and dirt, the vile dregs of the Populace do often times get uppermost▪ Thus we plainly see, that the Tyran­ny of many Princes, and numerous U­surpers is both the just Punishment, and the natural Effect of the reigning Power the over-spreading Dominion, of men Lusts and Sins.

It remains that I consider the two last Observables in the Text, the Na­tional Mercy, or the Happiness of a Lan [...] under a well settled Monarchy, whe [...] by one Soveraign Prince, When by [...] man of understanding and knowledge the State thereof is prolonged; and the prin­cipal means, whereby so great a Mer­cy [Page 117] is procured, The Wisdom of the Mo­narch, his understanding and knowledge. But that I may not be thought guilty my self of a bold Usurpation, in de­taining you too long beyond my Com­mission, I shall omit what I had prepa­red to speak upon these copious Heads of Discourse, and shall only conclude with some brief Application.

First then, if many Princes be pub­lick 1 Evils, and for the most part Na­tional Judgments, the penal Indications of the Wrath of God, for the Trans­gression of a Land; how great is the Folly of their Wickedness, who desire and chuse Gods Plagues, who contend and wrestle for the Vengeance of Hea­ven, and will not be content without it. We have lived in an Age, in which men have Fasted and Prayed, and Fought for the procuring of Divine Judgments, for the subversion of our Lawful Go­vernment, the extirpation of our ex­cellently tempered Monarchy, and the setting up the Usurping Powers of a many-headed Democracy. We have had Bon-fires in our Streets, and loud Thansgivings in our Pulpits, when the desired Calamities have been obtained; [Page 118] when the raving Petitions of such be­witched Enthusiasts have in just Pu­nishment been granted them; yea some of their Lay-Preachers solemnly praised God for that very prodigious Sin and Judgment, which was the cause of this days Fasting and Humiliation. Such was the infatuating perverseness, the senseless extravagance, the impudent wildness of their monstrous Impiety!

And is it not strange, that even now, after the Impostures of Religious Re­bels have been so plainly detected, af­ter all that our Eyes have seen, and our Ears heard of the Miseries and Ca­lamities, which Seditious Republicans have brought upon us, Men should at­tempt the dissolving the Ligaments of the Monarchy a second time, and the opening a Door to let in another Scene of numerous Usurpers, to enslave and ruine us? That the Machinations of the late Conspirators had a direct tenden­cy this way, needs no Proof. And all Wise men can easily judge, whether the cutting the great Cable that holds the Government, or the violating the Fun­damental Hereditary Right of Lineal Succession to this Imperial Crown, would [Page 119] not be like to have the very same per­nicious Effects?

Will our Fears of our Roman Adver­saries justifie a Contrivance, so mani­festly contrary to Law and Equity, to our most Solemn Oaths both of Al­legiance and Supremacy, and to those very Interests of Peace, and Religion, which are supposed to be in danger? Is not this the ready way, to introduce Wars and Confusions; in which we shall have many Religions, without the set­tlement of any; in which we shall have many Princes, and no Government, but all contending for the Supremacy, one to obtain his just Right, others to acquire or to hold an unjust Possession? Is the imitating of the Papists them­selves in some of the worst of their wicked Practices a good Expedient to keep out Popery? Or can this sinful Nation reasonably hope to prevent those Judgments of Almighty God, which may be still hanging over us, for the execrable Murder of the Royal Father, by another high Injustice in disin­heriting the Son?

And what if it should be granted, that the Cause of mens Fears, and Jea­lousies [Page 120] concerning the Future State of a Kingdom, is true and real? The worst that any good man can fear, from any lawful Soveraign whatsoever, is suffering under him; but it is far better to suffer wrong, than to do it. And when suf­fering cannot be avoided, (as in this World it sometimes cannot) 'tis far more tolerable to suffer under the se­verest Government of one rightful Prince, than under the illegal Tyranny of nu­merous Invaders, who assume the grea­test, and most unbounded Power, with­out the least right to any Authority.

2 Secondly, do we desire never more to behold the infinite Outrages of an Army of Rebels, with all the calamitous Appendages of Civil Broyls? Are we un­willing to change again the Golden Scep­ter of our Ancient Monarchy into the Iron Rods of Republican Usurpers? Let us then unfeignedly lament, and in our Places endeavour to remove the cry­ing Sins of our Land, the indubitable Causes of such great and National Plagues. And let us not think that Sedition and Treason are the only sins that destroy Kings and Governments, and bring Confusions upon a People [Page 121] Although these more immediately do Execution, yet there be others that make us liable to Condemnation.

If Atheism and Profaneness, Swear­ing and Cursing, Drunkenness and De­bauchery, Fraud and Oppression abound among us, shall not God visit for such Transgressions as these? especially when men glory in them, and make them the Marks and Badges of their Loy­alty; as if they could not be good Sub­jects, without Rioting and Ranting, Tearing and Hectoring. This God­damming Tribe, whatever their Preten­sions or Intentions be, are as real E­nemies to their Soveraign and their Country, as any of the Papists or Pha­naticks. For men may fight against their Prince, though they be not up in Arms, and give him a fatal Blow, though they never Assassinate him. All great and National Vices have Treason in them, and are not only levelled against the Honour and Majesty of God Almigh­ty, but also against the Crown and Dignitie of the King, and the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom.

Let us not therefore joyn with any Wicked men in their God-provoking [Page 122] and King-killing Sins, whereby we shall contract at once the complicated Guilt, Infamy and Misery of being Promo­ters of the Common Ruine. But let us all unanimously, according to the Station in which God hath placed us, avoid, discountenance, and suppress all manner of Wickedness, and Irreligion. At least let us abate the Publick Guilt, by lessening the Number of our own Sins.

3 Lastly since it is by a Wise Monarch, by a man of understanding and knowledge, that the happy State of a Nation is pro­longed; let us bless and praise God for remembring Mercy in the midst of Wrath, for restoring our Gracious So­veraign, after a long Exile, to sit upon the Throne of his Father, for wonder­fully delivering him from all Hel­lish Plots and Conspiracies, and for lengthening out our Tranquility, un­der his most just, and gentle, and pru­dent Government; humbly imploring the same Divine Protection over him for the future, to establish his Throne, and strengthen what hath been wrought for him, that (as our Church prays) He may still continue to be a Reli­gious [Page 123] Defender of the true Christian Faith, a mighty Protector of his Peo­ple, and a Glorious Conqueror over all his Enemies; that when he hath reign­ed many and many years, with all Prosperity and Honour, he may re­ceive an immortal Crown, and leave Flourishing Kingdoms to his Successor, and Peaceful Times to his Subjects.

