Chap. 1.

WHen the Jews had made the full measure of Anno Dom. their sinnes runne over by putting to death the Lord of life, 34. Gods judgements (as they deserved, and our Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them: for a mighty army of the Romanes besieged and [...] the city of Je­rusalem, wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, 72. and forreign force Iosephus, lib. 7. belli Iud. Gr. c. 45. Lat. c. 17. eleven hundred thousand were put to death. An incredible number it seemeth: yet it cometh within the compasse of our belief, if we consider that the siege began at the time of the Passeover, when in a manner all Judea was in­closed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then their du­ties to the mother-temple; so that the city then had more guests then inhabitants. Thus the Passeover first Exod. 12. 13. instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death, was now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction, and to gather the nation in­to a bundle to be cast into the fire of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety seven thousand were taken captives; and they who had bought our Saviour for thirty pence, Adricom. in Actis Apost. fol. 28 2. cre­do, ex Hege­sippo. were themselves sold thirty for a pennie. The Generall of the Romanes in this action was Titus, sonne to Vespasian the Empe­rour. A Prince so good, that he was styled the Suctonius, in Tito. Darling of man­kind for his sweet and loving nature, (and pity it was so good a stock had not been better grafted!) so virtuously disposed, that [Page 2] he may justly be counted the glory of all Pagans, and shame of most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to have sa­ved the temple, and many therein; but the Jews by their obstina­cy and desperateness made themselves uncapable of any mercy. Then was the temple it self made a sacrifice, and burnt to ashes; and of that stately structure which drew the Apostles admirati­on, not a stone left upon a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sinnes of the Jews defending them, then with the battering rammes of the Romanes assaulting them) were levelled to the ground; onely three towres left standing to wit­nesse the great strength of the place, Euseb. E [...]cl. hist. l. 3. c. 5. and greater valour of the Romanes who conquered it. But whilest this storme fell on the unbelieving Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians; who warned by Christs predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes out of the city to Pella (a private place beyond Jordan) which served them in stead of a little Zoar to save them from the imminent destruction.

Chap. 2.

THreescore years after, 132. Adrian the Emperour rebuilt the ci­ty of Jerusalem, changing the situation somewhat west­ward, and the name thereof to Aelia. To despite the Christi­ans, he built a Hieron. [...]om. 1. pag. 104. temple over our Saviours grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus, another at B [...]thl [...]h [...]m, to Adonis her mi­nion: and to enrage the Jews, did engrave swine over the gates of the city: Who storming at the profanation of their land, brake into open rebellion, but were subdued by Julius Severus the Emperours lieutenant, an experienced captain, and many thousands slain, with Bencochab their counterfeit Messias (for so he termed himself) that is, the sonne of a star, usurping that prophesie, Num. 24. 17. Out of Iacob shall a star arise; though he proved but a fading comet, whose blazing portended the ruine of that nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were transported into Spain; the countrey laid waste, which parted with her peo­ple and fruitfulnesse both together. Indeed pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of rich ground in Palestine: which God may seem to have left, that men may tast the former sweetnesse of the land, before it was sowred for the peoples sinnes; and that they may guesse the goodnesse of the cloth by the finenesse of the shreds. But it is barren for the generality: the streams of milk and hony wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry; and the Sand. Trav. fol. 145. whole face of the land looketh sad, not so [Page 3] much for want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it. Yet great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards. Though his memory was excellent, yet here he forgot the old Romanes rule, who to prevent desolations, where they rooted out the na­tives, planted in colonies of their own people. And surely the countrey recovered not a competency of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though many pilgrimes came thither in after-ages, yet they came rather to visit then to dwell: and such as remained there, most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity. If any say that Adrian did wilfully neg­lect this land, and prostitute it to ruine for the rebellion of the people; yet all account it small policy in him, in punishing the Jews to hurt his own Empire, and by this vastation to leave fair and clear footing for forrein enemies to fasten on this countrey, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions: as after the Persians and Saracens easily overran and dispeopled Pale­stine; and no wonder if a thin medow were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews; Such straglers of them, not conside­rable in number, as escaped this banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as to leave no gleanings) were forbidden to enter into Jerusalem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage of ground. Hieron. tom. 6. pag. 256. Yet they obtained of the after-Em­perours, once a year (namely on the tenth of August, whereon their citie was taken) to go in and bewail the destruction of their temple and people, bargaining with the souldiers who waited on them, to give so much for so long abiding there; and if they exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must stretch their purses to a higher rate: So that (as S. Hierome noteth) they who bought Christs bloud, were then glad to buy their own tears.

Chap. 3.

THus the main body of the Jews was brought into Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into every countrey: so that it was as hard to find a populous city without a common sink, as without a company of Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and brokage; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily finding a stick to beat them. And al­wayes [Page 2] [...] [Page 3] [...] [Page 4] in any tumult, when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next harms: as at the coronation of Richard the first, when the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid the shot. Munster Cos­mogr. p. 457. At last, for their many villanies (as falsifying of coin, poysoning of springs, crucifying of Christian children) they were slain in some places, Polyd. Virg. p. 327. and finally banished out of others: Out of England anno 1291, by Edward the first; France 1307, by Philip the fair; Spain 1492, by Ferdinand; Portugall 1497, by Emmanuel. But had these two latter Kings banished all Jewish bloud out of their countreys, they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects, as descended from them. Still they are found in great numbers in Turkie; Sandys Trav. pag. 146. chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy the freest slavery: and they who in our Saviours time so scorned Publicanes, are now most employed in that office, to be the Turks toll-gatherers: Likewise in the Popish parts of Germany; in Poland; the Pantheon of all religions: and Amster­dam may be forfeited to the King of Spain, when she cannot shew a pattern of this as of all other sects. Lastly, they are thick in the Popes▪ dominions, where they are kept as a testimo­ny of the truth of the Scriptures, and foyl to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them. But his Holinesse his con­verting faculty worketh the strongest at the greatest distance: for the Indians he turneth to his religion, and these Jews he converteth to his profit. Some are of opinion of the generall calling of the Jews: and no doubt those who dissent from them in their judgements, concur in their wishes and desires. Yet are there three grand hinderances of their conversion: First, the offence taken and given by the Papists among whom they live, by their worshipping of images, the Jews being zelots in the se­cond commandment: Secondly, because on their conversion they must P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine, pag. 570. renounce all their goods as ill gotten; and they will scarce enter in at the door of our Church, when first they must climbe over so high a threshold: Lastly, they are debarred from the use of the new Testament, Sir E. Sandys Survey of the West. the means of their salvation. And thus we leave them in a state most pitifull, and little pitied.

Chap. 4.

ADrian his profanation of Jerusalem lasted Epist. ad Paulinum; tom. 1. p. 104. 180 years, as S. Hierome counteth it: during which time, the Christians under the ten persecutions had scarce a leap-year of peace and [Page 5] quiet, and yet bare all with invincible patience; yea, some were too ambitious of martyrdome, and rather wooed then waited for their own deaths. At last, Constantine (a Britan by birth, as Camden, Brit. pag. 51. all authours agree, save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who deserve to be arrained for felony, for robbing our land of that due honour) stanched the issue of bloud wherewith the Church had long been troubled, and brought her into acquain­tance with peace and prosperity. 326. Then Helen his mother (no lesse famous amongst the Christians for her piety, then the an­cient Helen amongst Pagans for her beauty) travelled to Jerusa­lem; zeal made her scarce sensible of her age, being 80 years old: and there she purged mount Calvary & Bethlehem of idolatry; then built in the places of Christs birth, and buriall, and else­where in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches. And because she visited the stable and manger of our Saviours nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have been Ambros. cont. in Theo­dosium. stabularia, an Ostleresse or a she-stable-groom: The same nickname which since impudent Papists (not for the same reason, but with as little truth) put on reverend Fox, Marty­rol. p. 1860. Cranmer, Archbishop of Canter­bury. But these dead flies were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name, fragrant to posterity; and as a Ambros. ibid. Father writeth of her, Bona stabularia, quae maluit aestimari stercoraria ut Christum lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the Crosse, the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May. And from that time the Church flourished in Palestine, being as well provided of able Bishops, as they of liberall mainte­nance.

Afterwards Julian going about to confute God, 363. befooled himself, and many Jews. This Apostate studied to invent en­gines to beat down Christianity: yet all the vapours of his brain could not cloud so bright a sunne. He gave the Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them, as hatred to Christians) with money and materials to build again their temple, hoping by rai­sing it to ruine the truth of Christs prophesie. Ammianus Ma [...]cel. lib. 23. sub initio. Hither flocked the Jews with spades and mattocks of silver to clear the founda­tion; the women carried away the rubbish in their laps, and con­tributed all their jewels and ornaments to advance the work. But a sudden Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3. cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3. cap. 20. tempest made them desist, which carried away their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who sought to put out the truth of Christs words, Sozom. lib. 5. cap. 22. by snuffing it made it burn the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who set them on work, were hardened by obstinacy, to be so miracle proof that all this made no impression in them. Yet Adricom. Descript. t [...]rrae sanctae▪ pag. 158. afterwards, the Christians in the place where Solomons temple was, built a stately church: [Page 6] but not in opposition to God, or with intent to reestablish Jew­ish rites, but in humility, and for the exercise of Christian reli­gion: which Church was long after the seat of the Patriarch. But for fear to exceed the commission of an Historian, (who with the outward senses may onely bring in the species, and barely relate facts, not with the common sense passe verdict or censure on them) I would say, they had better have built in some other place, (especially having room enough besides) and left this floore where the temple stood, alone to her desolati­ons. Yea, God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the Christians being often beaten out of that church; and at this day Sand. Trav. p. 192. whosoever (though casually) entreth therein, must either forfeit his life, or renounce his religion.

Chap. 5.

THe next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas the Emperour, who (saith Belli sacri l. b. 23. cap. 21 Tyrius) had a nature answering his name, which signifieth a Seil, or Sea-calf: for as that fish (little better then a monster) useth lazily to lie sleeping and sunning it self on the shore; so this carelesse usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, 610. till at last he was slain by Heraclius his successour: as seldome tyrants corpses have any other balm at their buriall, then their own bloud. Phoeas his negligence betrayed the Empire to forrein foes, and invited Chosroes the Persian to invade it, 615. who with a great army subdued Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as made against small resistance, Theophanes in Annal. and used with lesse moderation: for besides many other cruelties, he sold many thousands of Christians to the Jews their old enemies, who in revenge of their former grudg, put them not onely to drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes to grace his triumph carried the Crosse away with him, forced all the Christians in Persia to turn Paulus D [...]a­conus, Miscel. lib. 18. Nestorians, and demanded of Heraclius the Grecian Emperour, that he should renounce his religion, and worship the Cedrenus. Sun. Thus we see how light-head­ed this Pagan did talk, being stark drunk with pride. But the Christian Emperour entring Persia with great forces, quelled at last this vaunting Sennacherib: for to him might he well be compared, 628. for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands, and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes one of his sons. Heraclius returning took Jerusalem in his way, and there resto­red [Page 7] Tyrius, bell. sac. lib. 23. cap. 20. the Crosse (counted a precious jewel) to the temple of the Sepulchre, the cabinet whence it had been violently taken a­way; and in memoriall thereof instituted on the 14. of Sept. the feast of the Exaltation of the Crosse. Yet Baronius, in Martyrolog. 14. Sep. some make the cele­bration thereof of greater antiquity: and the Grecians write, that Chrysostome (an hundred years before) died on the day called the Exaltation of the Crosse. This if it be true, and not antedated by a Prolepsis, then Heraclius gave the lustre (not first originall) to this festivall, and scoured bright an old holy­day with a new solemnitie.

Chap. 6.

BUt the sinnes of the Eastern countreys, and chiefly their damnable heresies, hastened Gods judgements upon them. In these Western parts, heresies like an angle caught single per­sons; which in Asia, like a drag-net, took whole provinces. The stayed and settled wits of Europe were not easily removed out of the old rode and tract of religion, whiles the active and nimble heads of the East were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in language to expresse their conceits, as alwayes errours grow the fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to passe, that Mel­chites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, over­spread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenents with all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the green wound of an errour fester by degrees into the old sore of an heresie. Then was it just with God to suffer them who would not be convinced with Christian Councels, to be subdued by the Pagans sword: For though Chosroes had not long a set­tled government in Palestine, but as a land-floud came and went away quickly; yet the Saracens who shortly followed, as stand­ing water drowned all for a long continuance. Tyrius. bell. sacr. l. 1. pag. 2. These under Haumer Prince of Arabia, 636. took Jerusalem, conquered Syria, and propagated the doctrine of Mahomet round about.

It may justly seem admirable how that senselesse religion should gain so much ground on Christianity; especially having neither reall substance in her doctrine, nor winning behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professours. For what is it but the scumme of Judaisme and Paganisme sod together, and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity? As Mahomets [Page 8] tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth together their gaping inde­pendences with a mysticall coherence, or otherwise they are flat non-sense. Yet this wonder of the spreading of this leprosie is lessened, if we consider that besides the generall causes of the growing of all errors (namely the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey the truth) Mahometanisme hath raised it self to this height by some peculiar advantages: First, by permitting much carnall liberty to the professours (as having many wives) and no wonder if they get fish enough, that use that bait: Se­condly, by promising a paradise of sensuall pleasure hereafter, wherewith flesh and bloud is more affected (as falling under her experience) then with hope of any spirituall delights: Thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppressing of all learning; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on purpose, that he might vent any wares: Lastly, this religion had never made her own passage so fast and so farre, if the sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the conquered follow for the most part the religion of the conquerours. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so improved it self, that it may outvie with professours the Church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude and extent, though from thence to inferre that her faith is the best, is falsely to conclude the finenesse of the cloth from the largenesse of the measure.

Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens was as uncertain as April-weather. Sometimes they enjoyed the liberty and publick exercise of their religion: and to give the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows in this point, and Christians among them may keep their consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose the doctrine of Mahomet. Sometimes they were under fierce and cruell afflicti­on, their Bishops and Ministers forced to fly from their places were kept very poore, as alwayes the Clergy under persecution count that God gives them living enough, when he gives them their lives. Lib. cap. 5. Tyrius mentioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly escaped. For a spitefull and malicious Saracen had secretly defiled one of their Mosques in Jerusalem; which deed being imputed to the poore Christians, they were all presently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death, when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an officious lie (the most lawfull of all unlawfull things) confes­sed himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so being killed by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents. In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a con­stant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched with [Page 9] palms in their hands into the city, to perpetuate the remem­brance of this deliverance. The longest vacation from persecu­tion they enjoyed, was when Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 3. Charles was Emperour of the West, 800. surnamed the Great: a surname which he did not steal, but justly win and deserve; not like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, Suetonius, in Caesare. though as Cesar observed he gained his chief fame for martial feats, by conquering the weak and cowardly Bithy­nians. But this Charles, loved of his friends, feared of his foes, subdued the strong and lusty Lombards: yet did he not Christi­anity more good by his war, then by his peace concluded with Aaron Emperour of the Saracens, under whom the Christians in Palestine obtained many priviledges and much prosperity; though this weather was too fair to last long.

Chap. 7.

BUt the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their ma­sters, though not their condition, being subdued by the Turks. It will be worth our and the Readers pains to enquire into the originall of this nation, especially because (as the river Nitus) they are famous and well known for their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for their fountain. Whence they first came authours onely do agree in disagreeing: but most probable it is out of Scythia, Lib. 1. cap. ult. Pomponius Mela reckoning them among the inhabitants of that countrey nigh the river Tanais. This Scythia (since called Tartaria) was a virgin-countrey, never forced by forrein arms: for the Monarchs who counted themselves conquerours of the world (by a large Syn­ecdoche taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it. Alexander sent some troups to assault Naura and Gabaza, two out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army should follow: but hearing how these were welcomed, wil­lingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army otherwise. The Romane Eagles flew not thus farre, and though heard of, were never seen here. The reasons that made the Turks leave their native soyl, was the barrennesse thereof; and therefore the Ovid. 8. Metam. Poet maketh famine (which sometimes travelleth abroad into other countreys) here to have her constant habitation. And yet no doubt so vast a countrey would maintain her people, if the wildnesse thereof were tamed with husbandry: But the people (scorning that their ground should be better civilized [Page 10] then themselves) never manure it; and had rather provide their bread with the sword then with the plough. Other partiall causes might share in these Turks removall, but the cause of causes was the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to grow into the terrour of the world for the punishment of Christians: and we may justly hope, that when the correction is done, the rod shall be burnt; especially finding already their force to abate, being at this day stopt with the half-kingdome of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by the whole Empire of Greece.

The first step these Turks took out of their own countrey was into Turcomania, Sabell. Aen. 9. lib. 2. a northern part of Armenia, 844. conquered and so called by them: where they lived like the Scythian No­mades, alwaies wandring yet alwaies in their way, none claim­ing a propriety in the land as his, all defending the common in­terest therein as theirs.

The next step was into Persia, whither they were called to assist Mahomet the Saracen Sultan against his enemies; where taking notice of their own strength, the Saracens cowardize, and the pleasure of Persia, 1030 they under Tangrolipix their first King overcame that large dominion. Knolles, Tur. hist. pag. 4. Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion, and having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were themselves subdued by the Sa­racen superstition. An accident more memorable because not easily to be paralleled (excepting King 2 Chron. 25. 14. Amaziah, who having taken Edom was took with the idolatry thereof) because con­querours commonly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and not take it thence.

Their third large stride was into Babylon, the Caliph where­of they overcame. And shortly after under Cutlu-muses their second King, they wan Mesopotamia, the greatest part of Syria, and the city of Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 7. Jerusalem. 1060 Mean time whilest these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each others eyes, the Chri­stians (if they had husbanded this occasion) might have ad­vantaged themselves, and might have recovered their health by these contrary poysons expelling each other. But the Grecian Emperours given over to pleasure and covetousnesse, regarded not their own good, till at last the Turks devoured them; as (God willing) shall be shewed hereafter. As for those Christians who lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their safety, but were tenants at will for their lives & goods to these tyrants: though it rained not down-right, yet the storm of per­secution hung over their heads; their minds were ever in tor­ture, being on the rack of continuall fear and suspense; and Si­mon himself was no better then an honourable slave, though Patriarch of Jerusalem, as appeareth by his Knoll [...]s Tur. hist. pag. 13. letters of complaint.

Chap. 8.

IT happened there came a pilgrime to Jerusalem called Peter, an Hermite, born at Amiens in France; one of a contem­ptible person: His silly looks carried in them a despair of any worth; and yet (as commonly the richest mines lie under the basest and barrennest surface of ground) he had a quick appre­hension, eloquent tongue, and what got him the greatest re­pute, was accounted very religious. With him Simon the Pa­triarch of Jerusalem often treated, concerning the present mise­ries of the Christians under the Turks; what hope of amend­ment; and how the matter might secretly be contrived, that the Princes of Europe might assist and relieve them. Peter mo­ved with the Patriarchs perswasions, the equity and honoura­blenesse of the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12. heaven (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his Legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause) took the whole businesse upon him, 1094 and travelled to Rome to consult with Pope Urbane the second about the advancing of so pious a design.

Now, though many cry up this Hermite to have been so pre­tious a piece of holinesse, yet Ursperg. Chron. pag. 227. Quem tamen postea multi hypo­critam [...]uisse dicebant. some suspect him to be little bet­ter then a counterfeit, and a cloke-father for a plot of the Popes begetting: because the Pope alone was the gainer by this great adventure, and all other Princes of Europe, if they cast up their audite, shall find themselves losers: This with some is a pre­sumption, that this cunning merchant first secretly employed this Hermite to be his factour, and to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficiall a trade for the Romish Church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one may wonder that the world should see most visions when it was most blind and that that age most barren in learning, should be most fruitfull in revelations. And surely had Peter been truly inspired by God, and moved by his Spirit to begin this warre, he would not have apostared from his purpose: so mortified a man would not have feared death in a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely ran away at Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 3. col. 357. Antioch. For when the siege grew hot, his devotion grew cold; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast in his cell, and a necessary and undispensable famine in a camp: Et. Aemilius, Digest. Franc. pag. 123. in Philippo 1 [...]. so that be­ing well hunger-pincht, this cunning companion who was the [Page 12] trumpet to sound a march to others, secretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the rest of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back again for a Ut desertor signorum, fra­trum commi­liton úmque proditor. fugitive.

But to return to Pope Urbane, who was zealous in the cause to further it, and called a Council at Clermont in France, 1095 where met many Princes and Prelates to whom he made a long ora­tion; Sabell.▪ En. 9. lib. 3. Authours differ in the mould, but they agree in the me­tall, Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 15. that it was to this effect: First, he bemoned the miseries of the Christians in Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerusalem, Baron. anno 1095. which was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become the grief of all good men: W. Mal [...]sb. lib. 4. cap. 1. All have se­verall set ora­tions. the Chapell of Christs con­ception, at Nazareth; birth, at Bethlehem; buriall, on mount Calvarie; ascension, on mount Olivet, once the fountains of piety, were now become the sinks of all profanenesse. Next, he encouraged the Princes in the Council, to take arms against those infidels, and Baronius, in Anno 1095. col. 688. to break their bonds in sunder, and to cast their cords farre from them, and (as it is written) to cast out the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they would not help to quench their neighbours houses, they must expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these barbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe. Now to set an edge on their cou­rage, he promised to all that went this voyage, a full remission of their sins and penance here, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. Lastly, thus concluded, Baronius, in Anno 1096. col. 691. Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men of might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight; ours with Moses to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch forth the sword against these children of Amalek. Amen.

It is above belief with what chearfulnesse this motion, meet­ing with an active and religious world, was generally entertain­ed; so that the whole assembly cried out, Sabell. En. 9. lib. 3. pag. 354. God willeth it: A speech which was afterwards used as a fortunate watch-word in their most dangerous designes. Then took many of them a crosse of red cloth on their right shoulder, as a badge of their devotion: And to gain the favourable assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this warre the more happy, her Baronius, [...]om. 11. pag. 692. Office was in­stituted, containing certain prayers, which at Canonicall houres were to be made unto her. If fame which hath told many a lie of others, be not herein belyed her self, the things concluded in this Council, were the same night reported at impossible di­stance in the utmost parts of Christendome. What spirituall intelligencers there should be; or what echoes in the hollow arch of this world should so quickly resound news from the one side thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet we find the Livius, lib. 45. overthrow of Perseus brought out of Macedon to Rome in four dayes; & fame (mounted no doubt on some Pega­sus) in Domitians time, brought a report 2500 miles in one day.

Chap. 9.

IT is stiffely canvased betwixt learned men, whether this war was lawfull, or not. The reasons for the affirmative are fetcht either from piety or policy: And of the former sort are these.

1. All the earth is Gods land let out to tenants; but Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his own hands for himself and his children. Now though the infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of time could prejudice the title of the King of Heaven, but that now the Christians might be Gods champions to recover his interest.

2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in distresse, especially when they implore their help, as now the Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 11. Christians in Syria did; whose intreaties in this case, sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously disposed.

3. The Turks by their blasph [...]mies and reproches against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and devested themselves of all their right to their lands; and the Christians as the next un­doubted heirs, might seize on the forfeiture.

4. This war would advance and increase the patrimony of Religion, by propagating the Gospel, and converting of infidels. If any object that Religion is not to be beaten into men with the dint of sword; yet it may be lawfull to open the way by force, for instruction, catechising, and such other gentle means to fol­low after.

5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine would much heighten the adventurers devotion, and make the most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations.

6. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. This enterprise was furthered by the perswasions of sun­dry godly men, S. Bernard and others. Now though a lying spirit may delude the prophets of Achab, yet none will be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his own Michaiah to be deceived.

7. Ibidem. God set his hand to this war, and approved it by many miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and which are so confidently and generally reported by credit-worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not believe them.

Neither want there arguments derived from policie.

1. Palestine was a parcell of the Romane Empire, though since won by the Saracens: and though the Emperour of Con­stantinople could not recover his right, yet did he alwayes con­tinue his claim, and now (as Baronius, tom. 11. pag. 687. appeared by his letters read in the Placentine Councel) Alexius requested these Princes of the West to assist him in the recovery thereof.

[Page 14]2. A preventive warre grounded on a just fear of an invasion is lawfull: But such was this holy war. And because most stresse is laid on this argument, as the main supporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts thereof.

Though umbrages and light jealousies created by cowardly fansies be too narrow to build a fair quarrel on; yet the lawful­nesse of a preventive warre founded on just fear, is warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations. In such a case it is folly to do as countrey-fellows in a fence-school, never ward a blow till it be past: but it is best to be before-hand with the ene­my, lest the medicine come too late for the malady. In such dan­gers to play an after-game, is rather a shift then a policy; especi­ally seeing war is a tragedy which alwayes destroyeth the stage whereon it is acted; it is the most advised way, not to wait for the enemy, but to seek him out in his own countrey.

Now that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and Sara­cens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing in religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be feared, can­not be denyed. So vast was the appetite of their sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved Grecia for the se­cond course. The Bosphorus was too narrow a ditch, and the Empire of Grecia too low an hedge to fence the Pagans out of West-Christendome: yea, the Saracens had lately wasted Sabell. Eun. 9. lib. 3. pag. 354. Italy, pillaged and burned many Churches near Rome it self, conquered Spain, inroded Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the mid-land-sea. The case therefore standing thus, this Holy warre was both lawfull and necessary: which like unto a sharp pike in the bosse of a buckler, though it had a mixture of offen­ding, yet it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all pre­ventive warres are justly reduced.

Lastly, this warre would be the sewer of Christendome, and drain all discords out of it. For active men like mill-stones in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people, and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted themselves un­done, when they were out of doing; and therefore they em­ployed themselves in mutuall jarres and contentions: But now this holy warre will make up all breaches, and unite all their forces against the common foe of Christianity.

Chap. 10.

YEt all these reasons prevail not so forcibly, but that Iob. Cam­manus, De jure Majest. Thes. 22. Et Albert. Aqu. Chro. Hieros. lib. 4. cap. 28. Et Reine [...]cius in Praef. Hist. Orient. many are of the contrary opinion, and count this warre both need­lesse and unlawfull, induced thereunto with these or the like ar­guments.

1. When the Jews were no longer Gods people, Judea was no longer Gods land by any peculiar appropiation; but on the other side, God stamped on that countrey an indeleble character of desolation, and so scorched it with his anger, that it will ne­ver change colour, though Christians should wash it with their bloud. It is labour in vain therefore for any to endeavour to re­establish a flourishing Kingdome in a blasted countrey: and let none ever look to reap any harvest, who sow that land which God will have to lie fallow.

2. Grant the Turks were no better then dogs, yet were they to be let alone in their own kennel. They and the Saracens their predecessours, had now enjoyed Palestine four hundred and six­ty years: prescription long enough to soder the most crackt ti­tle, and not onely to corroborate but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to enjoy it.

3. To Visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so many mysteries and miracles) was as uselesse as difficult; and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared too many did) with placing transcendent holinesse in that place, and with a wooden devotion to the materiall Crosse. The Mat. 28. 6. Angel sent the wo­men away from looking into the sepulchre, with He is risen, he is not here; and thereby did dehort them and us, from burying our affections in Christs grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found. At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusalem, where God may as well and as acceptably be worshipped. S. Hilarion Hie [...]on. [...]om. 1. p. 103. in Epist. ad Pau­linum. though he lived in Palestine saw Jerusalem but once, and then onely because he might not seem to neglect the holy places for their nearnesse and vicinitie. And S. Hierome (though himself lived at Bethlehem) disswaded Pau­linus from coming thither; for the pains would be above the profit.

4. Lastly, This warre was a quicksand to swallow treasure, and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men: no good, much evil came thereby; and the Christians that went out to seek an ene­my in Asia, brought one thence, to the danger of all Europe, and the losse of a part thereof. For though▪

and though an argument fetcht from the successe is but a cy­phre in it self, yet it increaseth a number when joyned with others.

These reasons have moved the most Vide Besol­dum, De regi­bus Hieros. p. 99 & sequen­tibus. moderate and refined Papists, and all Protestants generally in their judgements to fight against this Holy war. But as for the opinion of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if Lib. 3. De Rom. Pon. cap. 17. Bellarmine hath truly re­ported it, it is as far from reason, as charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight against the Saracens, were the very army of Gog and Magog spoken of by the Prophet Ezek. 38. 3. Ezekiel. Yet must we not here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem (whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others judge) did carry a Aventinus, lib. 5. Annal. goose before them, pretending it to be the holy Ghost.

Chap. 11.

IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory the seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther, In his Chro­nology. Larva diaboli) the worst of all that sate in that chair, first began it: but death preventing him, Urbane the second (whom Cardinall Benno called Bal [...]us, in Rom. Pont. in Vrban. 2. Turbane for troubling the whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his Holinesse began where other mens ended, and he had a privie project beyond the publick designe;

First, to reduce the Mat. Dress. De bello sac. cited by Lam­padius Melli­sic. [...]. part. 3. p. 266. Grecians into subjection to himself with their three Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Constantino­ple, and to make the Eastern Church a Chapell of ease to the Mother Church of Rome.

Secondly, this warre was the Popes house of Correction, whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an honourable banish­ment: and as Saul being afraid of David sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might fall by their sword; so the Pope [Page 17] had this cleanly and unsuspected conveyance to See Daniel, in Henry the third, p. 14. rid away those he hated, by sending them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in the matter of the Emperour himself, whom he sent from home that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the beginning of this warre, the Popes temporall power in Italy was very slender, because the Emperours dominions did gird him close & hard on all sides: but soon after he grew with­in short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here, gain a city there from the Emperour, whiles he was imployed in Palestine: So that by the time that the Christians had lost all in Syria, the Emperour had lost all in Italy; his dominions there being either swallowed up by Peters patrimony, or by private Princes and upstart free-states, which as so many splinters flew out of the broken Empire.

Thirdly, hereby the Pope determined on his side the gain­fullest controversie that ever was in Christendome. This was about the investiture of Bishops, whether the right lay in the Pope or in secular Princes. Now his Holinesse diverted this question out of Princes heads, by opening an issue another way; and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this martiall im­ployment, and in the mean time quietly went away without any corrivall, concluding the controversie for his own profit.

Lastly, he got a masse of money by it. He had the office to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed to this action from pious people, and expended but some few drops of the showres he received. Guesse the rest of his griping tricks from this one which Hist. Angl. pag. 702, & 703. Diversis muscipulis simplicem Dei populum substantiâ suâ moliebatur Romana cu­ria private, nihil petens nisi aurum & argentum. Matth. Paris reporteth. First, he prom­pted many people in England unfit for arms, to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this was done by the exhor­tation and preaching of the Friars. This done, he compelled and forced those Votaries (whose purses were more usefull for this service then their persons) to commute their journey into money, the payment whereof should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus scraped he a masse of coin from such silly people as thought themselves cleansed of their sinnes when they were wiped of their money, and who having made themselves slaves to the Pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their li­berty at his price.

As the Pope, so most of the Clergy improved their estates by this warre: for the secular Princes who went this voyage, sold or morgaged most of their means, (selling for gold to pur­chase with steel and iron) and the Clergy were generally their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing this action was for Christ and his Church, rather to make over their estates to spirituall men, of whom they might again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure to find the fairest [Page 18] dealing, then to lay-men. Aemilius, De gest. Fran. pag. 109. Godfrey Duke of Bouillon sold that Dukedome to the Bishop of Liege; and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the Bishop of Verdune. Baldwin his brother sold him the city of Verdune. Yea, by these sales the Daniel in Henry first, pag. 49. third part of the best feoffs in France came to be possessed by the Clergy; who made good bargains for themselves, and had the consci­ence to buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voy­age laid the foundation of their temporall greatnesse, till at last the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired re­ligion.

Chap. 12.

IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good and religious peo­ple who were adventurers in an action of so large a capacity as this warre was. We must in charity allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellarmine speaketh, who had no fault praeter nimiam sanctitatem, too much sanctity, which Whitaker, De eccl. con­tro. 2. cap. 11. a learned man interpreteth too much superstition. But besides these well­meaning people, there went also a rabble-rout, rather for com­pany then conscience. Albert. Aqui [...]. Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 2. Debters took this voyage on them as an acquittance from their debts, to the defrauding of their cre­ditours: Servants counted the conditions of their service can­celled by it, going away against their masters will: Thieves and murderers took upon them the crosse, to escape the gal­lows: Adulterers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that the devils black guard should be Gods souldiers. And no wonder if the successe was as bad as some of the adventurers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions under a new climate. Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 16. And (as if this voyage had been like to repentance, ne­ver too soon nor too late for any to begin) not onely green strip­lings unripe for warre, but also decayed men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became souldiers; and those who at home should have waited on their own graves, went farre to visite Christs sepulchre. And which was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the Amazons truth) went with weapons in mens clothes; a behaviour at the best immodest: and modesty being the case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the mo­ther [Page 19] of much non-residence, many Prelates and Friars (fitter to handle a pen-knife then a sword) left their covents and pasto­rall charges to follow this businesse. The totall summe of those pilgrim-souldiers amounted to three hundred thousand, and Malmesb. lib. 4. p. 133. some writers do double that number. No doubt the Christians army had been greater, if it had been lesse; for the belly was too big for the head; and the medley of nations did rather burden then strengthen it. Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and more seams; which seams though they were curi­ously drawn up for the present, yet after long wearing began to be seen, and at last broke out into open rents.

Chap. 13.

THe French, Dutch, Italian, and English were the four ele­mentall nations whereof this army was compounded: of these the French were predominant; they were the cape-mer­chants in this adventure. That nimble nation first apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As their language wanteth one proper word to expresse Stand; so their natures mislike a set­led, fixed posture, and delight in motion and agitation of busi­nesse: Yea, France (as being then best at leasure) contributed more souldiers to this warre then all Christendome besides. The signall men were, Hugh sirnamed le Grand, brother to the King of France, Godfrey Duke of Bouillon, Baldwine and Eu­stace his younger brother, Stephen Earl of Bloys father to Ste­phen afterwards King of England, Reimund Earl of Tholo use, Robert Earl of Flanders, Hugh Earl of Saint-Paul, Baldwine de Burge, with many more; besides of the Clergy, Aimar Bishop of Puy and Legate to the Pope, and William Bishop of Orange.

Germany is slandered to have sent none to this warre at this first voyage; and that other pilgrims passing through that coun­trey, were mocked by the Dutch and called Centurist. ex Ursperg. cent. 11. col. 416. fools for their pains. It is true, the Germane adventurers in number answered not the largenesse and populousnesse of their countrey: for Henry the Emperour (a Prince whom the Pope long hack­ed at, and hewed him off at last) Pantaleon, De viris Ger. part. 2. p. 139. being desirous to go this voyage, was tied up at home with civill discords. Yet we find a competency of souldiers of that nation, besides those under Godescalcus a Priest, Emmicho the Rhene-grave, and Count Herman their leaders. But though Germany was backward at [Page 20] the first, yet afterwards it proved the main Atlas of the warre: that nation like a heavie bell was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound.

Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces nigh Rome. The Pope was loth to adventure his darlings into dan­ger: those white boyes were to stay at home with his Holinesse their tender father: Wherefore he Daniel, in Will. the se­cond, pag. 49. dispensed with them for go­ing, as knowing how to use their help nearer, and to greater pro­fit. Peters patrimony must as well be looked to, as Christs se­pulchre. But though the Pope would spend none of his own fewel, he burnt the best stakes of the Emperours hedge, and furthered the Imperiall party to consume it self in this tedious warre. Out of the furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund Prince of Tarentum, and Tancred his nephew (both of the Normane seed, though growing on the Apulian soyl) led an army of twelve thousand men. And Lombardy was also very liberal of her soul­diers towards this expedition.

England (the Popes pack-horse in that age, Daniel, ut priús. which seldome rested in the stable, when there was any work to be done) sent many brave men under Robert Duke of Normandy, brother to William Rufus; as Beauchamp, and others, whose names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmens feet stick in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of their archievements.

Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As Amilius, De gest. Fran. pag. 109. one saith, The Spaniards did follow their own Holy warre; a work more necessary, and no lesse honourable. Thus they acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with our Pilgrims, as being also imployed in fight against the infidels.

Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing clean through this warre; because she lieth bordering on the Tartars in her appendant countrey of Lituania, and therefore was busied in making good her frontiers. Besides, no wonder if Prussia, Li­tuania, and Livonia were not up in this service; for it was searee break of day with them, and the sunne of the Gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts. Yea, Poland was so farre from sen­ding men hither, that she fetcht them from hence, Munster, Cosmog. and after­wards implored the aid of the Teutonick order, who came out of Palestine to assist her against her enemies.

Hungarie might bring filling-stones to this building, but few foundation or corner-stones, and at this time had no comman­der of note in this action.

Scotland also presenteth us not with any remarkable piece of service which her men performed in all this warre. It was not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that coid countrey: rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that countrey be­ing [Page 21] little powerfull at sea: or (which is most probable) the acti­ons of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up in the bundle with some others; I should guesse under the French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a farre later date.

Denmark and Norway near-acquainted with the Arctick pole, though they lagged the last, (and may therein be excused because of the length of the way) were sharers in the honour of this imployment, and performed good sea-service.

Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short part in this businesse. That countrey being a separatist because of her remote situation, had little communion with other parts of Eu­rope. And indeed histories are mute of Sweden, but that of late Gustavus his victory hath put a tongue into them, and hath made that countrey famous to all posterity.