ON the last Anniversary of our late Soveraign's Martyrdom, the former part of this Verse, which begins thus, For the Transgression of a Land, many are the the Princes thereof, gave me occasion to consider the Plagues and Mischiefs of numerous Usurpers, and many-headed Republican Factions, together with the corrupt Fountain from whence they [Page 128] spring; Arguments suitable to that Day of Darkness, 2 Kings 19 3. that Day of trouble, and rebuke, Isa. 37. 3. and blasphemy. The latter Part of it will now furnish me with no less suitable matter of Discourse on this Day of Joy and Thanksgiving, for the Birth and Happy Return of our pre­sent most August Monarch, by whom, through the great Blessing of Almighty God, the flourishing condition of these Kingdoms was most auspiciously restor­ed, and hath been hitherto preserved.

In the whole Verse I noted these four things.

First, the ill State of a Nation un­der Polyarchy or Plurality of Supreme Governours, When many are the Prin­ces thereof.

Secondly, the notorious Cause of such a Judgment; 'tis expresly ascribed to the Wickedness of a People, the Trans­gression of a Land.

Thirdly, the opposite National Mer­cy, or the Happiness of a Nation un­der a well settled Monarchy, When by a man of understanding and knowledge, the State thereof is prolonged.

Fourthly, the principal means where­by so great a Mercy is procured, The [Page 129] Wisdom of the Monarch, his under­standing and knowledge.

The Two former of these I have al­ready discoursed of, and now come to the Third of them, The National Mer­cy, or the Happiness of a Nation un­der a well settled Monarchy, when by a man of understanding and knowledge, the State thereof is prolonged. By a Man, that is to say, by one Man, one Soveraign Prince, in opposition to the many Princes before mentioned. And how great a Blessing a well settled Monarchy must needs be unto any Nation, we may more than conjecture from the following Particulars, in which I shall endeavour to give some account of its incomparable Dignity and Excel­lency, beyond all other Models of Government.

First, Monarchy is the Government 1 whereby God himself hath always go­verned Angels and Men, and all Crea­tures ever since they had a Being, and always will govern them so long as any of them shall continue in Being. God is a Great Monarch, the King of all Kings, and Lord of Lords, the on­ly absolute, illimited, and Supreme Po­tentate, [Page 130] the one Almighty, independent, and eternal Rector of the Universe, who ever did, doth, and shall rule and command all other Beings; who alone hath all Power of himself, and is the Fountain from whence all Dominion in any other is derived. Thine, O Lord, saith David, is the Greatness, and the Power, 1 Chron. 29. 11, 12. and the Glory, and the Victory, and the Majesty: for all that is in the Heaven and the Earth is thine. Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted above all. Both Riches and Ho­nour come of thee, and thou reignest o­ver all. Theocracy or the Govern­ment of God himself is most perfectly and necessarily Monarchical, which is a clear Indication of the supereminent Excellency of this Form of Govern­ment, and that the happy Settlement and durable Establishment of a Nation may be most effectually promoted by it.

2 Secondly, Monarchy is the Govern­ment which God hath chosen and ap­pointed, among the Children of Men, for the good of humane Societies in Nations and Kingdoms. As himself by Right of Creation and Conservation [Page 131] hath an immense Monarchy over all the World; so he hath ordained finite, and limited Monarchies, in the several Regions of the Earth, in each of which it pleased his Divine Providence always to set up one Deputy, or Vicegerent, who next and immediately under him­self, was Supreme Lord and Govern­or of all, until at length Rebellions and Usurpations in some few of them violated the Order of God, converted Monarchies into Popular States, and ad­vanced the Subjects above the Sove­raign. As it is in Gods Power alone to appoint Rulers and Magistrates, and to confer an Authority to govern the World; so his Wisdom is best able to judge, what Form of Polity is most conducive to the Welfare of Mankind. And therefore such sort of Governours, and Governments, as by his Provi­dence have been most anciently and universally established, ought by infinite Degrees to be preferred before any of the new Models, which have been con­trived and introduced by those Troub­lers of the World that are given to Change.

We justly value things according to [Page 132] their Original, and their Antiquity. Now if we would know the Original and the Antiquity of Monarchical Go­vernment, we must look back as far as Adam, and look up as high as God. Monarchy began in Heaven, and to make this lower World happy, it was soon after established upon Earth. Al­though the Empire of Nimrod be the first that is expresly mentioned in the Sacred Writings, yet the first of Men was undoubtedly a Monarch, who, du­ring the many hundred years he lived in the World, was the only Soveraign under God, and all his numerous Po­sterity were as much his Subjects as they were his Children, being obli­ged by the Law of God and Nature to revere his irresistible Authority, and to pay a dutiful Obedience to him. After his Death (his second Son Abel being slain, and Cain the Eldest cursed by God for the Murder of him) the Empire de­scended to Seth his third Son, who, as it is conceived, established Religion, and made Laws and Constitutions concern­ing Divine Worship: For in his Days we read that Men began to call on the Name of the Lord, Gen. 4. 26. After Seth, Enosh [Page 133] his Son succeeded in the Government; After Enosh, the following Patriarchs. And so long as the World was but one Nation, and of one Language, we may rationally suppose, that they had but one King. But at the Confusion of Languages, each Division of People had their Head, who undertook to con­duct them to some convenient Region, where they might dwell together; and so he who was their Leader, became their Prince; as Heber was the King of the Hebrews.

From hence-forward there were various Kingdoms, dispersed over the Face of the Earth, which were both di­stinguished, and protected from each o­ther, by the separate Rule and Go­vernment of their several Princes. And such was the firm and stable Founda­tion which Monarchy had in all the former Ages of the World, that the Earth knew no other Power for above three thousand years. For the first Re­publick that History takes notice of, was at Athens; and it began, as some say, after the Expiration of the Reign of Eryxias, which happened in the thirteenth Olympiad, and neer the Year [Page 134] of the World 3275, or at the farthest after the Death of King Codrus, who lived somewhat above an hundred years before, and is said to be the last King of Athens, Just. Hist. l. 2. by Justin and some others. Afterwards Sparta, Corinth, Thebes, and other Cities of Greece followed the Ex­ample of Athens. But those little Com­mon-Wealths were continually plagued, either with intestine Broils, or Foreign Wars; and the Athenians in particu­lar, which were the first that changed their Government, paid dearly for it, when instead of one King, they had thirty Tyrants reigning over them. And at last, when these quarrelsome States had almost ruined one another, they were all made to submit to the Mace­donian Empire, and never suffered to erect that Form of Government again. After these, I have not read of any Re­publick of Note in the World, besides the Roman, until our few Modern Com­mon-wealths were set up, whose later Date is easily known. Since then it was Monarchy under which the Nations of the world lived and flourished, in a settled and uninterrupted course, for so many thousand years, it is not proba­ble, [Page 135] that the happy State of a Land should be so well prolonged under any sort of Popular Government, which tur­bulent Innovations have introduced.

Thirdly, As it is not to be doubted, 3 but Monarchy was anciently the Uni­versal Government of the World, set up by Divine Order and Approbation; so it is particularly most clear and cer­tain from Holy Scripture, that it was of Gods own especial Designation and Appointment, among his peculiar Peo­ple, the Children of Israel, whom he had chosen above all other Nations, to be the Objects of his singular Favour. Their Government was Monarchical as soon as they became a Nation, even from the time of their Deliverance out of the Egyptian Slavery; and so it all along continued, until after that the Son of God came down from Heaven to be their King, their Nation was most justly destroyed, for their horrid Impiety, in rejecting and crucifying that Prince of Peace.

The first Governour God placed o­ver them was Moses, who was their Lawgiver and Judge, and as real a So­veraign as ever raigned. He was King [Page 136] in Jeshurun, Deut. 33. 5. or according to some Versions, King in Israel. He was a King, as the Learned Grotius saith upon the Place, Non quidem No­mine & Pompâ, sed Jure regio. His Power was Supreme, Sacred, and In­violable, his Will and Command un­controlable; and those that denied or disputed his Authority, received the most exemplary Vengeance from Hea­ven, that was ever inflicted upon the worst of Mankind. He appointed in­deed divers inferior Magistrates and Judges, as Jethro advised him; he chose able men out of all Israel, and made them Heads over the People, Rulers of Thou­sands, Hundreds, Fifties, and Tens; but the Supreme Power he wisely reser­ved in his own Hands; and all the most difficult and weighty Causes were brought to him, that they might be decided by his final and determinative Sentence, from whence there was no Appeal. Neither were any Sacred, or Ecclesiastical matters exempted from his Regulation and Government. The whole Aaronical Ministry, which con­sisted in Typical Rites, Ceremonies, and Sacrifices, was ordered and appoint­ed [Page 137] by him, although executed by the Hand of Aaron.

And after the Death of Moses, the Supreme Authority of the Jewish Na­tion was still in a single Person, being committed by God, either to the High Priest, or to some Eminent Man, whom he was pleased to raise up, such as Jo­shuah and the several Judges. For, that the High Priest or the Judge, when there was one in those days, had the Soveraign Power invested in him, is evident from that Command of God, Deut. 17. 12. And the man that will do presumptuously, and will not hearken unto the Priest, that standeth to minister there before the Lord, (viz. to the High Priest, as the scope of the place plainly shews) or unto the Judge, even that man shal die, and thou shalt put away the evil from Israel, and all the People shall hear and fear, and do no more presumptuously. Is not this as great an Authority as any Monarch in the World can desire, thus to have all Persons obliged to acquiesce in his determinative Sentence and final Decree, and to have a Power to punish all wilful and presumptuous disobedi­ence with Death? Josephus expresly [Page 138] calls their Judges Monarchs; and Gro­tius supposeth them to have all things belonging to Kings, except their pom­pous Train and external Grandeur. Isti verò Judices planè similes erant Romanis Interregibus, Gro. in Deut. cap. 17. nisi quòd Satellitium, & Pom­pam Regiam non habebant; ac propterea nec Vectigalia exigebant.

If it be objected, That in those days, as some Texts speak, there was no King in Israel. The meaning of those places is not, that the Judges were not real Monarchs, but that at some certain times there was no particular Judge, who sat as their Supreme Dictator, and exercised regal Authority among them; as also, that the High Priest whose Of­fice it was to govern, when there was no Judge, was negligent and careless of the publick Affairs. And the great Blessings of Kings and Monarchs may be understood, even by the horrid Im­pieties and Disorders that happened in those Days, when there was no King in Israel; Judg. 17. 6. such as was the detestable Idolatry of Micha, in making himself Gods, and consecrating one of his Sons to be his Priest; the Sacrilegious Theft of the Danites, Judg. 18. 1. who stole Micha's Gods, [Page 139] and his Priest too; the monstrous wick­edness of the Benjamites of Gibeah to­wards the travelling Levite and his Concubine; Judg. 19. 1. the dire effusions of Blood in the Civil War that ensued; the extinction of the whole Tribe of Ben­jamin, Judg. 20. except six hundred Men; the Destruction of forty thousand Men of Israel, and the allowed Rape of six hun­dred young Women, against their wills, without the consent of their Parents, and contrary to a publick and solemn Oath. These, and no better than these, were the unhappy concomitants and consequents of having no King in Is­rael, that is to say, of having no Su­preme Ruler, who exercised a Soveraign Power among them, as the Judge, and when there was no Judge, the High Priest ordinarily did.

The last of their Judges was Samuel, and when he had governed many years, the Infirmities of his Age, and the Ini­quities of his Sons, whom he placed o­ver them, gave them occasion to desire a King, that they also might be like all the other Nations, and that their King might go our before them and fight their Battels. 1 Sam. 8. 6, 19, 20. Hereupon the Soveraign [Page 140] Power was translated from Judges to Kings, and so it still was lodged in the Hands of a single Person. Neither had their Kings any more Power, than their High Priests and Judges had. For Samuel, and his Predecessors, had as am­ple Authority as any Soveraign Prin­ces, although they were not called Kings. But now, like all other Nations, their Governour was not only a King by the Supremacy of his Power, but had the very Name and Title, with all the pom­pous Magnificence and Ensigns of Roy­alty.

But here in the History of the Jewish State, we meet with a remarkable Pas­sage, which deserves to be the more considered, because divers have thought it a great Objection against Kingly Government. The sum of it is this, That God was extreamly angry with the Israelites for desiring a King, and proclaimed his Indignation by loud Thun­der-claps, and a violent tempestuous Rain in Wheat-Harvest; 1 Sam. 13. 16, 17. which made them confess, that they had added to all their Sins this evil in asking a King. From whence some of our Republicans conclude, That Regal Power and Au­thority [Page 141] is so far from being of Di­vine Appointment, that it is such a humane Invention as is displeasing unto God.