Chap. 14.

THeir first setting forth was checked with bad successe. 1096 Mar. 8. For Walter Sensaver a nobleman (but what countrey-man it is unknown) Malmesb. l. 4. p. 133. who had more of the sail of valour then balast of judgement; led forth an ill-grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot, and Calvisius, po 893. in Ann 1096. eight horsemen onely. But we must not think that this fowl should flie far, whose wings were so short, and train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bulgarians, and he himself through many miseries scarce recovered Constantinople. Aemilius, De gest. Fran. p. 111. Peter the Hermite with his army went further to meet his own destruction. For after many diffi­culties having crossed the Bosphorus, they came into Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemies fear, which proceeded from their policy: and therefore being more greedy to pillage, then carefull to fortifie the places they took, hunted after preys so long till they became one themselves. Hugh brother to the King of France, Iuly. with his sirname of the Great, had as little suc­cesse as the former; his army being quickly abridged by the fu­rious Bulgarians in their passage, and Malmesb. l. 4. p. 133. he brought prisoner to Constantinople. Besides these, one Gorescalcus a Priest, a wolf in sheeps clothing, and Emmicho a tyrant-Prince near the Rhene, led forth a rout of wicked people, who carried the badge of the Crosse, and served the divel under Christs live­ry, killing and pillaging the poore Jews and other people in Germany as they went. Vrspergens. p. 227, & 228 This made Coloman King of Hunga­ry, not onely deny them passage through his countrey, (and no [Page 22] wonder if he was loth to lodge those guests who were likely to rob their host) but also put most of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner; and therefore abandoning their resolutions, re­turned home: others little moved herear, conceived these first defeats to be but the clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and ruder people.

Chap. 15.

BUt now (to speak in my Urspergens. pag. 233. authours phrase) the chaffe being winnowed with this fanne out of Gods floore, the good grain began to appear. Godfrey Duke of Bouillon set forth, Aug. 15. and marched through Hungary with an army of civill and well-con­ditioned souldiers; so also did Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Normane, whose setting forth bare divers dates: and they embraced severall courses through severall countreys; Dec. 23. but the first Rendezvous where all met was at Constantinople.

This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius the Grecian Empe­rour, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of souldiers. He had gotten the Empire by bad practices (by deposing and, cloistering Nicephorus his predecessour) and an ill conscience needeth no enemy but it self: for now he affrighteth himself with the fansie, that these Pilgrims were so many pioners come to undermine him. Yea, he seemeth to have entailed his jealousies on all his successours; who never cordially affected this warre, but suspect­ed that these Western Christians made but a false blow at Jeru­salem, and meant to hit Constantinople. But though he had a storm in his heart, yet he made all fair weather in his face; and finding these his guests so strong that they could command their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear then love. At last it was M. Paris, pag. 38. covenanted betwixt them, that what coun­treys or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once belong­ing to this Grecian Empire, should be recovered by these La­tines, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu whereof he was to furnish them with armour, Aemilius, De gest. Fran. p. 112. shipping, and all other warlick necessaries. Thus might that Emperour have much improved his estate by these adventures; but he (like those who cannot see their own good for too stedfast looking on it) by his over­carefulnesse and causelesse suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged himself in much just hatred for his un­just [Page 23] just dealing and treachery. Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum in Adagio. Grae­ca fides. Polybius (though a Grecian him self) yet thus painteth out his countreymen amongst the Greeks; If one should lend a talent, though he should have for it ten bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the borrower will not keep his credit. It seems Alexius was one of this same faith, who though so solemnly engaged on his honour to per­form this agreement so advantagious to himself, most un-Princelike brake his word, and molested these pilgrims after­wards.

M. Paris, pag. 38. Some question the discretion of these Princes in this agree­ment, to bargain to purchase Alexius his profit with their bloud, and conceive that they much under-valued themselves in swear­ing homage unto him; which onely Malmesb. 137. Robert Earl of Flanders (remembring that he was free-born and bred) refused to do: Yet they may herein be partly excused; for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain this Emperours favour, on what price soever, because his countrey was the high-way through which they must passe. Besides, their zeal to be at their jour­neys end made them insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might have but present expedition to the place they were bound for. And we may also think that Alexius his libe­rall gifts had great efficacy in this matter, to win these Princes to his own desires.

Chap. 16.

AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories, we left them possest of Jerusalem, and the greater part of Sy­ria: but since they have thrived better, and won the lesser Asia from the Grecian Emperour. Indeed those Emperours with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their throne, and cau­sed them thus speedily to conquer. For giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little countenance, and lesse maintenance to men of service and action: whereby the martiall sparks in no­ble spirits were quenched; and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not watered with reward. Secondly, out of cove­tousnesse the Emperours unfurnished their frontiers of garri­sons, and laid them open to invasions; a notorious soloecisme in policy: for if doores in private houses are to be locked, much more frontiers in Kingdomes. Neither did it a little ad­vantage the Turks proceedings, that the Grecian Empire fell to [Page 24] Eudoxia a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to steer so great a State in the tempest of war. And although af­ter other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personall abili­ties were not to be excepted against; yet he being totally busied at home, to maintain his title against home-bred foes, had no lei­sure to make any effectual resistance against forrein enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlu-Muses their King any whit prejudicethe Tu [...]kish proceedings: for Solyman his sonne succeeded him, a Prince no lesse famous for his clemency then his conquests; as victory to generous minds is onely an inducement to moderati­on. In this case under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the lesse; and though there were many Christians in every city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons then those of the Primitive Church, tears and prayers.

But now these Western Pilgrimes arriving there, besiege the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sunne be­held. 1097 May 14. This city was equally beholden to nature and art for her strength; and was formerly famous for the first generall Coun­cil, called there by Constantine against Arius, wherein were assembled 318. Bishops. The Pilgrimes had a Lombard for their engineer; the neighbouring wood afforded them materi­als, whereof they made many warlike instruments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within being experienced souldiers, defeated their enterprises. And here one might have seen art promising her self the victory, and suddenly meeting with counter-art which mastered her. The lake Ascanius whereon the city stood, having an out-let into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby they fetch [...] victualls from the countrey, till at last that passage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the city was surrendred, on composition that the inhabi­tants lives and goods should be untouched; Iune 20. whereat the soul­diers who hitherto hoped for the spoyl, now seeing themselves spoiled of their hope, shewed no small discontentment. Soly­mans wife and young children were taken prisoners, and the ci­ty (according to the agreement) was delivered to Tatinus the Grecian Admirall in behalf of Alexius his master.

From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of Dogor­gan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell upon them; and there followed a cruel battel, fought with much courage and variety of successe. A cloud of arrows darkned the skie, which was quickly dissolved into a showre of bloud. The Christians had many disadvantages: For their enemies were three to one; & valour it self may be pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season was unseasonable; the scorch­ing of the sunne much annoying these northern people, whilest [Page 25] the Turks had bodies of proof against the heat. Besides, the Christians horses affrighted with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drummes, were altogether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained their fight by the speciall valour and wisdome of their leaders, (amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh brother to the King of France, deserved high commen­dations) till at last finding themselves overmatched, they began to guard their heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came M. Paris, pag. 42. & H. Hunting. lib. 7. p. 3 [...]4. Robert the Normane in the very opportunity of opportunity. Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his valour, slaying three principall Turks with his own hands. This sight so inspired the Christians, that coming in on fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thousand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris were of speciall note. But farre greater was the slaughter of their enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bouillon, who had been absent all the battel, came in with his army: yet they wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the head, having W. Malmsb. pag. 138. no horses to make the pursuit. Solyman flying away burned all as he went; and to prop up his credit, gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to be a conquerour in report. This great battel was fought July the first; Iuly 1. though some make it many dayes after: Yea, so great is the variety of Historians in their dates, that every one may seem to have a severall clock of time, which they set faster or slower at their own pleasure: but as long as they agree in the main, we need not be much mo­ved with their petty dissensions.

Chap. 17.

FRom hence with invincible industry and patience, they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains, over rivers, taking as they went the famous cities, Iconium, Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the countrey of Cilicia. This good successe much v [...]spergens. pag. 233. puffed them up; God therefore to cure them of the pleu­risie of pride, did let them bloud with the long and costly siege of Antiochia. This city watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the Hebrews, was built by Seleucus Nicanor, [Page 26] and enlarged by Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of square stone, the other of brick; strengthened with 460 towers, and had a castle on the East rather to be admired then assaulted. Here the professours of our faith were first na­med Acts 11. 26. Christians: and here S. Peter first sate Bishop, whose fair Church was a Patriarchall seat for many hundred years after. Before this city the Pilgrimes army incamped, Octo. 21. and strongly besieged it: but the Turks within manfully defending them­selves under Auxianus their captain, frustrated their hopes of taking it by force. The siege grew long, and victuals short in the Christians camp: and now Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5. pag. 357. Et Ae­milius, in Phi­lip the first, pag. 123. Peter the Hermite being brought to the touch-stone, discovered what base metall he was of: ran away with some other of good note, and were fetcht back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute the warre. At last, one within the city (though Authours agree neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk, others a Christian; 1098 Iune 3. Some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemir­pherrus, others Emipher) in the dead of the night betrayed the city to Boemund. The Christians issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the fiege, so remembred what they had suf­fered, that they forgot what they had to do, P. Aemil. pag. 127. killing promiscu­ously Christian citizens with Turks. Thus passions like heavie bodies down steep hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground but the bottom.

Antiochia thus taken, was offered to Alexius the Emperour; but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as bad men measure other mens minds by the crooked rule of their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund; though this place dearly purchased was not long quietly possessed: For Corboran the Turkish Generall came with a vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in the City, so that they were brought into a great strait betwixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without. Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit discomfited, counting the losse of cowards to be gain to an army. At last, they generally re­solved rather to lose their lives by whole-sale on the point of the sword, then to retail them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and murdereth men in state, whilest they die in not dying. It did not a little encourage them, that they found in the church of S. Peter that Tyrius, lib. 6. cap. 14. lance wherewith our Saviours body was pierced: They highly prized this military relique of Christ, as if by wounding of him it had got virtue to wound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain victory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it was but in­vented to cozen men with, we will not dispute: However, it wrought much with these Pilgrimes; for conceit oftentimes [Page 27] doth things above conceit, especially when the imagination ap­prehendeth something founded in religion. Marching forth in severall armies they manfully fell upon their enemies, and being armed with despair to escape, Iune. 28 they sought to fell their lives at the dearest rate. Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities; and then oftentimes goeth beyond her self in her atchievements. This day by Gods blessing on their courage they got a noble conquest. Some saw M. Paris, in Gulielmo se­cundo pag. 57. S. George in the aire with an army of white horses fighting for them; but these no doubt did look through the spectacles of fansie. And yet though we should reject this apparition, we need not play the Origens with the story of S. George, and change all the literall sense into an allegory of Christ and his Church: for it is im­probable that our English nation, amongst so many Saints that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patrone; espe­cially seeing the world in that age had rather a glut then famine of Saints.

And here let me advertise the Reader once for all, not to ex­pect that I should set down those many Mundus se­nescens pati­tur phantasi­as as falsorum miraculo­rum; propter­ea sunt nunc habenda mi­racula valde suspecta, Gerson. miracles where with Authours who write this warre so lard their stories, that it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them. As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and converts to the Christian faith, so the prosecuting of their project must be condemned, in thinking to grace the Gospel in reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that heaven hath a pillorie, whereon Fraus pia her self shall be punished: and rather let us leave religion to her native plainnesse, then hang her ears with counterfeit pearls.

The pride of the Turks being abated in this battel, and an 100000 of them being slain, the Christians grew mightily in­solent, and forgot to return to God the honour of the victory. Whereupon followed a great mortality, and 50000 died in few dayes; whether this proceeded from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends with the aire of Asia, till use by de­grees reconcileth them) or whether it was caused by their in­temperance: for after long fasting they would not measure their stomachs by the standard of physick, and dieting themselves till nature by degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting dig­ged their graves with their own teeth.

And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Palestine. Wherefore as Heralds use to blazon the field before they med­dle with the charge, so let us describe the land before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling they must needs throw wide which know not the green or alley whereon they play; much more must they misse the truth in story, who are unac­quainted with that countrey whereon the discourse proceedeth. [Page 28] Briefly therefore of the Holy land; as not intending to make a large and wide description of so short and narrow a countrey.

Chap. 18.

PAlestine is bounded on the North with mount Libanus; West with the mid-land-sea; South, with the wildernesse of Paran, parting it from Egypt; and East, with the mountains of Gilead, and the river of Arnon. To give it the most favourable dimen­sions; From the foot of Libanus to Beersheba, North and South, may be allowed 210 miles: and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, East and West, seventy; which is the constant breadth of the countrey. In which compasse in Davids time were main­tained 2 Sam. 24. 9. thirteen hundred thousand men, besides women, chil­dren, and impotent persons: and yet the tribes of 1 Chron., 21. 6. Benjamin and Levi were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for truth hath said it: Yet is it wonderfull. For though the united Provin­ces in the Low-countreys maintain as many people in as little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on home-bred food; but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for their fish-pond, High-Germany for their wine-cellar; and by the benefit of their harbours unlock the store-houses of all other countreys. It fa­red not thus with the Jews, whose own countrey fed them all. And yet the seeming impossibility of so many kept in so small a land will be abated, if we consider these particulars:

1. People in those hot countreys had not so hot appetites for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates for the variety of it.

2. The countrey rising and falling into hills and vales, gained many acres of ground: whereof no notice is taken in a map; for therein all things presented are conceived to be in plano: And so the land was farre roomthier then the scale of miles doth make it.

3. They had pasturage to feed their cattel in, in out-coun­treys beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of 1 Chron. 5. 9, 10. Reuben grased their cattel east-ward, even to the river Euphrates.

4. Lastly, the soyl was transcendently fruitfull, as appeareth by that great Num. 13. 23. bunch of grapes carried by two men: For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine, it is much that one should be loaden with one cluster of grapes.

[Page 29]If any object against the fruitfulnesse of this countrey; That there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon, Ziph, Carmel, Gibeon, Judah, and these must needs cut large thongs out of so narrow a hide: it is answered, That these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably being no bigger then our least forrests in England. As for the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly waste, but that they were but thin­ly inhabited: for we find Iosh. 15. 61. fix cities with their villages in the wildernesse of Judah.

Principall commodities of this countrey were, 1. Balm, which Munster, in Terra san­cta pag. 1017. & in Aegypt. pag. 1135. wholly failed not long after our Saviours passion; whether because the type was to cease when the truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have so sove­reign bodily physick grow in her, where the Physician of the soul was put to death.

2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees those little chy­mists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the barer for their biting) or else rained down from heaven, as that which 1 Sam. 14. 27. Jonathan tasted, when his sweet meat had like to have had sowre sauce, and to have cost him his life.

Besides these, milk, oyl, nuts, almonds, dates, figs, olives: So that we may boldly say, no countrey had better sauce and better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers; flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine.

Mines of gold and silver with pearls and precious stones, Judea rather had not then wanted; either because God would not have his people proud or covetous; or because these are not essentiall to mans life; or because nature bestoweth these commodities in recompense on barren countreys.

Horses they had none but what they bought out of Egypt for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing, and mules for travel. And for many hundred years they used no horses in bat­tel, till David took some from 2 Sam. 8. 4. Hadadezer. The greatest incon­venience of the land was that it had wild beasts; and their sheep were not securely folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger of men then wolves.

The chief river of the countrey was Jordan: over which the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a bridge over it with his cloke: and our Saviour washed the water hereof, by being baptized in it. This ariseth from the springs of Jor and Dan; whence running south he enlargeth himself first into the waters of Merom, then into the lake of Genesareth or Tiberias; and hence recovering his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to deferre what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the Dead sea. Authours are very fruitfull on the barrennesse [Page 30] of this sea, (where Sodome once stood) writing how on the banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well-complexi­oned dust (the true emblemes of the false pleasures of this world) which touched fall to ashes.

Chap. 19.

PAlestine contained four provinces: Galilee on the north, Trachonitis beyond Jordan on the east, Judea on the south, and Samaria in the middle. Galilee was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called also Galilee of the Gentiles, be­cause it bordered on them) comprehended the tribes of Asher and Nepthali.

Asher entertaineth us with these observables: 1. Iosh. 11. 8. Misrephoth­majim, the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was boyled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplyed the widows oyl. 3. Tyre, anciently the royall-Exchange of the world; but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter. 4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death and grave-stones to 27000 of Benhadads souldiers. 5. Cana the great, whereof was that wo­man whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus, a rivulet famous for his glassie sand. 7. Mount Libanus, whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowie top, or from frankin­cense growing thereon.

Nepthali with these: 1. Abel-beth-maacha: In this bo­rough Sheba that vermine earthed himself, till a womans wis­dome threw his head over the walls: And pity it was those wals should have stood, if they had been too high to throw a tray­tours head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera, who for all his commanding of 900 iron-chariots, was slain with one iron-nail. 3. Capernaum, where Christ healed the Centu­rions servant, and not farre off fed an army of guests with five loaves and two fishes: so that if we consider what they ate, vve may wonder that they left any thing; if what they left, that they are any thing. 4. Kedesh, a citie of refuge, whither they were to flie that killed men unawares. As for those who formerly privi­ledged Sanctuaries in England, where the worst traitours and wilfullest murderers were secure from punishment, they rather propounded Romulus then Moses for their president. 5. Ri­blah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long, then that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after he had beheld the slaughter of his sonnes. 6. Cesarea-Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which was a small territory on both [Page 31] sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it contained; though Au­thours wonderfully differ in reckoning them up. 7. Christs mount, so named because it was his pulpit, as the whole Law was his text, when he made that famous sermon in the mount. This Sunne of righteousnesse, which had all Palestine for his zodi­ack, the twelve tribes for his signs, stayed longest here and in Zabulon; and as S. Hierome In 4. Mat. observeth, as these two tribes were first carried into captivity, so redemption was first preach­ed in these countreys.

Lower Galilee consisted of Zabulon and Issachar. Zabulon presenteth us with Naim, where our Saviour raised the widows sonne, so that she was twice a mother, yet had but one child. 2. Cana the lesse, where he shewed the virginity of his miracles at a marriage, turning water into wine. 3. Bethulia, where Judith strook off Holofernes his head, though some since have strook off that story, not onely from canonicall Scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, upbraided by Christ, famous for her great means, great ingratitude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our Saviour had his conception and education. 6. Tiberi­as, so called by Herod the Tetrarch in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the Prophets were so conversant. 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfi­gured, the earnest of his future glory. 9. The river Kishon, Gods besome to sweep away Sisera's great army.

In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often entertained by an honourable woman. And as if this land had been thirsty of bloud, here in this tribe were fought the battels of Gideon a­gainst the Midianites, Jehu against Jehoram, Saul against the Phi­listines upon mount Gilboa. David therefore cursed that moun­tain, that neither dew nor rain should fall on it. But of late some English travellers climbing this mountain were well wet­ted; David not cursing it by a propheticall spirit, but in a poeti­call rapture.

Chap. 20.

SAmaria contained half Manasses on this side Jordan, and the tribe of Ephraim. In the former we meet with Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged Sauls body. 2. Tirzah, where Zimri (whose onely goodnesse was, that he reigned but seven dayes) burned himself and the Kings palace. [Page 32] 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigall of his life, but nig­gardly of his reputation, not so pained with his death, as angry with his killer, (because a woman) would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Megiddo, where Josiah that bright sunne set in a cloud, engageing himself in a needlesse quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5. Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms. 6. Jezreel, a royall city of the Kings of Israel, nigh which lay the vineyard or rather bloud-yard of Naboth.

Ephraim was adorned with Samaria the chief city of Israel, which at this day sheweth more ruines then Jerusalem. 2. Shi­loh, where the Ark was long leiger; and where Eli heart-bro­ken with bad news, brake his neck with a fall. 3. Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of her curiosity with the losse of her chastity. And as if the ground here were stained with persidi­ousnesse, here Simeon and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by his brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribes revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge of hills crossing this countrey. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, two mountains: the blessings were pronounced on the one, and the curses on the other.

Chap. 21.

JUdea comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, where Joshua cir­cumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had been fellow-com­moners with the Angels, feeding on manna, which here ceased; God withdrawing miracles where he afforded means. 2. Gibe­on, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua with a passe of false-dated antiquity: Who would have thought that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtilty? Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sunne to stand still, and to wait on him whilest he conquered his enemies. 3. Nob, where Doeg, more cruel then the Kings cattel he kept, slew eighty five Priests as innocent as their e­phods were white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down with the found of rammes horns. 5. Bethel, where God appe [...] ­red to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for the sacri­ledge of Achan.

Dan had these memorables. 1. Joppa a safe harbour, where Jonah fled from Gods service. 2. Ashdod or Azotus, where D [...] ­gon did twice homage to the Ark, not onely falling bare, but [Page 33] ting off his head and hands. 3. Gath, a seminary of giants, where Goliah was born. 4. Ekron, where Beelzebub the God of flies had a nest or temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed in­cest with Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and beat himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetcht his wife, whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistines. 6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sorek, the chief if not onely rivulet of this tribe.

Entring on the south-coasts of Simeon, we light on Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of the five Satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Samson carryed away; and hither being sent for to make sport in the house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked down the stage, slew himself, and all the spectatours. 3. More inland; Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Beersheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived most constantly, near unto the brook of Besor.

The tribe of Judah was the greatest of all, so that Simeon and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received those ci­ties which originally belonged to this royall tribe. Memorable herein were 1. Hebron, the land whereof was given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the false verdict which the jurie of spies brought in against the land of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the Patriarchs were buried; whose bodies took livery and seasin in behalf of their posterity, which were to possesse the whole land. 3. Kiriath-sepher or Debir, an ancient University of the Canaanites: for though Parnassus was onely in Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that countrey. 4. Tekoa, where Amos was born, fetcht from the herdsmen to feed Gods sheep; and to dresse his vine, from ga­thering wild-figs. 5. Zoar, Lots refuge; near to which his wife for one fare-well glance at Sodome, was turned into a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sinne by the infinitenesse of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoyning is Lots cave; where he affecting solitarinesse, had too much company of his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived as rich as foolish; but those grains of wisdome which were wanting in him, were found over-weight in his wife. Here Uzziah pastured his cattel: a King, yet delighted in husbandry; as thrift is the fewel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where our Saviour was born. 8. Je­rusalem, whereof afterwards.

Chap. 22.

WE want one adequate word of a countrey to expresse the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasses beyond Jor­dan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to Ptolomie by the name of Hippus; to Strabo, of Trachones; but in Scripture, of mount Hermon, or Gilead.

Reuben, though disinherited of the birth-right, had this ho­nour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for. His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus, the strong­est in-land city in that part of the world. Mount Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo; the top-cliff of Nebo, Pisgah; whence Moses viewed the land: hereabouts the Angel buried him, and also buried his grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Arnon parteth this tribe from Moab.

In Gad, we find Peniel where Jacob wrestled with God; lost a sinew, but got a blessing: Jabesh-gilead, where Saul was bu­ried: Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain: Rogelim, the mannour of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier: Maha­naim, where the Angels appeared to Jacob: The forrest of Ephraim, where that execution was done by Jephthah on the Ephraimites, for not pronouncing that heavie aspiration in Shib­boleth: the river Jabbok.

In Manasses, Edrei the city of Og, on whose giant-like pro­portion the Rabbines have more giant-like lies: Gadara, whose inhabitants loved their swine better then their Saviour. They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir Walter Ra­legh's torch.

Chap. 23.

JErusalem by the often change of her fortunes, hath somewhat altered her situation, having hitched her self more north-west-ward. For the mountain of Calvarie, which formerly she shut out of her gates, as the infamous place of execution, she [Page 35] now embraceth within her walls as her most venerable monu­ment.

On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now excluded) lyeth mount Sion, famous anciently for the palace of David: On the east, mount Olivet, parted with the vale of Jehoshaphat; which (some will have) shall be the hall for the great Assizes of the world at the day of judgement, whilest others more mo­destly conceive that the place as well as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihon: And on the north it is indiffe­rent plain.

The monuments which are still extant to be seen without or within the city, are reduceable to one of these three ranks, 1. Certainly true; as the mountains compassing it, which are standards too great and too heavie for either time or warre to remove: and such also are some eminent particulars of some places, which constant tradition without rupture hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixt nature; where the text is true, but superstition and fansie have commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a ragge of probabilitie to hide their shame; where the believer is as foolish as the inventer impudent. We will bundle them together, and let the Reader sort them at his discretion: for it is hard to fit the throats, as to please the palates of men; and that will choke one mans belief which another will swal­low as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see these reliques was one principall motive with many to undertake this pil­grimage.

To begin without the city: on the south there remain the ruines of Davids palace, too near to which was Uriahs house; and the Morisons Trav. part. 1. pag. 226. fountain is still shewed where Bathsheba's washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul. Next, Davids tomb is to be seen wherein he was buried: his monument was inriched with a masse of treasure, saith Josephus: out of which Hircanus 850 years after took three thousand talents. But sure­ly David who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his death: And I am sure they are his own words, that Psal. 49. 17. Man shall carry nothing away with him, neither shall his great pomp follow him. Thirdly, Aceldama that burying-place for strangers: and the grave that every where hath a good stomach, hath here a boulimia or greedy worm; for it will devoure the flesh of a corpse in 48 hours. Fourthly, Absaloms pillar, which he built to continue his memory, though he might have saved that cost, having eternized his infamy by his unnaturall rebellion. Fifth­ly, the houses of Annas and Caiaphas, to passe by others of in­feriour note.

On the east; First, mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour [Page 36] took his rise into heaven. The chappel of Ascension, of an eight­square round mounted on three degrees, still challengeth great reverence; and there the footsteps of our Saviour are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly, the fig-tree which Christ cursed: for he who spake many, here wrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark, and Christ under it cursing the fruitlesse profession of the Jews. Thirdly, the place where S. Stephen was stoned; and the stones thereabouts are over-grown with a red rust, which is (forsooth) the very bloud of that holy martyr. Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour, and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre of the blessed Virgin: whose body after it had been three dayes bu­ried, was carried up by the Angels into heaven; and she let fall her Sandys, pag. 190. girdle to S. Thomas, that his weak faith might be swad­dled therewith: otherwise he who in the point of Christs resur­rection would have no creed, except he made his own articles, and put his finger into his side, would no doubt hardly have be­lieved the Virgins assumption. With this legend we may cou­ple another, which though distant in place will be believed both together: They shew at Bidulphs Trav. pag. 130 & Morisons, part. 1. pag. 227. Bethlehem a little hole over the place where our Saviour was born, through which the starre which conducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who first made a starre subject to the falling-sicknesse? Sixthly, the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly, Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture.

The west and north-sides of Jerusalem were not so happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none thereon which grew to any eminency.

We will now lead the Reader into Jerusalem: Where first on mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered, though not sacrificed) stood Solomons temple, destroyed by the Chalde­ans, rebuilt by Zorobabel: Afterward Herod reedified it so state­ly (saith Josephus) that it exceeded Solomons temple; if his words exceed not the truth. But no wonder if he that never saw the sunne, dare say that the moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly, Solomons palace, which was 1 King. 7. 1. thir­teen years in building, whereas the temple was finished in 1 King. 9. 38. seven: Not that he bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his own then on Gods house: Vide Tre­mel. in locum. but rather he plied Gods work more throughly, and entertained then more build­ers; so that contrary to the proverb, Church-work went on the most speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forrest of Lebanon, which was (as appeareth by comparing the text) fourty cubits [Page 37] longer, and thirty cubits broader then the temple it self. But no doubt the holy Spirit speaking of holy buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary; but in other houses, the ordi­nary or Common cubit. It was called the house Lebanon, be­cause hard by it Solomon planted a Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153. grove, the abridgement of the great forrest; so that the pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a lesse character. Fourthly, Pilates palace, and the common hall, where the Judge of the world was condemn­ed to death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof troubled by the Angel, were a Panpharmacon to him that first got into them. Here was a spittle built with five porches, the mercy of God being seconded by the charity of man; God gave the cure, men built the harbour for impotent persons. Sixthly, the house of Dives the rich glutton: and therefore (saith Theatr. Terr. sanct. 153. Adrico­mius) it was no parable: But may we not retort his words? It was a parable, and therefore this is none of Dives his house. Sure I am, Th [...]ophylact is against the literall sense thereof, and saith, They think [...], Comment. in 16, Luc. foolishly that think otherwise.

But my discourse hasteth to mount Calvary, which at this day, hath almost ingrossed all reverence to it self. It is called Calvarie, Golgotha, or the place of a skull, either because the hill is rolled and Illyricus, in 27. Matth. rounded up in the fashion of a mans head, (as Camdens Brit. in But­king hamshire. Pen in the Brittish tongue signifieth both an head, and a copped hill) or because here the bodies of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit, that Adams skull should here be found, it is confuted by S. Hierom, who will have him buried at He­bron. Neither is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of mankind had here been interred, that they would have made his sepulchre their Tiburn where malefactours were put to death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scat­tered. Over our Saviours grave stood a stately Church, built say some by Helen, say others by Constantine: but we will not set mother and sonne at variance; it might be she built it at his cost. In this Church are many monuments: As the pillar where­unto Christ was bound when scourged, wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble Bridenb. De Domin. sepulcro. usurped the honour to be counted Christs bloud. Secondly, a great clift in the rock, which was rent in sunder at the Passion, whereby the bad thief was divided from Christ, (the sign of his spirituall separation) and they say it reacheth to the centre of the earth: a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, certain pillars which being in a dark place under ground, are said miraculously to weep for our Saviours suffer­ing. But I referre those who desire the criticismes of those pla­ces without going thither, to read our English travellers: for in this case, as good wares and far cheaper peny-worths are bought at the second hand.

[Page 38]To conclude our description of Palestine, let none conceive that God forgot the Levites in division of the land, because they had no entire countrey allotted unto them. Their portion was as large as any, though paid in severall summes: They had 48 ci­ties with their suburbs, tithes, first-fruits, free-offerings; being better provided for then many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality to their people, but cannot go to the cost to practice their own doctrine.

Chap. 24.

BY this time cold weather (the best besome to sweep the chambers of the air) had well cleared the Christians camp [Page 39] from infection; and now their devotion moved the swifter, be­ing come near to the centre thereof, the city of Jerusalem. For­ward they set, and take the city of Marrha, and employ them­selves in securing the countrey about them, 1098 that so they might clear the way as they went. Dec. 11. Neither did the discords betwixt Reimund and Boemund much delay their proceedings, being in some measure seasonably compounded; 1099 as was also the sea­battel betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Venetians see­ing on the Pisans the Sabelli [...]us, Enn. 9. lib. 3. pag. 357. cognizance of the Crosse, the uncoun­terfeited pasport that they wear for the Holy Warre, suffered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were their deadly enemies, yea, and set five thousand of them at liberty, whom they had taken captive.

The Pilgrimes kept their Easter at Tripolie, Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Stratonis, April 10. taking many places in their passage; and at last came to Jerusalem. Discovering the city afarre off, it was a pretty sight to behold the harmony in the difference of ex­pressing their joy; May 29. how they clothed the same passion with di­verse gestures; some prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much ado to manage so great a gladnesse. Then began they the siege of the citie on the north, Iune 6. (being scarce assaultable on any other side by reason of steep and broken rocks) and continued it with great valour. On the fourth day after, they had taken it but for want of scaling-ladders. Iune 10. But a farre grea­ter want was the defect of water, the springs being either stop­ped up or poysoned by the Turks; so that they fetcht wa­ter Aemilius, pag. 135. five miles off. As for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no subsistence of it self, but meerly depend­ing on the benevolence of winter-waters, which mount Olivet bestoweth upon it. Admirall Coligni was wont to say, He that will well paint the beast Warre, must first begin to shape the belly; meaning that a good Generall must first provide victu­als for an army: Yea, let him remember the bladder in the beasts belly as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more especially then for meat it self; thirst in northern bodies being more unsupportable then famine: Quickly will their courage be cooled, who have no moisture to cool their hearts. As for the Christians want of ladders, that was quickly sup­plied: for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a wooden tower, and all other artificiall instruments. For we must not think, that the world was at a losse for warre-tools before the brood of guns was hatched: It had the Plin. Nat. hist. lib. 7. cap. 56. battering ramme, first found out by Epeus at the taking of Troy; the balista to discharge great stones, invented by the Phenicians; the catapulta, being a sling of mighty strength, whereof the Syrians were authours: and [Page 40] perchance King 2 Chron. 26. 15. Uzziah first made it; for we find him very dextrous and happy in devising such things. And although these Bear-whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper nails by degrees; so that every age set them forth in a new edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more voluminous engines (for the ramme alone had an hundred men to manage it) are now virtually epitomized in the cannon. And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath been the losing of many mens lives, yet it will appear that battels now are fought with more expedition, and victory standeth not so long a neuter, before she expresse her self on one side or other.

But these gunnes have shot my discourse from the siege of Je­rusalem: To return thither again. By this time, Iuly 11. in the space of a M. Paris, pag. 63. moneth, the Genoans had finished their engines which they built P. Aemilius, pag. 135. & Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 6. seven miles off: for nearer there grew no stick of bignesse. I will not say, that since our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city hath been cursed with a barrennes of wood. And now for a preparative, that their courage might work the better, they began with a fast, Iuly 12. and a solemn procession about mount Olivet.

Next day they gave a fierce assault; Iuly 13. yea, Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 13. women played the men, and fought most valiantly in armour. But they within be­ing fourty thousand strong, well victualled and appointed, made stout resistance till the night (accounted but a foe for her friend­ship) umpired betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the midst of their courage.

When the first light brought news of a morning, they on a­fresh; the rather, because they had P. Aemilius, pag. 136. intercepted a letter tied to the legs of a dove (it being the fashion of that countrey both to write and send their letters with the wings of a The manner set down at large, Bi­dulphs Trav. pag. 43. fowl) wherein the Persian Emperour promised present succours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of their walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by yielding unto them. As for one sturdy en­gine whose force would not be tamed, they brought Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 15. two old witches on the walls to inchant it: but the spirit thereof was too strong for their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain in the place.

The day following, Iuly 15. Duke Idem lib. 8. cap. 18. Godfrey fired much combusti­ble matter, the smoke whereof (the light cause of an heavie ef­fect) driven with the wind, blinded the Turks eyes; and un­der the protection thereof, the Christians entred the citie: Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and then his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomons temple (so called [Page 41] because built in the same place) there to take the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there, the foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon the weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed them. The pavement so swam, that none could go but either through a rivulet of bloud, or over a bridge of dead bodies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but superlatively abundant in the Christians, till night made them leave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those that would lay down their weapons: For though bloud be the best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more then the meat. Thus was Jerusalem wonne by the Christians, and M. Paris, pag. 65. twen­ty thousand Turks therein slain, on the fifteenth of July being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon. lib. 8. c. 18. Tyrius find­eth a great mystery in the time; because Adam was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our Saviour suffered. But these Synchronismes, as when they are naturall they are pretty and pleasing; so when violently wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous.

Then many Christians, Iuly 18. who all this while had lived in Jeru­salem in most lamentable slavery, being glad to lurk in secret (as truth oftentimes seeketh corners, as fearing her judge, though never as suspecting her cause) came forth joyfully, wellcomed and embraced these the procurers of their liberty.

Three dayes after it was concluded, as necessary piece of Besoldus, De regibus Hierosol. ex variis autori­bus, pag. 119. severity for their defence, to put all the Turks in Jerusalem to death; which was accordingly performed without favour to age or sex. The pretence was for fear of treason in them, if the Em­perour of Persia should besiege the city. And some slew them with the same zeal wherewith Saul slew the Gibeonites; and thought it unfit that these goats should live in the sheeps pasture. But noble Tancred was highly displeased hereat, because done in cold bloud, it being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and premeditated act; and that against pardon proclai­med, many of them having compounded and paid for their lives and liberty. Besides, the execution was mercilesse, upon sucking children, whose not-speaking spake for them; and on women, whose weaknesse is a shield to defend them against a va­liant man. To conclude, Severity hot in the fourth degree, is lit­tle better then poyson, and becometh cruelty it self: and this act seemeth to be of the same nature.

Chap. 1.

EIght dayes after Jerusalem was wonne, Anno Dom. they proceeded to the election of a King: 1099 Iuly 23. but they had so much choice that they had no choice at all; so many Princes there were, and so equally eminent, that Justice her self must suspend her verdict, not knowing which of them best deserved the Crown. Yet it was their pleasure to pitch on Robert the Normane as on the man of highest descent, being son to a King: for great Hugh of France was already returned home, pretending the colick; though some impute it to cowardlinesse, and make the disease not in his bow­els, but his heart.

Robert refused this honourable profer; P. Aemylius, pag. 137. whether because he had an eye to the Kingdome of England now void by the death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jerusalem would be incumbred with continuall warre. Henry Hun­ting. lib. 7. pag. 37 [...]. But he who would not take the Crown with the Crosse, was fain to take the Crosse without the Crown, and never thrived afterwards in any thing he undertook. Thus they who refuse what God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well for themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt more, having his eyes put out by King Henry his brother; and at last found rest (when buried) in the new Cathedrall Church of Glocester under a Cambden Brit. pag. 255. wooden mo­nument, bearing better proportion to his low fortunes then [Page 44] high birth. And since, in the same quire he hath got the com­pany of another Prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the second.