To this I answer, That although God was angry with them for asking a King, it was not for this Reason, because he hath any dislike of Kingly Government. He was not offended at the Act it self of desiring a King, See Dr. Sherlocks Case of Re­sistance of the Supreme Powers. p. 15. which is in it self very innocent, and may often be most just and necessary; but he was displea­sed at the manner and circumstances of it. In desiring a King, they asked a good, yea an excellent Thing, and a great Blessing from Heaven. But God was angry, because they asked this good Thing with an ill mind, and at a time when they ought not to have desired it. For,

First, It may be conceived, that they asked a King out of the Pride of their Hearts. They thought it a disparage­ment to be subject to a Judge, who [...]ived among them without any great Pomp or State. And although his di­vinely inspired Wisdom, and immediate direction from Heaven, abundantly com­ [...]ensated all the defects of External [Page 142] Magnificence, they were unwilling to be under such a Governour; but be­ing ambitious of worldly Glory, they would have such a Soveraign Prince, as the other Nations had, they would have a King to go out and in before them, with all the visible Splendor of Royal Majesty.

Secondly, Their desiring a King was accompanied with Infidelity and Di­strust of Gods Providence and Pro­tection. For it was when they were in fear of an Invasion by Nahash King of Ammon. 1 Sam. 12. 12. And that it was this Dif­fidence of theirs, rather than the Form of Kingly Government, that God was displeased at, is evident from Samuels Expostulation with them, in which he briefly recounts Gods constant care for their Preservation in all their former Dangers; and how by the Hands of Moses and Aaron, and Jerubbaal, and Jeptha, and Samuel, he had delivered them from all their Enemies on every side.

Thirdly, They desired a King with­out any just Cause, or legal Warrant or due Advice, in a rash Tumultuous and Seditious manner, at such a time [Page 143] when they had a Supreme Judge (who was a Lawful Soveraign) of Gods own Appointment. Even in his Life and Reign, they desired a King. They had not the Patience to expect his natural Exit by Death, but they would have this excellent Governour, who deser­ved so well of their Nation, Deposed, and some other Advanced in his place. God might therefore very justly be angry with them for rejecting so wor­thy and eminent a Person, who was not only their rightful Prince, but one who had Ruled with great Prudence, Justice, and Clemency. But,

Fourthly, He was more especially angry with them for rejecting himself. For God himselfe was in a peculiar man­ner King of Israel, and by asking a King to go out and in before them, they threw off the Government of God himself. 1 Sam. 8. 7. They have not rejected thee (says God to Samuel, when he ap­peared discontented at their Propositi­ons) but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them. This then was their great Sin and Fault, that they asked a King, when they had already the best of Kings, 1 Sam. 12. 12. when the Lord their God was [Page 144] their King. They were not culpable because they chose to be under Monarchical Government; for they were under that before; but because they preferred the Government of a King, before the im­mediate Government of God. For du­ring the Times of Moses, and Joshuah, and the Judges, they being inspired Persons, who acted by a Divine Im­pulse, the exercise of their Authority was under Gods own immediate di­rection. But when God gave them a King, though he himself was, in some sense, still their King, and though the King, which he gave them, was his Minister and Vicegerent, who ruled by and under him, and received the Laws of Government from him; yet he then in great measure left the Admini­stration of it to the Will and Pleasure of Princes, and to the Methods of hu­mane Policy. Now I confess indeed, the Government of an Earthly King is not so eligible, as the Government of God himselfe; but it may notwithstand­ing be much better than any other Form of humane Government; and it is mani­fest, God thought it better; because when he foresaw that the Israelites would in [Page 145] time be weary of his immediate Go­vernment, he gave direction in their Law for setting up a King, not for e­recting a Republick or Popular State; As we find in Deut. 17. 14. When thou art come to the Land which the Lord thy God shall give thee, and shalt possess it, and dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like all the Nations that are about me; thou shalt in any wise set him over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall chuse. And the Hebrews ob­serve, that there were three special Pre­cepts given their Fathers, which they were obliged to obey, after their set­tled Possession of the Land of Canaan. First, that they should have a King o­ver them. Secondly, that they should destroy Amalek. Thirdly, that they should build a Temple. Of which three, the first was concerning the set­ting up a King, because the other two were to be performed by him.

It seems God was so far from being an Enemy to Kings, that he designed a perfect Regal Government for his own People, as soon as they should be well settled in the promised Land. They were then to have a King; a King not [Page 146] in any wise to be set up by the Ele­ction of the People, who have no Power to govern themselves, and can transfer none to another, but a King of Gods own chusing; and a King, like those of other Nations, with all the external Magnificence of Royal Majesty. For so Samuel represents the manner of their King, which, though look'd upon by some Learned Men, as a Description of Arbitrary Tyranny, is supposed by others to be only an account of what is necessary to the due support of Regal Power, accor­ding to the just Grandeur and Dignity thereof. He tells them, that their King should take their Sons, and appoint them for himself, for his Chariots, and to be his Horsmen, &c. and to be Captains o­ver Thousands, and captains over Fifties, &c. and take their Daughters to be his Confectionaries and Cooks; and take their Fields, and Vineyards, and Oliveyards, that is to say, the Tenth of them; for so it is expressed in the following words; the Tenth of their Seed, and of their Vineyards, and the Tenth of their Sheep, &c. All which seems to be ab­solutely requisite to the Royal State of a Soveraign Prince, who cannot sub­sist [Page 147] without Servants and Officers of all sorts, both for his Domestick Affairs, and for the Execution of his Govern­ment; nor maintain his Servants, with­out a sufficient Revenue, by Publick Taxes, such as the Tenth of their Fields, Vineyards, and Flocks, which was the usual Tribute paid to the Eastern Kings.

And now it must be acknowledged, that Samuel does upon this account dis­suade the Israelites from desiring a King, because the necessary supports and expences of Royal Power would seem oppressive and burdensome to them, who had been hitherto free from such Charges and Exactions. For while they were governed by their former Mo­narchs, by the High Priest or the Judge, the Government was no charge at all to them. The High Priest had no o­ther Maintenance, when he was Supreme Governour, than when he was only High Priest. And the Judge, whom God extraordinarily raised up, was se­cured and supported in his Government by the extraordinary Presence of the Divine Power, without the Aids of Men or Money, without any Mass of Treasure, or numerous Guards and Trains [Page 148] of Servants. But this is no disparage­ment at all to the ordinary Kingly Power, See D. Sherlocks Case of Re­sistance. as if that were more expen­sive and burdensome, than other Forms of humane Government; because it was like to be a new Charge to a People, whose peculiar Priviledge it was to be free before from all such Services and Tributes.

The Israelites then were at length, by Gods own Wise Institution, placed under the Conduct and Dominion of compleat and perfect Kings, who had not only the Power and Office, but also the very Name and Title, with all the Magnificent Appendages of Regal Majesty.

The first of these Kings was Saul, of the Tribe of Benjamin, who, after God had chosen and exalted him to that high Dignity, was received as a great Blessing from Heaven, with the most joyful Acclamations of the Peo­ple. And the Holy Ghost hath thought fit to leave it upon Record, that they were only the Children of Belial that said, how shall this Man save us, and that such Miscreants were the only men, who despised him and brought him no Pre­sents. 1 Sam. 10. 24. 27. The People [Page 149] had desired a King, that might go out before them, and fight their Battles; which desires and expectations Saul at first very well answered. For when he took the Kingdom over Israel, he fought against all their Enemies, on every side, against Moab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and the Philistins, and whithersoever he turned himself, he vexed them. And he gathered an Host and smote the Amale­kites, and delivered Israel out of the hands of them that hated them. 1 Sam. 14. 47, 48.

And although God was pleased to rend the Kingdom from Saul, for spar­ing some of Amalek contrary to the Divine Command, and for invading the Priests Office, yet he was so far from abolishing Kingly Power, that he carefully appointed a Successor in it, and sent Samuel to Anoint him. In­deed it was ever his purpose to settle the Kingdom in Judah; and therefore he took occasion from Saul's Sins, to be­stow the Crown upon David and his Line, who were of that Tribe, making the Succession to it Hereditary in the Days of Solomon, when it was in its most flourishing and glorious State [Page 150] And when he had thus fixed the Scep­ter of that Kingdom, according to Ja­cob's Prophecy, he never suffered it to depart from Judah until Shiloh came. Thus we see the Government of the Jewish Nation was all along Monarchi­cal, even from the Days of Moses unto the coming of the Messias, and it is not to be imagined, but that God, who chose them to be his peculiar People, would also chuse for them the best Form of Government extant in the World.

If it be said, that the Jewish Kings were not real Soveraigns, but were (as is affirmed by some of the Rabbins) ac­countable to the Sanhedrim or Senate of Seventy one Persons, and (which is more) might be scourged by the Sanhedrim; only by the great Sanhedrim at Jeru­salem, say some, yea, say others, by the less Sanhedrim of twenty three, which was the Government of every particu­lar City; This (as the Learned Dr. Falk­ner hath evidently proved) is a meer Fiction of the Modern Rabbins, Christian Loyalty l. 1. c. 3. and deserves as much to be believed, as their prodigious Story in the Talmud of the number of Horses for Solomon's own Sta­bles, [Page 151] which are there summed up to an hundred and sixty Millions, accounting a thousand thousand to a Million. And although both Romish Writers, and o­thers of an Antimonarchical strain, in managing their respective Designs, have frequent recourse to this Plea of the Jewish Synedrial Power, yet it is not therefore in any degree the more credible. ‘For those men (as the Dr. observes) who can believe, that the Apostolical Form of Church-Govern­ment was by Lay Elders, because di­vers late Authors, but neither Scrip­ture nor Ancient Fathers, do assert it; and those who can persuade them­selves, that our Saviour made the Bi­shop of Rome the Universal Monarch of the whole World, and gave him a Plenitude of all Temporal and Spiri­tual Power; because many Writers of that Communion do now assert this, while what is inconsistent therewith was declared by Christ and his Apo­stles, and the Ancient Christian Church, such men have understandings of a fit size, and suitable disposition, to receive these Rabbinical Traditions concerning the Synedrial Authority and Suprema­cy.’

[Page 152] 4 Fourthly, After our Saviours com­ing, Monarchy being the Universal Go­vernment, settled and established in all considerable Nations and Countries, he was so far from changing and altering this most ancient and universal Polity, that he required and commanded all his Disciples to live in Obedience and Sub­jection to it. That the Jewish Monar­chy was of the same Nature with the Jewish Priesthood, tht Kingly Govern­ment was a Figure and a Shadow in that Oeconomy, a part of the Legal Paedagogie, inconsistent with Christian Liberty, and consequently abolished by the coming of the Messiah, is such a wild and absurd imagination, as our Enthusiastick Republicans could never have entertained, if they had once se­riously perused either the Gospel of our Blessed Saviour, or the Writings of his Apostles.

He who declared, John 18. 36. that his Kingdom was not of this World, came not to sup­plant or unhinge the Kingdoms he found here. He came not to extinguish the Title, break the Scepters, and trample upon the Crowns, of Earthly Monarchs, but gave a greater security and esta­blishment [Page 153] to their just Dominion, than ever it had before. He never claimed a Power of judging, censuring, and de­posing Soveraign Princes, although some of his professed Servants in Rome, in Geneva, in Scotland, and (I wish I could not say) in England, have. The Son of God was no Enemy to Caesar, but acknowledged his Imperial Authority, and commanded men to render to him all the Rights which belong to Sove­raign Majesty. When that ensnaring Interrogation was proposed by the Pha­rises, Mark 12. 14. Is it lawful to give Tribute unto Caesar? He not only gave a distinct Answer to their particular Enquiry, con­vincing them of their Obligation to pay Tribute, but also laid down this general Rule, That they ought to ren­der to Caesar all the things that are Cae­sars. He plainly proved to them the just Soveraignty of Caesar by his Pre­rogative of Coining Money, and gave them an ocular Demonstration of it, by shewing them the Majesty of their Go­vernour in the Image upon their Coin, and the Characters of his Authority in the Superscription. And yet Caesar was at this time their Soveraign, not [Page 154] by an ancient and hereditary Right, but by the more dubious Title of a new and late Conquest.

Our Saviour owned the Power of Governing the World, delegated by God to Emperors and Monarchs, and con­firmed that Delegation by his own O­bedience to it. As he told the Roman Pre­sident, that he could have no Power at all against him, John 19. 11. except it were given him from above; so considering the Divine Original of that Power, he meekly sub­mitted even to the most cruel and un­just Exercise of it, not denying the Authority of his Judge, although his Sentence was the most wicked that was ever pronounced. He, who knew that Kings and Emperours should hereafter be Nursing Fathers to his Church, would not now take away their Power, or in the least diminish their Soveraignty, or oppose them with any forcible Resi­stance, tho' no man ever suffered un­der them such unjust and inhuman U­sage as he met with.