They go on to a second choice; and that they may know the natures of the Princes the better, their servants were examined on oath to confesse their masters faults. The Tyrius, lib. 9. cap, 2. servants of God­frey of Bouillon protested their masters onely fault was this, That when Mattens were done he would stay so long in the church, to know of the Priest the meaning of every image and picture, that dinner at home was spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this mans worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unanimously chose him their King. He accepted the place, but refused the solemnity thereof; and would not wear a crown of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a crown of thorns.

He was sonne to Eustace Duke of Bouillon, and Ida his wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey Duke of Lorrein; born, saith Lib. 9. cap. 5. Tyrius, at Bologne a town in Champaigne on the En­glish sea, which he mistaketh for Bouillon up higher in the con­tinent near the countrey of Lutzenburg. Such slips are incident to the penns of the best authours: yea, we may see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not onely in Lib. 2. Cos­mog. p. 50. Munster, but even in all our own printed Statute-books in the 12. of Richard the As Caius proveth it plainly out of Walfingham. se­cond. He was brought up in that school of valour, the court of Henry the 4. the Emperour. Whilest he lived there, there hap­pened an intricate suit betwixt him and another Prince about title of land; and because Judges could not untie the knot, it was concluded the two Princes should cut it asunder with their sword in a combat. Godfrey was very Quantum potuit renite­batur, [...]Tyrius, lib. 9. cap. 7. unwilling to fight, not that he was the worse souldier, but the better Christian: he made the demurre not in his courage, but in his conscience; as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough for a duell: Yea, we may observe generally, that they who long most to fight duels, are the first that surfet of them. Notwithstand­ing, he yielded to the tyranny of custome, and after the fashion of the countrey entred the lists: when at the first encounter his sword brake, but he struck his adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life, and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act of his valour was when, being standard-bea­rer to the Emperour, he with the imperiall ensign killed Rodul­phus the Duke of Saxony in single fight, and fed the Eagle on the bowels of that arch-rebell. His soul was enriched with ma­ny virtues, but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all mens affections without resistance: And though one saith, Take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a souldier; yet, Godfrey without those spurs rode on most triumphantly.

Chap. 2.

BUt now let us leave the Helmets, and look on the Mitres, and consider the ordering of Ecclesiasticall affairs. For the Common-wealth is a Ring, the Church the Diamond; both well set together receive, and return lustre each to other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard (a reverend Prelate) was made Patriarch there with generall consent. But more stirre was there about that place in Jerusalem: For first Arnulphus, a worthlesse and vitious man, was by Fatuo po­pulo suffragia inconsulta ministrante, Tyrius, lib. 9. cap. 4. popular faction lifted up into the Patriarchs chair; but with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, Archbishop of Pisa, substituted in his room: one very wise and politick, an excellent book-man in reading of men, and otherwise well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a mediocrity was an eminency in learning. But he was infected with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted them­selves to want room, except they justled with Princes. As for Arnulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest this Dabert; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sate in the Patriarchs chair, till after many chan­ges he struggled himself again into the place.

Under these Patriarchs many Archbishops and Bishops were appointed, in the very places (as near as might be) where they were before the Saracens overrunning the countrey, and good maintenance assigned to most of them.

But at this time Bishops were set too thick for all to grow great; and Palestine fed too many Cathedrall Churches to have them generally fat. Vide tabu­las Adrico­mii. Lydda, Jamnia, and Joppa, three Episco­pall towns, were within four miles one of another. Yea, Lib. 14. c. 12 Ty­rius makes 14 Bishops under the Archbishop of Tyre, 20 un­der the Archbishop of Caesarea, under the Archbishop of Scy­thopolis 9, 12 under the Archbishop of Rabbah, besides 25 suf­fragan churches, which it seems were immediately depending on the Patriarch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any Archbishop. Surely, many of these Bishops (to use Bishop In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143. Langhams expression) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither let it stagger the reader, if in that catalogue of Tyrius he light on many Bishops seats which are not to be found in Mercator, Ortelius, or any other Geographer; for some of them [Page 46] were such poor places, that they were ashamed to appear in a map, and fall so much under a Geographers notice, that they fall not under it. For in that age Bishops had their Sees at poor and contemptible villages; (as here in England before the Con­quest, who would suspect Sunning in Barkshire, or Dorchester near Oxford to have had Cathedrall churches?) till in the dayes of Fox Mar­tyrolog. p. 173. William the first, Bishops removed their seats to the prin­cipall towns in the shire.

Chap. 3.

MAhomets tombe hung not so strong but now it began to shake, and was likely to [...]all. These victories of the Chri­stians gave a deadly wound to that religion. Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations, I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same superstition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets, stirre one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt under Ammiravissus their Generall, at Askelon they gave the Christians battel. Aug. 12. But God sent such a qualm of cowardlinesse over the hearts of these Infidels, that an hundred thousand of them were quickly slain; so that it was ra­ther an execution then a fight; and their rich tents which seem­ed to be the Tyrius, lib. 9. cap. 12. exchequer of the East-countrey, spoiled; so that the Pilgrimes knew not how to value the wealth they found in them.

This victory obtained, such Pilgrimes as were disposed to return, add ressed themselves for their countrey; and these mer­chants for honour went home, having made a gainfull adven­ture. Those that remained were advanced to Signories in the land; as Tancred was made governour of Galilee. Nor will it be amisse to insert this story: Peter Bishop of Anagnia in Ita­ly, was purposed here to lead his life without taking care for his charge, when behold S. Magnus Baronius out of Brunus in anno 1099. patron of that church ap­peared to him in a vision, pretending himself to be a young man who had left his wife at home, and was come to live in Jerusa­lem. Fie, said Peter to him, go home again to your wife: Whom God hath joyned together, let no man put asunder. Why then, replied S. Magnus, have you left your church a widow in Italy, and live here so farre from her company? This vision, though calculated for this one Bishop, did generally serve for all the non-residents which posted hither, and who payed not [Page 47] the lawfull debt to their conscience, whilest by needlesse bonds they engaged themselves to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be light, because immateriall, yet they may prove an heavy burden to these carelesse Pastours who were to answer for them.

After the return of these Pilgrimes, the heat of the Christians victories in Syria was somewhat allayed: for Tyrius. lib. 9. cap. 20. Idem, l [...]b. 9. cap. 19. Boemund Prince of Antioch marching into Mesopotamia, was taken pri­soner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris, then called Assur, though hitherto he had been alwayes a conquerour, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest gale of successe.

Chap. 4.

Hospinian. De orig. Mon. fol. 165. ABout this time under Gerard their first master, began the order of Knights-hospitallers. Indeed more anciently there were Hospitallers in Jerusalem; but these were no Knights: they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed to it; but were pure Alms-men, whose house was founded, and they maintain­ed by the charity of the merchants of Amalphia a city in Italy.

But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto them, their house dedicated to S. John of Jerusalem; Knights-hospi­tallers and those of S. John of Jerusalem being both the same; although learned In his View of civill law, pag. 159. D ^r Ridley maketh them two distinct or­ders, for which our Mr. Selden▪ in his preface Of tithes, pag. 6. great Antiquary doth justly reprove him. But such an errour is veniall; and it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, then to commit a small oversight. The one sheweth himself man, in mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light mistake.

To make one capable of the highest order of this Knight­hood (for their Hospinian. D [...]ig. Mon. fol. 165. servitours and priests might be of an inferiour rank) the party must thus be qualified: Eighteen years old at the least; of an able Body; not descended of Jewish or Turkish parents; no bastard, except bastard to a Prince, there being ho­nour in that dishonour, as there is light in the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of worshipfull parentage. They wore a red belt with a white crosse; and on a black cloke the white crosse of Jerusalem, which is a crosse crossed, or five crosses together, in memory of our Saviours five wounds. Yet [Page 48] was there some difference betwixt their habit in peace and in warre. Their profession was to fight against Infidels, and to secure Pilgrimes coming to the Sepulchre; and they vowed Po­verty, Chastity, and Obedience. Reimundus de Podio their second master made some additionalls to their profession: as, They must receive the sacrament thrice a year; heare Masse once a day if possible: They were to be no merchants, no usu­rers; to fight no private duells; Hospinian. ut priús. to stand neuters, and to take no side, if the Princes in Christendome should fall out.

But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the spring, and mirie in the stream. These Hospitallers afterwards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictnesse of their first Institution, and grew loose into all licentiousnesse. What was their obedience to their master, but rebellion against the Patriarch their first patrone? as shall be shewed hereafter. What was their poverty but a couzenage of the world; whilest their order sued in form a pauperis, and yet had Camb. Brit. pag. 311. nineteen thousand mannours in Christendome belonging unto them? Neither will it be scandalum magnatum to their lordships, to say what Saint Cited by Volateran. Bernard speaketh of their chastity, how they lived inter scorta & epulas, betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleannesse: For commonly those who vow not to go the high-way of Gods or­dinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths.

I will not forestall the history, to shew how these Hospital­lers were afterwards Knights of Rhodes, and at this day of Malta; but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their cre­ation, because much materiall stuff no doubt may be picked out of their formalities.

There is delivered them, 1. a Sand. Trav. pag. 229. sword, in token that they must be valiant, 2. with a crosse-hilt; their valour must defend reli­gion: 3. With this sword they are struck three times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer for Christ: 4. They must wipe the sword; their life must be undefiled. 5. Gilt spurres are put on them, because they are to scorn wealth at their heels: 6. And then they take a taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their exemplary lives; 7. and so go to hear Masse: where we leave them.

Sand. Trav. pag. 159. At the same time Knights of the Sepulchre were also or­dained, which for their originall and profession are like to these Knights-hospitallers. The order continueth to this day. The Padre Guardian of Jerusalem maketh them of such as have seen the Sepulchre: They should be Gentlemen by birth; but the Padre carrieth a Chancerie in his bosome, to mitigate the rigour of this Common law, and will admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no bloud: as of late he made an Apothecary [Page 49] of Aleppo of that honour: So that there the sword of Knight­hood is denyed to none who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to pay soundly for it.

Chap. 5.

NOt long after, there was started a controversiè of great consequence betwixt the King and Patriarch: the Patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with the appertei­nances; the King refusing to surrender them.

The Patriarch pleaded, That these places anciently belonged to his predecessours: He set before the King the hainousnesse of sacriledge; how great a sin it was when Princes, who should be nursing-fathers and suckle the Church, shall suck from it: and shewed how the Common-wealth may grow fat, but never healthfull, by feeding on the Churches goods.

On the other side the King alledged, That the Christian Prin­ces had now purchased Jerusalem with their bloud, and be­stowed it on him: that the Patriarchs overgrown title was drowned in this last conquest; from which, as from a new foundation, all must build their claims who challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he pleaded, it was unreason­able that the King of Jerusalem should have nothing in Jerusa­lem (as at this day the Romane Emperour is a very ciphre, with­out power or profit in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourn­er then a Prince in his royall city, confined to an airy title, whilest the Patriarch should have all the command.

To this the Patriarch answered, That the Christians new conquest could not cancell his ancient right, which was enjoy­ed even under the Saracens; That this voyage was principally undertaken for advancing the Church, and not to restore her onely to her liberty, and withhold from her her lands, so that in this respect she should find better usage from her foes then from her children. If we mistake not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the Patriarchs proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to his predecessours: and we find him to fail in the main issue of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years the Patriarchs, on condition they should repair and fortifie the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of the city, even by grant from Bomensor the Emperour of the [Page 50] Saracens, in the yeare of our Lord 1063. But that ever he had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant, it ap­peareth not in Tyrius; who saith moreover, Lib. 9. cap. 6 We wonder for what reason the lord Patriarch should raise this controversie a­gainst Duke Godfrey.

Let me adde, that this our Authour is above exception: for being both a politick states-man and pious prelate, no doubt his penne striketh the true and even stroke betwixt King and Patri­arch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this matter, wri­ting in a well-proportioned distance of time from it. Those who live too near the stories they write, oftentimes willingly mis­take through partiality; and those who live too farre off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the footsteps of truth being almost worn out with time.

But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first, yet afterwards not onely on Candlemasse-day restored to the Patri­arch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter follow­ing, gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever he demand­ed: conditionally that the King should hold it of the Patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon, or some other roy­all city fit for him to keep his Court in. If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the Patriarch was to have it present­ly delivered unto him.

We will be more charitable then those, that say that the Pa­triarch herein did Centuriato­res, centur. 12. col. 490. De schism. bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at the confes­sion of his sinnes. Onely we may question the discretion of this Prince in giving a gift of so large a size: for Charities eyes must be open as well as her hands; though she giveth away her bran­ches, not to part with the root.

And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of this his bountifull grant lay on his death-bed, sick of that irrecover­able disease which ended him. How easily may importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate sicknesse hath softned! And if the sturdiest man nigh death may be affrighted into good works for fear of Purgatory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any demand. In his Pass. 11. Pierce Plowman maketh a witty wonder, why Friers should cover rather to confesse and bury, then to christen children; intimating it proceeded from covetousnesse, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the other. And this was the age wherein the Covents got their best living by the dying: which made them (contrary to all other people) most to worship the sunne setting.

Chap. 6.

AUthours differ on the death of this noble King: some making him to die of that long-wasting sicknesse; others, of the P. Aemili­us, lib. 5. plague: It may be the plague took him out of the hands of that lingring disease, and quickly cut off what that had been long in fretting. He died July 18. having reigned one yeare wanting five dayes. A Prince valiant, pious, bountifull to the Church: for besides what he gave to the Patriarch, he founded Canons in the temple of the Sepulchre, and a monastery in the vale of Jehoshaphat.

We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving the orphane State not onely in its minority, but its infancy) but that that fruit which to mans apprehension is blown down green and untimely, is gathered full-ripe in Gods providence. He was bu­ried in the temple of the Sepulchre, where his tombe is invio­lated at this day; whether out of a religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead bones; or perchance the Turks are minded as John King of England was, who being wished by a Courtier to untombe the bones of one who whilest he was li­ving had been his great enemy, Oh no, said King John, would all mine enemies were as honourably buried.

Chap. 7.

GOdfrey being dead, 1100 the Christians with a joynt consent di­spatched an embassie to Baldwine his Brother, Count of E­dessa (a city in Plin. lib. 5. cap. 24. Arabia, the lord whereof had adopted this Bald­wine to be his heir) entreated him to accept of the Kingdome: which honourable offer he courteously embraced.

A Prince whose body Nature cut of the largest size, being like Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 2. Saul, higher by the head then his subjects. And though the Goths had a law alwayes to choose a Munst. Cos­mog. lib. 3. pag. 264. short thick man for their King; yet surely a goodly stature is most majesticall. His hair and beard brown, face fair, with an eagles nose; which in the Pantal. in vita Carol. 5. Persian Kings was anciently observed as a mark of magna­nimity. [Page 52] Bred he was a scholar, entred into Orders, and was Prebendary in the Tyri [...]s, lib. 10. cap. 1. churches of Rhemes, Liege, and Cambray; but afterwards turned secular Prince, as our Fox, Mar­tyrol. pag. 136. Athelwulphus, who exchanged the mitre of Winchester for the crown of En­gland. Yet Bald wine put not off his scholarship with his habit, but made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookish­nesse may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a Prince, and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier.

He was properly the first King of Jerusalem (his brother Dec. 25. Godfrey never accounted more then a Duke) and was crowned on Christmas-day. The reason that made him assume the name of a King, was thereby to strike the greater Munst. Cos­mog. p. 1008. terrour in­to the Pagans. Thus our Kings of England from the dayes of King John were styled but Lords of Ireland, till Henry the 8. first entituled himself King, because Cambden, Brit. pag. 732 Lord was sleighted by the seditious rebells. As for that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwine easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the mind is all: A crown might be refused with pride, and worn with humility.

But before his Coronation there was a tough bickering a­bout the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the Patriarch, on the death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of David in his hope, but coming to take possession, found the place too hot for him. For Garnier Earl of Gretz, in the behalf of King Bald­wine (who was not yet returned from Edessa) manned it a­gainst him. But so it happened, that this valiant Earl died three dayes after, which by Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 4. Dabert was counted a just judgement of God upon him for his sacriledge. Now though it be piety to impute all events to Gods hand, yet to say that this mans death was for such a sinne, sheweth too much presumption towards God, and too little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden death had singled out this Earl alone, it had somewhat favoured their censure; but there was then a generall mortality in the city which swept away [...] Vrsperg. pag. 236. thousands: and which is most materiall, what this Patriarch interpreted sacriledge, others accounted loyalty to his Sove­reign. As for that donation of the city of Jerusalem and tower of David which Godfrey gave to the Patriarch, some thought that this gift overthrew it self with its own greatnesse, being so immoderately large: others supposed it was but a per­sonall act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver; as con­ceiving his successours not obliged to perform it, because it was unreasonable that a Prince should in such sort fetter and restrain those which should come after him. Sure it is, that Baldwine having both the stronger sword, and possession of the [Page 53] citie, kept it perforce, whilest the Patriarch took that leave which is allowed to loosers, to talk, chafe, and complain; send­ing his bemoaning letters to Tyrius, lib. 10. Boemund Prince of Antioch, in­viting him to take arms, and by violence to recover the Church­es right; but from him received the uselesse assistance of his pi­ty, and that was all.

Chap. 8.

AFterwards, 1102 this breach betwixt the King and Patriarch was made up by the mediation of some friends: but the skinne onely was drawn over, not dead flesh drawn out of the wound; and Arnulphus (whom we mentioned before) discon­tented for his losse of the Patriarchs place, still kept the sore raw betwixt them. At last Dabertus the Patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where he had plentifull maintenance allowed him by Bernard Patriarch of that See. 1103 But he was too high in the in­step to wear another mans shoes, and conceived himself to be but in a charitable prison whilest he lived on anothers benevo­lence. Wherefore hence he hasted to Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 4. Rome, complained to the Pope, and received from his Holinesse a command to King Baldwine to be reestablished in the Patriarchs place, but returning home died by the way at Messana in Sicily, being ac­counted seven years Patriarch, four at home, and three in ba­nishment.

Whilest Dabert was thrust out, 1107 one Ebremarus was made Patriarch against his will by King Baldwine. An holy and de­vout man; but he had more of the dove then the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He hearing that he was com­plained of to the Pope for his irregular election, posted to Rome to excuse himself, shewing he was chosen against his will: and though preferment may not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all would not do; It was enough to put him out, because the King put him in. Wherefore he was command­ed to return home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus Archbishop of Arles and the Popes Legate should pronounce in the matter.

[Page 54]Gibellinus coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election of Ebremarus to be illegall and void, and was himself chosen Patriarch in his place; and the other in reverence of his piety made Archbishop of Cesarea. 1108 And though Arnulphus (the fire­brand of this Church) desired the Patriarchs place for himself, yet was he better content with Gibellinus his election, because he was a through-old man, and hoped that candle would quick­ly go out that was in the socket.

Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 28. To this Gibellinus King Baldwine granted, that all places which he or his successours should winne, should be subject to his jurisdiction; and this also was confirmed by Pope Paschall the 2. Baronius in anne 1108. But Bernard Patriarch of Antioch found himself much aggrieved hereat; because many of these cities by the ancient ca­non of the Council of Nice, were subject to his Church. At last the Pope took the matter into his hand, and stroked the angry Patriarch of Antioch into gentlenesse with good language. He shewed, how since the Council of Nice the countrey had got a new face; ancient mountains were buried, rivers drown­ed in oblivion, and they new christened with other names: Yea, the deluge of the Saracens tyranny had washed away the bounds of the Churches jurisdictions, that now they knew not their own severals, where Mahometanisme so long had made all common and waste. He desired him therefore to be content­ed with this new division of their jurisdictions: especially be­cause it was reasonable, that the King of Jerusalem and his successours should dispose of those places, which they should winne with their own swords. Bernard perceiving hereby how his Holinesse stood affected in the businesse, contented his con­science that he had set his title on foot, and then quietly let it fall to the ground, as counting it no policy to shew his teeth where he durst not bite.

Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem, whe­ther it was in thankfulnesse for this large ecclesiasticall power which King Baldwine had bestowed upon him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so strong an adversary. He sate four years in his chair, and Arnulphus thinking he went too slow to the grave, is suspected to have given him something to have mended his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the especiall favour of K. Baldwine.

This Arnulphus was called mala corona, 1112 as if all vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the King being himself wantonly disposed, advanced such a man: for generally, loose Patrons cannot abide to be pinched and pent with over-strict Chaplains. Besides, it was policy in him to choose such a Pa­triarch as was liable to exceptions for his vitious life; that so if he began to bark against the King, his mouth might be quickly [Page 55] stopped. Arnulphus was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his interest in Jerusalem from Godfreys donation; as fearing to wrastle with the King, who had him on the hip, and could out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst other vices he was a great church-robber, who to make Emmelor his niece a Princesse, and to marry Eustace Prince of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowrie, and lands belonging to his See worth five thousand crowns yearly. And though Pa­pists may pretend that marriage causeth covetousnesse in the Clergy, yet we shall find when the Prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their nephews are more church-bread then now the children of married Ministers. Yea, some Popes not onely fed their bastards with church-milk, but even cut off the churches breasts for their pompous and magnificent mainte­nance. And thus having dispatched the story of the Church in this Kings reigne, we come now to handle the businesse of the Common-wealth entirely by it self.

Chap. 9.

THe fame of the good successe in Palestine summoned a new 1101 supply of other Pilgrimes out of Christendome. Germa­ny, and other places which were sparing at the first voyage, made now amends with double liberality. The chief adventu­rers were, Guelpho Duke of Bavaria, (who formerly had been a great champion of the Popes against Henry the Emperour; and from him Pantal. De hist. Germ. part. 2. pag. 151. they of the Papall faction were denominated Guelphes, in distinction from the Imperiall party which were called Gibellines:) Hugh brother to the King of France, and Stephen Earl of Blois, (both which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they sought to unstain their credits by going a­gain) Stephen Earl of Burgundy, William Duke of Aquitain, Frederick Count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the Earl of Tho­lose: besides many great Prelates; Diemo Archbishop of Saltz­burg, the Ursperg. pag. 237. Bishops of Millain and Pavie, which led 50000 out of Lombardy; the totall summe amounting to 250000. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to see what so great an army would atchieve; men commonly measuring victories by the [Page 56] multitudes of the souldiers. But they did nothing memorable, save onely that so many went so farre to do nothing. Their suf­ferings are more famous then their deeds; being so consumed with plague, famine, and the sword, that In Chrōnico, pag. 239. Conrade Abbot of Urspurg, who went and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all these came into Palestine, and those so poore that their bones would scarce hold together: so that they were fitter to be sent into an hospitall then to march into the field; having nothing about them wherewith to affright their ene­mies, except it were the ghost-like ghastlinesse of their famish­ed faces. The army that came out of Lombardy were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no fragments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was become of them: And no wonder, being led by Prelates unexperienced in martiall affairs; which though perchance great Clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they had no skill to reade. Cited by Lampad. Melli [...]. histor. part. 3. pag. 268. Luther was wont to say, that he would be unwilling to be a souldier in that army where Priests were Captains; because the Church, and not the Camp, was their proper place; whereas going to warre, they willingly outed themselves of Gods protection, being out of their vocation.

But the main matter which made this whole voyage miscar­ry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife through whose hands it was to passe. For Alexius the Grecian Empe­rour feared, lest betwixt the Latines in the East in Palestine, and West in Europe, as betwixt two milstones, his Empire lying in the midst should be ground to powder. Whereupon, as these Pilgrims went through his countrey, he did them all possible mischief, still under pretence of kindnesse, (What hinderer to a false helper?) calling the chief Captains of the army his sonnes; but they found it true, The more courtesie, the more craft. Yea, this deep dis [...]embler would put off his vizard in private, and professe to his friends that he delighted as much to see the Turks and these Christians in battel, as to see Besoldus. mastiff­dogs fight together; and that P. Aemil. pag. 140. which side soever lost, yet he himself would be a gainer.

But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the Bos­porus (otherwise called The arm of S. George) entring into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty dayes exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this great multitude was never stabbed with any mortall defeat in a set battel, yet they consumed away by degrees, the cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were pinnioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The Generalls bestrewed the countrey about with their corpses. Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia; Duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; Munst. Cos. mog. pag. 640. Diemo the [Page 57] Archbishop of Sal [...]zburg saw his own heart cut out, and was Ursperg. pag. 238. martyred by the Turks at Chorazin: And God (saith my Au­thour) manifested by the event, that the warre was not pleasing unto him.

Chap. 10.

MEan time King Baldwine was imployed with better suc­cesse in Palestine: for hitherto Joppa was the onely port the Christians had; but now by the assistance of the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 14. a third part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of every city they took) Baldwine wonne most considerable havens along the mid-land-sea. He began with Antipatris, to ransome the Christian ho­nour which was morgaged here, because Godfrey was driven away from hence: And no wonder, having no Tyrius, lib. 9. cap. 18. shipping; where­as that Army which takes a strong harbour, otter-like must swim at sea as well as go on ground.

Next he took Cesarea-Stratonis, built and so named in the honour of Cesar Augustus, by Herod the great; who so Iosephus. poli­tickly poised himself, that he sate upright whilest the wheel of Fortune turned round under him. Let Antony winne, let Au­gustus winne, all one to him; by contrary winds he sailed to his own ends. Cesarea taken, Baldwine at Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow.

But see the chance of warre; Few dayes after at the same place he received a great defeat by the Infidels, wherein besides many others, the two Stephens, Earls of Burgundy and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow the Christians suffered in Palestine: and needs must blows be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. The King was reported slain, but fame deserved to be pardoned for so good a lie; which for the present much disheartned the Christians, a great part of the souldiers courage being wrapped up in the life of the Generall.

Baronius (as bold as any 1 Sam. 5. Bethshemite to pry into the ark of Gods secrets) In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100. & rursu [...], anno 1104. saith, This was a just punishment on Baldwine for detaining the Churches goods. But to leave hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow was his own Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 20. rash­nesse, being desirous to ingrosse all the credit alone, without sending for succours and supplies from his neighbours. He as­saluted [Page 58] his numerous enemies with an handfull of men; and so brake himself, with covetousnesse to purchase more honour then he could pay for. And herein he discovered his want of judgement, being indeed like an arrow well-feathered, but with a blunt pile; he flew swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his cre­dit lay bleeding, but he quickly stanched it. The Pagans little suspecting to be re-incountred, gave themselves over to mirth and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword to fall out of their hands from whom no force could wrest it) when Baldwine coming on them with fresh souldiers, strook them with the backblows of an unexpected enemy, which alwayes pierce the deepest, routed them and put them to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly after his overthrow, that some mention not the overthrow at all, but the victory onely; as that good horseman is scarce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the saddle.

Chap. 11.

VVHilest the King was thus busied in battel, 1102 Tancred Prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged the Chri­stian dominions with the taking of Apamea and Laodicea. These cities in Coelosyria were built by Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 23. Idem, cap. 28. Antiochus: and they agreed so well together, that they were called sisters; and as in concord, so in condition they went hand in hand, being now both conquered together.

Ptolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke; 1104 so named from Ptolemeus Philometor King of Egypt; a city on the Mediter­ranean, of a triangular form, having two sides washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion. The Genoan galleys be­ing 70 in number, did the main service in conquering, and had granted them for their reward large profits from the harbour, a church to themselves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This Ptolemais was afterwards the very seat of the Holy warre. Let me mind the Reader of a Latine proverb, Vide Erasm. Ad [...]g. Lis Pto­lemaica; that is, A long and constant strife; so called from Pto­lemais, a froward old woman who was never out of wrangling. But may not the proverb as well be verified of this citie, in which there was ninescore years fighting against the Turks?

With Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 30. worse successe did Baldwine Count of Edessa, and [Page 59] Earl Joceline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia: for when it was ready to be surrendred, the Christian Captains fell out a­mongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and the two forenamed Earls taken prisoners. This Charran is famous for Gen. 11. 31. Abrahams living, and his father Terahs dying there: And in the same place rich Iosephus. Crassus the Romane vomited up the sacri­legious goods he had devoured of the temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown. Nor here may we overpasse, how Boemund Prince of Antioch with a great navie spoiled the harbours of Grecia, 1107 to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the Emperour. Voluntaries for this service he had enough, all desiring to have a lash at the dog in the manger, Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 6. and every mans hand itching to throw a cudgel at him; who like a nut-tree must be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit: Idem. yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made betwixt them.

To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the victori­ous arms of the Christians, was Byblus; a good haven, and built by Heveus the sixth sonne of Canaan. Here Adonis was anci­ently worshipped, whose untimely death by a bore Venus so much bemoned: And the fable is moralized, when Lust la­menteth the losse of Beauty consumed by age. Nor did Tripo­li hold out long after; 1109 so called, because joyntly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians, and Aradites. And Berytus (since Baru­tus) accompanied her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the Christians. The King created one Bertram, a well-deserving Noble-man, Earl of Tripoli; who did homage to the King for his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as being one of the four Tetrarchies of the Kingdome of Jerusalem.

Chap. 12.

SIdon is the most ancient citie of Phenicia. And though the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides themselves, 1110 yet Phenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus a Phenician born, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon had her name from the eldest sonne of Gen. 10. 15. Canaan, and was famous for the finest crystall-glasses, which here were made. The glassie sand was fetched 40 miles off, from the river Belus: but it could not be made [Page 60] Sand. Trav. pag. 210. fusile till it was brought hither; whether for want of tools, or from some secret sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city anciently was of great renown: but her fortune being as brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every one of the Monarchs yokes; and now at last (by the assistance of the Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 14. Danish and Norvegian fleet) was subdued by the Christians.

Fleshed with this conquest, Dec. 19. 1112 they next besieged Tyre. Sea and land, nature and art consented together to make this city strong: for it was seated in an island, save that it was tacked to the con­tinent with a small neck of land, which was fortified with ma­ny walls and towers. It is questionable whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater; but out of question that the pride was greater then either. Here the best purples were died, a colour even from the beginning destined to Courts and Magi­stracy; and here the richest clothes were embroidered and cu­riously wrought. And though generally those who are best with their fingers are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout men, able mariners, and the planters of the no­blest colonies in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so was it mother to Romes rivall Carthage, Leptis, U­tica, Cadiz, and Nola. The most plentifull proof they gave of their valour was, when for three years they defended them­selves against Nebuchadnezzar; and afterwards stopped the full career of Alexanders conquests; so that his victorious army which did flie into other countreys, was glad to creep into this city. Yet after seven moneths siege (such is the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up 2000 of the prime citizens in a rank along the sea-shore.

Yet afterwards Tyre out-grew these her miseries, and attain­ed, though not to her first giant-like, yet to a competent pro­portion of greatnesse. At this time wherein King Baldwine be­sieged it, it was of great strength and importance, insomuch that finding it a weight too heavy for his shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart.

With worse successe he afterwards did rashly give battel to Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 19. the vast army of the Persian Generall, 1113 wherein he lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with great difficulty.

Chap. 13.

AFter the tempest of a long warre a calm came at last, and King Baldwine had a five years vacation of peace in his old age: In which time he disported himself with many voy­ages for pleasure: 1116 as, one to the Red-sea, not so called from the rednesse of the water, or sand, as some without any co­lour have conceited; but from the neighbouring Edomites whom the Grecians called Erytheans, or re [...] men, truly tran­slating the Hebrew name of Edomites: they had their name of rednesse from their father Scalig. on Festus, in Ae­gyptius: & Fuller, Mi­scell. lib. 4. cap. 20. Edom. And here Baldwine surveyed the countrey, 1117 with the nature and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards into Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 31. Egypt, as concei­ving himself ingaged in honour to make one inrod [...] into that countrey, in part of paiment of those many excursions the Egy­ptians had made into his Kingdome. He took the city of Calvisius makes it to be wonne at the former voy­age. Pha­ramia, anciently called Rameses, and gave the spoil thereof to his souldiers. This work being done, he began his play, and en­tertained the time with viewing that riddle of Nature, the river of Nilus, whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders: first, for its indiscoverable fountain; though some late Geogra­phers, because they would be held more intelligent then others, have found the head of Nilus in their own brains, and make it to flow from a fountain they fansie in the mountains of the moon, in the south of Africa: then, for the strange creatures bred therein; as river-bulls, horses, and crocodiles: But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing thereof from the Sand. Trav. pag. 94. 17. of June to the midst of September, overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all humane judgement to give the true reason thereof.

Much time Baldwine spent in beholding this river, wherein he took many fishes, and his death in eating them: for a new surfet revived the grief of an old wound, which he many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais. His sicknesse put him in mind of his sinnes, conscience speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechlesse: And especially he grieved, that ha­ving another wife alive, he had married the Countesse of Sicilie, the relict of Earl Roger: But now heartily sorrowfull for his fault, he sent away this his last wife; yet we reade not that he received his former again. Other faults he would have amend­ed, but was prevented by death. And no doubt where the deed [Page 62] could not be present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to Je­rusalem, and buried on Palm-sunday in the temple of the Se­pulchre, 1118 Mar. 26. in the 18 year of his reign.

A Prince superiour to his brother Godfrey in learning, equall in valour, inferiour in judgement; rash, precipitate, greedy of honour, but swallowing more then he could digest, and under­taking what he was not able to perform; little affected to the Clergy, or rather to their temporall greatnesse, especially when it came in competition with his own; much given to women, (besides the three wives he had, first marrying Gutrera an En­glish-woman; after her death, Tafror an Armenian Lady; and whilest she yet survived, the Countesse of Sicilie) yet he had no child, God commonly punishing wantonnesse with barren­nesse. For the rest, we referre the reader to the dull Epitaph written on his tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind of rythme, though it can scarce stand on true feet:

Let him whô pleaseth play the critick on the divers readings; and whether by Dan be meant the Souldan, or whether it rela­teth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a comment.

Chap. 14.

IT happened the same day King Baldwine was buried, that Baldwine de Burgo his kinsman and Count of Edessa came casually into the city, intending onely there to keep his Easter: when behold the Christian Princes met together for the electi­on [Page 63] of a new King. The greater part did centre their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former Kings, but then absent in France. They alledged, That it was not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inversion of order bringeth all to confusion; and, That it was high ingratitude to the memo­ries of Godfrey and Baldwine, to exclude their brother from the crown; especially he being fit in all points to be a King, wanting nothing but that he wanted to be there; That in the mean time some might be deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keyes of the State till he should arrive.

On the other side, some objected the dangers of an inter­regnum, how when a State is headlesse, every malecontent would make head; inconveniences in another countrey would be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their enemies: and therefore to stay for a King, was the way to lose the King­dome.

Then Joceline Prince of Tiberias, a man of great authority, offered himself a moderatour in this difference, and councelled both sides to this effect: To proceed to a present election, and therein to be directed, not confined by succession; though they missed the next, let them take one of Godfreys kindred: As the case now stood▪ he must be counted next in bloud that was next at hand; and this was Baldwine Count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed much superlative praises. All were much affected with these his commendations; for they knew that Joceline was his sworn adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty weight of worth in Baldwine, which pressed out praise from the mouth of his enemy: though indeed private ends prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to get the Earl­dome of Edessa when Baldwine should be translated to Jerusa­lem. However, his words took effect, and Baldwine hereupon was chosen King, Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 4. and crowned on Easter-day by Arnulphus the Patriarch. 1118 April 2.

Mean time some secretly were sent to Prince Eustace to come and challenge the crown. But he hearing that another was al­ready in possession, though he was on his journey coming, qui­etly went back again. A large alms, to give away a Kingdome out of his charity to the publick cause.

Baldwine was of a proper personage, and able body, both nigh Rhemes in France, sonne to Hugh Count of Rorstet and Millisent his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to the poore, and pious towards God; witnesse the brawn on his hands and knees made with continuall praying: valiant also, and excel­lently well seen in all martiall affairs.

We had almost forgotten what happened in this yeare, the death of Alexius the Grecian Emperour, that arch-hypocrite [Page 64] and grand enemy of this warre. On whom we may bestow this Epitaph:

His sonne Calo-Johannes succeeded him in his Empire, of whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter.

Chap. 15.

ACcording to our wonted method, let us first rid out of the way Church-matters in this Kings reigne, that so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the Common­wealth. We left Arnulphus the last Patriarch of Jerusalem; since which time the bad favour of his life came to the Popes nose, who sent a Legate to depose him. But Arnulphus hasted to Rome with much Tyrius, lib. 11. cap. 26. money, and there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the place during his life.

Guarimund succeeded in his place, a very religious man, 1119 by whom God gave the Christians many victories. He called a Council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of manners. Betwixt him and William Archbishop of Tyre (an English man) there arose a difference, because this Archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him, (from whom by ancient right he should take it) but from the Pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest landlord: And indeed the Pope for gain con­firmed him, though he should have sent him to the Patriarch. But the court of Rome careth not though men steal their corn, so be it they bring it to their mills to grind.

After Guarimunds death, 1128 Stephen Abbot of S. John de Va­lia was chosen Patriarch; once a cavallier, but afterward laying down the sword, he took up the Word, and entred into Orders. He awaked the Patriarchs title to Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessours, and challenged it very imperi­ously of the King; for he was a man of spirit and metall. And indeed he had too much life to live long. For the King fearing what flame this spark might kindle, and finding him to be an active man, gave him (as it is suspected) a little more active poi­son, [Page 65] which cut him off in the midst of his age, and beginning of his projects.