Neither did any of his Apostles take upon them to New-model the Govern­ments of the World, but were exact Followers of their Lord and Master, in [Page 155] a quiet and peaceable submission unto, and in a just revering of all Earth­ly Kings and Monarchs, as no other than Gods Ministers and Vicegerents. The higher Powers which St. Paul, in the 13th to the Romans, calls the Or­dinance of God, and to which he ex­horts every Soul to be subject upon pain of Damnation, were at that time Mo­narchical; and although the Person possessed of those Powers is generally thought to be Nero, who was one of the worst Monarchs that ever Reigned; yet he earnestly presseth the necessity of Subjection to him, not only for Wrath, but also for Conscience sake: Because as bad as he was, he was advanced to the Empire by God, he was Gods Minister, and invested with his Authority. It seems St. Paul was so great a Friend to Monarchical Government, that he re­quired a dutiful Subjection to it, as to the Constitution and Appointment of God, and would not give the least en­couragement to attempt its alteration, by setting up a Popular Soveraignty; although the Emperor, who then go­verned, was not only a Heathen, but such a prodigious Tyrant, as no Prince [Page 156] in the Christian World ever was, or is ever like to be. The same Apo­stle also manifestly prefers Monarchs, before all other Governours, when he exhorts that Prayers and Supplications be made first for Kings, and then for all others in Authority. 1 Tim. 2. 1. And St. Peter gives an undeniable Appro­bation of Monarchy, when he so evi­dently placeth the Soveraign Power in a single Person, and so expresly fixeth it there, as any man may see he doth, in the first Epistle of St. Peter, Chap. 2. Verses 13, 14. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man, for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as Su­preme, or unto Governours, as unto them that are sent by him. St. Peter here re­quires subjection to all humane Power and Authority, which he calls [...] humane Creature, or Constituti­on, not as if it were so the Ordinance of Man, as not to be the Ordinance of God; for then St. Peter would con­tradict St. Paul, but because the Power and Authority, which is appointed by God, is managed, exercised, and exe­cuted, by, and among, and over men, and for the good of men. Although [Page 157] he calls it the Ordinance of man, he exhorts to submit to it, for the Lords sake, which plainly signifies, that whate­ver hand men have in the establish­ment and the exercise of Civil Go­vernment, yet it is appointed by God, and derived from him. But that which I chiefly observe in this Apostolical command, is, that St. Peter manifestly asserts the Soveraign Power of Kings and Monarchs, but not of the Senate or the People. According to his Poli­ticks, the King is the sole Supreme Governour, and all others are com­missioned by him, and ought to live in subjection to him. They were to obey Claudius, the then Roman Emperor, as their highest Lord and Governour, next and immediately under God, they were also to submit to Furius Camil­lus, Scribonianus, and to the other Ro­man Procurators in their several Pro­vinces; but these they were to obey under the Emperor, only as his Officers and Ministers, only so far, and so long as they derived Authority from him. Thus we see Christ and his Apostles acknowledg­ed, approved, and confirmed that Mo­narchical Power, by which they found [Page 158] the World governed, and gave no en­couragement to the novel Opinions of those State-menders, who are for set­ting up a popular Soveraignty.

5 Fifthly, Monarchy hath in it self a real and intrinsick Dignity and Excel­lency beyond all other Models of Go­vernment. It is most agreeable to Na­ture, and to the common Genius of Mankind. 'Tis most easie and safe, most worthy and honourable; and most apt to procure and promote the chief ends of Government, having far more ad­vantages, and fewer inconveniences, than any Aristocratical or Democratical State.

We see there is but one Head o­ver the several Members of the Natu­ral Body, and 'tis almost as monstrous to have it otherwise in the Body Po­litick. There is but one Mind or Un­derstanding to govern all the humane Passions and executive Powers, and if any of them command and control in the place of Reason, it is a Rebellion and Usurpation. By the Ordinance of Heaven, one Sun rules the Day, and one Moon the Night; but if divers Suns appear at the same time, or if Comets give light instead of the Moon, [Page 159] these are look'd upon with horror, as the Prodigies of Nature, and the ter­rifying Omens of Wars and Plagues, and dire Calamities coming upon the world. Among the Bees, as Naturalists observe, a little Monarch governs the whole Swarm. Of the Cranes, one flies be­fore and leads the company. Among Sheep and other Cattle, one guides the Flock, and is as it were Herdsman to the rest. Thus there appears some re­semblance of Monarchy thorow the whole course of Nature. And if it had not been hugely agreeable to Mankind, it could never have so universally pre­vailed as it hath; it could never have so long continued the standing Go­vernment of all Ages, and of all Na­tions, except a very few. For the num­ber of Common-wealths that have been erected in the world, compared with the Monarchies and Regal Govern­ments, is as small and inconsiderable, as the number of strange and monstrous Births, compared with those usual and natural Productions, which daily ap­pear according to the regular course of Things. And of those few Common­wealths, some have been forced to re­turn [Page 160] to Monarchy, that they might not be ruined under their new Models.

No other Government hath such a stable Foundation for its own conti­nuance, or for the firm and durable sup­port of the Peace and Happiness of the People governed, as Monarchy hath. When the different Interests and di­stracted minds; the various Inclinati­ons, and the contrary Humours of the many chief Magistrates of a Republick, are ready to tear the State in pieces; the Monarch rules and governs all things with an easie, peaceful, and undisturb­ed Determination, having none to con­tend with him, or to controle him. Where Many govern, there will be ine­vitable Divisions and Dissentions a­mong them; and we know, that a King­dom divided against it self cannot stand. But such Discords and Dangers cannot arise, where the Soveraignty is in a single Person.

The Monarch also may readily and speedily at any Time, or in any Place, Judge and Decree concerning the pub­lick Affairs. But the several Govern­ours in a Republick must appoint a Time and Place, when and where to [Page 161] meet together; and after they are as­sembled, there are frequently many long and tedious debates, before any thing can be effected, if they do at last agree what to determine. In short, all those inconveniences of a Popular Government, mentioned in a former Discourse, are a­voided in Monarchy.

If it be said, that the Wisdom, Judg­ment, Counsel and Conduct of many, may be much better than of one alone. This is true: But then we should consi­der, that there is a great difference be­tween Ruling and Ministring; Order­ing and Assisting; Commanding and Counselling. The Aid and Advice of ma­ny Wise men may be greater and better than of one. Without Counsel, saith Solo­mon, Prov. 15. 22. & 24. 6. purposes are disappointed, but in the multitude of Counsellors they are establish­ed. And again, In multitude of Counsellors there is safety. But what his Opinion was of a Multitude of Princes, my Text hath sufficiently discovered. In weighty Af­fairs, 'tis good to hear the several Judg­ments and Opinions of many; but the resolving and determining what Coun­sel is to be followed, the Decreeing and Commanding what shall be done, is best [Page 162] and soonest performed by one. He who hath compared the various Opinions of divers wise Counsellors in any Case, shall be able to give a Judgment there­upon, like an Oracle. He who hath con­sidered, and digested all their Arguments, both on the one side and on the other, may easily and speedily determine the matter, which many cannot do with­out great difficulty, and long conten­tion.