The King coming to him when he lay on his death-bed, asked him how he did: To whom he answered, My Tyrius, lib. 13. cap. 25. Lord, for the present I am as you would have me. A cruel murder, if true: But it is strange, 1130 that he whose hands (as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer, should soften them again in in­nocent bloud. Wherefore we will not condemn the memory of a King on doubtfull evidence. The Patriarchs place was fil­led with William Prior of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man bet­ter beloved then learned.

Chap. 16.

ABout this time the two great orders of Templa [...]s and Teu­tonicks appeared in the world. 1119 The former under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganfred of S. Omer their first founders. They a­greed in profession with the Hospitallers, and performed it alike, vowing Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, and to defend Pilgrimes coming to the Sepulchre. It is Baronius, in anno 1127. falsely fathered on S. Bernard, that he appointed them their rule; who prescribeth not what they should do, but onely Quarto & quinto cap. exhort. describeth what they did: namely, How they were never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other imployment; never played at chesse or dice, never hawked not hunted, beheld no stageplayes; arming them­selves with faith within, with steel without; aiming more at strength then state; to be feared, not admired; to strike terrour with their valour, not stirre covetousnesse with their wealth in the heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let him who pleaseth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous Doctour.

Indeed at first they were very poor; in token whereof they gave for their Weaver, Fun. mon. pag. 71. Seal, Two men riding on one horse. And hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners, their con­stant [...]ansome was a Hospin. De orig. mon. Sword and a Belt; it being conceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price. But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by the intreaty of Stephen the Patriarch of Jerusalem) who appointed them to wear a White garment, to which Euge [...]ius the third added a Red crosse on their breast, they grew wonderfully rich by the bounty of severall Patrons: Yea, Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 7. the King and Patriarch of Jerusalem [...] this infant-order so long in their laps till it [Page 66] brake their knees, it grew so heavie at last; and these ungratefull Templars did pluck out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded them. From Alms-men they turned Lords; and though very valiant at first, (for they were sworn rather to dye then to flie) afterwards lazinesse withered their arms, and swelled their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first Institution, as at the swadling-clothes of their infan­cie; neglecting the Patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be whipped with the rod of his discipline; till partly their vitiousnesse, and partly their wealth caused their finall extirpati­on, as (God willing) shall be shewed Lib. 5. cap. 1, 2, 3. hereafter.

At the same time began the Teutonick order, consisting one­ly of Dutch-men well descended, living at Jerusalem in an house which one of that nation bequeathed to his countrey­men that came thither on pilgrimage. In the yeare 1190 their order was honoured with a great Master, whereof the first was Henry a-Walpot; and they had an habit assigned them to wear, Black Crosses on White robes: They were to fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But we shall meet with them more largely in the following story.

Chap. 17.

IT is worth the Readers marking, how this Kings reign was checquered with variety of fortune: For first, Roger Prince of Antioch (or rather guardian in the minority of young Boe­mund) went forth with greater courage then discretion; Tyrius, lib. 12. cap. 10. where­unto his successe was answerable, being conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwine on the 14 of August following, for­ced the Turks to a restitution of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great overthrow, in spite of Gazi their boast­ing Generall.

To qualifie the Christians joy for this good successe, 1122 Joce­line unadvisedly fighting with Balak, a petty King of the Turks, was conquered and taken prisoner: and King Baldwine coming to deliver him, was also taken himself; for which he might thank his own rashnesse: For it had been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till the Venetian succours which were not farre off, had come to him; and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of a battel.

Yet the Christians hands were not bound in the Kings capti­vity: [Page 67] For Eustace Grenier, chosen Vice-roy whilest the King was in durance, stoutly defended the countrey: and Count Joceline, which had escaped out of prison, fighting again with Balak at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed him with his own hands. But the main piece of service was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct of Guarimund the Pa­triarch of Jerusalem; but chiefly by the help of the Venetian navie, which Michael their Duke brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and munition; but famine increasing (against whose arrows there is no armour of proof) it was yielded on honourable terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have made the Turks digest courser conditions, yet the Chri­stians were loth to anger their enemies valour into desperate­nesse.

Next year the King returned home, Iune 29. having been eighteen moneths a prisoner, being to pay for his ransome an hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his daughter in pawn. 1125 But he payed the Turks with their own money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of the Saracens, vanquish­ing Bors [...]quin their Captain at Antiochia: 1126 and not long after, he conquered Dordequin another great Commander of them at Damascus.

To correct the ranknesse of the Christians pride for this good successe, 1130 Damascus was afterward by them unfortunately be­sieged: Heaven discharged against them thunder-ordinance, ar­rows of lightning, small shot of hail, whereby they being mi­serably wasted were forced to depart. And this affliction was in­creased when Boemund the young Prince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented, was defeated and slain. Au­thours impute these mishaps to the Christians pride, 1131 and relying on their own strength, which never is more untrusty then when most trusted. True it was, God often gave them great victories, when they defended themselves in great straits: Hereupon they turned their thankfulnesse into presumption, grew at last from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disadvantages to their often overthrow: for God will not unmake his miracles by making them common. And may not this also be counted some cause of their ill successe, That they alwayes imputed their victo­ries to the materiall Crosse which was carried before them? So that Christ his glory after his ascension suffered again on the Crosse by their superstition.

Chap. 18.

KIng Baldwine a little before his death renounced the world, and took on him a religious habit. This was the fashion of many Princes in that age, though they did it for di­vers ends. Some thought to make amends for their disorder­ed lives by entring into some holy order at their deaths: O­thers having surfeited of the worlds vanity, fasted from it when they could eat no more because of the impotency of their bo­dies: Others being crossed by the world by some misfortune, sought to crosse the world again in renouncing of it. These like furious gamesters threw up their cards, not out of dislike of ga­ming but of their game; and they were rather discontented to live then contented to dye. But we must believe that Baldwine did it out of true devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously affected from his youth; so that all his life was religiously tuned, though it made the sweetest musick in the close. He died not long after, on the 22 of August, in the 13 year of his reign; and was buried with his predecessours in the temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe a Grecian Lady his wife, he had four daughters: whereof Millesent was the eldest; the second Alice, married to young Boemund Prince of Anti­och; the third Hodiern, wife to Reimund Prince of Tripoli; and Mete the youngest, Abbesse of Bethanie.

Chap. 19.

FUlco Earl of Tours, Main, and Anjou, coming some three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 1132 there took in mar­riage Millesent the Kings daughter. He had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some other princely accommodations for his present maintenance, and the Kingdome after the death of his father in law, which he received accordingly. He was wel­nigh 60 years old: And by his first wife he had a sonne, Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou; to whom he left his lands in France, and from whom our Kings of England are descended. This Fulco was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. His greatest defect was a weak memory, (though not so bad as that of Tlin. lib. 7. cap. 24. Messala Corvinus, who forgot his own name) [Page 69] insomuch that he knew not his own servants; and those whom he even now preferred, were presently after strangers unto him. Yet though he had a bad memory whilest he lived, he hath a good one now he is dead, and his virtues are famous to po­sterity.

Chap. 20.

THe Church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much stirre who should succeed Bernard that peaceable long-lived man, who fate 36 years, and survived eight Patriarchs of Jerusalem. Now whilest the Clergie were tedious in their choice, the Laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking it equall to have an hand in making, who must have their arms in defend­ing a Patriarch) clapped one Tyrius, lib. 15. Rodolphus of noble parentage in­to the chair. 1136 He presently took his pall off from the altar of S. Peter, thereby sparing both his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no other superiour then that Apostle for his patrone. This man was the darling of the Gentry, (and no wonder if they loved him who was of their cloth and making) but hated of the Clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himself into the favour of the Princesse of Antioch, the widow of young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command, and beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised to make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund Earl of Poictou, (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into these parts) but he deceived her, and caused the Earl to marry Constantia the daughter of this Lady, by whom he had the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia was but a child for age; but they never want years to marry, who have a Kingdome for their portion.

The Patriarch to make sure work, bound Prince Reimund by an oath to be true to him: But friends unjustly gotten, are seldome comfortably enjoyed: Of his sworn friend, he proved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, there to an­swer many accusations laid to his charge; wherein the ground­work perchance was true, though malice might set the varnish▪ [Page 70] on it. The main matter was, that he made odious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted himself equal to his Holinesse.

Rodolphus coming to Rome found the Popes dores shut a­gainst him, but he opened them with a golden key. Money he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to be tried; for he found their hands very soft towards him whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned his old pall, and took a new one from the Pope. As for his other crimes, it was con­cluded that Albericus Bishop of Ostia should be sent into Syria the [...], to examine [...], and to proceed accord­ingly with the [...]atriarch as things there should be found al­ledged and proved: Whereat his adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should instantly have been deposed.

Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus the Lega [...]e, and bowed him on their side. He coming to Antioch cited the Patriarch to appear; who b [...]ing thrice called, came not. On his absence all were present with their conjectures what should cause it. Some impu [...]ing it to his guiltinesse▪ others to his contempt; others to his fear of his enemies potency, or judges partiality: for indeed the Legate came not with a vir­gin judgement, but ravished with prejudice; being prepossessed with this intent to dispossesse him of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace formerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election was rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming a new one from the Pope.

Here was it worth the beholding in what severall Baronius, in anno 1136. streams mens affections ran. All wished that the tree might be felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall; and especially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters against the Pa­triarch. Others pitied him, and though perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were loth he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their affections till they were coun­selled by the event which side to favour; and would not be en­gaged by any manifest declaration, but so that they might fair­ly retreat if need required. Amongst other Prelates which were present, Serlo Archbishop of Apamea was one, who formerly had been a great enemy to the Patriarch, but had lately taken himself off from that course. The Legate demanded of him why he proceeded not to accuse the Patriarch as he was wont: To whom he answered, Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. 16. ‘What formerly I did, was done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, discovering the nakednesse of my father, like to cursed Cham; and now God hath recalled me from mine errour: so that I will nei­ther accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am ready to die for his safety.’ Hereupon the Legate immediately (such [Page 71] was the martiall law in a Church-man) deposed him from his Archbishoprick. Little hope then had the Patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend: Idem, lib. 15 [...]. cap. 17. and he himself followed not long after, being thrust out by violence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains; till at last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse his cause again, 1141 had not death (occa­sioned by poison, as is thought) prevented him.

Chap. 21.

1136 CAlo-Johannes the Grecian Emperour came up with a Tyrius, lib. 14. cap. 14. vast army of horse and foot, and demanded of Reimund Prince of Antioch, to resigne unto him that whole Signorie, accord­ing to the composition which the Christian Princes made with Vide suprà, book 1. c. 15. Alexius his father.

Hereat Reimund and all the Latines stormed out of measure: Had they purchased the inheritance of the land with their own bloud, now to turn tenants at will to another? Some pleaded, That the ill usage of Alexius Vrsperg. pag. 233. tortis sacramentis. extorted from Godfrey and the rest of the Pilgrimes that agreement; and an oath made by force, is of no force, but may freely be broken, because not freely made. Others alledged, That when Antiochia was first wonne, it was offered to Alexius, and Vide suprà, book 1. c. 15. he refused it: so fair a tender was a paiment. Others argued, That that generation which made this contract was wholly dead; and that the debt descended not on them to make it good. But most insisted on this, That Alexius kept not his covenants, and assisted them not according to the agreement. Indeed he called these Princes his sonnes; but he disinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was in promises never payed. No reason then, that the knot of the agreement should hold them fast, and let him loose.

The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their swords had been as strong as the Grecian Emperours. But he coming with a numerous army, in few dayes overcame all Ci­licia (which for fourty years had belonged to the Prince of An­tioch) and then besieged the city of Antioch it self. Force is the body, and resolution the soul of an action: both these were well tempered together in the Emperours army; and the city brought to great distresse. Whereupon Fulk King of Jerusalem [Page 72] with some other Princes, fearing what wofull conclusion would follow so violent premisses, made a composition between them. So that Reimund did homage to the Emperour, and held his principality as a vassall from him. 1146 And though four years after the Emperour came again into these parts, yet he did not much harm; pillaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died, being accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows which he intended for the wild boar. A Prince so much better to the Latines then his father Alexius, as an honourable foe is above a treacherous friend. His Empire he disposed to Emmanuel his sonne.

Chap. 22

NO great service of moment was performed in the reigne of King Fulk; because he was molested with domesticall dis­cords, and intestine warres against Paulinus Count of Tripoli, and Hugh Earl of Joppa: Onely Beersheba was fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an introduction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then fought with variety of successe, against Sanguin one of the Turks great Princes.

And here let the reader take notice, that though we have mentioned many Commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, Am­miravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, San­guin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these were abso­lute Kings, (though perchance in courtesie sometimes so styled by writers) but were onely Generals and Lieutenants accounta­ble to their superiours, the Caliphs either of Babylon or Egypt: Who what they were, we referre the reader to our Chronology.

Caliph was the Pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a mixture of Priest and Prince. But we need not now trouble our selves with curiosity of their successions; these Caliphs being but ob­scure men, who confined themselves to pleasures, making play their work, and having their constant diet on the sawce of recre­ation. We are rather to take notice of their Generalls and Ca­ptains, which were the men of action. For a Souldan (which was but a Vice-roy) with his borrowed light, shineth brighter in [Page 73] history then the Caliph himself. Yet may we justly wonder, that these slothfull Calip [...]s should do nothing themselves, and commit such unlimited power to their Soulda [...], especially seeing too much [...]ust is a strong tentation to make ambitious flesh and bloud di [...]loyall. Yet something may be said for the Caliph of Egypt, Sir Walter Ralegh. part 1. book 2. chap. 26. besides that the pleasures of that countrey were sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life: First, the aw­full regard which the Egyptians had of their Princes, gave them security to trust their officers with ample commission. Second­ly, herein they followed an ancient custome practised by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large authority; as we may reade in Genesis. Gen. 41. 40. Some example also we have here­of in France about nine hundred years ago. Childerick, Theo­dorick, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a chain of idle Kings well linked together, gave themselves over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad; but onely on May-day they shewed themselves to the people, riding in a chariot ado [...]ned with flowers, and drawn with oxen, ( [...]low cattel, but good e­nough for so lazy luggage) whilest Charles Martell and Pipin, Maiours of the palace, opened packets, gave audience to Embas­sadours, made warre or peace, enacted and repealed laws at plea­sure, till afterwards from controllers of the Kings houshold they became controllers of the Kings, and at last Kings them­selves.

To return to Egypt: Let none be troubled (pardon a chari­table digression to satisfie some scrupulous in a point of Chro­nologie) if they find anciently more Kings of the Egyptians, and longer reigning then the consent of times will allow room for: for no doubt that which hath swelled the number, is the counting Deputies for Kings. Yea, we find the holy Spirit in the same breath, [...] in [...]. 1. Reg. 22. 47. speak a Vice-roy to be a King and no King; There was no King in Edom; a Deputy was King.

Chap. 23.

WHen Fulco had now eleven years with much industry 1142 and care (though with little enlarging of his dominions) governed the land, he was slain in earnest as following his sport in hunting, Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. [...]. to the great grief of his subjects. And we may hear him thus speaking his Epitaph:

A Prince of a sweet nature; and though one would have read him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance, yet his face was a good hypocrite; and ( contra leges istius coloris, saith Lib. 14. cap. 1. Tyrius) he was affable, courteous, and pitifull to all in distresse. He was buried with his predecessours in the temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sonnes, Baldwine who was 13, and Almerick 7 years old.

Chap. 24.

BAldwine succeeded his father, who quickly grew up, as to age, 1243 so in all royall accomplishments, and became a most complete Prince; well-learned, especially in history; liberall; very witty and very pleasant in discourse: He would often give a smart jest, which would make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted: Yet this was the better taken at his hands, be­cause he cherished not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their backs, but played on them freely to their faces; yea, and never refused the coin he payed them in, but would be contented (though a King) to be the subject of a good jest: and Tyrius, lib. 16. cap. 2. sometimes he was well-favouredly met with; as the best fencer in wits school hath now and then an unhappy blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath himself in too much fa­miliarity to his subjects; for he would commonly call and salute mean persons by their names: But the vulgar sort, in whose judgements the lowest starres are ever the greatest, conceived him to surpasse all his predecessours, because he was so fellow-like with them.

But whilest yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent made up his want of age with her abundant care, being go­vernour of all: A woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. She continued a widow: and as for childrens sake she married once; so for her childrens sake she married no more. Epist. 206. col. 1569. S. Be [...]ard and she spake often together by letters: He extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a widow, then to be a Queen: Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex mu­nere Dei; il­lud feliciter [...] es, hoc viriliter na­cta, Epist. 289. col. 1622 This she had by birth, that by Gods bounty; This she was [Page 75] happily begotten, that she had manfully gotten of her self. Yet we find not that she made a vow never to marry again; wherein she did the wiser: For the chastest minds cannot conclude from the present calm, that there will never after arise any lustfull storm in their souls. Besides, a Resolution is a free custody; but a Vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the more desire to break.

Chap. 25.

WIlliam, who was last possessed of the Patriarchs chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. But what­soever he was for edifying of the Church, he was excellent at building of Castles (one at Askelon, another at Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securig of Pilgrimes) till at last ha­ving sate in his place fifteen years, 1145 he was translated to heaven, and on earth Fulcher Archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man, whose weak age was much molested with the pride and rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procu­red from the Pope a plenary exemption from the Patriarch. This his Holinesse did the more willingly grant, because here­by he made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them on himself by an immediate dependance, and so bringing water to his mill by a straighter and nearer stream. But hereby the en­tirenesse of Episcopall jurisdiction was much maimed and mang­led, and every Covent was a castle of rebells, armed with privi­ledges to fight against their lawfull Diocesan.

Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the Bi­shops, so did they rob the profit of poor Priests, refusing to pay any tithes of their Mannours, which contained many pa­rishes, (so that the Pastours who fed the flocks, were starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the vineyard, were at night sent supperlesse to bed) the Hospitallers pleading that the Pope had freed them from these duties; as if an acquittance under the hand of his Holinesse was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty of: as, outbraving the temple of the Se­pulchre with their stately buildings; giving the Sacraments to, and receiving of excommunicate persons; ringing their bells when their Patriarch preached, that his voice might not be [Page 76] heard; shooting Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3. arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in Divine service; A bundle whereof were hung up as a monument of their impiety.

Fulcher the Patriarch crawled to Rome, 1156 being 100 years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying with him the Archbishop of Tyre, and five other Bishops. But he had sped better, if in stead of every one of them he had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented him, and had formerly been effectually present with their large bribes; so that the Pa­triarchs suit was very cold: And no wonder, seeing he did af­ford no fewel to heat it. The Cardinals eyes in the court of Rome were old and dimme; and therefore the glasse wherein they see any thing must be well-silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of S. Martin, favoured Christs cause and his Ministers; but Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secu­ti sunt vias Balaam filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 8. all the rest followed gifts, and the way of Bala­am the sonne of Bosor. But here Annal. ec­cl [...]s. in anno 1155. Baronius, who hitherto had leaned on Tyrius his authority, now starteth from it: And no wonder, for his penne will seldome cast ink, when he meeteth with the corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the good Patriarch wearied with delayes, returned back with his grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew more insolent; and under pretence of being free from fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not onely subjection, but any filiall obe­dience to a superiour.

Chap. 26.

AFter the tragicall life and death of Rodolphus Patriarch of Antioch, 1142 who was twelve years Patriarch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by the contrary faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with little quiet and comfort of his place.

And here to our grief must we take our finall farewell of the distinct succession of the Patriarchs of Antioch, with the years that they sate; such is the obscurity and confusion of it. Yet no doubt this Compare Baronius with himself in these years, 1143, 1154, 1181, and we shall find Haymericus and Almeri­cus the same. Haymericus was the same with Almericus, who a­bout the year 1160 first instituted the order of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about the mountain of Carmel: but he gathered them together into one house; because [Page 77] solitarinesse is a trespasse against the nature of man, and God when he had made all things good, saw it was not good for man to be alone.

Surely from great antiquity in the Primitive Church, Polyd. Virg. lib. 7. cap. 3. Sabel. Enn. 9. lib. 5. many retired themselves to solitary places, (where they were alwayes alone, and alwayes in the company of good thoughts) chiefly to shade themselves from the heat of persecution. Hospin. De orig. mon. Whose ex­ample was in after-ages imitated by others, when there was no such necessity: As here by these Carmelites; whose order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert Patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain Canonicall observations imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees which first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives in gardens; and lea­ving the deserts, gained them princely houses in pleasant pla­ces. They pretended indeed that they followed the pattern of Elias, though farre enough from his example: First, for their habit; they wore Antoninus, tit. 20. cap. 5. white coats guarded with red streaks: but they have no colour in the Bible that Elias ever wore such a li­very; it suits rather with Joseph then with him. Secondly, by their order they were to ride on he-asses; whereas we read that Elias went on foot, and rode but once in a chariot of fire. Third­ly, they by the constitution of Pope Nicolas the 5. had Balaeus in vita Nicol. 5. sisters of their company living near unto them; we find Elias to have no such feminine consorts. Fourthly, they lived in all lust and lazinesse, as Vide Bale­um, centur. 4. cap. 4 [...]. in ap­p [...]nd. 2. Nicolas Gallus their own Generall did complain, that they were Sodomites, and compared them to the tail of the Dragon: so that their luxury differed from Elias his austerity, as much as velvet from sackcloth. Wherefore that the Carme­lites came from mount Carmel cannot be denyed: But on that mountain I find that both Elias and Baals priests gathered toge­ther; and let the indifferent reader judge which of them their lives do most resemble.

Afterwards Pope Honorius 3. counting the party-coloured coats these Carmelites did wear to be too gaudy, caused them to wear onely white, the colour which nature doth die; simple, and therefore fittest for religion. But Melexala King of Egypt, who formerly was very bountifull to the Carmelites, knew not his Alms-men in their new coats, but changed his love, as they their livery, and persecuted them out of all Egypt. It seemeth afterwards, by the complaint of Eclo [...]. 2. immutarunt mutati velle­ra mores. Mantuan, that they wore some black again over their white: For he playeth on them, as if their bad manners had blacked and altered their clothes.

Now though Palestine was their mother, England was their best nurse. Ralph Fresburg, about the year 1240, first brought them hither; and they were first seated at Newenden [Page 78] in Yet C [...]mden saith they were first se [...]ted in Northum­berland. Kent. An Pitsaeus, in indice Carm. hundred and fourty English writers have been of this order. And here they flourished in great pomp, till at last King Henry the 8 as they came out of the wildernesse, so turned their houses into a wildernesse; not onely breaking the necks of all Abbeys in England, but also scattering abroad their very bones, past possibility of recounting them.

Chap. 27.

EMpires have their set bounds, whither when they come, they stand still, go back, fall down: This we may see in the King­dome of Jerusalem; which under Godfrey and the two first Baldwines was a gainer, under Fulk a saver, under the succeed­ing Kings a constant loser till all was gone. For now Sanguin Prince of the Turks (as bloudy as his name) wrested from the Christians the countrey and city of Edessa, one of the four Tetrarchies of the Kingdome of Jerusalem. And though San­guin shortly after was stabbed at a feast, yet Noradine his sonne succeeded, and exceeded him in cruelty against the Christians.

The losse of Edessa (wherein Christiano nomini à temporibus Apostolorum devota. Tyri­us, lib. 16. cap. 5. our religion had flourished 1147 ever since the Apostles time) moved Conrade Emperour of the West, and Lewis the 7. surnamed the Young, King of France, to undertake a voyage to the Holy-land. Pope Eugenius the 3. bestirred himself in the matter, and made S. Bernard his solici­ter to advance the design. For never could so much steel have been drawn into the east, had not this good mans perswasion been the loadstone. The Emperours army contained two hun­dred thousand foot, besides fifty thousand horse: Nor was the army of King Lewis much inferiour in number. In France they sent a P. Aemil. in Ludov. 7. distaff and a spindle to all those able men that went not with them, as upbraiding their effeminatenesse: And no wonder, when women themselves went in armour, (having a brave lasse like another Penthesilea for their leader, so befringed with gold, that they called her Nicetas, in Emm. Comn. [...]. Golden-foot) riding astride like men; which I should count more strange, but that I find all women in England in the same posture on their horses, till Cambd. Bri­tan. in Surry. Anna, wife to King Richard the second, some 200 years since, taught [Page 79] them a more modest behaviour. The Turks did quake hearing of these preparations, which to them were reported farre greater then they were, fame (contrary to all other painters) making those things the greatest which are presented the far­thest off.

Conrade with his army took his way through Grecia; where Emmanuel the Emperour, possessed with an hereditary fear of the Latines, fortified his cities in the way, as knowing there needed strong banks where such a stream of people was to passe. And suspecting that if these Pilgrimes often made his Empire their high-way into Palestine, little grasse would grow in so trodden a path, and his countrey thereby be much en­damaged; he used them most treacherously, giving them bad welcome that he might no more have such guests. To increase their miseries, as the Dutch encamped by the river Nicetas, [...] prius. Melas, (if that may be called a river which is all mud in summer, all sea in winter) deserving his name from this black and dismall acci­dent, it drowned many with its sudden overflowings, as if it had conspired with the Grecians, and learned treachery from them.

They that survived this sudden mishap, were reserved for lin­gring misery. For the Grecian Emperour did them all possible mischief, by mingling lime with their meal, by killing of strag­glers, by holding intelligence with the Turks their enemies, by corrupting his coyn, making his silver as base as himself, (so that the Dutch sold good wares for bad money, and bought bad wares with good money) by giving them false Conductours which trained them into danger, so that there was more fear of the guides then of the way. All which his unfaithfull dealings are recorded by that faithfull historian† In vit [...] Manuel. Com. lib. 1. Sect. 5. Nicetas Choniates: who though a Grecian born, affirmeth these things; the truth of his love to his countrey-men no whit prejudicing his love to the truth.

Chap. 28.

SCarce had the Dutch escaped the treachery of the Greeks, when they were encountred with the hostility of the Turks, who waited for them on the other side of Meander. The river was not fordable; ship or bridge the Christians had none: when behold Conrade the Emperour adventured on an action, which because it was successefull, shall be accounted valiant; otherwise [Page 80] we should term it desperate. After an Knoll [...], Turk. hist. pag. 33. exhortation to his ar­my, he commanded them all at once to flownce into the river. Meander was plunged by their plunging into it: his water stood Nicetas in Man. Comn. lib. 1. Sect. 6. amazed, as unresolved whether to retreat to the fountain, or proceed to the sea, and in this extasie afforded them a dry pas­sage over the stream. An act which, like that of Horatius Cocles his leaping into Tiber, Liv. lib. 2. plus famae ad posteros habiturum quàm fidei, will find more admirers then believers with po­sterity. The affrighted Turks on the other side, thinking there was no contending with them that did teach nature it self obe­dience, offered their throats to the Christians swords, and were killed in such number, that whole piles of dead bones remain there for a monument▪ like those heaps of the Cimbrians slain by Marius near Marseils, where afterwards the inhabitants walled their vineyards with sculls, and guarded their Munst. Cos­mog. lib. 2. pag. 227. grapes with dead men. Hence Conrade made forward to Iconium, now called Cogni, which he besieged in vain, to the great losse of his army.

The King of France followed after with great multitudes, and drank of the same cup at the Grecians hands, though not so deeply: till at last, finding that those who marched through the continent met with an ocean of misery, he thought better to trust the wind and sea then the Greeks; and taking shipping safely arrived in Palestine, where he was highly welcomed by Reimund Prince of Antioch. Some weeks were spent in com­plying, entertainments, and visiting holy places; till at last, E­lianor wife to the King of France, who accompanied her hus­band, made religion her pander, and played Ser [...]es, (translated by Grims [...]on) in vita Lu­dov. 7. & P. Aemylius, in ejusdem vita. bankrupt of her honour; under pretence of pilgrimage, keeping company with a base Saracen jester, whom she preferred before a King. Thus love may blindfold the eyes, but lust boreth them out. Yea, now she pleaded that she might be no longer wife to the King, be­cause she was too near unto him, within the degrees forbidden. This new-started scruple never troubled her before: but some have sluces in their consciences, and can keep them open, or shut them as occasion requireth.

Chap. 29.

THe late-come Pilgrimes having sufficiently recreated them­selves, the Emperour and the King of France concluded to besiege Damascus: for a small town was conceived too narrow an object of their valour, whilest so eminent an action was ad­equate to the undertakers. Damascus is so pleasant a city, that Mahomet durst never enter into it, lest this deceiver should be deceived himself, and be so ravished with the pleasures of the place, that he should forget to go on in that great work he had in hand. Some make Eliezer Abrahams steward builder of this citie, because he is called Eliezer of Damascus; though that phrase speaketh him rather to have had his birth or dwelling there, then the city her building from him. To passe this by, because as the foundations are hidden in the ground, so the founders of most ancient places are forgotten; It was for many years after the Metropolis of Syria, 1148 and was now straitly be­sieged by the Christians with great hope of successe, had they not afterwards fallen out amongst themselves who should eat the chickens before they were hatched. Conrade and King Lewis destined the city to Theodorick Earl of Flanders, lately arrived in those parts: whilest other Princes which had been long resident in Palestine, and born the heat of the warre grudged hereat; and their stomachs could not digest the crudi­tie of a raw upstart to be preferred before them. Yea, some of the Christians corrupted with Turkish money (though when they received it, it proved but [...]eodor. à Niem, De pri­vilegis Impe­ [...]ii, cap. de Conrado 4. guilded brasse; may all traitours be payed in such coin) perswaded the King of France to remove his camp to a stronger part of the walls: which they long be­sieged in vain, and returned home at last, leaving the city and their honours behind them.

The French proverb was verified of this voyage, Much bruit and little fruit. They not onely did no good in the Holy land, ( Sabellicus. save that some think their coming advantaged King Bald­wine for the taking of the city of Askelon) but also did much harm. For now the Turks seeing one city both bear the brunt and batter the strength of both armies, began to conceive that their own fear was their greatest enemy; and those swords of these new Pilgrimes which they dreaded in the sheath, they sleighted when they saw them drawn; and shook off that aw [Page 82] which had formerly possessed them, of the strength of the We­stern Emperour. Many thousand Christians perished in this ad­venture, whose souls are pronounced by all the writers of this age to be carried up into heaven on the wings of the holy cause they died for: Whose blessed estate I will not disprove; nor will I listen to the unhappy Dutch proverb, Cited by Luther, on Gen. 3. He that bringeth him­self into needlesse dangers, dieth the devils martyr.

We must not forget how the French King coming home­ward was taken prisoner by the fleet of the Grecian Emperour, and rescued again by Gregory Admirall to Roger King of Si­cilie. When he was safely arrived in France, in open Parliament his wife was divorced from him. Her nearnesse in bloud was the onely cause specified; and the King took no notice of her in­constancy, accounting those but foolish husbands who need­lessely proclaim their wives dishonesty. He gave her back again all the lands in Franc [...] which he had received with her in por­tion; scorning her wealth which neglected his love. Herein he did nobly, but not politickly, to part with the Dukedomes of Poictou and Aquitain, which he enjoyed in her right: for he brake his own garland by giving her her flowers back again; mangled and dismembred his own Kingdome, and gave a Serres, in Ludov. 7. torch into Henry King of England his hands (who afterwards marri­ed her) to set France on fire.

Chap. 30.

SLander (quicker then Martiall law) arraigneth, condemneth, and executeth all in an instant. This we may see in poor S. Bernard, who was the mark for every mans tongue to shoot ar­rows against: and when this voyage had miscarried, many Goffridus, in vita Bern. lib. 3. cap. 4. con­demned him, because his perswasion set this project not onely on foot but on wings; as if he had thrust so many men, as one morsell, into the jaws of death.

But much may be alledged truly to excuse this good man.

First, he was but an instrument imployed by Pope Eugenius and a Baron. an­nal. Eccl. in anno 1140. Insistens ope­ri sibi com­misso ab Eu­genio. Provinciall Council of French Bishops to forward the designe. Rather then should they have blamed his Holinesse who set him on work: But the saddle oftentimes is not set on the right horse, because his back is too high to be reached, and [Page 83] we see commonly that the instruments are made skreens to save the face of the principall from scorching.

Secondly, the true cause of the ill successe was the vitious­nesse of the undertakers. For Germany at this time fo [...]feted of lewd people; and those grew the fattest which lived on the high-wayes. But this voyage robbed the whole countrey of her Germania tun [...] latroci­niis frequens, purgabatur [...]o genere homi­num, K [...]antz. 6. Sax. cap. 13. theeves; and then no wonder if they found their death in A­sia, who deserved it in Europe. Hear what In vita Fred. lib. 1. cap. 6. in fine. Otho Frisingen­sis, who went this voyage, speaketh impartially in the matter: ‘If we should say that Bernard that holy Abbot was inspired by Gods Spirit to inci [...]e us to this warre, but we through our pride and wantonnesse not observing his holy commands deservedly brought on our selves the losse of our goods and lives, we should say nothing but what is agreeable to reason, and to ancient examples.’ However, it was an heavie afflicti­on to S. Bernards aged back to bear the reproch of many peo­ple: it being a great grief for one to be generally condemned as guilty, for want of proof of his innocency. And though God set his hand to S. Bernards testimoniall by the many Goffrid. ut pri [...]. miracles which that Father wrought, yet still some challenged him for a counterfeit.

And surely this humiliation was both wholesome and neces­sary for him. For the people, who cannot love without doting, nor approve without admiring, were too much transported with an high opinion of this man and his directions▪ as if that arrow could not misse the mark which came out of S. Bernards bow. Wherefore this miscarriage came very seasonably to a­bate their over-towring conceits of him; and perchance his own of himself. And no doubt he made a good use of this bad accident. The lesse his fame blazed, the more his devotion burned; and the cutting off of his top, made him take deep root, and to be made more truly humble and sanctified. In his book of Lib. 2. cap. [...]. Consideration he maketh a modest defence of him­self; whether we referre the reader. To conclude; The devoti­on of this man was out of question so neglecting this world, that he even did spit out that preferment which was dropped into his mouth: But as for his judgement, it was not alwayes the best: which gave occasion to the proverb, Bernardus non videt omnia.

Chap. 31.

UPon the departure of Emperour Conrade and K. Lewis, 1149 Noradine the Turk much prevailed in Palestine. Nor was he little advantaged by the discords betwixt Mille [...]ent Queen­mother and the Nobility; thus occasioned: There was a No­ble-man called Manasses, whom the Queen (governing all in her sonnes minority) made Constable of the Kingdome. This man unable to manage his own happinesse, grew so insolent that he could not go, but either spurning his equals, or trampling on his inferiours. No wonder then, if envy, the shadow of great­nesse, waited upon him. The Tyrius, lib. 17. cap. 13. Nobility highly distasted him: but in all oppositions the Queens favour was his sanctuary; who to shew her own absolutenesse, and that her affection should not be controlled, nor that thrown down which she set up, still pre­served the creature she had made.

His enemies perceiving him so fast rooted in her favour, and seeing they could not remove him from his foundation, sought to remove him with his foundation; instigating young King Baldwine against his mother, and especially against her favou­rite. They complained how the State groaned under his inso­lency; He was the bridge by which all offices must passe, and there pay toll; He alone sifted all matters, and then no wonder if much bran passed; He under pretence of opening the Queens eyes did lead her by the nose, captivating her judgement in stead of directing it; He like a by-gulf devoured her affe­ction, which should flow to her children. They perswaded the King he was ripe for government, and needed none to hold his hand to hold the sceptre. Let him therefore either un tie or cut himself loose from this slavery, and not be in subjection to a subject.

Liberty needeth no hard-pressing on youth, a touch on that stamp maketh an impression on that waxen age. Young Bald­wine is apprehensive of this motion, and prosecuteth the matter so eagerly, that at length he coopeth up this Manasses in a castle, and forceth him to abjure the Kingdome. Much stirre af­terwards was betwixt him and his mother; till at last to end di­visions, the Kingdome was divided betwixt them: She had the city of Jerusalem, and the land-locked part; he the maritime half of the land. But the widest throne is too narrow for two to [Page 85] sit on together. He not content with this partition, marcheth fu­riously to Jerusalem, there to besiege his mother, and to take all from her. Out of the city cometh Tyrius, lib. 17. cap. 14. Fulcher the good Patriarch, (his age was a patent for his boldnesse) and freely reproveth the King: Why should he go on in such an action wherein every step he stirred, his legs must needs grate and crash both against nature and religion? Did he thus requite his mothers care in stewarding the State, thus to affright her age, to take arms against her? Was it not her goodnesse to be content with a moyety, when the whole Kingdome in right belonged unto her?

But ambition had so inchanted Baldwine, that he was pene­trable with no reasons which crossed his designes: so that by the advice of her friends she was content to resign up all, lest the Christian cause should suffer in these dissensions. She retired her self to Idem, ibi­dem. Sebaste, and abridged her train from State to necessity. And now the lesse room she had to build upon, the higher she raised her soul with heavenly meditations; and lived as more private, so more pious till the day of her death.

Chap. 32.

THese discords betwixt mother and son were harmonie in the ears of Noradine the Turk: Who coming with a great army wasted all about Antioch; and Prince Reimund going out to bid him battel, was slain himself, and his army overthrown: nor long after Joceline Count of Edessa was intercepted by the Turks, and taken prisoner.

As for Constantia the relict of Reimund Prince of Antioch, she lived a good while a widow, refusing the affections which many princely suiters proffered unto her, till at last she descend­ed beneath her self to marry a plain man, 1153 Reinold of Castile. Yet why should we say so, when as a Castilian Gentleman (if that be not a needlesse tautologie) as he maketh the inventory of his own worth, prizeth himself any Princes fellow: And the proverb is, Each lay-man of Castile may make a King, each clergy-man a Pope? Yea, we had best take heed how we speak against this match: for Almericus Patriarch of Antioch for in­veighing against it, was by this Prince Reinold set in the heat of the sunne with his Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 1. bare head besmeared with honey (a sweet [Page 86] bitter torment) that so bees might sting him to death. But King Baldwine mediated for him, and obtained his liberty that he might come to Jerusalem, where he lived many years in good esteem. And Gods judgements are said to have overtaken the Prince of Antioch: for besides the famine which followed in his countrey, he himself afterwards fighting unfortunately with the Turks, was taken prisoner.

But let us step over to Jerusalem; where we shall find King Baldwine making preparation for the siege of Askelon: Which citie after it had been long locked up, had at last an assaultable breach made in the walls thereof. The Templars (to whom the King promised the spoil if they took it) entred through this breach into the citie: and conceiving they had enow to wield the work and master the place, set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellow-Christians should come in to be sharers with them in the booty. But their Tyrius. lib. 17. cap. 27. covetousnesse cost them their lives: for the Turks contemning their few number put them every one to the sword. Yet at last the city was taken, though with much difficulty. 1154 Aug. 12.

Other considerable victories Baldwine got of the Turks; espe­cially one at the river Jordan, where he vanquished Noradine: And twice he relieved Cesarea-Philippi, which the Turks had straitly besieged. But death at last put a period to his earthly hap­pinesse, being poisoned (as it was supposed) by a Jewish physi­cian; for the rest of the potion killed a dog to whom it was given. This Kings youth was stained with unnaturall discords with his mother, and other vices, which in his settled age he re­formed. Let the witnesse of Noradine his enemy be believed; who honourably refused to invade the Kingdome whilest the fu­nerall solemnities of Baldwine were performing; and professed the Christians had a just cause of sorrow, Tyrius, lib. 19. cap. 34. having lost such a King, 1163 whose equall for justice and valour the world did not af­ford. He died without issue, having reigned one and twenty years. So that sure it is the Printers mistake in Tyrius, where he hath four and twenty years assigned him, more then the con­sent of time will allow.

Chap. 33.

ALmerick brother to King Baldwine, Earl of Joppa and As­kelon, 1163 Febr. 18. succeeded to the Crown. But before his coronation he was enjoyned by the Popes Legate and by the Patriarch of [Page 87] Jerusalem, to dis-misse Agnes his wife, daughter to Joceline the younger, Count of Edessa, because she was his cousin in the fourth degree; with this reservation, that the two children he had by her, Baldwine and Sibyll, should be accounted legiti­mate, and capable of their fathers possessions. A Prince of ex­cellent parts; of a most happy Tyrius, lib. 19. cap. 2. memory, (wherein also his bro­ther Baldwine was eminent, though Fulk their father was won­derfully forgetfull; so true is the maxime, Pure per sonalia non propagantur, Parents entail neither their personall defects nor perfections on their posterity) solid judgement, quick apprehen­sion; but of a bad utterance, which made him use words onely as a shield when he was urged and pressed to speak, otherwise he preferred to be silent, and declined popularity, more then his brother Baldwine affected it. Very thrifty he was; and though In [...]rat: pr [...] Deiotar [...]. Tully saith, Dici hominem frugi non multum habet laudis in Re­ge, yet moderate frugality is both laudable and necessary in a King. But our Almerick went somewhat too farre, and was a little poore in admiring of riches, laying great taxations on the holy places to their utter impoverishing: Yet was he not ma­stered by his purse, but made it his vassall, and spared no money on a just occasion. He never received accusation against any of his officers, and never reckoned with them (count it as you please, carelessenesse or noble confidence) because he would not teach them to be dishonest by suspecting them. Nor is it the last and least part of his praise, that William Archbishop of Tyre (so often mentioned) wrote the Holy warre at his instance. Once he angred the good Archbishop with this question, Tyrius, lib. 19. cap. 3. How the re­surrection of the body may be proved by reason? Hereat the good Prelate was much displeased, as counting it a dangerous question wherewith one removeth a foundation-stone in Divi­nity, though with intent to lay it in the place again. But the King presently protested, That he demanded it not out of any diffidence in himself about that article, but in case one should meet with a sturdy man, who (as too many now-a-dayes) would not trust faith on her single bond, except he have reason joyned for security with her. Hereupon the Archbishop alledged many strong arguments to prove it, and both rested well satisfied.

Chap. 34.

IN the Church of Jerusalem we find Almerick still Patriarch: A Frenchman born, but little fit for the place, to which he was preferred by the favour of Sibyll, Countesse of Flanders, the Kings sister. Mean time the Church needed a Salick law, to for­bid distaffs to meddle with mitres; and neither to be, nor to make Patriarchs.

But the most remarkable Church-matter in this Kings reign, was the clandestine christening of a Sultan of Iconium. And more of his courtiers might have followed him, Baron. in anno 1169. but that his Embassadours being at Rome, were offended there with the vi­tiousnesse of Christians lives; which made them to exclaim, M. Paris, in anno 1169. How can fresh and salt water flow from the same fountain? 1169 This hath made many Pagans to step back, which had one foot in our Church, when they have seen Christians believe so well, and live so ill; breaking the Commandments against the Creed.

Not long after, the great master of the Assasines was really disposed to receive our religion; and to this end sent an Em­bassadour to King Almerick, which Embassadour was treache­rously slain by one of the Templars. 1173 The Tyrius, lib. 20. cap. 32. King demanded this murderer of the master of the Templars, that justice might passe upon him. But the master proudly answered, That he had al­ready enjoyned him penance, and had directed to send him to the Pope, but stoutly refused to surrender him to the King. This cruel murder imbittered the Assasines more desperately against the Christians.

These Assasines were a precise sect of Mahometans, and had in them the very spirits of that poysonous superstition. They had some six cities, and were about fourty thousand in num­ber, living near Antaradus in Syria. Over these was a chief master, (Hell it self cannot subsist without a Beelzebub; so much order there is in the place of confusion,) whom they called M. Paris, anno 1147. P. Aemyl. in Ludov. jun. The Old man of the mountains. At his command they would re­fuse no pain or perill, but stab any Prince whom he appointed out to death; scorning not to find hands for his tongue, to per­form what he enjoyned. At this day there are none of them exstant, (except revived by the Jesuits; for sure Ignatius Loyola, [Page 89] the lame father of blind obedience fetched his platform hence) being all, as it seems, slain by the M. Paris, (aut ejus Continuator) in anno 1257. Tartarians, Anno 1257. But no tears need be shed at their funeralls: yea, pity it is that any pity should be lavished upon them, whose whole government was an engine built against humane society, worthy to be fired by all men; the body of their State being a very monstrosity, and a grievance of mankind.

Chap. 35.

EGypt was a stage whereon the most remarkable passages in the reign of King Almerick were acted. It will be necessary therefore to premise somewhat concerning the estate of that Kingdome at this time. Whilest the Turks thus lorded it in Syria and the lesser Asia, the Saracen Caliph commanded in Egypt; under whom two great Lords, Dargan and Sanar, fell out about the Sultanie or Vice-royship of that land. But Sanar fearing he should be worsted by Dargan, sued to Noradine King of the Turks at Damascus for aid: who sent him an army of Turks, un­der the command of Syracon an experienced Captain, against Sultan Dargan. 1165 So Dargan and Sanar met and fought. The victory was Dargans; but he enjoyed it not long, being shortly after slain by treachery, whereby Sanar recovered the Sultans place. Mean time how strange was the voluptuous lethargy of the Caliph Elhadach, to pursue his private pleasures, whilest his Vice-royes thus fought under his nose, and imployed forrein succours, yet he never regarded it; as if the tottering of his King­dome had rocked him fast asleep!

Nor was he moved with that which followed, and more near­ly concerned him. For Syracon the Turkish Captain, whom Sanar had gotten to come into Egypt, would not be intreated to go home again; but seized on the city of Belbis, fortified it, and there attended the arrivall of more Turks from Damascus, for the conquest of Egypt. Which afterwards they performed; the land being never completely cleared of them, till at last they conquered the whole Kingdome, partly under this Sy­racon, [Page 90] and wholly under Saladine his nephew.

And here my discourse (by the leave of the reader) must a little sally forth to treat of the danger of entertaining mercenary souldiers. They may perchance be called in with a whistle, but scarce cast out with a whip. If they be slugs, they indanger a State by their slothfulnesse; if spirited men, by their activity. Cesar Borgia, Machiavils idol, whose practice he maketh the pattern of policy, saith, Mach. Prince, cap. 9. Se malle vin­ci suis armis quàm alienis victorem esse. That he had rather be conqu [...]red with his own men, then be conquerour with an army of others; be­cause he counted that conquest to be none at all.

Yet good physick may be made of poyson well corrected: They may sometimes be necessary evils; yea, good and service­able to defend a land, if thus qualified: First, if they have no command of castles, or place near about the Princes person; for then they have a compendious way to treason, if they intend it. Secondly, if they be not entertained in too great numbers, but in such refracted degrees, that the natives may still have the predominancy; for a surfeit of forrein supplies is a disease incurable. Thirdly, if the Prince who imployeth them, hath their wives, children, and estates in his own hands; which will be both a caution and pawn for their fidelity, and will also in­terest their affections more cordially in the cause. Lastly, if they be of the same religion with them, and fight against the enemy of the religion of both; for then they are not purely hirelings, but parties in part, and the cause doth at least mediate­ly concern them. I believe that it will scarcely be shown, that the Protestants have turned tails and betrayed them they came to assist.

We may observe, the Low-countreys have best thrived by setting this trade of journey-men souldiers on work. Let them thank God and the good English: for if Francies Duke of An­jou with his Frenchmen had well succeeded, no doubt he would have spread his bread with their butter. Next them the Vene­tians have sped best: for they have the trick, when they find it equally dangerous to cashier their mercenary Generall or to entertain him any longer, fairly to kill him; as they served Mach. Prince, cap. 8. Carmignola. England hath best thrived without them: under Gods protection we stand on our own legs. The last I find are an handfull of Almains used against Speed, Edward 6. Kett in Norfolk in the dayes of King Edward the sixth. And let it be our prayers, That as for those hirelings which are to be last tried and least trusted, we never have want of their help, and never have too much of it.

Chap. 36.

SUltan Sanat perceiving himself pressed and overlayed by these Turks, 1166 who with Syracon their Captain refused to re­turn, and of assistants turned invaders, borrowed the help of Almerick King of Jerusalem to avoid them out of Egypt. Whilest Almerick marched thither, an unfortunate battel was fought betwixt Boemund the third of that name Prince of An­tioch, Aug. 10. Reimund Count of Tripoli, Calaman Grecian governour of Cilicia, and Joceline the third the ti [...]ular Count of Edessa, on the one side; and Noradine King of the Turks, on the other. The Turks got the victory, and these four Christian Princes were ta­ken prisoners; and their army lost so much good bloud that day, that cast it into an irrecoverable consumption, and hastened the ruine of this Kingdome. Noradine following his blow, wonne Cesarea-Philippi.

Neverthelesse Almerick went on effectually in Egypt, and for a time expulsed the Turks out of this Land. Aug. 18. But Syracon would not so quickly quit the countrey; but goeth to the Ca­liph of Babylon, (who was opposite to him of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet the false prophet, the so­veraignty over all that were of the Saracen law) and offereth him his means for the exstirpation of this schismaticall Caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt to the subjection of the Babylonian.

The motion was joyfully entertained, and Syracon with a mighty power descendeth into Egypt.

Sanar affrighted hereat maketh new and larger profers to King Almerick to stop this deluge of his enemies, and profereth him a pension of fourty thousand ducates yearly for his be­hooffull assistance. But the King understanding that the Sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was subject to a higher Lord, would make no such bargain with him, but with the Ca­liph himself; and therefore sent his Embassadours, Tyrius, lib. 19. cap. 16. Hugh Earl of Cesarea, and a Knight-Templar, along with the Sultan to Caliph Elhadach then resident at Cairo. Arriving at his pa­lace, they passed through dark passages well guarded with ar­med Ethiopians. Hence they were conducted into goodly open Idem, cap. 18. courts of such beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of Embassadours, but were enforced to admire the rarities they beheld. The farther they went, the greater the [Page 92] state; till at last they were brought to the Caliphs own lodging. Where entring the presence, the Sultan thrice prostrated himself to the ground before the curtain behind which the Caliph sat. Presently the traverse wrought with pearls was opened, and the Caliph himself discovered, sitting with great majesty on a throne of gold, having few of his most inward eunuchs about him.

The Sultan humbly kissed his masters feet; and briefly told him the cause of their coming, the danger wherein the land stood, the profers he had made to King Almerick, desiring him now to ratifie them, and in demonstration thereof to give his hand to the Kings Embassadours. The Caliph demurred here­at, as counting such a gesture a diminution to his State; and at no hand would give him his hand bare, but gave it in his glove. To whom the resolute Earl of Idem, cap. 19. Cesarea; Sir, said he, Truth seeketh no holes to hide it self. Princes that will hold covenant, must deal openly and nakedly: give us therefore your bare hand; we will make no bargain with your glove. He was loth to do it; but necessity (a more imperious Caliph then himself at this time) commanded it: and he did it at last, dismissing the Christian Embassadours with such gifts as testified his great­nesse.

According to this agreement King Almerick cordially prose­cuted his businesse, improving his utmost might to expell Syra­con with his Turks out of Egypt; whom he bade battel, and got the day though he lost all his baggage: So that the conquest in a manner was divided; the Turks gaining the wealth, the Chri­stians the honour of the victory. Following his blow, he pinned up the Turks afterward in the city of Alexandria, and forced them to receive of him conditions of peace, and then returned himself with honour to Askelon. 1167 Sept. 21.

Chap. 37.

WHen a Crown is the prize of the game, 1168 we must never expect fair play of the gamesters. King Almerick ha­ving looked on the beauty of the Kingdome of Egypt, he long­ed for it: and sought no longer to drive out the relicks of the Turks, but to get Egypt to himself: And the next year, against [Page 93] the solemn league with the Caliph, invaded it with a great army. He falsly pretended that the Caliph would make a private peace with Noradine King of the Turks; and hence created his quar­rel. For he hath a barren brain, who cannot fit himself with an occasion if he hath a desire to fall out. But Gilbert master of the Hospitallers chiefly stirred up the King to this warre, upon pro­mise that the city and countrey of Pelusium, if conquered, should be given to his order. The Templars were much against the de­sign (one of their order was Embassadour at the ratifying of the peace) and with much zeal protested against it, as undertaken against oath and fidelity.

An oath being the highest appeal, perjury must needs be an hainous sinne, whereby God is solemnly invited to be witnesse of his own dishonour. And as bad is a God-mocking equivoca­tion: For he that surpriseth truth with an ambush, is as bad an enemy as he that fighteth against her with a flat lie in open field. I know what is pleaded for King Almerick, namely, That Christians are not bound to keep faith with idolaters, the wor­shippers of a false god, as the Egyptian Caliph was on the mat­ter. But open so wide a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doores. All contracts with Pagans may easily be avoided, if this evasion be allowed. But what saith S. Hierome? Non consi­derandum cui, sed per quem jurave­ris, Comment. 17. Ezech. It matters not to whom, but by whom we swear. And God to acquit him­self, knowing the Christians prosperity could not stand with his justice after their perjury, frowned upon them. And from hence authours date the constant ill successe of the Holy warre. For though this expedition sped well at the first, and Almerick wonne the city of Belbis or Pelusium, yet see what a cloud of miseries ensued.

First, Noradine in his absence wasted and wonne places near Antiochia at pleasure.

Secondly, Centurist. Centur. 12. in Almerico. Meller Prince of Armenia, a Christian, made a covenant with Noradine, and kept it most constantly, to the in­estimable disadvantage of the King of Jerusalem. This act of Meller must be condemned, but withall Gods justice admired. Christians break their covenant with Saracens in Egypt, whilest other Christians, to punish them, make and keep covenant with Turks in Asia.

Thirdly, the Saracens grew good souldiers on a sudden: who were naked at first, and onely had bows; but now learned from the Christians to use all offensive and defensive weapons. Thus rude nations alwayes better themselves in fighting with a skilful enemy. How good mark-men are the Irish now-a-dayes, which some seventy years ago, Morison, in the descripti­on of Ireland, anno 1598. at the beginning of their rebellions, had three men to discharge a hand-gun!

Fourthly, Almericks hopes of conquering Egypt were fru­strated; [Page 94] for after some victories he was driven out, and that whole Kingdome conquered by Saladine (nephew to Syracon) who killed the Caliph with his horse-mace as he came to do him reverence, and made himself the absolutest Turkish King of Egypt. 1173 May. And presently after the death of Noradine, the King­dome of the Turks at Damascus was by their consent bestowed upon him. Indeed Noradine left a sonne, Mele [...]ala, who com­manded in part of his fathers dominions; but Saladine after his death got all for himself. Thus rising men shall still meet with more stairs to raise them; as those falling, with stumbling-blocks to ruine them.

Mean time Jerusalem was a poor weather-beaten Kingdome, bleak and open to the storm of enemies on all sides, having no covert or shelter of any good friend near it, lying in the lions mouth betwixt his upper and neather jaw; Damascus on the North, and Egypt on the South; two potent Turkish Kingdoms, united under a puissant Prince, Saladine. This made Almerick send for succours into Europe: for now few voluntaries came to this service; souldiers must be pressed with importunity. Our Western Princes were prodigall of their pity, but niggardly of their help: The heat of the warre in Palestine had cooled their desires to go thither: which made these Embassadours to return without supplies, having gone farre to fetch home nothing but discomfort and despair.

Lastly, King Almerick himself wearied with whole volleys of miseries, ended his life of a bloudy flux, having reigned eleven full years, and was buried with his predecessours: Leaving two children, Baldwine and Sibyll, by Agnes his first wife; and by Mary his second wife (daughter to John Proto-Sebastus, a Gre­cian Prince) one daughter, Isabell; married Tyrius, lib. 22. cap. 4. afterwards to Hemphred the third, Prince of Thorone.

Chap. 38.

BAldwine his sonne, the fourth of that name, succeeded his father: so like unto him, 1174 Iuly 15. that we report the reader to the character of King Almerick, and will spare the repeating his description. Onely he differed in the temper of his body, being enclined to the lepro [...]ie called Elephan [...]iasis, noysome to the [Page 95] patient, but not infectious to the company: not like King Uz­ziahs, but Naamans leprosie; which had it been contagious, no doubt the King of Assyria, when he went into the house of Rim­mon, would have chosen another supporter. Mean time the Kingdome was as sick as the King; he of a leprosie, that of an in­curable consumption.

This Baldwine had the benefit of excellent education under William Archbishop of Tyre, a pious man and excellent scholar, skilled in all the learned Orientall tongues, besides the Dutch, and French his native language; a moderate and faithfull writer: For in the latter part of his history of the Holy warre, his eye guided his hand, till at last the taking of the city of Jerusalem so shook his hand, that his penne fell out, and he wrote no more. Treasurer he was of all the money contributed to the Holy war; Chancellour of this Kingdome; imployed in severall Embassies in the West; present at the Lateran Council, the acts whereof he did record: Centurist. Centur. in E­piscopis. Cardinall he might have been, but refused it: In a word, unhappy onely that he lived in that age, though that age was happy he lived in it.

Chap. 39.

AFter the death of Almerick Patriarch of Jerusalem, Hera­clius was by the Queen-mother Mary, 1181 second wife to King Almerick, for his handsomenesse preferred to be Patriarch. Besoldus, De Reg. Hieros. pag. 282. William Archbishop of Tyre was violent against his electi­on, because of a prophesie, That as Heraclius King of Persia wonne, so an Heraclius should lose the Crosse. But others ex­cepted, that this exception was nothing worth: For let God give the man, and let the devil set the name. As for those blind prophesies, they misse the truth ofter then hit it; so that no wise man will lean his belief on so slender a prop. But Heraclius had a worse name then his name, the bad report of his vitious life; keeping a Vintners wife, whom he maintained in all state like an Empresse, and owned the children he had by her. Her name Besoldus, pag. 284. Pascha de Rivera, and she was generally saluted, The Patriarchis­sa, Marinus San. lib. 3. par. 6. cap. 24. Patriarchesse. His example infected the inferiour clergie, [Page 96] whose corruption was a sad presage of the ruine of the realm: For when Prelates the Seers, when once those eye-strings begin to break, the heart-strings hold not long after.

In his time the Maronites were reconciled to the Romane Church. Their main errour was the heresie of the Monothe­lites, touching one onely will and action in Christ. For after that the heresie of Nestorius about two persons in our Saviour was detested in the Eastern Churches, some thought not them­selves safe enough from the heresie of two persons, till they were fallen with the opposite extremity of one nature in Christ: vio­lence making men reel from one extreme to another. The errour once broched, found many embracers: As no opinion so mon­strous, but if it hath had a mother, it will get a nurse. But now these Maronites renouncing their ten ents, received the Catholick faith; 1182 though soon after, when Saladine had conquered their countrey, they relapsed to their old errours: wherein they conti­nued till the late times of Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and Cle­ment the eighth, when they again renewed their communion with the Romane Church. They live at this day on mount Li­banus, not exceeding twelve thousand house-holds, and pay to the great Turk for every one above twelve years old, Possevine, Appar. sacr. in Maron. seven­teen sultanines by the year; and for every space of ground six­teen span square, one sultanine yearly; to keep themselves free from the mixture of Mahometanes. A Brierwood, Enquiries, cap. 25. sultanine is about seven shillings six pence of our money.

To return to Heraclius; 1185 Soon after he was sent Embassa­dour to Henry the second, King of England, to crave his per­sonall assistance in the Holy warre, delivering unto him the Royall standard, with the keyes of our Saviours Sepulchre, the tower of David, and the city of Jerusalem, sent him by King Baldwine. King Henry was singled out for this service before other Princes, because the world justly reported him valiant, wise, rich, powerfull, and fortunate: And (which was the main) hereby he might expiate his murder, and gather up again the innocent bloud which he had shed of Thomas Becket. Be­sides, Heraclius entituled our Henry to the Kingdome of Jerusa­lem, because Geoffrey Plantagenet his father was sonne (some say, brother) to Fulk, the fourth King of Jerusalem. But King Henry was too wise to bite at such a bait, wherein was onely the husk of title, without the kernel of profit. Yet he pre­tended he would go into Palestine; and got hereby a masse of money towards his voyage: making every one, as well Clerk as Lay (saving such as went) to pay that year the tenth of all their revenues, moveables, and chattells, as well in gold as in silver. Of every city in England he chose the richest men; as in London two hundred, in York an hundred, and so in pro­portion: [Page 97] and took the tenth of all their moveables, by the Daniel, in Henry 2. estimation of credible men who knew their estates: imprison [...]ing those which refused to pay, sub eleemosynae titulo vitium ra­pacitatis includens, saith Walsingham. But now when he had filled his purse, all expected he should fulfill his promise; when all his voyage into Palestine turned into a journey into France.

Heraclius, whilest he stayed in England, consecrated the Temple-church in the suburbs of London, and the house ad­joyning belonging to the Templars; since turned to a better use, for the students of our municipall Law; these new Templars de­fending one Christian from another, as the old ones Christians from Pagans.

Chap. 40.

IN the minority of King Baldwine, who was but thirteen years old, Milo de Planci a Noble-man was Protectour of the Realm: Whose pride and insolence could not be brooked, and therefore he was stabbed at Ptolemais, and Reimund Count of Tripoli chosen to succeed him.

Now Saladine seriously intendeth to set on the Kingdome of Jerusalem, and seeketh to furnish himself with souldiers for that service. But he perceived that the ancient nation of the Egyptians had lasted so long, that now it ran dregs; their spirits being as low as the countrey they lived in, and they fitter to make mer­chants and mechanicks then military men: For they were bred in such soft imployments, that they were presently foundred with any hard labour. Wherefore he sent to the Circassians by the lake of Meotis, near Taurica Chersonesus, and thence bought many slaves of able and active bodies. For it was a people born in a hard countrey (no fewel for pleasure grew there nor was brought thither) and bred harder; so that war was almost their nature, with custome of continuall skirmishing with the neigh­bouring Tartars.

These slaves he trained up in military discipline, most of them being Christians, once baptized; but afterwards untaught Christ, they learned Mahomet, and so became the worse foes to religi­on for once being her friends. These proved excellent soul­diers and speciall horsemen, and are called Mammalukes. And [Page 98] surely the greatnesse of Saladine and his successours stood not so much on the legs of their native Egyptians, as it leaned on the staffe of these strangers. Saladine, and especially the Turkish Kings after him, gave great power, and placed much trust in these Tyrius, lib. 21. cap. 23. Mammalukes: who lived a long time in ignorance of their own strength; till at last they took notice of it, and scorn­ing any longer to be factours for another, they would set up for themselves, and got the sovereignty from the Turkish Kings. Thus Princes who make their subjects over-great, whet a knife for their own throats. And posterity may chance to see the inso­lent Janizaries give the grand Seignor such a trip on the heel as may tumble him on his back. But more largely of these Mam­malukes usurping the Kingdome of Egypt (God willing) in its proper place.

Thus Saladine having furnished himself with new souldiers, went to handsel their valour upon the Christians; invaded the Holy land, burning all the countrey before him, and raging in the bloud of poor Christians, till he came and encamped about Askelon.

Mean time whilest Reimund Count of Tripoli, Protectour of the Kingdome, with Philip Earl of Flanders, & the chief strength of the Kingdome were absent in Celosyria, wasting the countrey about Emissa and Cesarea, young King Baldwine lay close in Askelon, not daring to adventure on so strong an enemy. With whose fear Saladine encouraged, dispersed his army, some one way, some another, to forrage the countrey. 1176 Nov. 25. King Baldwine courted with this opportunity, marched out privately, not ha­ving past four hundred horse, with some few footmen, and as­saulted his secure enemies, being six and twenty thousand. But victory standeth as little in the number of souldiers, as verity in the plurality of voices. The Christians got the conquest, and in great triumph returned to Jerusalem.

This overthrow rather madded then daunted Saladine: Who therefore to recover his credit, some moneths after with his Mammalukes fell like a mighty tempest upon the Christians, as they were parting the spoil of a band of Turks, whom they had vanquished; put many to the sword, the rest to flight. Otto grand Master of the Templars, and Hugh sonne in law to the Count of Tripoli, were taken prisoners; and the King himself had much ado to escape. And thus both sides being well wearied with warre, they were glad to refresh themselves with a short slumber of a truce solemnly concluded; and their troubled estates breathed almost for the space of two years. Which truce Saladine the more willingly embraced, 1179 because of a famine in the Kingdome of Damascus, where it had scarce Centurist. Cent. 12. in Baldvino 4. rained for five years together.

Chap. 41.

BUt this so welcome a calm was troubled with domesticall discords. 1181 For the Kings mother, (a woman of a turbulent spirit) and her brother his steward, accused Reimund Count of Tripoli, governour of the Realm in the Kings minority, as if he affected the Crown for himself: which accusation this Earl could never wholly wipe off. For slender and lean slanders quickly consume themselves; but he that is branded with an hainous crime, (though false) when the wound is cured, his cre­dit will be killed with the scarre. Before we go further, let us view this Earl Reimunds disposition, and we shall find him marked to do mischief, and to ruine this Realm. He was sonne to Reimund, grandchild to Pontius Earl of Tripoli, by Cecilie the daughter of Tyrius, lib. 21. cap. 5. Philip King of France, great-grandchild to Ber­tram first Earl of Tripoli, great-great-grandchild to Reimund Earl of Tholose, one of speciall note among the primitive adventurers in the Holy warre. His mother was Hodiern, third daughter to Baldwine the second, King of Jerusalem. A man whose stomach was as high as his birth; and very serviceable to this State, whilest the sharpnesse of his parts were used against the Turks; which at last turned edge against the Christians: Proud, not able to digest the least wrong; and though long in captivity amongst the Turks, yet a very truant in the school of affliction, who never learned the lesson of patience: So revenge­full, that he would strike his enemy, though it were through the sides of religion and the Christian cause. For this present ac­cusation of treason, good authours seem to be his compurga­tours for this at this time, though afterwards he discovered his treacherous intents. And because he could not rise by his ser­vice, he made his service fall by him; and undid what he had done for the publick good, because thereby he could not attain his private ends. He commanded over the [...] of Tri­poli, which was a territory of large extent, wherein he was ab­solute Lord. And by the way we may take notice of this as one of the banes of the Kingdome of Jerusalem, That the princi­palities of Antioch, Tripoli, and Edessa (whilest it was Chri­stian) were branches of this Kingdome, but too big for the bo­dy: For the Princes thereof on each petty distast would stand on their guard, as if they had been subjects out of courtesie, not conscience: and though they confessed they owed the King [Page 100] allegeance, yet they would pay no more then they thought fit­ting themselves.

To return to King Baldwine; This suspicion of Earl Reimund, though at first but a buzze, soon got a sting in the Kings head, and he violently apprehended it. Whereupon Reimund coming to Jerusalem, was by the way commanded to stay, to his great disgrace. But some of the Nobility foreseeing what danger this discord might bring, reconciled them with much labour. How­ever, Baldwine ever after looked on this Earl with a jealous eye. Jealousie, if it be fire in private persons, is wild-fire in Princes, who seldome rase out their names whom once they have writ­ten in their black bills. And as the Italian proverb is, Suspicion giveth a passe-port to faith to set it on packing; so this Earl find­ing himself suspected, was never after cordially loyall, smother­ing his treachery in this Kings life, which afterwards broke forth into an open flame.

Chap. 42.

THe Kingdome of Damascus being recovered of the famine, Saladine having gotten his ends by the truce, would now have the truce to end; and breaking it (as not standing with his haughty designes) marched with a great army out of Egypt through Palestine to Damascus, much spoiling the countrey. And now having joyned the Egyptian with the Damascene forces, re-entred the Holy land. But young King Baldwine meeting him, Centurist. Cent. 12. in Baldvino 4. though but with seven hundred to twenty thou­sand, at the village Frobolt, overthrew him in a great battel; and Saladine himself was glad with speedy flight to escape the dan­ger, and by long marches to get him again to Damascus. After­ward he besieged Berytus both by sea and land; but the vigilan­cie and valour of King Baldwine defeated his taking of it.

Saladine finding such tough resistance in the Holy land, thought to make a better purchase by laying out his time in Me­sopotamia. Wherefore passing Euphrates, he wonne Charran and divers other cities: and then returning, in Syria besieged Aleppo, the strongest place the Christians had in that countrey; [Page 101] so fortified by nature, that he had little hope to force it. But treason will runne up the steepest ascent, where valour it self can scarce creep: and Saladine with the battery of bribes made such a breach in the loyalty of the governour, that he betrayed it un­to him.

Thus he cometh again into the Holy land more formidable then ever before, carrying an army of terrour in the mentioning of his name, which drove the poore Christians all into their fen­sed cities. As for King Baldwine, the leprosie had arrested him prisoner, and kept him at home. Long had this Kings spirit en­dured this infirmity, swallowing many a bitter pang with a smi­ling face, and going upright with patient shoulders under the weight of his disease. It made him put all his might to it, because when he yielded to his sicknesse, he must leave off the managing of the State; and he was loth to put off his royall robes before he went to bed, a Crown being too good a companion for one to part with willingly. 1183 But at last he was made to stoop, and retired himself to a private life, appointing Baldwine his nephew (a child of five years old) his successour; and Guy Earl of Joppa and Askelon, this childs father in law, to be Protectour of the Realm in his minority.

But soon after he revoked this latter act, and designed Rei­mund Earl of Tripoli for the Protectour. He displaced Guy, because he found him of no over-weight worth, scarce passable without favourable allowance, little feared of his foes, and as little loved of his friends. The more martiall Christians sleight­ed him as a slug, and neglected so lazy a leader that could not keep pace with those that were to follow him: Yea, they refused (whilest he was Protectour) at his command to fight with Sala­dine; and out of distast to their Generall, suffered their ene­my freely to forrage; which was never done before: For the Christians never met any Turks wandring in the Holy land, but on even terms they would examine their passe-port how suffici­ent it was, and bid them battel.

Guy stormed at his displacing, and though little valiant, yet very sullen, left the Court in discontent, went home, and fortified his cities of Joppa and Askelon. What should King Baldwine do in this case? Whom should he make Protectour? Guy had too little, Reimund too much spirit for the place. He feared Guy's cowardlinesse, lest he should lose the kingdome to the Turks; and Reimunds treachery, lest he should get it for himself. Thus anguish of mind and weaknesse of body (a dough­tie conquest for their united strengths, which single might suf­fice) ended this Kings dayes, dying young at five and twenty years of age. But if by the morning we may guesse at the day, he would have been no whit inferiour to any of his predecess­sours; [Page 102] sours; especially if his body had been able: but (alas!) it spoil­ed the musick of his soul, that the instrument was quite out of tune. He reigned twelve years, 1185 May 16. and was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre: a King happy in this, that he died before the death of his Kingdome.

Chap. 43.

IT is a rare happinesse of the family of S. Laurence, 1185 Barons of Hoath in Ireland, Camd. Brit. in the de­script. of the countie of Dublin. that the heirs for 400 years toge­ther alwayes have been of age before the death of their fa­thers: For Minors have not onely baned families, but ruined realms. It is one of Gods threatnings; I will give children to be their Princes, Isa. 3. 4. and babes shall rule over them. With this rod God strook the Kingdome of Jerusalem thrice in fourty years; Baldwine the third, fourth, and fifth, being all under age; and this last but five years old. He was the posthumus sonne of William Marquesse of Montferrat, by Sibyll his wife, sister to Baldwine the fourth, daughter to King Almerick: She afterwards was married to Guy Earl of Joppa and Aske­lon.

Now Reimund Earl of Tripoli challenged to be Protectour of this young King, by the virtue of an Act of the former King so assigning him. But Sibyll mother to this infant, to defeat Rei­mund, first murdered all natural affection in her self, and then by poyson murdered her son; that so the Crown in her right might come to her husband Guy. This Baldwine reigned eight moneths, Cosmog. lib. 5. in terra sa [...] ­cta. eight dayes, saith mistaken Munster: and some mistake more, who make him not to reign at all; cruel to wrong his me­mory of his honour, whom his mother had robbed both of his life and Kingdome.

His death was concealed, till Guy his father in law had ob­tained by large bribes to the Templars and Heraclius the Pa­triarch, to be crowned King: One more ennobled with his de­scent from the ancient family of the Lusignans in Poictou, then for any Tyrius, lib. 22. cap. 25. & 27. calleth him hom [...]em in­discretum & p [...]n [...]tus inu­tilem. eminency in himself: His gifts were better then his endowments. Yet had he been more fortunate, he would have been accounted more virtuous; men commonly censu­ring that the fault of the King, which is the fate of the King­dome. [Page 103] And now the Christian affairs here posted to their wo­full period, being spurred on by the discords of the Princes.

Chap. 44.

WHilest Heraclius did Patriarch it in Jerusalem, one Haymericus had the same honour at Antioch. He wrote to Henry the second King of England, a bemoning letter of the Christians in the East, and from him received another, fraught with never▪ performed fair promises. This man must needs be different from that Haymericus who began his Patriarchship in Antioch anno 1143, and sate but twelve years, say the Centur. 12. in Episcop. Centu­riatours: But Annal. Eccl. in Haymeric [...]. Baronius, as different from them sometimes in Chronologie as Divinity, maketh them the same. Then must he be a through-old man, enjoying his place above fourty years; being probably before he wore the style of Patriarch, well worn in years himself. I must confesse, it passeth my Chy­mistry to exact any agreement herein out of the contrariety of writers. We must also take notice, that besides the Latine Patriarchs in Jerusalem and Antioch, there were also Grecian Anti-Patriarchs appointed by the Emperour of Constantinople: who having no temporall power nor profit by Church-lands, had onely jurisdiction over those of the Greek Church. We find not the chain of their succession, but here and there light on a link; and at this time in Jerusalem on three suc­cessively: 1. Athanasius; whom though Baronius, in anno 1180. one out of his abundant charity is pleased to style a Schismatick, yet was he both pious and learned, as appeareth by his epistles. 2. Leon­tius, Nicetas Choniates, in Isaacio Ange­lo, pag. 438. commended likewise to posterity for a good Clerk and an honest man. 3. Dositheus, Idem ibi­dem. inferiour to the former in both respects: Isaac the Grecian Emperour sent to make him Patriarch of Constantinople; and Dositheus catching at both, held neither, but betwixt two Patriarchs chairs fell to the ground.

Antioch also had her Greek Patriarchs: As one Sotericus displaced for maintaining some unsound tenets about our Sa­viour: After him Theodorus Balsamon, the oracle of the learned Law in his age. He compiled and commented on the ancient Canons: and principally set forth the priviledges of [Page 104] Constantinople; listening, say the Romanists, to the least noise that soundeth to the advancing of the Eastern Churches, and knocking down Rome wheresoever it peepeth above Constan­tinople. This maketh Bellarmine except against him as a partial writer; because a true Historian should be neither party, advo­cate, nor judge, but a bare witnesse.