As for the common Objection, that Monarchy is apt to degenerate into Ty­ranny; and that the Liberties and Pro­perties of the Subject are more secured and better preserved in a Republick; this hath been confuted by our own sad ex­perience, under the late Usurping Com­mon-wealth of England, when we saw more Tribunals of Iniquity, more Inva­sions of Property, more unjust, Arbitrary and Tyrannical Proceedings against our Lives and Liberties, and all our dearest Enjoyments, in the space of four or five years, than our Ancestors ever suffered under any of the preceding Monarchs (perhaps under all of them) in all the Ages that are past. There is no sort of humane Government, which is not liable [Page 163] to some miscarriages; and where the Soveraignty is invested in many, there it is liable unto most. Neither is it pos­sible that there should be so much Ty­ranny in a Monarchy, as there may be in a Republick, unless we can imagine that one Tyrant may be guilty of more Outrages and Cruelties than thirty or forty, who may have all the same Will and the same Power to do mischief, that the one hath.

In a word, all those good Offices and beneficial Acts of Government, which the many Chief Magistrates in a Com­mon-wealth can perform by the advan­tage of their number, may be done much better and easier, by one Soveraign Prince, with the Assistance of his Counsellors and Ministers. But the abuses of Supreme Power can never be so great or so many, when it is committed unto one, as they may be, when it is committed unto ma­ny.

There is now only the last Observable 4 in the Text to be considered by us, namely, the principal means of the hap­py and durable State of a Nation under Monarchy, and that is the Wisdom of the Monarch, his understanding and know­ledge. [Page 164] But by a man of understanding and knowledge the State thereof shall be pro­longed.

Niloxenus being asked, what was the best and most useful thing in the world? Answered, A King, who being the Image of God, is above all, and commands all. But when the King resembles God not only in his Supreme Power and Autho­rity, but also in his Divine Wisdom and Goodness, When Light, and Knoweldge, and Vnderstanding, and an excellent Spi­rit is found in him, Dan. 5. 11, 12. He is then certain­ly the greatest Blessing that Earth can enjoy, or Heaven bestow. A King that sitteth in the Throne of Judgment, scat­tereth away all evil with his Eyes. Prov. 20. 8. His Wisdom and Circumspection protects his numerous Subjects, against those injuries which they may receive either from within, by Disorders among themselves, or from without, by the As­saults and Invasions of a Foreign Power. And this he doth, by opposing and sub­duing the Authors of such Mischiefs. For a wise King scattereth the Wicked, and draweth the Wheel over them. Prov. 20. 26. That is, He discovers and dissolves the Associations of ill Men, disperses their [Page 165] Assemblies, breaks their Combinations, and gives them the due Rewards of their unjust Enterprises. The only Trou­blers of a State are wicked and unrea­sonable Men; these therefore his Pru­dence suppresseth, that he may procure and preserve a settled Peace and Tran­quillity. Thus the King by Judgment stablisheth the Land, Prov. 29. 4. Al­though the common sort of People be of a perverse Nature, Vain and Ignorant, Proud and Contentious, impatient of Re­straint, desirous of unbounded Liberty, unwilling to be tied to Laws, hard to be tamed, and apt to run into Confusions; yet the Prince, who is well skilled in the Mystery of Empire, bridles this Behe­moth, puts his hook into the Nose of this Leviathan, reduceth the wild and boiste­rous Multitude to some Order and Quiet­ness, and by inflicting exemplary Punish­ments on some of the worst of them, keeps the rest in due Bounds.

The Wise Monarch, being well ac­quainted with the various Humours and Passions of Mankind, and especially with that diversity of Temper and Manners, which may be observed in his own Sub­jects, applies himself properly to them, [Page 166] and so manages them as to make their contrary Studies, Inclinations, and Affecti­tions, joyntly conspire to advance the common Good.

He understands the Nature and Cir­cumstances of his Affairs; views things not only in their present Posture and su­perficial Appearance, but searches them to the bottom, enquires into the proba­ble Issues and Events of them, considers their Causes, Concomitants, Effects, and Consequents, with all their accidents and relations; and useth not only his own Judgment, but the best advice of the wisest men within his Dominions; by which means he finds out the fittest Expedients, for providing for the Safe­ty and Prosperity of his Kingdom, and the improvement of its Honour and Re­putation.

His Laws are excellently contrived for the publick benefit; not too gentle, be­cause such are seldom obeyed; nor too severe, because such are seldom executed. He will reign in mens Hearts and Af­fections, as well as over their Bodies; and that he may be no less loved than feared, he allays the Terror of Irresistible Ma­jesty, and the Dread of Supreme Power, [Page 167] by gracious Assurances of his Royal Goodness. He looks upon Justice and Mercy as the great Pillars that support his Government, and hath an equal re­gard to them both. His Throne shall be established in righteousness, (Prov. 25. 5.) and upholden by mercy, (Prov. 20. 28.) He is not so rigorous, as to be wholly in­tent upon Justice; nor so remiss, as by his mildness to bring his Authority into Con­tempt.

He distinguishes Times and Seasons; knows when to Pardon, and when to Punish; when to loosen, and when to straiten the Reins of his Government. He discerns Persons too; not only who are good Subjects, and who are Ene­mies or disaffected; but also, who are a­ble and faithful Friends, whose Reports he may credit, whose Judgment and In­tegrity he may trust; and who are dis­sembling Flatterers and Sycophants, those Wolves in Sheeps clothing, those sly Traytors under the Mantle of Loyalty. He knows whom to employ, and whom to reject; whom to reward, and whom to chastise, Prov. 14. 35. The Kings Fa­vour is towards a wise Servant: but his Wrath is against him that causeth Shame.

[Page 168] The Constancy also of the Prince is a considerable part of his Prudence, and he preserves the Nation he governs in a long and happy stability, by being sta­ble in his own Resolutions, agreeable to himself, suiting his Actions to his Words, and those to his Principles, and all to the Rule of right Reason. For tho' he accommodates himself to the various cir­cumstances of Things, Persons, Times, and Events, like the skilful Pilot, who according to the different State of the Sea, and the several changes of the Wind, doth diversly turn and guide his Sails; yet in all the Mutations, Revolutions, and Vicissitudes of his Affairs, he per­sists unmoveably the same, obviating e­very Emergency, and managing every Case, with a stedfast Presence of Mind, and even Temper of Soul, and a uniform Method of Procedure, either regulated by his own former Experience, or by the Observations of History.