By Nicetas Chron. in Isa­acio, pag. 440. Isaac the Grecian Emperour this Balsamon was also de­ceived: he pretended to remove him to Constantinople, on condition he would prove the translation of the Patriarch to be legall, which is forbidden by the Canons. Balsamon took upon him to prove it: and a Lawyers brains will beat to purpose when his own preferment is the fee. But herein he did but crack the nut for another to eat the kernel: For the Emperour mutable in his mind, changing his favourites as well as his clo [...]hes before they were old, when the legality of the translati­on was avowed, bestowed the Patriarchship of Constantinople on another; and Theodorus was still staked down at Antioch in a true spirituall preferment, affording him little bodily mainte­nance.

Chap. 45.

THere was at this time a truce betwixt the Christians and Sa­ladine, 1187 broken on this occasion: Saladines mother went from Egypt to Damascus, with much treasure and a little train, as sufficiently guarded with the truce yet in force; when Reinold of Castile surprised and robbed her. Saladine glad of this oc­casion, gathereth all his strength together, and besiegeth Pto­lemais.

Now Reimund Earl of Tripoli appeareth in his colours, vexed at the losse of the government. His great stomach had no room for patience: and his passions boyled from a fever to a phrensie; so that blinded with anger at King Guy, he mistaketh his enemy, and will be revenged on God and religion; revolting with his Principality (a third part of the Kingdome of Jerusalem) to Sa­ladine; and in his own person under a vizard, assisted him in this siege.

Out of the city marched the Templars and Hospitallers, May. 1. and falling on the Turks killed twenty thousand of them. [Page 105] Yet they gave welnigh a valuable consideration for their victo­ry, the Master of the Hospitallers being slain; and a brave Ge­nerall in battel never dieth unattended.

Saladine hereupon raiseth his siege; and Reimund Earl of Tripoli, whether out of fear the Christians might prevail, or remorse of conscience, or discontent, not finding that respect he expected of Saladine, (who had learned that politick maxime To give some honour, no trust to a fugitive) reconciled himself to King Guy; and sorry for his former offence, returned to the Christians.

King Guy hereupon gathering the whole strength of his weak Kingdome to do their last devoir, determined to bid Sa­ladine battel; though having but fifteen hundred horse and fif­teen thousand foot, against an hundred and twenty thousand horse and an hundred and sixty thousand foot. Iuly 3. Nigh Tiberias the battel was fought: They closed in the afternoon; but night moderating betwixt them, both sides drew their stakes till next morning: then on afresh. 4. The Christians valour poised the number of their enemies; till at last the distemper of the weather turned the scales to the Turks side. More Christians (thirsty within and scalded without) were killed with the beams the sunne darted, then with the arrows the enemies shot. Reinold of Castile was slain, with most of the Templars and Hospitallers. Besoldus, in Guidone; ex Crusi [...]. Gerard Master of the Templars, and Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat were taken prisoners; and also Guy the King, who saw the rest of his servants slain before his eyes, onely obtaining of Saladine the life of his schoolmaster. Yea, in this battel the flower of the Christian chevalrie was cut down: and what was most lamented, the Crosse (saith Matthew Paris) which freed men from the captivity of their sinnes, was for mens sinnes ta­ken captive. Most impute this overthrow to the Earl of Tripoli, who that day commanded a great part of the Christian army, and is said of some treacherously to have fled away. But when a great action miscarrieth, the blame must be laid on some; and commonly it lighteth on them who formerly have been found false, be it right or wrong: So impossible is it for him who once hath broken his credit by treason, ever to have it perfectly joyn­ted again. It increaseth the suspicion, because this Earl, after­wards found dead in his bed, (as some say) was circumcised.

Victorious Saladine, as he had thrown a good cast, played it as well; in a moneth conquering Berytus, Biblus, Ptolemais, and all the havens (Tyre excepted) from Sidon to Askelon. He used his conquest with much moderation, giving lives and goods to all, and forcing no Christians to depart their cities, save onely the Latines. This his gentlenesse proceeded from policy, well know­ing that if the Christians could not buy their lives cheap, they [Page 106] would sell them dear, and fight it out to the uttermost. Aske­lon was stout, and would not surrender. Wherefore Saladine, loth with the hazard of so long a siege to check his fortune in the full speed, left it, and went to Jerusalem, as to a place of lesse difficulty and more honour to conquer.

Chap. 46.

BEfore the beginning of the siege, Sept. 4. the * sunne, as sympathi­zing with the Christians woes, was eclipsed. A sad presage of the losse of Jerusalem. For though those within the city vali­antly defended it for a fortnight, yet they saw it was but the playing out of a desperate game which must be lost: Their foes near, their friends farre off; and those willing to pity, unable to help. Why then should they prolong languishing, where they could not preserve life? Concluding to lavish no more va­lour, they yielded up the city, Octo. 2. on condition all their lives might be redeemed, a man for ten, a woman for five, a child for M. Paris▪ in anno 1187. one besant: and fourteen thousand poor people not able to pay their ransome, were kept in perpetuall bondage. All Latines were cast out of the city; but those of the Greek religion were permitted to stay therein: Onely Saladine to two Frenchmen gave liberty to abide there, Besoldus, in Guidone, pag. 285. and maintenance to live on, in re­verence to their age: the one Robert of Corbie, a souldier to Godfrey of Bouillon when he wanne this city; the other Fulk Fiole, the first child born in the city after the Christians had conquered it.

Saladine possessed of Jerusalem, turned the churches into sta­bles, sparing onely that of the Sepulchre for a great summe of money. Solomons Temple he converted to a Mosque, sprin­kling it all over with rose-water, as if he would wash it from profanenesse, whilest he profaned it with his washing.

Thus Jerusalem, after it had fourscore and eight years been enjoyed by the Christians, by Gods just judgement was taken again by the Turks. What else could be expected? Sinne reign­ed in every corner; there was scarce Besoldus, in Guidone, pag. 284. one honest woman in the whole city of Jerusalem. Heraclius the Patriarch, with the Clergy, was desperately vitious: and no wonder if iron rust, when gold doth; and if the Laity followed their bad example.

This dolefull news brought into Europe, filled all with sighs and sorrows. Pope Urbane the third (as another Eli at the Arks [Page 107] captivity) died for grief: The Cardinals lamented out of mea­sure, vowing such reformation of manners; Never more to take bribes, Never more to live so vitiously, yea, Never to ride on an Roger Hoveden, in Henric [...] 2. anno 1187. horse so long as the Holy land was under the feet of the Turks. But this their passion spent it self with its own violence; and these marriners vows ended with the tempest.

In this generall grief of Christendome there was one woman found to rejoyce, and she a German Prophetesse called S. Chri­stian, a virgin. Who as she had foretold the day of the defeat, so on the same she professed that she saw in a vision Christ and his Angels rejoycing. For the losse of the earthly Canaan was gain to the heavenly; peopling it with many inhabitants, who were conquerours in their overthrow; whilest they Quandam Morti Salva­toris vicem cum multa devotione re­pendunt, Ba­ronius in an­no 1187. requited Christs passion, and dyed for him who suffered for them. But for the truth both of the doctrine and history hereof, none need bur­den their belief farther then they please. We will conclude all with Roger Hovedens witty descant on the time: Loco priùs citato. When Jeru­salem was wonne by the Christians, and afterwards when it was lost, an Urbane was Pope of Rome, a Frederick Emperour of Germany, an Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem. But by his leave, though the first of his observations be true, the second is a flat falsity, the third a foul mistake, and may thus be mended: (It is charity to lend a crutch to a lame conceit) When the Crosse was taken from the Persians, Heraclius was Emperour: and when it was taken from the Turks, Heraclius was Patriarch. Thus these curious observations (like over-small watches) not one of a hundred goeth true. Though it cannot be denyed, but the same name (as Henry of England, one the win-all, another the loose-all in France) hath often been happy and unhappy in founding and confounding of Kingdomes. But such nominall toyes are rags not worth a wise mans stooping to take them up.

Chap. 1.

IN this wofull estate stood the Christian af­fairs in the Holy land, Anno Dom. when Conrade Mar­quesse of Montferrat arrived there. 1187 His worth commandeth my penne to wait on him from his own countrey till he came hither. Sonne he was to Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat, and had spent his youth in the service of I­saacius Angelus the Grecian Emperour. This Isaacius, fitter for a Priest then a Prince, was alwayes bred in a private way; and the confining of his body seemeth to have brought him to a pent and narrow soul. For he suffered rebells to affront him to his face, never sending any army against them, but commend­ing all his cause to a company of bare-footed Friars whom he kept in his Court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious tears to quench the combustions in the Empire. But our Conrade plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons of the Nicetas, in Isaacio Ange­lo▪ lib. 1. Sect. 7 left hand as of the right; meaning the sword as well as prayers: And by the advice of this his Generall, he quickly sub­dued all his enemies. Which his great service found small re­ward: Nicera [...], in Isaacio Ange­lo, lib. 2. Sect. 1 Mobvov [...]. onely he was graced to wear his shoes of the Imperiall fashion; a low matter, but there (forsooth) accounted an high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick of this Physitian who had cured his Empire. If private debters care not for the company of their creditours, much lesse do Princes love to see them to whom they ow themselves and their Kingdome: so unwelcome are courtesies to them when above their requi [...]all. Now it is an [Page 110] ancient policy, to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an honourable grave. To this end Isaacius by the perswasions of some spurred on Conrade (free enough of himself to any noble action) to go into Palestine, there to support the ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrade was sensible of their plot, but suf­fered himself to be wrought on, being weary of the Grecians bas [...]nesse; and came into the Holy land with a brave company of Gentlemen furnished on their own cost.

For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladine: Who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that King Guy, and Gerard Master of the Templars should be set at liberty. Not long after was the castle of Antioch betrayed unto him by the Sabell. [...]nn. 9. lib. 5. p. 377 Patriarch; and the city, scarce got with eleven moneths siege, was lost in an instant, with five and twenty strong towns more which attended the fortune of Antioch: and many provinces thereto belonging came into the possession of the Turks. Must not the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this trade, buying dear and selling cheap, gaining by inches and losing by ells?

With better successe those in Tripoli (which city the wife of Hoveden. Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians) de­fended themselves against Saladine. For shame they would not forgo their shirts, though they had parted with their clothes. Stark-naked from shelter had the Christians been left, if strip­ped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully therefore they defend­ed themselves; and Saladine having tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his draught, but marched away to Tyre.

But Conrade of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his army, so used the matter, that Saladine was fain to flie, and leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much treasure: And the Christians had that happinesse to squeeze that sponge which formerly was filled with their spoil. They in Tyre in token of gratitude chose this Conrade King of Jerusalem; swearing them­selves his subjects who had kept them from being the Turks slaves. To strengthen his title, he [...]e [...]oldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293. married Elisa or Isabella (Authours christen her with either name) formerly espoused to Humfred of Thoron, sister to Baldwine the fourth, daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem.

By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison, 1188 having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladine: which oath by the Clergie was adjudged void, because forced from him when he was detained in prison unjustly against promise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty he could not get his King­dome. Coming to Tyre, they shut the gates against him, own­ing [Page 111] no King but Conrade. Thus to have two Kings together, is the way to have neither King nor Kingdome.

But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and pie­cing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army besieged Ptolemais. The Pisanes, Aug. Venetians, and Florentines, with their sea-succours came to assist him. But this siege was Churchwork, and therefore went on slowly; we may easier perceive it to have moved then to move, especially if we return hither a twelve-moneth hence.

Chap. 2.

VVE must now no longer look for a full face of a Church in the Holy land; it is well if we find one cheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were wonne by the Turks, the Pope ceased not to make Patriarchs of both. We will con­tent our selves with the names of those of Jerusalem, finding lit­tle else of them remarkable.

After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was Patriarch, Centur. Cent. 13. cap. 9. present in the Laterane Council under Innocent the third.

Geraldus succeeded him, who Matth. Paris, in anno 1229. sided with the Pope against Frederick the Emperour.

Albertus, Patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the Centur. ut prius. Car­melites.

After him, Antonie Beak Bishop of Duresme, the most tri­umphant Prelate of the English militant Church except Car­dinall Wolsey. He founded and endowed a Colledge for Prebends at Cambden, Brit. pag. 601. Godwin, in Episc. Du­nelm. See this cata­logue of Pa­triarchs al­tered and per­f [...]ct [...]d in the Chronologie. Chester in the Bishoprick of Duresme: Yet no doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if in stead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defrauded the Lord Vessie's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let those who are delighted with Sciographie, paint out (if they please) these shadow-Patriarchs, as also those of Antioch, and deduce their succession to this day: For this custome still continueth, and I find the Suffragans to severall Archbishops and Bishops in Germany and France, Adri [...]omius, in Te [...]ra sancta. style themselves Bishops of Palestine: for example; The Suffragans of 1 Tornay, 2 Munster, 3 Mentz, 4 Utrecht, 5 Sens, 6 Triers, write themselves [Page 112] Bishops of 1 Sarepta, 2 Ptolemais, 3 Sidon, 4 Hebron, 5 Cesarea, 6 Azotus. But well did one in the Council of Trent give these titular Bishops the title of figmenta humana, History of Trent, li [...]. 8. pag. 7. mans de­vices; because they have as little ground in Gods word and the ancient Canons for their making, as ground in Palestine for their maintenance: Yea, a titular Bishop soundeth a contradiction: for a Bishop and a Church or Diocese, are relatives, as a husband and his wife. Besides, these Bishops by ascending to so high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies and in­dignities to support themselves, with many corruptions in selling of Orders they conferred, the truest and basest Simonie.

However the Pope still continueth in making of them. First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and amplitude of the Romane Church to have so many Bishops in it, as it is the credit of the Apothecarie to have his shop full, though many outside-painted pots be emptie within. Secondly, hereby his Holinesse hath a facile and cheap way both to gratifie and en­gage ambitious spirits, and such Chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea, [...]amd. Brit. in his descript. of Dublin. the Pope is not onely free of spirituall dignities, but also of temporall titular honours; as when in the dayes of Queen Eli­sabeth he made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in his loyalty as well as in his estate) Marquesse of Lemster, Earl of Weisford and Caterlogh, Vicount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in Ireland: The best is, these honours were not heavie nor long worne, he being slain soon after in Barbarie, else the number of them would have broken his back. Lastly, there is a reall use made of these nominall Bishops: for these cyphres joyned with figures will swell to a number, and sway a side in a generall Council, as his Holinesse pleaseth; so that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compell it. Of the four Archbishops which were at the first session in the Council of Trent two were meerly titular, History of Trent, lib. 2. pag. 140. who never had their feet in those Churches whence they took their honour. But enough hereof; Now to matters of the common-wealth.

Chap. 3.

MAtters going thus wofully in Palestine, the Christians sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barbarossa the Ger­mane Emperour. Impute it not to the weaknesse of his judge­ment, but the strength of his devotion, that at seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would set the other on pil­grimage. We must know that this Emperour had been long tied to the stake, and baited with seven fresh successive Popes; till at last not conquered with the strength, but wearied with the con­tinuance of their malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them; and Pope Clement the third sent him on this voyage into the Holy land.

Marching through Hungarie with a great army of one hun­dred and fifty thousand valiant souldiers, Arnoldus Lub [...]censis. he was welcomed by King Bela. Iune 29. But changing his host, his entertainment was changed; being basely used when he entred into the Grecian Empire.

Of the Emperours whereof we must speak somewhat. For though being to write the Holy warre, I will climbe no hedges, to trespasse on any other story; yet will I take leave to go the high-way, and touch on the succession of those Princes which lead to the present discourse.

When Conrade Emperour of Germany last passed this way, Emmanuel was Emperour in Greece: Who having reigned thir­ty eight years, left his place to Alexius his sonne; a youth, the depth of whose capacity onely reached to understand pleasure; governed by the factious nobility, till in his third year he was strangled by Andronicus his cousin.

Andronicus succeeded him; a diligent reader and a great lover of Nicetas Choniates, in fi [...]e vitae Andronici. S. Pauls epistles, but a bad practi [...]er of them: Who rather observing the Devils rule, That it is the best way for those who have been bad, to be still worse, fencing his former villanies by committing new ones, held by tyranny what he had gotten by usurpation; till having lived in the bloud of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by the headlesse multitude; from whom he received all the cruelties which might be expected from ser­vile natures when they command.

Then Isaacius Angelus, of the Imperiall bloud, was placed [Page 114] in his throne; of whom partly In the first chapter of this book. before. Nero-like, he began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no personall, but the hereditary sinne of the Emperours. He succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latines, as if they came through his countrey for some sinister ends. This jealous Emperour reign­ed when Frederick with his army passed this way; and many bad offices were done betwixt these two Emperours by unfaithfull Nicetas Choniates, in Isaaci [...], lib. 2. pag. 436. Embassadours, as such false mediums have often deceived the best eies. But Frederick finding perfidious dealings in the Greeks, was drawn to draw his sword; taking as he went, Baronius, Annal. Philippople, Adrianople, and many other cities, Aug. 25. not so much to get their spoil, as his own security. Isaac understanding hereof, and see­ing these Pilgrimes would either find or make their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair complying, 1190 accommoda­ting them with all necessaries for their transportation over the Bosporus, pretending to hasten them away because the Christi­ans exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay: doing it indeed for fear, Mar. 28. the Grecians loving the Latines best when they are furthest from them.

Chap. 4.

FRederick entring into the territories of the Turkish Sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but vanquished his enemies in four severall set battels. Iconium he took by force, May 19. giving the spoil thereof to his souldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrade the Emperour by the Sultan of that place. The citie of Philomela he made to sing a dolefull tune, ra [...]ing it to the ground, and executing all the people therein as rebells against the law of nations, for killing his Embassa­dours: and so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria.

Saladine shook for fear, hearing of his coming; and fol­lowing the advice of Amilius, in Phil. Augusto, pag. 178, & 179. Charatux his counseller (counted one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was most contemptible; so true it is none can guesse the jewel by the casket) dismantled all his cities in the Holy land save some frontier-places, rasing their walls and forts, that they were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the Dutch wonne these places, they would not easily be driven out: [Page 115] whereas now being naked from shelter, he would weary them with set battels, having men numberless, and those near at hand; and so he would tame the Romane Eagle by watching him, gi­ving him no rest nor respite from continuall fighting. It is there­fore no Paradox to say, That in some case the strength of a King­dome doth consist in the weaknesse of it. And hence it is, that our English Kings have suffered Time, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on their in-land castles and citie-walls; which whilest they were standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebellion. And now, as Barklay, Bellum in Anglia non senescit. one observeth, be­cause we have no strong cities, war in England waxeth not old, (being quickly stabbed with set battels) which in the Low-countreys hath already outlived the grand climactericall of threescore and ten years.

But Frederick the Emperour, being now entring into the Holy land, was to the great grief of all Christians suddenly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph; a river (such is the envie of Barbarisme obscuring all places) which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with his health nor honour: Some say, his horse foundred under him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him. But these severall relations, as variety of instruments, make a dolefull con [...]ort in this, that there he lost his life: and no wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks of naturall heat left in him at seven­ty years of age. Lib. 4. cap. 13. Neubrigensis conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore inflicted on him, because in his youth he fought against the Popes and Church of Rome: But I wonder that he seeing an Emperour drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the bottomlesse depths of Gods counsels. Let it content us to know that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which bud first and fairest; and the feet of mighty Monarchs do slip, when they want but one step to their enemies throne.

After his death Frederick Duke of Suevia, his second sonne, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these Pilgrimes hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have overthrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who though they had scarce wiped their eyes had scoured their swords, quickly forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the citie of Antioch, Iune 21. which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry souldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. Marching from hence in set battel, he overthrew Dordequin Generall of Saladines forces, slew four thousand, [Page 116] and took a thousand prisoners with little losse of his own men; and so came to the city of Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the Cathedrall Church, next the tomb of the learned Origen; and Guilelmus Tyrius the worthy Archbi­shop preached his funerall sermon. We may hear his sorrowfull army speaking this his Epitaph unto him;

From hence by sea they were conveyed to the Christians ar­my before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of the plague: and his great army which at first consisted of an hundred and fif­ty thousand at their setting forth out of Germany, had now no more left then Aemylius, in Phil. 2. pag. 175. eighteen hundred armed men.

Chap. 5.

WE have now at our leisure overtaken the snail-like fiege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before it the Christians had not onely a Nationall but an Oecumenicall ar­my; the abridgement of the Christian world: Scarce a state or populous city in Europe but had here some competent number to represent it.

How many bloudy blows were here lent on both sides, and repayed with interest? what sallies? what assaults? what encounters? whilest the Christians lay betwixt Saladine with his great army behind them and the city before them. One memorable battel we must not omit. It was agreed betwixt Saladine and the Christians to try their fortunes in a pitched field: 1188 and now the Christians were in fair hope of a con­quest, when an Fuga ima­ginario metu o [...]ta, Sabell. Enn. 9. l [...]b. 5. pag. 377. imaginary causelesse fear put them to a reall flight; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very mote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and boot would have been given to change a strong arm for a swift leg. But [Page 117] behold, Geoffrey Lusignan King Guy's brother (left for the guarding of the camp) marching out with his men, confuted the Christians in this their groundlesse mistake and reinforced them to fight; whereby they wonne the day, though with the losse of two thousand men and Gerard Master of the Tem­plars.

It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would be sur [...]endred: but the Turks still bravely defended it, though most of their houses were burnt and beaten down, and the city redu­ced to a bare sceleton of walls and towers. They fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both sides devised strange de­fensive and offensive engines: so that Mars himself, had he been here present, might have learned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice. Mean time famine raged amongst the Chri­stians; and though some provision was now and then brought in from Italy, (for so far they fetched it) yet these small showers after good droughts parched the more, and rather raised then abated their hunger.

Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a twelve-moneth: But we must not forget that at this time, be­fore the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonick order or Munster, d [...] Germania, lib. 3. pag. 778. Dutch Knights (which since the dayes of Baldwine the second lived like private pilgrimes) had now their order honoured with Henry of Walpot their first grand Master, and they were en­riched by the bounty of many Germane benefactours: These though slow, were sure, they did hoc agere, ply their work; more cordiall to the Christian cause then the Templars, who sometimes to save their own stakes would play booty with the Turks. Much good service did the Dutch Knights in the Ho­ly warre; till at last (no wise Doctour will lavish physick on him in whom he seeth faciem cadaverosam, so that death hath ta­ken possession in the sick mans countenance) finding this warre to be desperate and dedecus fotitudinis, they even fairly left the Holy land, and came into Europe, meaning to lay out their valour on some thing that would quit cost. But hereof hereafter.

Chap. 6.

THe miseries of the Christians in Syria being reported in Europe, made Richard the first, King of England, and Phi­lip the second surnamed Augustus, King of France, to make up all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite their forces against the Turks.

Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickly got money, the sinews of warre; by a thousand Princely skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return, because looking back would unbow his resolution. To Hugh Bishop of Duresme, for his life, he sold the County of Northumberland; Matthew Paris, Rich. 1. pag. 207. jesting he had made a new Earl of an old Bishop: He sold Bar­wick and Roxburgh to the Scottish King for ten thousand pounds: Yea, he protested he would sell his city of Martinus, in Richard [...] 1. London (if any were able to buy it) rather then he would be burthen some to his subjects for money. But take this as he spake it, for a flourish: for pretending he had lost his old, he made a new seal, where­with he squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in their purses; forcing them to have all their Speed, in Richard the first, instruments new-sealed, which any way concerned the Crown.

Having now provided for himself, he forgot not his younger brother John Earl of Morton▪ who was to stay behind him; an active man, who if he misliked the maintenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for himself: Lest therefore straitned for means he should swell into discontent, King Richard gave him many Earldomes and honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thus he received the golden saddle, but none of the bridle of the Common-wealth: honour and riches were heaped upon him, but no place of trust and command. For the King deputed William Bishop of Ely his Viceroy; choosing him for that place rather then any lay-Earl, because a Coronet per­chance may swell into a Crown, but never a Mitre: For a Cler­gie-mans calling made him uncapable of usurpation in his own person.

Thus having settled matters at home, he set forth with many of our nation, which either ushered or followed him. Of these the prime were, Baldwine Archbishop of Canter­bury, Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Leicester, Ralph de Glanvile late chief Justice of England, Richard de [Page 119] Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. The Bishops of Dures [...]e and Norwich, though they had vowed this voyage, were dispen­sed with by the court of Rome ( Matthew Paris, [...]n [...]i­chardo 1, pag. 2 [...]7. quae nulli deest pecuniam largienti) to stay at home. His navie he sent about by Spain, and with a competent number took his own journey through France.

At Tours he took his Pilgrimes scrip and staff from the Arch­bishop. His staff at the same time Roger Hoveden, in Richard [...] 1, pag. 666. casually brake in pieces; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister interpreting all acci­dents) construed a token of ill successe. Likewise, when he and the French King with their trains passed over the bridge of Ly­ons, Idem, ibi­dem. on the fall of the bridge this conceit was built, That there would be a falling out betwixt these two Kings; which accord­ingly came to passe, their intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discontent betwixt them.

Yea, the interviews of equall Princes have ever been observed dangerous. Now Princes measure their equality not by the ex­tent of their dominions, but by the absoluteness of their power; so that he that is supreme and independent in his own countrey, counteth himself equall to any other Prince how great soever. Perchance some youthfull Kings may disport and solace them­selves one in anothers company, whilest as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their souls: But when once they grow sensible of their own greatnesse, (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want teachers) then emulation will be betwixt them; because at their meeting they cannot so go in equipage, but one will still be the foremost: Either his person will be more pro­per, or carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accom­plished, or attire more fashionable, or something will either be or conceived to be more majesticall in one then the other: And corrivalls in honour count themselves eclipsed by every beam of state which shineth from their competitour. Where­fore the best way to keep great Princes together, is to keep them asunder, accommodating their businesse by Embassa­dours, lest the meeting of their own persons part their af­fections.

Chap. 7.

AT Lyons these two Kings parted their trains, and went severall wayes into Sicilie. King Richard in his passage, [Page 120] though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth) either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give his Ho­linesse a visit: yea, plainly told H [...]vede [...] ▪ i [...] Rich. 1. pag. 668. & Matth. Taris [...]n eo­dem, pag. 213. Octavian Bishop of Ostia the Popes Confessour, that having better objects to bestow his eyes on, he would not stirre a step to see the Pope: Be­cause lately without mercy he had simoniacally extorted a masse of money from the Prelates of England. At Messana in Sicilie these two Kings met again: where to complete King Richards joy, behold his Navie there safely arriving, which with much difficulty and danger had fetched a compasse about Spain.

And now King Richard by his own experience grew sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners at sea underwent, being alwayes within few inches, often within an hairs breadth of death. Wherefore now touched with remorse of their piti­full case, he resolved to revoke the law of Wracks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. For formerly both in England and Normandie, the Bractōn, lib. 2. cap. 5. Crown was intituled to shipwrackt goods, and the King jure gentium made heir unto them; which other­wise jure naturali were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertain­ing to no owner. But now our Richard refused to make advan­tage of such pitifull accidents, and to strip poore mariners out of those rags of their estates which the mercy and mode­sty of the waves and winds had left them. And therefore on the moneth of October, at Messana, in the presence of many Archbishops and Bishops, he for ever Quietum clamavit Wreck, &c. Roger Hove­den, in Rich. 1. pag. 678. quitted the claim to Wracks: So that if any man out of the ship cometh alive to the shore, the property of the shipwrackt goods is still preser­ved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged by our suc­ceeding Kings, that Sir. Ed. Coke, v [...]l. 6. fol. 107 if a dog or a cat escaped alive to land, the goods still remained the owners, if he claimed them within a yeare and a day.

Tancred at this time was King of Sicilie; a bastard born: and no wonder if, climbing up the throne the wrong way, he shaked when he sate down. Besides, he was a Tyrant; both de­taining the dowrie and imprisoning the person of Joan wife to William late King of Sicilie, and sister to King Richard. But in what a case was he now, having two such mighty Monarchs come unto him! To keep them out, was above his power, to let them in, against his will. Well he knew it was wofull to lie in the rode where great armies were to passe: For power knoweth no inferiour friend; and the land-lord commonly lo­seth his rent, sometimes his land, where the tenant is too potent for him.

At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others judge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two [Page 121] Kings, secretly applying himself to the French: which King Richard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not long in­visible before a judicious eye.

Mean time the citizens of Messana did the English much wrong, if not by the command, with the consent of the King. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of unruly people on their Prince; yet Tancred not punishing his people for injuring the English, when he might and was required thereunto, did in effect justifie their insolencies, and adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard to avenge himself, took Messana by assault, seized on most forts in the Island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs done to him and his sister. Tancred though dull at first, now pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many thousand ounces of gold; and seeing, as the case stood, his best thrift was to be prodigall, gave to our King what rich conditions soever he demanded.

Worse discords daily encreased betwixt the King of France and England; King Richard slighting the King of France his sister whom he had promised to marry, and expressing more affection to Beringaria daughter to the King of Navarre. Some Princes interposing themselves in this breach, rather asswaged the pain then removed the malady: So dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affections perchance by the mediation of friends may be brought again to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King Philip thinking to forestall the market of ho­nour, and take up all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais: Richard followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac (or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus; who, under Andro­nicus the Grecian Emperour (when every factious Noble-man snatched a plank out of that shipwracked Empire) seized on this Island, and there tyrannized as a reputed King. Some falsely conceived him a Pagan: and his faith is suspected, because his charity was so bad; killing the English that landed there, not ha­ving so much man as to pity a woman, and to suffer the sea-sick Lady Beringaria to come on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the Island, honoured Isaac with the magnificent capti­vity of silver fetters; yet giving his daughter liberty and prince­ly usage. The Island he pawned to the Templars for ready mo­ney. And because Cyprus by antiquity was celebrated as the seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous moneth of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady Be­ringaria.

Chap. 8.

VVHilest King Richard stayed in Cyprus, 1191 the siege of Pto­lemais went on: and though the French King thought with a running pull to bear the city away, yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to stirre.

Mean time, the plague and famine raged in the Christians camp; which the last year swept away fifty Princes and Pre­lates of note: Who, no doubt, went hence to a happy place; though it was before Pope Clement the sixth Chemnitius, ex Weselo, Exam. [...]onc. Trid. tract. De Indulg. commanded the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to convey all their souls into Paradise which should die in their pilgrimage.

This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued. And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long play­ing together, were so well acquainted with the blows and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken betwixt them was meerly casuall, never for want of skill, care, or va­lour on either side. It helped the Christians not a little, that a concealed Christian within the citie, with letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and faithfull intelligence of the remarkable passages amongst the Turks.

No Prince in this siege deserved more then Leopoldus Duke of Austria; who fought so long in assaulting this city, till his ar­mour was all over gore bloud, save the place covered with his belt. Pantal. De illustribus Germaniae, part. 2. pag. 201. Whereupon he and his successours the Dukes of Austria, renouncing the six Golden larks, their ancient arms, had assigned them by the Emperour a fesse Argent in a field Gules, as the pa­ternall coat of their family.

By this time King Richard was arrived, Iune 8. (taking as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen hundred soul­diers, and two hundred and fifty Matth. Paris. in an­no 1191. scorpions, which were to be imployed in the poysoning of Christians) and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted. But all their en­gines made not so wide a breach in that cities walls, as en­vie made betwixt the French and English Kings. Yet at last the Turks despairing of succour, Iuly 13. their victuals wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladines consent, on condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it: all Christian prisoners Sa­ladine had were to be set free, and the Crosse to be again re­stored.

The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners, were equally divided betwixt Philip and Richard. Whereat many Noble-men, partners in the pains, no sharers in the gains, [Page 123] departed in Roger Hove­den, in Rich. 1. p. 696. discontent. Some Turks for fear embraced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their Fox, Mar­tyrol. pag. 245 vomit: as re­ligion died in fear, never long keepeth colour, but this dayes conver [...]s will be to morrows apostates. Hereupon it was com­manded that none hereafter should be baptized against their wills.

Here the English cast down the ensignes of Leopoldus Duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principall tower in Ptolemais; and as some say, threw them into the jakes. The Duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury till he could remember it with advantage; and afterwards made King Richard pay soundly for this affront. It is not good to exasperate any, though farre inferiour: for, as the fable telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse befriend the lion.

When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a little that their faithfull Hoveden, in Rich. 1. pag. 694. correspondent, who advised them by his letters, could no where be found: Pity it was that Rahabs red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed it was pro­bable that he was dead before the surrendring of the city. Greater was the grief that the Crosse did no where appear, either carelessely lost, or enviously concealed by the Turks. Whilest the Christians stormed hereat, Saladine required a longer respite for the performance of the conditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from the strictnesse of what was concluded; conceiving that was in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew he did it onely to gain time to fetch new breath: and if he yielded to him, his boun­ty had not been thanked, but his fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which were in his hands, P. Aemili­us, in Philipp [...] August [...], p. 174. But Matthew Paris saith but 26▪ [...]. seven thou­sand in number, to be put to death (except some choice per­sons) on that day whereon the articles should have been but were not performed. For which fact he suffered much in his re­pute, branded with rashnesse and cruelty, as the murderer of many Christians: For Saladine in revenge put as many of our captives to death. On the other side the moderation of the French King was much commended, who reserving his prisoners alive, exchanged them to ransome so many Christians.

Chap. 9.

MEan time the Christians were rent asunder with faction: Philip the French King, Odo Duke of Burgundy, Leopold Duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the Genoans and Tem­plars siding with King Conrade; King Richard, Henry Count of Champaigne, the Hospitallers, Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But King Conrades side was much weaken­ed with the sudden departure of the French King; who eigh­teen dayes after the taking of Ptolemais returned home, Iuly 31. preten­ding want of necessaries, indisposition of body, distemper of the climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envie, because the sound of King Richards fame was of so deep a note that it drowned his; partly Matthew Paris. p. 220. covetousnesse, to seize on the dominions of the Earl of Flanders lately dead; Flanders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France. If it be true what Speed, out of Hoveden, in Rich. 1. some report, that Saladine bribed him to return, let him for ever for­feit the surname of Augustus, and the style of the most Christi­an Prince.

His own souldiers disswaded him from returning, beseech­ing him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was new­ly started: Saladine was already on his knees, and would pro­bably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played the un­thrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced his de­parture, King Richard Matth. Paris. in Ri­chard [...] 1. p. 219. profered him the half of all his pro­visions.

All would not do, Philip persisted in his old plea, How the life of him absent would be more advantagious to the cause, then the death of him present; and by importunity got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the King of Englands dominions.

Thus the King of France returned in person, but remained still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army) to the Duke of Burgundy; to whom he prescribed both his path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that Duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in those acti­ons wherein severall undertakers are compounded together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit maketh ciphres of all the rest. As for King Philip, being returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must be fingering of the King [Page 125] of Englands territories, though his hands were bound by oath to the contrary.

Chap. 10.

ABout the time of the King of France his departure, Apr. 27. Conrade King of Jerusalem was murdered in the Roger Hove­den in Rich. 1. p. 716. saith, on the Calends of May; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner. market-place of Tyre; and his death is variously reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring it: And though the beams of his in­nocency cleared his own heart, yet could they not dispell the clouds of suspicions from other mens eyes. Some say Hum­phred Prince of Thoron killed him, for taking Isabella his wife away from him. But the generall voice giveth it out that two Assasines stabbed him; whose quarrell to him was onely this, That he was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to death, Aemylius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 179. gloried in the meritoriousnesse of their suffering: and surely were it the punishment not the cause made martyrdome, we should be best stored with Confessours from gaols, and Martyrs from the gallows.

Conrade reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria Iole, on whom the Knight-Templars bestowed princely educa­tion. and this may serve for his Epitaph,

His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the anti­ent King, and striving to depose him. They pleaded that the Crown was tyed on Guy's head with a womans fillet, which be­ing broken by the death of his wife Queen Sibyll (who deceased of the plague with her Reger Hove­den▪ in Rich. 1. p. 685. children at the siege of Ptolemais) he had no longer right to the Kingdome; they objected he was a worthlesse man, and unfortunate. On the other side, it was al­ledged for him, that to measure a mans worth by his successe, is a [...]quare often false, alwayes uncertain. Besides, the courtesie of the world would allow him this favour, That a King should be semel & semper, once and ever. [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...]

[Page 126]Whilest Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate of this hungry Prince; To exchange his Kingdome of Jerusalem for the Island of Cyprus, which he had redeemed from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it: And this was done ac­cordingly to the content of both sides. 1192 Sept. Calvi­sius. And King Richard with some of his succeeding English Kings wore the title of Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5. pag. 378. Jerusa­lem in their style for many years after. We then dismisse King Guy, hearing him thus taking his farewell;

Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world for an­other. But the family of the Lusignans have enjoyed Cyprus some hundred years: and since by some transactions it fell to the state of Venice; and lately by conquest, to the Turks.

Chap. 11.

COnrade being killed and Guy gone away, Henry Earl of Champaigne was chosen King of Jerusalem by the especi­all procuring of King Richard his uncle. To corroborate his election by some right of succession, he married Isabella, the widow of King Conrade and daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem. A Prince (as writers report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but little happy in expressing it; whether for want of opportunity, or shortnesse of his reign, being most spent in a truce. He more pleased himself in the style of Prince of Tyre then King of Jerusalem; as counting it more honour to be Prince of what he had, then King of what he had not.