In short, the Glory and Majesty of a Wise Monarch shines always with the same bright Rays, casting a fair Lustre, and diffusing a benign Influence all a­bout; so that if any sort of People un­der his Dominions, be not quickened [Page 169] and warmed by his kind Beams, it is because their free passage is hindered, by the gross Mists of Error, Prejudice, and Disaffection, or by the interposition of some such Obstacles. His prudent Ad­ministration makes his good Subjects happy. But 'tis no wonder, if those men live somewhat uneasily under the most excellent Government, who instead of Loyal Obedience to it are continually misrepresenting, libelling, and opposing it, that by rendring it odious, they may persuade people to a defection from it, and reduce it to those difficulties and per­plexities, which may give them oppor­tunity either to undermine, or overturn it. Neither is it fit indeed, that such men should prosper in their accursed Attempts and Machinations. 'Tis none of the least Benefits which a Kingdom receives from the Prudence of the Soveraign, That it is thereby protected from such a Malevo­lent Party within it, which, if they were not curbed and restrained, would quick­ly ruine the whole. Thus we see the excellent Effects of Wisdom and Know­ledge in a Prince, and how greatly it makes for the Happiness of a Land.

But yet we are not to think, that e­very [Page 170] Wise Monarch is always fortunate and successful, or that he can continually preserve the Peace and Prosperity of his Subjects. For in the Affairs of this world, the Effect is not always tyed to the Means. The Battel is not to the strong, Eccles. 9. 11. nor the Race to the swift, but Time and Chance happen to them all. The best of humane Go­vernments is imperfect, and the best Go­vernour upon Earth cannot infallibly se­cure the publick Welfare, without the auspicious Superintendency, and favoura­ble Assistance of Almighty God. Psal. 127. 1. [...] Except the Lord keep the City, the Watchman wa­keth but in vain. The most vigilant and sagacious Prince cannot certainly foresee all those dangerous Events, and unhap­py Accidents, which, if they be not a­verted, may suddenly spring up, and prove fatal to the State. Neither is he always furnished with the Power to prevent the Mischiefs and Calamities that he may probably expect, and prepare against. In­struments may be wanting to effect ma­ny things, which his Wisdom may tell him are necessary to be done; and those which he employs, if they be not wise and faithful, may soon mar all his Con­trivances, and spoil his most hopeful De­signs. [Page 171] Yea although he hath all humane Aids imaginable, the best and ablest Counsellors, the strongest Armies, the richest Treasures, and all managed with the greatest Prudence, Courage, and Con­duct; yet he may be opposed by some sort of Enemies, which he can never master. All his Wisdom, and all his Power can make but a weak Resistance against consuming Famines, destroying Plagues, violent Tempests, raging Inundations, and fearful Earth-quakes. He cannot stop the malignant Influences of the Stars, nor suppresss the noxious Vapours of the Earth, nor purifie the contagious Air, nor give Laws to the proud swelling Waves, that the Winds and Seas may o­bey him. These things he only can do, who hath a Supreme Soveraignty over all the World.

And therefore the truly Wise Prince doth not confide in his own Policy or Strength, but humbly implores the Fa­vour and Blessing of the Divine Providence to protect his Person, guide his Counsels, and prosper all his Endeavours, for the publick Welfare. Which that he may the better obtain, he will employ his Autho­rity for the Maintenance and Preserva­tion [Page 172] of true Religion. He will rule o­ver men in the Fear of God, always re­membring, that tho' he hath no Supe­rior upon Earth, he hath one in Heaven. His Power shall be the support of Virtue, the Shield of Innocence, the Fence of Right, the Shelter of injured and op­pressed weakness, the Encouragement of them that do well, and the Terror of evil Doers; whereby he will answer the ends of his Institution, as it becomes the Chief Minister of God for the Good of a Nation. Now such a Prince, notwith­standing all the difficulties of Empire, hath no great cause to despair of a hap­py success in the management of it. Pro­sperity commonly waits upon well-ad­vised Attempts; and the Divine Provi­dence, which is wont to afford its Con­course to the just and regular Proceed­ings of private men, is much more con­cerned for Soveraign Princes, who are Gods Vicegerents and Representatives. He by whom Kings Reign, giveth great Deliverance unto them, Prov. 8. 15. and sheweth Mer­cy to his Anointed. Psal. 18. 50. Where God exalts a man to a Throne, and makes him his great Instrument in the Government of a Nation, the Person with whom such an [Page 173] Honour and Trust is placed, especially if he be prudent and good, may reasonably hope, that Heaven will afford him all needful Protection, and a more than or­dinary Assistance, in the Administration of his high Office, and arduous Affairs.

But if it should so happen, that God should make his Government unfortu­nate in this world, and deliver him up into the Hands of his Enemies, thereby to punish the Transgression of an ingrate­ful Land, (which was the Case of the Royal Martyr) while the guilty People owe all their Miseries to their own Sins, the end of the Wise and Just Prince shall be Peace, everlasting Peace, and Glory in the Life to come. And the People also, if God be gracious to them, after their own sad Experience hath taught them the difference between the gentle Reign of a rightful Monarch, and the unbounded Tyranny of various Usurpers, may be made happy again, by the Re-establish­ment of the Government, and the Re­stauration of a Lawful Soveraign, to Rule over them; which is the great Mercy of Heavn towards these King­doms, that we at this Time solemnly commemorate.

[Page 174] And now if Monarchy be so excel­lent a Constitution of Government, and if a Wise Monarch be so great a Bles­sing to a People; how happy might we be in these Nations, if we would un­derstand our own Happiness? And what abundant cause have we to cele­brate this Thansgiving-Day with Hearts and Mouths full of Joy, and full of Praise.

This Day our most Gracious Sove­raign was Born, a Prince designed by Providence to be the Miracle of this Age. A Prince, whose great Sufferings, and great Wisdom learned by them, whose sad Afflictions, and wonderful Deliverances from them, whose innumerable Dangers and constant Protections against them, no History can parallel. A Prince whose Government is such, that nothing in the World ought to be more desirable to these Nations, than the long and happy continuance of it.

This Day he had also as it were a second Birth, when after a long Exile, God was pleased in a stupendious man­ner to bring him back to the Throne of his Fathers, and in him and with him to restore the most August Monarchy [Page 175] of Great Britain: A Thing effected by such admirable Trains of Providence, and such manifest Declarations of the Kindness and Favour of Heaven, both to this Imperial Crown, and to the pre­sent Possessor of it, that it alone, if thorowly considered, were enough for ever to silence all these Factions among us, that are any way disaffected, either towards the one, or towards the other.

Let us therefore render all possible Thanks to the most High God, for put­ting a Period to our Civil War, and all the Calamities of a twelve years unsettlement and Usurpation, by placing over us again such a Government, and such a Governour; and for preserving both Him and It, for these twice twelve years, since their Miraculous Restauration.

And with our Praises, let us joyn our Prayers, That God who hath hitherto so wonderfully delivered our most Gracious Soveraign from Enemies and Dangers of all sorts, would still protect his Royal Person, continue his Health and Vigor, inspire his Mind with Wisdom, and Crown his Endeavours with success, that by his knowledge and understanding our happy State may be prolonged. Amen.