And now the Christians began every where to build: The Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and walled Ptolemais, Porphyria, Joppa, and Askelon. But alas! this short prosperity, like an Autumne-spring, came too late and was gone too soon to bring any fruit to maturity.

[Page 127]It was now determined they should march towards Jerusalem: for all this while they had but hit the but; that Holy City was the mark they shot at. Richard led the vantguard of English; Duke Odo commanded in the main battel over his French; James of Auvergne brought on the Flemings and Brabanters in the rere. Saladine, serpent-like, biting the heel, assaulted the rere, not far from Bethlehem; when the French and English wheel­ing about, charged the Turks most furiously. Emulation, for­merly poyson, was here a cordiall, each Christian nation striving not onely to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in the honour of the conquest. King Richard seeking to put his courage out of doubt, brought his judgement into que­stion, being more prodigall of his person then beseemed a Gene­rall. One P. Aemyl. in Phil. Au­gusto, p. 180. wound he received, but by losi [...]g his bloud he found his spirits, and laid about him like a mad-man. The Christians got the victory, without the losse of any of number or note, save James of Auvergne, who here died in the bed of honour: But more of the Turks were slain then in any battel for fourty years before.

Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, probably they might have surprised it, whilest the Turks eyes were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great over­throw. But this opportunity was lost by the backwardnesse and unwillingnesse of King Richard and the English, say the P. Aemyl. ibidem. French writers. To cry quits with them, our Matth. Pa­ris. in Rich. 1. p▪ 216. English au­thours impute it to the envie of the French; who would have so glorious an action rather left undone, then done by the English. They complain likewise of the treachery of Odo Duke of Burgundie, who more carefull of his credit then his conscience, was choked with the shame of the sinne he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his intelligence with the Turks was made known. This cannot be denyed, that Saladine sent (term them bribes or presents) both to our King and the French Duke, and they received them: no wonder then if nei­ther of them herein had a good name, when they traded with such familiars. But most hold King Richard attempted not Jeru­salem, because as a wise architect, he would build his victories so as they might stand, securing the countrey as he went; it being senselesse to besiege Jerusalem a straggling city, whilest the Turks as yet were in possession of all the sea-ports and strong forts thereabout.

About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with rich commodity, those Eastern wares containing much in a little. And yet of all this, and of all the treasures of England, Sicilie, and Cyprus which he brought hither, King Richard carried home nothing but one P. Aemyl. pag. 181. Excepto hoc annulo nu­dus in [...]psque. gold-ring: all the rest of his [Page 128] wealth melted away in this hot service. He wintered in Aske­lon, intending next spring to have at Jerusalem,

Chap. 12.

BUt bad news out of Europe shaked his steadiest resolutions, hearing how William Bishop of Ely, his Vice-roy in En­gland, used unsufferable insolencies over his subjects: So hard it is for one of base parentage to personate a King without over­acting his part, Also he heard how the King of France and John Earl of Morton his own brother, invaded his dominions; ambi­tion, the Pope in their belly, dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he saw this warre was not a subject capable of valour to any purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans and Florentines being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking themselves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung with the hard imployment. Hereupon he was forced first to make the motion of (in plain terms, to begge) peace of Saladine.

Let Saladine now alone to winne, having all the game in his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning gypsies about him, who could read in King Richards face what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was certified of every note-worthy passage in the English army. Upon these terms therefore or none (beg­gers of peace shall never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three (some say, five) years might be concluded, That the Christians should demolish all places they had walled since the taking of Ptolemais; which was in effect to undo what with much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny of King Richards occasions, forcing him to return, that he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his heart.

Thus the voyage of these two Kings, begun with as great con­fidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders, con­tinued with as much courage as interchangeablenesse of suc­cesse, baned with mutuall discord and emulation, was ended with some honour to the undertakers, no P. Aemyl. p. 181. Tanto duo­rum regum conatu nihil actum. Profit either to them or the Christian cause. Some farre-fetched dear-bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who eternized his memory in Asia: whom if men forget, horses will remember; the Turks [Page 129] using to say to their horses when they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is here? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair of their heads in an acute disease; which was more, saith Daniel, p. 100. one, then both of them got by the voyage.

They left the Christians in Syria in worse case then they found them: as he doeth the benighted traveller a discourtesie rather then a kindnesse, who lendeth a lantern to take it away, leaving him more masked then he was before.

And now a little to solace my self and the reader with a merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories; King Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all the cost and pains of his journey, namely, He redeemed from the Turks a chest full of holy Reliques (which they had gotten at the taking of Jerusalem) so great, as Matth. Pa­ris. in Rich. 1. p. 222. four men could scarce carry any way. And though some know no more then Esops cock how to prize these pearls, let them learn the true value of them from the Romane jewel­lers. First, they must carefully distinguish between publick and private Reliques: In private ones some forgery may be suspect­ed, lest quid be put for quo; which made S. In lib. De oper. Mon. [...]. 28. Augustine put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen Martyrum, If so be they be the Re­liques of Martyrs. But as for publick ones approved by the Pope, and kept in Churches (such no doubt as these of King Ri­chards were) oh let no Christian be such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any object, That the head of the same Saint is shewed at severall places; the whole answer is by a Bellarm. De Reliq. cap. 4. Synecdoche, That a part is put for the whole. As for the com­mon exception against the Crosse, That so many severall pieces thereof are shown, which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyrene to bear them; it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuitur, and like the loaves in the Gospel, it is miraculously multiplied in the dividing. If all these fail, Annal. Eccl. in anno 226. Baronius hath a ra­sour shaveth all scruple clear away: For, saith he, Quidquid sit, fides purgat facinus; So that he worshipeth the false Reliques of a true Saint, God taketh his good intention in good worth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of Jacob. But enough of thesefooleries.

Chap. 13.

KIng Richard setting sail from Syria, Octo. 8. the sea and wind favour­ed him till he came into the Adriatick; and on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwrack: Wherefore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the next way home. But the near­nesse of the way is to be measured not by the shortnesse but the safenesse of it.

He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose onely commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad bargain. For he was discovered in an Inne in Austria, because he disguised his person not his expenses; so that the very policy of an hostesse, finding his purse so farre above his clothes, did detect him: Dec. 20. Yea, saith mine Authour, Facies orbiterrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The rude people flocking together, used him with insolencies un­worthy him, worthy themselves: and they who would shake at the tail of this loose Lion, durst laugh at his face now they saw him in a grate. Yet all the weight of their cruelty did not bow him beneath a Princely carriage.

Leopoldus Duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being Lord of the soil, seised on this Royall stray; Dec. 20. meaning now to get his penny-worths out of him, for the affront done unto him in Pa­lestine.

Not long after the Duke sold him to Henry the Emperour, for his harsh nature surnamed Asper, and it might have been Saevus, being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept King Ri­chard in bands, charging him with a thousand faults committed by him in Sicilie, Cyprus, and Palestine. The proofs were as slender as the crimes grosse; and Richard having an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit, acquitted himself in the judgement of all the hearers. At last he was Matth. Pa­ris. in Rich. 1. ransomed for an hundred and fourty thousand marks, Colein weight. A summe so vast in that age, before the Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and silver, that to raise it in England they were forced to sell their Church-plate to their very chalices. Whereupon out of most deep Divinity it was concluded, That they should not celebrate the Sacrament in Lindwood, lib. 1. De summ [...] Tri. fol. 6. glasse, for the brit­tlenesse of it; nor in wood, for the sponginesse of it, which would suck up the bloud; nor in alchymie, because it was sub­ject to rusting; nor in copper, because that would provoke vo­miting; [Page 131] but in chalices of latine, which belike was a metall without exception. And such were used in England for some Eulogium; [...] Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Rich. 1. hundred years after: untill at last John Stafford Archbishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished with sil­ver, inknotteth that Priest in the greater excommunication that should consecrate Poculum stanneum. After this money Epist. 57. Peter of Blois (who had drunk as deep of Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer, making an apostrophe to the Emper­our, or to the Duke of Austria, or to both together:

The ransome partly payed, the rest secured by hostages, King Richard much befriended by the Dutch Prelacy, after eighteen moneths imprisonment returned into England. The Arch­bishop of Colein in the presence of King Richard, as he passed by, brought in these words in saying masse, Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath delivered thee out of the hand of He­rod, and from the expectation of the people, &c. But his soul was more healthfull for this bitter physick, and he amended his manners; better loving his Speed, in Rich▪ 1. Queen Beringaria, whom he slighted before: As souldiers too often love women better then wives.

Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed the loyalty of many of his unsetled subjects; whilest in Austria the Duke with his money built the walls of Vienna: So that the best stones and morter of that bulwark of Christendome are beholden to the English coin. We must not forget how Gods judgements overtook this Duke, punishing his dominions with fire and wa­ter, which two elements cannot be Kings but they must be ty­rants; by famine, the ears of wheat turned into worms; by a gangrene, seising on the Dukes body, who cut off his leg with his own hand, and died thereof: Who by his testament (if not by his will) caused some thousand crowns to be restored again to King Richard.

Chap. 14.

SOn after, Saladine the terrour of the East ended his life, 1193 Febr. 16. ha­ving reigned sixteen years. Consider him as a man, or a Prince, he was both wayes admirable.

Many Historians (like some painters, which rather shew their skill in drawing a curious face then in making it like to him whom it should resemble) describe Princes rather what they should be then what they were; not shewing so much their good­nesse as their own wits. But finding this Saladine so generally commended of all writers, we have no cause to distrust this his true character.

His wisdome was great, in that he was able to advise; and greater, in that he was willing to be advised: Never so wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he would be divorced from them. His valour was not over-free, but would well an­swer the spurre when need required. In his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of season, place, and number; and seldome wrested the garland of honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever marched in person into the field, remembring that his predecessours, the Caliphs of Egypt, brake themselves by using Factours, and imploying of Souldans. His temperance was great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pam­per nature, but to keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was variety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped then drank off; sometimes, more to content others then please him­self. Wives he might have kept sans number, but stinted him­self to one or two; using them rather for posterity then wan­tonnesse. His justice to his own people was remarkable; his promise with his enemies generally well kept. Much he did tri­umph in mercy: Fierce in fighting, mild in conquering; and having his enemies in his hand, pleased himself more in the power then act of revenge. His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it not had a great and quick spring, those Eastern parts being very rich. Serviceable men he would pur­chase on any rate; and sometimes his gifts bare better propor­tion to his own greatnesse then the receivers deserts. Vast bribes he would give to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected that with his gold which he could not do with his steel. Zealous he was in his own religion, yet not violent [...]gainst Christians quà Christians. Scholarship cannot be ex­spected [Page 133] in him who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sinne to be learned) and a souldier by breeding. His humility was admirable; as being neither ignorant of his greatnesse, nor over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at his fu­nerals; and ordered that before his corpse a black cloth should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed, Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5. p. 378 Saladine Conquerour of the East had nothing left him but this black shirt to attend him to the grave.

Some entitle him as descended from the Royall Turkish bloud: Which flattering Heralds he will little thank for their pains; counting it most honour, that he being of mean parentage, was the first founder of his own Nobility. His stature (for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut out to strike fear then winne love; yet could he put on amiablenesse when occasi­on required, and make it beseem him. To conclude; I will not be so bold, to do with him as an Eastern Ioan▪ Eu­chait [...]nsis, jampridem E [...]oniae Graec [...] editus. Bishop doth with Pla­to and Plutarch, whom he commendeth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that came nearest to holinesse of all untaught Gentiles: (Belike he would be our Saviours remembrancer, and put him in mind to take more especiall notice of them at the day of judgement.) But I will take my farewell of Saladine with that commendation I find of him, Sabell. Enn. 9. l. 5. p. 378▪ He wanted nothing to his eternall happinesse, but the knowledge of Christ.

Chap. 15.

SAladine left nine (some say, twelve) sonnes, 1194 making Saphra­dine his brother overseer of his will: Who of a tutour turned a traitour, and murdered them all excepting one, called also Sa­phradine, Sultan of Aleppo; who, not by his uncles pity, but by the favour and support of his fathers good friends was preser­ved. Hence arose much intestine discord amongst the Turks; all which time the Christians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security.

Not long after, 1196 Henry King of Jerusalem, as he was Continuator Ursp. in anno 1196. Et M. Paris. in co­dem. walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out of a window, and brake his neck. He reigned three years. But as for the particular time he died on, I find it not specified in any Authour.

Chap. 16.

AFter his death, Almerick Lusignan, brother to King Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned King of Jerusalem: For he married Isabella the Relict of Henry the last King. This Lady was four times married: first, to Humphred Prince of Thorone; then to the three successive Kings of Jerusalem, Con­rade, Henry, and this Almerick. He was also King of Cyprus; and the Christians in Syria promised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that Island. But though he was near to them, he was far from helping them, making pleasure all his work; being an idle, lazy, worthlesse Prince. But I trespasse on that po­litick rule, Of Princes we must speak the best, or the least; if that be not intended, when the truth is so late that danger is en­tailed upon it.

In his time, Henry Emperour of Germany, indicted by his conscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to per­fume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began to be unsavourie, set on foot another voyage to the Holy land. 1197 Pope Celestine the third sent his Legates about to promote this ser­vice, shewing how God himself had sounded the alarm by the dissention of the Turks: Jerusalem now might be wonne with the blows of her enemies; onely an army must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it. Generall of the Pilgrimes was Henry Duke of Saxony; next him, Frederick Duke of Au­stria, Herman Landtgrave of Thuringia, Henry Palatine of Rhene, Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, Conrade Archbishop of Wurtzburg, the Bishops of Breme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more Prelates; so that here was an Episcopall army, which might have served for a nationall Synod: Insomuch that one truly might here have seen the Church Militant. We have no ambition, saith [...]rsp. Chron. in anno 1197. pag. 304. one of their countrey-men, to reckon them up; for they were plurimi & nulli, many in number, none in their actions.

Some of these souldiers were imployed by Henry the Em­perour (who knew well to bake his cake with the Churches fuel) to subdue his rebells in Apulia. This done, they passed through Grecia, and found there better entertainment then some of their predecessours. Hence by shipping they were con­veyed into Syria: Here they brake the Vrsp. ut prius. truce made by King [Page 135] Richard, (it seemeth by this, it was the last five years) the Pope dispensing therewith; who can make a peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to break through. The city Berytus they quickly wanne, and as quickly lost. For Henry the Empe­rour suddenly died, the root which nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered. Henry also Duke of Saxony, Ge­nerall of this army, was slain. And Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, one of the Electours, would needs return home to the choice of a new Emperour; knowing he could more profitably use his voice in Germany then his arms in Syria. Other Captains secretly stole home; and when the souldiers would have fought, their Baron. An­nal. Eccl. i [...] anno. 1197. Captains ran away. And whereas in other Expeditions we find vestigia pauca retrorsum, making such clean work that they left little or no reversions; of this voyage many safely re­turned home with whole bodies and wounded credits.

The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa. And now the feast of S. Martin was come, the Dutch their Arch-Saint. This man being a Germane by birth, and Bishop of Tours in France, was eminent for his Pantal. De vi. illustr. Germ. in vit [...] S. Martini. hospitality; and the Dutch bad­ly imitating their countrey-man, turn his charity to the poor in­to riot on themselves, keeping the eleventh of November (I will not say holy-day, but) feast-day. At this time the spring­tide of their mirth so drowned their souls, that the Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 74. Turks co­ming in upon them, cut every one of their throats, to the number of twenty thousand: and quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup-shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write in their Kalendars in red letters died with their own bloud; when their camp was their shambles, the Turks their butchers, and themselves the Martinmasse-beeves: from which the beastly drunkards differ but a little.

The citie of Joppa the Turks rased to the ground; and of this victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria. But by the coming of Magdebur­genses, Cent. 12. cap. 1 [...]. sub finem. Simon Count of Montford (a most valiant and ex­pert Captain, 1198 [...]ent thither by Philip the French King with a re­giment of tall souldiers, at the instance of Innocent the third, that succeeded Celestine in the Papacy) and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks themselves for sovereignty, their [...]ury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of Knolls, ut pri [...]s. ten years: during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais. 1199 Which peace so concluded, the worthy Count returned with his souldiers into France.

Chap. 17.

THis truce notwithstanding, another army of Pilgrims was presently provided for Syria: The Tetrarchs whereof were Baldwine Earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian Duke, Theo­bald Earl of Champaigne, Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat, with many other Nobles.

Leave we them a while taking the city of Jadera in Istria for the Venetians. Mean time if we look over into Greece, we shall find Isaac Angelus the Emperour deposed, thrust into prison, his eyes put out, (the punishment there in fashion) so that he ended his dayes before he ended his life, by the cruelty of Alexius An­gelus his brother, who succeeded him.

But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus his sonne, with some Gre­cian Noble-men, came to the courts of most Western Princes to beg assistance to free his father and expell the tyrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a net to catch mens good will; not seeking their favour by losing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel: so that in his face one might read a pretty combat betwixt the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a Prince in want, would move a mi­sers charity. Our Western Princes tendered his case, which they counted might be their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his meat, that he pleased every mans palate; promising for their succours to disingage the French from their debts to the Vene­tian; promising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them by the Grecians; and bearing the Pope in hand he would reduce the Eastern Churches into his subjection: things which he was little Nicetas. able to perform. But well may the statute of Bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be rich in promi­ses. These his fair profers prevailed so farre, that the Pope commanded, and other Princes consented, that this army of Pilgrimes levied for the Holy land, should be imployed against the usurping Grecian Emperour. Many taxed his Holinesse for an unjust steward of the Christian forces, to expend them a­gainst the Grecians, which were to be laid out against the Infi­dels: Especially now when Palestine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered it self into the Christians arms to be regain­ed. Others thought the Pope took the right method; because [Page 137] he which should winne Jerusalem must begin at Constanti­nople: And by this warre the Grecian Empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would be made good, and secured for the pas­sage of Pilgrimes. The souldiers generally rejoyced at the ex­change of their service: for the barren warres in Syria starved the undertakers; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil; the usurpers treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them: And it was good plowing up of that ground which had long laien fallow.

Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand Blondus, l. 6. Decad. 2. p. 270. cony-skins yearly for tribute to that State) like good fensers they strook at the head, and made for Constantinople: Which they quickly took, 1203 Iuly 17. after some hot skirmishes. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife, whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was fetched out of prison; he and young Alexius his sonne saluted joynt Emperours. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly broken: For soon after the father died, being brought into an open place, kept before in a close pent dun­geon; and having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by surfeiting on it. His sonne was villanously strangled by Alexius Ducas, called from his beetle brow Mur [...]iphlus: One of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen Emperour by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to the Latines which lay before Constantinople in their ships. 1204 Apr. 21. Wherefore, and also because they were not payed for their former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and took it by main force; killing none, but robbing all; ravishing women, and using a thousand insolencies. Some fled for their succour to the shrines of Saints: But the Sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect themselves, the souldiers as little respecting place, as formerly age or sex: not standing on any reverence to the Saints, they stood upon them, making footstools of their images and statues.

Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff, (writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while pinch­ed by the arm) rather without measure then cause bemoaneth the outrages the Latines here committed. Poore man! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh off in a siege, met in him: His flight from Constantinople was in winter, on the In libello cu [...]titulus, Status Con­stantinopolis Sect. 1. p, 637. Sabbath­day, his wife being great with child. But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater then it is: and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth the cruelty of these Pilgrimes, be­ing nearly interessed therein himself; especially when the rheto­rick [Page 138] of grief is alwayes in the Hyperbole. Nor is it any news for souldiers to be so insolent when they take a citie by assault: which time is their Servorum hic di [...]s est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. 2. Saturnalia, when servants themselves do command, acknowledging no other leader or captain then their own passions.

Within a twelve-moneth all Greece was subdued save onely Adrianople: Apr. 24. crowned May 16. Baldwine Earl of Flanders chosen Emperour; Thomas Maurocenus elected first Latine Patriarch in Constan­tinople; Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat made King of Thes­salie; Geoffrey of Troy, a Frenchman, Prince of Achaia and Duke of Athens: the Venetians got many rich Islands in the Aegean and Ionian seas: So that one could not now see the Grecian Em­pire for Empires. It was now expected that they should have advanced hence into Palestine: But here having well feathered their nests, they were loth to flie any further. And now no wonder if the Christians affairs in Palestine were weak and lean, the Pope diverting the meat that should feed them another way.

Chap. 18.

POpe Innocent the third having lately learned the trick of imploying the army of Pilgrimes in by-services, 1206 began now to set up a trade thereof. For two years after he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against the Albingenses in France. These were reputed hereticks, whom his Holinesse in­tended to root out with all cruelty; that good shepherd know­ing no other way to bring home a wandring sheep then by worrying him to death. He fully and freely promised the undertakers the self-same Pardons and Indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer the Holy land; and very conscio­nably requested their aid onely for fourty dayes, hoping to chop up these Albingenses at a bit. Though herein he was de­ceived, and they stuck in his and his successours teeth for fifty years together. The place being nearer, the service shorter, the work lesse, the wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entred themselves in this imployment, and neglected the other.

We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our penne [Page 139] must wait on their swords. And I hope that his Holinesse, who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and commuted them into a journey into France, will also of his goodnesse dis­pense with my veniall digression herein, in prosecuting their actions. Yea indeed, I need not his dispensation, being still re­sident on my own subject, this also being styled, The Holy War, The warre for the Crucifix, The army of the Church; the souldiers also bearing the badge of the Crosse on their coat­armour.

But first let us throughly examine what these Albingenses were, and what they held: a question that will quit the cost in studying it.

They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and branched from them; not different in doctrine, but later in time, and di­stant in place: so called from the countrey Albigeois in France, where they lived.

I find three grand different opinions of Authours concerning them.

First, Io. Paul. Perin. De Albing. lib. 1. cap. 1. Some make them to have been very monsters in life and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too light for them. And this is the generall voice of most writers in that age, and all Romanists in our dayes.

Secondly, Others clean contrary hold, That these Walden­ses (for I make them and the Albingenses Synonyma, as Dr. Field of the Church. lib. 3. cap. 8. We acknow­ledge them ( viz. Wick­liff, Husse, Hierome of Prague, &c. to have been the wo [...]y servants of God, and ho­ly Martyrs & Confessours, suffering in the cause of Christ against Antichrist; yet do we not think that the Church of God was found onely in them. others have done) were onely the true Church of God in that age, whilest all others being corrupted with abominable superstition, were no true Church at all. These alone were Gods Virgins, his Witnesses in sackcloth, his Woman in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose knees were not suppled with the Baalisme of that age. This is the expresse opinion of some strict Protestants; and of some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves.

Thirdly, A third sort Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, pag. 104. 105. The Wal­denses main­tained the same doctrine in substance with the mo­dern Prote­stants. explode this opinion, as trespassing on Divine providence; that God who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth, should be in so long a lethargie as to suffer hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years together, leaving no true Church but so small a company of such simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too great a weight on so slender a string, in making such an handfull of men the onely Church for so long continuance. More moderately therefore they hold, That these Albingenses were a purer part of the Church; and though guilty of some errours, (as there must be a dawning before the day) and charged with more, yet they maintained the same * doctrine in ore, which since Luthers time was refined: So that the main body of the Church visible at [Page 140] this time was much in dilapidations, whilest the Albingenses, as an innermost chapell thereof, was best in repair.

Let the Reader choose the probablest opinion when he hath perused the evidences of all sides; which we will now produce, deducing the history of these Albingenses from their first ori­ginall.

Chap. 19.

ABout the year 1160, Peter Waldo a merchant of Lyons, rich in substance and learning (for a lay-man) was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of mans mortality so im­pressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly he resolved on a strict reformation of his life: Which to his power he performed; translating some books of the Bible; instructing such as resorted to him in godlinesse of life; teaching withall, That Purgatory, Masses, dedication of Temples, worshipping of Saints, prayers for the dead, were inventions of the devil, and snares of avari [...], That Monkery was a stinking carrion, the Church of Rome the whore of Babylon, the Pope that Antichrist Paramount: He sharply lanced the vitious ulcers of Clergie-mens lives, repro­ving their pride and luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentiful­ly relieved his poor disciples; and those that use that trade shall never want custome.

The Archbishop of Lyons hearing such doctrines broched as were high treason against the Triple crown, ferreted Waldo and his sectaries out of Lyons and the countrey thereabouts. But per­secution is the bellows of the Gospel, to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved their multiplication. Some fled into the Alpes, living there on so steep hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies were afraid to climbe or dive after them. Here they had the constant company of the snow: And as it by the height of the hils was protected from the sun-beams, so they from the scorching of persecution, even to Luthers time. Others fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsatia, Bohemia, Matth. Pa­ris. in Hen. 3. in anno 12 13. Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not? the perfume of the Popes presence not keeping this supposed vermine out of [Page 141] Italy it self. Many of them were cruelly massacred, five and thir­ty Burgesses of Mayence burned at Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Straesburg at the instance of the Bishop thereof. But Martyrs ashes are the best compost to manure the Church: for others were wonne to their opinion, by behold­ing their constancy and patience. Strange that any should fall in love with that profession, whose professours were so miserable! But truth hath alwayes a good face, though often but bad clothes.

They were called by sundry names: Sometimes from the pla­ces where they lived: As from Albigeois, Tholouse, Lyons, Pi­cardy, Bohemia; Albingenses, Tholousians, Lyonists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principall pastour: As from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold; Waldenses, Jofe­phists, Henricians, Esperonites, Arnoldists. In England they were termed Lolards, from Io. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. l. 1. c. 3. Lolard their teacher; not as some Friar descanteth, quasi Lolium in area Domini. It appeareth not whether they were thus called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter: and if any object, That they seemed ashamed of Christ theirfirst godfather, who gave them the name of Christians, thus to denominate themselves from their teach­ers; I answer, It is the same the Papists do, calling themselves Benedictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, &c. from the foun­ders of their Orders.

They had also nick names; called, First, Poor men of Ly­ons: not because they chose to be poor, but could not choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods: And why should the Friars glory be this peoples shame? they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meritorious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians; that is, Sufferers, whose backs were an­vils for others to beat on. Thirdly, Turlupins; that is, Dwel­lers with wolves, (and yet might they be Gods sheep) being forced to flee into woods. Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars; that is, Cut-purses. Fifthly, Fraterculi; that is, Shifters. Sixthly, Insabbatae; that is, Observers of no Sabbath. Seventh­ly, Pasagenes; that is, Wanderers. As also Arians, Manicheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards.) Yea, scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which was not shot at them.

Chap. 20.

COme we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith these Albingenses are charged: That they gave no reverence to Reinerius, fol. 22. art. 32. holy places; rejected the baptisme of infants; held that temporall power was grounded in grace; that it was a meritori­ous work to persecute the Priests of Rome and their subjects: with the Adamites they went naked (an affront to nature;) with the Manicheans they made two first causes, God of good, the devil of evil; held community of all things, even of wives amongst them; were Claudius Rubis, History of Lyons, pag. 269. sorcerers and conjurers; (pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed him) guilty of in­cest, buggery, and more unnaturall sins, whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell.

No whit affrighted with this terrible accusation, many late writers dare by their advocates to defend them, though confes­sing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high and hainous a manner as they are accused.

True it is, because most of that age ranne riot in adoring of Churches, (as if some inherent sanctity was seeled to their roof, or plaistered to their walls; yea, such as might more ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there assembled) the Waldenfes (out of that old errour not yet worn out, That the best way to straighten what is crooked, is to over-bow it) denied Churches that relative holinesse and fit reverence due unto them. Baptisme of infants they refused not (though In his 66. [...]omily on the Canticles. Saint Bernard, taking it rather from the rebound then first rise, char­geth them therewith) but onely deferred it till it might be ad­ministred by one of their own Ministers; their tender consci­ences not digesting the Popish baptisme, where clear water by Gods ordinance, was by mans additions made a salve or plaister. That dominion was founded in grace, seemeth to be their ve­ry opinion: Yea, it hangeth as yet in the Schools on the file, and is not taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers. But grant it a great errour (for wicked men shall be arraigned before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not having right, but not right using the creatures) yet herein they proceed­ed not so far as the Papists now-a-dayes, to unthrone and de­pose excommunicated Princes: So that they who do most, have least cause to accuse them. That they spoke too homely [Page 143] and coursely of the Romish Priests, inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, condemning all for some, may per chance be proved: And no wonder if they speak ill of those from whom they felt ill. But take their speeches herein, as the words of men upon the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage.

In these errours the Albingenses hope to find favour, if men consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in: It is no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that squire of the body) attending on mans nature; yea, he shall be im­mortall who liveth till he be stoned by one without fault. Thirdly, the errours themselves, which are rather in the out­limbs then vitalls of religion. And it may be conceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle means, not cate­chised with fire and fagot; it being a true rule, That mens con­sciences are more moved with leading then dragging or drawing.

But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail or end thereof; charging them with such hainous errours in do­ctrine, and vices in life: All which the patrones for the defen­dants Bishop Iew­cl, Apol. part. 1. chap. 2. divis. 1 Waldo and the rest, for ought we know, and I believe (set­ting m [...]lice aside) for ought you know, were godly men. Their great­est errour was that they complained of the disso­lute and vi [...] ­ous lives of the Clergy. deny and defie, as coined out of the mint of their enemies malice.

It will be objected, If denying the fact might serve the turn, we should have no male factours: This therefore is but a poore plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of witnesses are a­gainst them. And grant they have a few stragling writers, or some sleeping records which may seem to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose them giants) against a whole army?

To this I find it answered for the Albingenses, That it hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers, alwayes to de­fame those that differ from them, especially if they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the Popes supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as false as foul, have In vita Lutheri. Cochleus and In vita Calvini. Bolsecus laid on Luther and Calvine? Now how fearlesse will they be [...]osteal at midnight, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noon-day? When such Authours as these lie with a witnesse, yea, with many Solidly con­futed by D. Whitaker, De notis Ec­clisiae, cap. 15. Out of Me­lan [...]hthon, Sleidan, Gry­neus, Beza, eye-witnesses witnesses, who could disprove them; no wonder if they take liberty falsely to accuse the Albingenses, conceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation, writing in such an age when all the Counsel is on their own side, being plaintiffs, and none assigned for the defendants.

Secondly, I find they produce the authenticall copies (such as are above their enemies calumnies) of the Catechismes, Apo­logies, Remonstrances of these Albingenses; wherein the di­stilled doctrine of the Protestants is delivered free from [Page 144] Manicheisme, or any other heresie fathered upon them.

Thirdly, their enemies slanders plainly appear in some parti­culars; which justly shaketh the credit of the whole accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adamites willingly to haue gone naked, we find them rather nudati then nudi, forced thereunto by the Popes Legate: Who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France, where these people most swarmed, he would not grant them their lives but on this condition, That both males and females should go forth, and passe by his army So witnes­seth Peter De valle Sarnen­si, being him­self a Monk, and lately printed (anno 1615) in Paris. See Rivet On Genesis, pag. 138. stark-naked. Argued it not a very foul stomach in him who could feed his eies with contentment on such a sight, which otherwise would more deeply have wounded the modesty of the beholder then of the doers, who did it by compulsion? See now how justly these innocents are charged! As well may the Is­raelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in putting out their own eies, when they were commanded to do it by the merciless Ammonite.

Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very ene­mies; and who knoweth not, but such a witnesse is equivalent to a generall consent? For those, who, when bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them, yet per lucida intervalla, in their cold bloud, when their words are indicted from their judgements not passions, do most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations.

Reinerius, a Jacobine Monk, and a cruel inquisitour of the Waldenses, testified, Cited by Fox in his Martyr [...]l. p. 232. That they lived justly before men, and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles contain­ed in the Creed; onely they blasphemed the Romish Church, and hated it.

Claudius de Seissell Archbishop of Turin confesseth, as touching their life and manners they were sound and unre­proveable, without scandall amongst men, giving themselves (to their power) to the observation of the commandments of God.

King Lewis the twelfth of France being throughly informed of the faith and life of the Waldenses in his time, bound it with an oath, That they were better men then he or his people. The same King having killed many of those poore people, and having called the place where they lived, Vallis meretricia, for their painted and dissembled piety, upon better instructions changed the name, calling it from himself, Thuanus. tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 15. The vale of Lewis.

William de Belai Lieutenant of Piemont gave this commen­dation of the Merindolites (a sprig which some hundred years after sprouted from the Waldenses) Idem, tom. 10. lib. 6. pag. 188. That they were a labori­ous people, averse from suits, bountifull to the poore, duly paying their Princes tributes and Lords dues, serving God [Page 145] with daily prayers, and shewing forth much innocency in man­ners.

Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged neither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the Tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 16. Con-waldenses, a stemme of that stock we speak of; They used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the foure fect whereof served instead of buttons; all equall in poverty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on deer and milk: yet was there scarce any amongst them but could read and write hand­somely, understand the Bible, and sing psalms; scarce a boy, but could presently or by heart give an account of his faith: Tribute they payed very religiously, &c.

More might be added; but I end with Gamaliels words, Acts 5. 38, 39. If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, yè cannot overthrow it. It argueth the goodnesse of their cause, in that all their enemies cruelty (unwise to think to spoil the growth of chamomill by trampling on it) could never suppresse them; but they continued till the dayes of Luther, when this morning-starre willingly surrendred his place to him a brighter sun. But enough of their life and manners. And if any condemn me for superfluity herein, I guard my self with In his pre­face to his Retractat. S. Austines shield, Non est multiloquium, quando necessaria di [...]untur, quant ali­bet sermonum multitudine ac prolixitate dicantur.

Chap. 21.

POpe Innocent the third having now gathered together an ar­my of one hundred thousand Pilgrimes, set forwards for the finall exstirpation of the poor Albingenses. The best cham­pions for his Holinesse herein, were the Duke of Burgundy, the Earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva, Poictiers, with Si­mon Earl of Montfort; O [...] the Clergie, Milo the Popes Le [...] ­gate, The Archbishops of Sens, Rovan; the Bishops of Cler­mont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Charters, with divers others; every Bishop with the Pilgrimes of his jurisdiction: To whom the Pope promised Paradise in heaven, but not one peny on earth. Their work was to destroy the Albingenses, which were in great numbers in Daulphine, Province, Narbonne, Tholouse, and other parts of France. Their Commission also extended to the rooting out of all their friends and favourers, whether [Page 144] [...] [Page 145] [...] [Page 146] detected, or onely suspected; such as were Reimund Earl of Tholose, Reimund Earl of Foyx, the Vicecount of Besiers, Gaston Lord of Berne, the Earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats of their innocent brethren! Behold the holy Ghost, who once came down in the form of a Dove, now counterfeited in the shape of a Vulture!

But we must not forget how just before the warre began, the Pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the Church of Rome: To which end he gave order for a disputation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed on; who, where, when they should dispute: but in fine nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to perfection? For many come rather for faction then satisfaction, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought with them: An upright moderatour will scarce be found, who bangeth not to one side: The place will be subject to suspicion, and hinder liberty: Boldnesse and readinesse of speech with most (though not most judicious) auditours, will bear away the bell from solidity of arguments: The passages in the disputing will pe partially reported, and both sides will brag of the conquest; so that the rent will be made worse, and more spirits conjured up then allayed.

But now words ended in blows; the Pope onely entertaining them in Io. Paul. Peri [...]. De Al­bing, lib. 1. cap. 2. conferences, that in the mean time he might prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppresse them.

The first peice of service his souldiers performed, was in sack­ing the city of Besiers, and burrough of Carcassone: In which many Catholicks, stedfast in the Romish faith, did dwel, and pro­miscuously were slain with the Albingenses; yea, Priests them­selves were cut in pieces in their priestly ornaments, and under the banner of the Crosse: So that the swallowing of their foes made their friends also go down glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As for the city of Carcassone which was not far from the burrough; to the inhabitants thereof those immodest conditions were propounded, whereof formerly: which they refused; and God better provided for them: For whilest the city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves.

Chap. 22.

HItherto this warre was managed by the Popes Legate: See the sub­stance of this following sto­ry, in Io. Paul Perin. lib. 1. cap. 6. & dein [...]eps. but now it was concluded that a secular captain should be ad­joyned to him, in whose person the chief command should reside over Martiall affairs; and for his pains, by the Popes donation, he was to enjoy all countreys that should be conquered from the Albingenses or their favourers. The place was offered to the Duke of Burgundy, who refused it, saying, He had lands and Lordships enow of his own, without spoiling others of their goods. It was waved also by the Earls of St. Paul, and Nevers, whether out of conscience or policie; 1210 because though the Pope gave them the bears skin, they must first kill and flay him them­selves. At last Simon of Montfort, nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lords enemies. And for a breakfast to be­gin with, he was seised of the Vicecounty of Besiers, proceeding from hence to take many castles and cities.

One grand inconvenience attended on this army of Pil­grimes: For when their quarantine, or fourty dayes service, was expited, (the term the Pope set them to merit Paradise in) they would not stay one whit longer: Like post-horses they would runne to their set stage, but could not be spurred one foot further; contenting themselves they had already purcha­sed heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And though the Bishops perswaded some few to stay, that so the surplusage of their merits might make up the arterages of their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their matters, the tide of peo­ples devotion being uncertain, but that betwixt the going out of the old and coming in of the new store of Pilgrimes, there would be a low ebbe, wherein their army was almost wasted to nothing: whereof the Albingenses made no small advan­tage.

However, the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Comminge, and Prince of Berne, the patrones of the Albingenses, finding they were too weak for this Holy army, sheltered themselves under Peter King of Aragon; whose homagers they were, re­ceiving [Page 148] investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this side of the Pyrenean hills. This King had the greatnesse of the Earl of Montfort in suspicion; fearing lest these severall Principalities, which now were single arrows, should be bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl Simon. Where­fore he fomented a faction in them against the Holy armie; publickly protesting against the proceedings of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark of Gods Church into a pirates ship, robbing others and inriching themselves under the pretence of Religion, seizing on the lands of good Catho­licks for supposed hereticks, using Gods cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly to shoot at what game they please: Otherwise, why was the Vicecount of Beziers, who lived and died firm in the Romish faith, lately trained into the Legates hand, and against oaths and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his death, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon?

At last the King of Aragon taking the Earl of Montfort on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and water, the ending of the old and beginning of new Pilgrimes) forced him to a battel. The King had thirty thousand foot and seven thousand horse; but the Earl, of both foot and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They closed together near the castle of Moret: And the King, whether out of zeal of con­quest and thirst of honour, or distrust of under officers, or de­sire to animate others, or a mixture of all, ranne his curver so openly, and made his turns and returns in the head of the army, that so fair a mark invited his enemies arrows to hit him; by whom he was wounded to death, and fell from his horse: to lesson all Generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of the army, whence they may have a virtuall omnipresence in every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which, like crystall vials, contain the extracted spirits of their souldiers spilled with their breaking) to places of imminent danger. With his body fell the hearts of his men: 1212 And though the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Comminge, perswaded, entreated, threat­ned them to stay, they used their oratorie so long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to follow them, re­serving themselves by flight to redeem their honour some other time.

Simon improving this victory, pursued them to the gates of Tholouse, and killed many thousands. The Friars imputed this victory to the Bishops benediction, and adoring a piece of the Crosse, together with the fervency of the Clergies prayers, which remaining behind in the castle of Moret, batter­ed heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the Al­bingenses [Page 149] acknowledged Gods justice in punishing the proud King of Aragon; who, as if his arm had been strong and long enough to pluck down the victory our of heaven without Gods [...]eaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon came rather to cast himself down at his feet then to fight. But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a rere-account.

Yet within few years the face of this warre began to alter: (With writers of short-hand we must set a prick for a letter, a letter for a word, marking onely the most remarkables.) For young Reimund Earl of Tholouse, exceeding his father in valour and successe, so bestirred himself, that in few moneths he regain­ed what Earl Simon was many years in getting: And at last Earl Simon besieging Tholouse, 1118 with a stone which a woman let flie out of an engine, had his head parted from his body.

Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange acci­dents: Some paralleled his life with Abimelech that tyrant-Judge; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire then a King of) accepted of the wooden Monarchie, when the vine, olive, figge-tree declined it. They paired them also in their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a masculine hand, but arresting them both by a woman. Some perswaded themselves they saw Gods finger in the womans hand; that because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on the weaker sex, (for he had buried the Lady of la Vaur alive, respecting neither her sex nos nobility) a woman was chosen out to be his executioner: though of himself he was not so prone to cruelty, but had those at his elbow which prompted him to it. The time of his death was a large field for the conceits of others to walk in; because even then when the Pope and three Councils, of Vaur, Montpelier, and Laterane, had pronounced him sonne, servant, favourite of the faith, the in­vincible defender thereof: And must he not needs break, being swoln with so many windie titles▪ Amongst other of his styles he was See Cambd. in L [...]icester-shire. Earl of Leicester in England, and father to Simon Mont­fort the Also in Worcester-shire. Catiline of this Kingdome, who under pretence of cu­ring this land of some grievances, had killed it with his physick, had he not been killed himself in the battel of Eveshold in the reigne of Henry the third.

And here ended the storm of open warre against the Albin­genses, though some great drops fell afterwards. Yea, now the Pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting this people with the Holy warre: First, the incongruity betwixt the Word and the Sword; to confute hereticks with armies in the field, opened clamorous mouths. Secondly, Peri [...], Of the Albingen ses, lib. 2. c. 4. three hundred thousand of these Croised Pilgrimes lost their lives in this expe­dition, within the space of fifteen years; so that there was nei­ther citie nor village in France, but by reason here of had widows [Page 150] and orphanes cursing this expedition. And his Holinesse, after he had made allowance for his losse of time, bloud, and credit, found his gain de clare very small. Besides, such was the chance of warre, and good Catholicks were so intermingled with here­ticks, that in sacking of cities they were slain together. Where­upon the Pope resolved of a privater way, which made lesse noise i [...] the world, attracted lesse envy, and was more effectuall; To prosecute them by way of Inquisition. Hereby he might single them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the corn, and overthrowing them by piece-meal whom he could ne­ver stagger in grosse.

Dominick a Spaniard was first authour hereof. Well did his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a dog Martyrol. in vita Domi­nici. vo­miting fire in her wombe. This ignivomous curre (sire of the litter of Mendicant Friars called Dominicanes) did bark at and deeply bite the poore Albingenses. After his death, Pope Ho­norius for his good service bestowed a Saintship on him: For he dreamed he saw the Church of Rome falling, and Domi­nick holding it up with his shoulders; wherefore he canonized this Atlas of their religion. The proceedings of this Inquisiti­on were the abridgement of all cruelty, turning the sword of Justice into the butchers ax. But no doubt God, when he ma­keth Psal. 9. 12. inquisition for bloud, will one day remember this bloudy Inquisition. And who can but admire at the continuance of the doctrine of the Albingenses to this day, maugre all their enemies▪ Let those privy-counsellers of Nature, who can tell where swallows lie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resurrection from their seeming deadnesse, let those, I say, also inform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did lurk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude; it is observed, That in those parts of France where the Albingenses were most cruelly handled, now the Protestants (heirs to most of their tenets) flourish most: as in the countreys of Gascongne, Daulphine, and Languedoc.

Chap. 23.

WElcome the Holy land, welcome Ptolemais: How shal­low and almost quite dry is the stream of Pilgrimes grown here, since the Pope hath drained it with so large a by­chanel into France!

[Page 151]As for Almerick the idle King of Jerusalem, we find him as we left him, drowning his cares constantly in wine: his hands being lazier then those that are printed in the margent of a book, which point what others should read; whilest he would neither do, nor order what should be done: So true was it of him, what is said Of Chilpe­rick King of France. of another, Titularis non tutelaris Rex; defuit non praesuit Reipublicae.

And now the warre betwixt Noradine Saladines sonne and Saphradine his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine years, ended with Saphradines death; and Noradine contented him­self with the government of Aleppo, whilest Saphradines two sonnes shared his dominions, Coradine commanding in Damas­cus and Syria, and Meledine in Egypt.

The former of these without any resistance built a fort in mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To pre­vent farther mischief arising from Almericks negligence, the Pope (who would have a finger in every Crown, and a hand in this) deposed him from the Kingdome. This Almerick, grieved to lose what he was never carefull to keep, soon after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfet of A fish called Aurata, or Aurella. gilt-heads five years sooner, and saith there was five years interregnum in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no King at all?

Chap. 24.

IN the place of Almerick the Pope appointed John de Bren, 1209 a private French Gentleman, to be King. Who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria Iole the sole daughter of Conrade late King of Jerusalem. This John had behaved him­self right valiantly amongst other Latine Princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and was a most martiall man, as all do wit­nesse: Onely one calleth him Theod. à Niein, De privileg. im­per. cap. De Expedit. Hic­rosol. imbellem hominem; why I know not, except he be of that humour to delight to be one of the An­tipodes, 1213 treading opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning of his reigne this accident (whether monstrous or mi­raculous) fell out: in France, a boy (for his years) went about singing in his own tongue,

Numberlesse children ranne after him, and followed the same tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no barres, no fear of fathers or love of mothers could hold them back, but they would to the Holy land to work wonders there; till their merry musick had a sad close, all either perishing on land, or drowned by sea. It was done (saith my [...] Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1213 pag. 324. Pr [...]i [...]i­gio diabolico penitus infa­tuati. authour) by the in­stinct of the devil, who, as it were, desired a cordiall of childrens bloud to comfort his weak stomach long cloyed with murdering of men.

Soon after began the Lateranè Councel under Innocent the third: 1215 Wherein many things were concluded for the recovery of the Holy land; as, That the Crosse should every where be preached with zeal and earnestnesse to procure Pilgrimes; That all Centuri [...]t. Cent. 13. cap. 9. tiltings in Christendome for three years should be forbid­den, that so the spears of Christians might onely be broken against Infidels; That Clergie-men that went this voyage might (if need were) morgage their Church-livings for three years to provide themselves with present necessaries; That all debters, during their Pilgrimage (though bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty) should be dispenced with to pay no use to their creditours; who if Christians, by excommunications; if Jews, were to be forced by the secular power to remit their interest; That all Priests should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for three years, to advance this designe. And lest (saith his Holinesse) we should soem to lay heavy burdens on others which we will not touch with our least finger, we as­signe a ship at our own cost to carry our Pilgrimes of the citie of Rome; and disburse for the present what can be spared from our necessary expences, to the summe of thirty thousand pounds, to further the project: and for three years to come, we and our brethren the Cardinals of Rome, will fully pay the tenth of our Church-profits.

Hereupon next spring a numerous armie set forward to Pale­stine, 1216 conducted by Pelagius the Popes Legate, Andrew King of Hungarie (who having washed himself in the river of Jor­dan, would stay no longer, but instantly returned home) the three Electorall Archbishops, with those of Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Straesburg, Paris, &c. Lewis Duke of Bavaria, Leo­pold of Austria, a navie of our English, besides Florentines, Ge­noans, and many other nations. The Autumne they spent in the fruitlesse besieging of the fort of mount Tabor; whilest King John Bren wonne from the Turks the castle of Pilgrimes, Nov. a piece of great consequence on the sea-side.

Then was it debated on both sides of translating the warre 1217 [Page 153] into Egypt. Which many advised to be done: For that countrey afforded the Turks their vict [...] and munition; and the best way to draw them low, was to stop them in the fountain. It was also most honour to rouze the Lion in his own denne. And Palestine was so forraged, that there was nothing to be gleaned in the stubble; whereas Egypt was so rich and fruitfull, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it might have the favour of Nilus; and there was no fear to want bread in that the granary of the world. That, according to the rule, Plus animi est infe­renti periculum, quam propulsanti; the Christians would be heartned, but the Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad spectacle of their countreys vastation would di­sturb their minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and unsufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais to enter­tain them, in case fortune should crosse their designes.

But the reasons to the contrary wanted not weight but weighing. They considered not (what was objected) That to invade a strong entire countrey without having a partie within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an exception from the rules of all other countreys, and had certain locall maximes of leading of an army appropriated to it alone. That Valour must needs have the fall, when it wrastleth with Nature it self, and fighteth against bogs, rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to reason, first to recover and defend what once was their own, before they attempted other mens possessions. That these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another King­dome, which were not able to clear their own countrey, and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly, That the Egyptians fighting for their fathers, wives, and children, would raise their valour to the highest point of resolution. These argu­ments notwithstanding, the watch-word was given for Egypt; whither all addressed themselves.

And here began the discords betwixt King John and the Popes Legate, who challenged not onely an influence but a predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the G [...]ne­rall what he should do in martiall affairs: He presumed on his book-learning to controll the practice of experienced Captains by his military speculations. The King stormed hereat, shew­ing there were some mysteries in the Captain-craft not com­municable to any which had not served the trade, and which the heart of a Scholar was too narrow to contain; That though Scholarship was a stock fit to graff any profession on, yet some good time is requisite thereunto; and that they must not think to proceed military Masters at their first admission in a camp; That [Page 154] though the Legate might conceive himself to know the Latitude of warlike principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, exceptions, and cautions of application; and might easily be misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the varia­tion of circumstances, the infinitenesse of punctuall occurrences: Wherefore he forbad him to meddle with martiall matters, challenging them to belong to his own disposall. But Pelagius the Legate highly opinioned of his own sufficiencie, as if his place made him infallible in every thing, and loth to confesse himself besides the cushion whilest he sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held this conclusion, That the ge­nerall rules of warre were easily known; and as for the qualifi­cation of them pro exigentia hic & nunc, herein reason was the key of the work, which scholars having most perfected by learn­ing, were thereby the most competent judges what should be done on all occasions. How dearly the Christians payed for this his errour, and how this discord, smothered for a while, brake out, we shall see hereafter. Mean time, hoising up sails, the Pilgrimes navie safely arrived at Damiata.

Chap. 25.

DAmiata is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelusium; 1218 seated on the Eastern-most stream of Nilus. Here the East and West world met together to exchange their wares; she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to Alexandria it self. Iuly 9. At their landing Matth. Pa­ris. in Ioan. pag. 401. the moon was almost totally eclipsed: whence the Christians conceited (guesse the frailnesse of the building by the unconstancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the Mahometanes (whose ensigne was the Munster. Half-moon) was por­tended. But the calculations of after-chances seldome hit right. In the siege of this citie they were to encounter with a foure­fold difficulty, besides Damiata it self:

First, with a great chain crossing the harbour: which with in­defatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they brake asunder; industry in action b [...]eing as importunity in speech, by continuall inculcation forcing a yielding beyond the strength of reason.

Secondly, the river Nilus did much annoy them. This river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian Almanack, where­by they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now out of [Page 155] time and beyond measure drowned the countrey. Bold fishes swamme into the Christians tents, who took them with their hands, Illis tamen deliciis carere malu [...]ssent Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 405. though willingly they could have wanted such dainties; for the sauce was more then the meat. Against this mischief they fensed themselves with prayer, and a publick fast enjoyned by the Legate; whereby the water soon abated. And lest Gods mercy herein, when gotten, should be forgotten, a publick thanksgiving was proclaimed, that this favour obtained by pray­er might be kept by praises.

Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a seeming-impregnable place, betwixt them and Damiata. To check this fort, the Christians built a towre on ships: which sud­denly falling, brained many, bruised more of their own men; and all who felt not the blow, were stricken with the fright. King John comforted his souldiers discouraged hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true causes; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be dismaied at casuall mishaps, so purely accidentall, that there was no guard against them in the schools of defence, Aug. 24. either of wisdome or valour. By his advice a more substantiall towre was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever saw; by the manning whereof, after many blou­dy assaults, they mastered the fort of Pharia.

Fourthly, they had to do with Meladine King of Egypt, who lay besides them, constantly furnishing the citie with men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with continual skirmishes. In one, 1219 Febr. with his wild-fire he did them much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way through the rocks of all difficulties, he pro­pounded peace unto them by the mediation of Noradine his brother, King of Damascus; profering them, if they would de­part, to restore them the true Crosse, the citie of Jerusalem, and all the land of Palestine.

P. Aemyl. pag. 201. The English, French, and Italians would have embraced the conditions, pleading. That honourable peace was the centre of war, where it should rest; That they could not satisfie their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands without a spe­ciall command from God; That it was good wisdome to take so desperate a debt whensoever the payment was tendred; other­wise, if they would not be content with their arms full, they might perchance return with their hands empty.

But the Legate would no wayes consent, alledging this voy­age was undertaken not onely for the recovery of Palestine, but for the exstirpation of the Mahometane superstition. And here­in no doubt he followed the instructions of his master, whose end in this warre was, That this warre should have no end, but be alwayes in doing though never done. He knew it was dan­gerous [Page 156] to stop an issue which had been long open; and would in no case close up this vent of people by concluding a finall peace. Besides an old prophesie, [...] Magdeburg. Cent 13. cap. 16. col. 692. That a Spaniard should win Jerusa­lem, and work wonders in those parts, made Pelagius that coun­trey-man more zealous herein. Coradine angry his profer was refused, beat down the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings therein, save the tower of David and the temple of the Sepulchre. Not long after, Damiata having been besieged one year and seven moneths, was taken without resistance; Nov. 5. a plague and famine had made such a vastation therein. The Christians entred with an intent to kill all; but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all bestrawed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the sent was worse; for the dead killed the living. Yea, Gods sword had left their sword no work: Of [...] P. Aemil. pag. 203. three-score and ten thousand but three thousand remained; who had their lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city: which im­ployed them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians march­ed and took the city of Tanis; and soon after the Pope substitu­ted [...] Magdeburg. pag. 693. John de Columna, a Cardinall, Legate in the place of Pelagius.

Chap. 26.

GReat was the spoil they found in Damiata: wherein, 1220 as in strong barred chests, the merchants of Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full yeare the Christians stayed here, contented to make this Inne their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the King and the new Legate, who by virtue of his Legation challenged Damiata for his Holinesse, which by publik agreement was formerly assigned to the King. Bren in anger returned to Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to teach the Christians his worth by wanting him: For presently they found themselves at a losse; neither could they stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger. The Legate commanded them to march up; but they had too much spirit to be ruled by a Spirituall man, and swore not to stir [...]e a step except the King was with them. Messengers there­fore were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They found him of a steelie nature; once through hot, long in cooling: yet by pro­mising him he should have his own desires, they over-perswa­ded him not to strave an armie by feeding his own humours.

[Page 157]Scarce after eight moneths absence was he returned to Da­miata, but new divisions were betwixt them: the Legate per­swaded the armie to march up and besiege Cairo; he promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defenders lie at a close game, and offer no play. Delayes are a safe shield to save, but celerity the best I word to winne a countrey. Thus Alexander conquered the world before it could bethink it self to make resistance. And thus God now opened them a doore of victorie, except they would barre it up with their own idlenesse.

But the King advised to return into Syria; That Cairo was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; That the ground whereon they went, was as treacherous as the people against whom they fought; That better now to retire with honour, then hereafter flie with shame; That none but an empirick in warre will deny, but that more true valour is in an orderly well grounded retreat, then in a furious rash invasion.

But the Legate used an inartificiall argument drawn from the authority of his place, thundering excommunication against those that would not march forward: And now needs must they go when he driveth them.

The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of the Parthians, Their flight is more to be feared then their fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardlinesse. The Christians triumphed hereat; as if the silly fish should rejoyce that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed his bait. The Legate hug­ged himself in his own happinesse, that he had given so successe­full advice. And now see how the garland of their victory pro­ved the halter to strangle them.

Chap. 27.

EGypt is a low level countrey, except some few advantages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves. Through the midst of the land ran the river Nilus; whose stream they had so bridled with banks and sluces, that they could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their enemies master at plea­sure. The Christians confidently marched on; and the Turks perceiving the game was come within the toil, pierced their [Page 158] banks, and unmuzzling the river, let it runne open mouth upon them; yet so, that at first they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover Damiata and their countreys liberty.

See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the Egy­ptian sea! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatall stroke! Many cur­sed the Legate, and their own rashnesse, that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all whose experience was clasped in a book) rather then the advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance, because it soweth not in season, reapeth no­thing but unavoidable miserie.

Meladine King of Egypt seeing the constancy and patience of the Christians, was moved with compassion towards them. He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, wearie of Mahometanisme, and willing to break that prison, but for watchfull jaylers about him. He proferred the Christians their lives on condition they would quit the countrey and restore Da­miata. They accepted the conditions, and sent messengers to Da­miata to prepare them for the surrendring of it. But they with­in the citie, being themselves safe on shore, tyrannized on their poore brethren in shipwrack; pretending, That this armie of Pilgrimes deserved no pity, who had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rashnesse; That if they yielded up this citie for nothing, which cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the derision of the whole world; That if these perished, more men might be had, but no more Damiata's; be­ing a place of such importance, it would alwayes be a snaffle in the mouth of the Egyptian King. On the other side, the friends of the distressed Christians confessed, That indeed their voyage was unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if crowned with successe, have been above censure, yea, have passed not onely without questioning but with commendati­ons: But this is the misery of misery, that those who are most afflicted of God, shall be most condemned of men. Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous would their inno­cent bloud be in the court of Heaven, to sue for revenge on those who forsook them in this distresse! And grant Damiata a citie of great consequence; yet cities in themselves were but dead things, and men were the souls to enliven them: so that those souldiers which wonne Damiata, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong a citie afterwards.

But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook themselves to arms, by force to compell the adverse party to [Page 159] resigne the citie. King John also threatned, in case they denied to surrender it, to give up to Meladine Ptolemais in Syria in exchange for Damiata. At last, according to the agreement, Damiata was restored to the Turks, and the Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken. Meladine out of his prince­ly goodnesse furnished them with [...] P. Aemyl. pag. 205. victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon. And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them without a blow given them; the Egyptians obtaining their victory not by bloud but by water.

Chap. 28.

THere was also concluded a peace with the Turks for eight years. And now matters being settled as well as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to Rome; where he was bountifully feasted, and honourably entertained by the Pope. Here it was agreed (whether at the first by his volunta­ry offer, or working of others, it appeareth no [...]) that he should resigne the Kingdome of Jerusalem to Frederick the second, Germane Emperour, who was to marry Iole the sole daughter of King John by his first wife; though by a second he had ano­ther, Martha, married to Robert Emperour of Constantinople: so that he was father in law both to Emperour of East and West.

Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act; as if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly part from a Kingdome; whilest others commend his discretion: For first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his Kingdome, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious pretenders to the Crown. Secondly, it was policie, fugere ne fugaretur; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable departure. Well he knew the Turks power to invade, and his own weaknesse to defend what was left in Syria: So that finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it on stronger shoulders. Third­ly, before his resignation he had little more then a title: and after it he had nothing lesse; men having so tuned their tongues to salute him King of Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death. Lastly, what he wanted in the statelinesse of his bed, he had in the soundnesse of his sleep; and though his commons perchance were shorter, yet he battled better on them.

[Page 160]He got now more in a twelve-moneth then in seven years before, going from countrey to countrey: And yet the farther this stone rolled, the more mosse he gathered. In France, be­sides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of sixty thousand crowns; the legacie which Philip Augustus the King on his death-bed P. Aemyl. in Phil. 2. pag. 205. bequeathed to the Templars and the Holy warre. In England he received from Henry the third many great presents; though afterwards he proved but Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 617. unthankfull for them. In Spain he got a rich wife, Beringaria, the daugh­ter of the King of Castile. In Italie he tasted very largely of the Popes liberali [...]ie, and lived there in good esteem. But he went off the stage without an applause, because he lost himself in his last act; perfidiously raising rebellions against Frederick his sonne in law, at the instigation of his Holinesse. Nor re­covered he his credit, though after he went to his sonne Robert to Constantinople, and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237.

Chap. 29.

THe nuptiall solemnities of Frederick with the Lady Iole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the Pope, with all ceremonies of majesty; and Frederick promised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this Kings life, who cannot satisfie my self; writers of that age are so possessed with Blondus, Fazellus, &c. for the Pope. Ursperg. Pe­trus de Vineis (till corrupted with bribes) &c. for the Emperour. Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most. partiality. The faction of the Guelfes and Gibellines discover­eth not it self more plainly in the Camp then in the Chronicles: Yea, Historians turn Schoolmen in matters of fact, arguing them pro & con. And as it is in the Fable of the man that had two wives; whilest his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence of his youth, his young one ungray-haired him, that no standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald betwixt them: So amongst our late writers; whilest Prote­stants cut off the authority from all Papized writers of that age, and Romanists cast away the witnesse of all Imperialized au­thours then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally all Germanes) counting them testes domesticos, and therefore of no validitie, betwixt them they draw all historie of that time [Page 161] very slender, 1227 and make it almost quite nothing. We will not engage our selves in their quarrels; but may safely believe, that Frederick was neither saint, nor devil, but man. Many virtues in him his foes must commend, and some vices his friends must confesse. He was Pantal. De viris illustr. Germ. part. [...]. pag. 121. very learned, according to the rate of that age, especially for a Prince, who onely baiteth at learning, and maketh it not his profession to lodge in. Wise he was in pro­jecting; nor were his thoughts ever so scattered with any sudden accident, but he could instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortunate; though this tendeth more to Gods praise then his: Wondrous bountifull to scholars and souldiers; whose good will he enjoyed, for he payed for it.

But this Gold had its allay of Cruelty; though this was not so much bred in him as he brought to it: Treasons against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but he must be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of crueltie. His Pride was excessive; and so was his Wantonnesse: A Nunnes vail was but a slender shield against his lust: This sinne he was given to, Praetet gen­tis morem, Egnatius. which was besides the custome of the Dutch, saith one, who though great friends to Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus; which is strange, that they should heap up so much fewel, and have no more fire.

In a word, he was a better Emperour then a man, his vices be­ing personall, most hurting himself; his virtues of a publick na­ture, and accomplishing him for government.

Chap. 30.

IT is verily conceived that the Pope provided this match for Frederick to imploy him in Palestine, whilest he at home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident Nature in marshalling the elements, assigned fire a place in the verge and border of this lower world farre from the rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others in combustion: so the Pope disposed this hot violent-spirited Emperour farre off, and engaged him in a distant and dangerous warre out of the borders of Europe.

Frederick smelt the project of his Holinesse, being also ma­ster in the art of dissembling, though he must acknowledge the [Page 162] Pope his senior i [...] that faculty: Wherefore he deferred the per­formance of his promise and his voyage into Palestine from moneth to moneth, and yeare to yeare, wisely gaining time by losing.

The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedition.

The Pope was afraid of his valour, he of the Popes treache­ry, and more feared him behind his back then the Turk before his face. He was loth to let go the Eagle he had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush. Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight years truce, which King Bren had made with the Turks, was not yet expired; before which time to fight against them, was to fight against God and conscience: and that it was no way to propagate the Faith by breach of faith.

Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his promise: Yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched off the skinne, with his threats and menaces. But before Fre­dericks journey began, Honorius his life ended, Mar. 19. and Gregory the ninth succeeded him; who at the first dash excommunicated the Emperour for his delay.

Know by the way, that his name-sake Gregory the seventh (otherwise Hildebrand) first handselled his excommunication on Henry the fourth. Before his time the Imperiall majesty (what is observed of the Seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was never fulminated against with excommunication: afterward nothing more usuall; till the commonnesse of those thunder­bolts caused their contempt, and the Emperours natures were so used to this physick it would not work with them. Of late his Holinesse is grown more advised, very sparingly using them, especially against Protestant Princes; counting it policie to hold that weapon within the scabbard, which hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of those against whom it is used.

Frederick at last cometh forth of Germany with his army, marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the plague seizeth on his men, Sept. 13. whereof died the Landtgrave of Thuringia, and others. Soon after he fell very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey many moneths.

It went near to the Pope, that the Emperour was so near to him: His case now was worse then formerly. For he had rouzed the Lion out of his denne, but could not get him into the net. His sicknesse must either be more or lesse to do good. And the Pope having no variety of weapons, excommunica­ted him afresh, pretending Fredericks disease was onely the cramp of lazinesse, and that he was sick to do good, but sound to do mischief; as appeared by his unjust seizing on the [Page 163] goods of Lewis Landtgrave of Thuringia late deceased.

The Emperour protested his innocency, accused the Popes injustice, 1228 Aug. 11. putting himself on the triall of all Christian Princes [...] to whom he wrote letters. At last health came, and Frederick departed, bearing up with his navy for Palestine. The Pope hearing thereof, be-libelled him more fouly then ever before, because like an undutifull sonne he departed without his Fathers blessing, being not absolved and reconciled to his Mother the Church.

Chap. 31.

SEe how Gods blessing goeth along with the Popes curses! The fame of Fredericks valour and maiden fortune, never as yet spotted with ill successe, like an harbinger hastening before, had provided victorie to entertain him at his arrival; yea, this Emperour, swifter then Cesar himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine.

At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very aguish, and Fredericks coming put them into a shaking fit. Centuriat. Coradine was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish Souldans facti­ous, boiling in enmity one against another. Whereupon the Sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest authority, and governed Syria, profered Frederick so honourable conditions as he might desire, but could never hope for▪ namely, To restore unto him Jerusalem and all Palestine, in as full and ample a manner as it was possessed by Baldwine the fourth, before Saladine subdued it; To set all Christian captives at liberty; provided, that the Turks might have accesse to the Sepulchre, (though not lod­ging in the citie but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time) there to do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and giving an honour to Christ, though no better then ignorance and dishonour of him.

Frederick before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to have the Popes approbation: Centuriat. who ill intreated and imprisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and contemptuously tore the Emperours letters. Wherefore Frederick without, yea, a­gainst his Holinesse consent, concluded a ten years truce with the Sultan; and on Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1229. pag. 480. Easter-day triumphantly entring Jerusa­lem, crowned himself King with his own hands. 1229 For Gerard Patriarch of Jerusalem, and Oliver master of the Templars, [Page 164] with all the Clergie, absented themselves; neither was there any Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1229. pag. 479. masse sung in the citie as long as the Emperour being ex­communicated remained there.

See that produced as it were in an instant which the succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy land recovered! Some gallants perchance (whose curious palates count all con­quests drie meat which are not juiced with bloud) will dispraise this Emperours victory for the best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go naked who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear.

The Templars were vexed at heart that they had no partner­ship in the glory of this action; yea, this touched their copy­hold: Had they lived lazie thus long in Palestine, sucking the Idem, ibi­dem. sweet of Christendome to no purpose? See, Frederick with few men, little money, lesse time, as master of his craft, had fi­nished that which these bunglers had so long in vain been fum­bling about!

Wherefore they wanting true merit to raise themselves to the pitch of Fredericks honour, sought by false detraction to depresse him to the depth of their own basenesse; defaming him, as if he conspired with the Sultan to the ruine of all Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly fortified: the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the Churches therein adorned, and all publick edifices either wholly cast their skin with the snake, or at least­wise renewed their bill with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified. But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this citie, which groning under Gods old curse, little joyed her self in this her new bravery.

Chap. 1.

THus the Christian affairs in Palestine were in good case and possibility of improvement. Anno Dom. But the Pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus clear: 1229 Wherefore he stirred up John Bren, Fredericks father in law (guesse whether his plots ran not low when he used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him.

His Holinesse spread a false report of purpose, that Frederick was dead. Who would think there were so much substance in a shadow! This vain rumour wrought reall effects, strengthening Fredericks foes with hopes, and staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren striking the iron whilest it was hot, wonne many places from the Emperour: And though Time soon after was delivered of her daughter Truth, yet the confu­tation came too late, to shut the door when the steed was stoln; the Pope having attained his ends, and served his turn already.

A jubile of liberty was proclaimed to all the Emperours sub­jects, and they dispensed with from the Pope for their alle­geance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy, formerly Imperiall, danced at this musick, made a foot-cloth of their Masters livery, and from this time dated themselves Free-States. Here was brave gleaning, where all ranne away with whole [Page 166] sheaves; where robbery was priviledged for lawfull purchase. And the Pope, wise enough not so to give away the pie but to keep the best corner for himself, carved all Apulia for his own part.

Whilest hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria; the Templars intimated to the S [...]ltan his privie project to wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprized. But the Sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a Lion catched in a Fox­trap, there being a consangumity of all Princes, and the roy­all bloud which runneth in their veins causing a sympathie of Majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage himself by trea­chery, and sent their letters to Frederick: Who afterwards u­sed the Templars, and generally all the Clergie in Palestine (counting them complices with the Pope) coursely, not to say cruelly.

At last having confirmed his ten years truce, and having ap­pointed Reinoldus Duke of Bavaria his Lieutenant in Syria, without noise he cometh into Europe. For to return triumphant­ly in state, had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a warning­piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He outsailed fame it self, landing in Italy in person before he arrived there in re­port. Then the love of his loyall subjects, hitherto rather co­verted then quenched, appeared▪ and though formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now quickly to their own Prince their proper centre.

Within fifteen dayes, assisted with the Duke of Spoletum, Frederick recovered all which was wonne from him, and un­ravelled the fair web of John Brens victory, even to the very hemme thereof.

Then was all Italy (resembled by Geographers, for the fa­shion thereof, to a mans legge) troubled with the incurable gout of schisme and faction: Not a city of note in it which was not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelfes, which fa­voured the Pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the Em­perour.

[Page 167]

• in Rome
  • Ursini
  • Sabellii
• in Florence
  • Adimaerii
  • Bondelmontii
  • Amidei
  • Cerchii
  • Rircii
  • Medicei
  • Pactii
  • Interminelli
• in Lucea
• in Padua
• in Genoa
  • Fosci
  • Grimaldi
  • Fregosu
• in Bononia
  • Caneduli
  • Pepuli
  • Marescotii
• in Ferrara
  • Estenses
• in Milain
  • Vicecomites
• in Mantua
  • Gonzagae

• in Rome
  • Columnienses
  • Frangepanes
  • Caesarini
• in Florence
  • Paxii
  • Uberti
  • Donati
  • Albicii
  • Strozi
  • Salviati
• in Lucea
  • Obicii
• in Padua
  • Carraerii
• in Genoa
  • Spinolae
  • Adurnii
  • Dorii
• in Bononia
  • Bentivoli
  • Malvecii
• in Ferrara
  • Saligureri
• in Milain
  • Turregiani
• in Mantua
  • Bonacursii

I will not quarrel with the tradition, Sr Iohn Harington. That Elves and Gob­lins in our English tongue had their first originall from the de­pravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines. If so, sure I am, what now we make terriculamenta infantum, scarecrows to affright children, were then true Harpies to devour men.

I would farther prosecute these discords; and also shew how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who had mostwrong­ed him, and dearly to purchase his absolution from the Pope; (For though this Emperours heart was as hard as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hallowed at last with the Popes constant dropping and incessant raining of curses upon him) But I dare wander no farther in this subject, lest any should question my Passe; but return back to the Holy land.

Chap. 2.

REinoldus Duke of Bavaria being left Fredericks Lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, and preserved the peace entire which was concluded with the Sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all means to bring this ten years truce to an untimely end; which was as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast from fighting, the meat and drink of tur­bulent spirits. These counting all luke-warm which were not scalding hot, condemned Reinoldus for want of zeal in the Holy warre, and gave him many a lift to heave him from his [Page 168] place; 1232 but still he sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Not did the enmity of Henry King of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenged the Principality of Antioch, as next of kinne to the Prince deceased: For Reinold met and defeated him in battel, and bestowed Antioch on Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. Frederick, base sonne to Frederick the Emperour.

But that which kept both Christians and Turks in aw, and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was the fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their first flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countreys.

These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit the Northern part of Asia, a countrey never conquered by any of the Monarchs, priviledged from their victorious arms chiefly by its own barrennesse: For except souldiers were ambitious of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their pains of an invasion▪ yea, no meat to maintain them. It is true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst of countreys: But souldi­ers seek rather for food then physick when they invade a coun­trey. A greater part of their land is undiscovered, though map­makers, rather then they will have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with false hair, and fill up the vacuum (especi­ally towards the North) with imaginary places of See Merca­tors Maps. Vng, and Gog, and the plains of Bargu: So true it is what one saith wittily in the Comedie, That Phantastes the servant of Geographus travelled further beyond the Arctick circle then ever his master durst.

If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers make it called Tartaria from the river Tartar: but Europe and Asia will by wofull experience justifie the etymologie, if deduced from Tartarus, Hell. For when the spring-tides of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad.

As for those that count them the off-spring of the ten tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because Tatari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriack tongue, a residue or remnant, See Brier­woods En­quiries, chap. 13. learned men have sufficiently confuted it. And surely it seemeth a forced and overstrained deduction, to farrefetch the name of Tartars from an Hebrew word, a language so farre distant from them. But no more hereof: because perchance herein the womans reason hath a masculine truth; and the Tar­tarians are called so, because they are called so. It may be, curi­ous Etymologists (let them lose their wages who work in diffi­cult trifles) seek to reap what was never sown, whilest they study to make those words speak reason, which are onely voc [...]s ad pla­citum, imposed at pleasure.

Under their new name Tartarians, they keep their old nature [Page 169] of Scythians, fierce, cruel; yea, sometimes in stead of other meat, making a man their meat. Sab [...]ll. Enn. 9. lib. 6. pag. 391, One humour they have, much affecting the owl, a bird which other nations scorn and hate, as the usher of ill luck. The occasion was this: A King of Tartary sought for by his enemies, hid himself in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when presently an owl flew out of the place: Whereupon they desisted from further search, conceiving that that anchorite bird proclaimed nothing was there but soli­tude and desolation. Hence in gratitude they never count them­selves more gay then when their helmets are hung with owls feathers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this fowl dedicated to Vide Eras. Adag. in Noctua volat. Minerva the Goddesse of wit, and that Athens (schoolmistresse of the world) counted it a token of vi­ctory. The King of these Tartarians styleth himself, The great Cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his subjects give him little lesse then divine honour; who in other things at this time were pure Pagans and Idolaters. Now their countrey, which is like a po [...]re man whose common is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees then hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who had iron bodies. Onely with bows, cruelty, and multitude they overranne Lituania, Podolia, Polonia, and those countreys which are the East-boundaries of Europe. Others took their way Southward into Asia, commit­ting outrages as they went; and sensible how incomparably their own countrey was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new lands, (blame not their judgement if they preferred a palace be­fore a prison) they little cared to return home.

Their incursions into Europe were so farre and frequent, that Pope Innocent the fourth, about the yeare 1245, began to fear them in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askelin, a Friar much admi­red in that age, with three other, into Tartaria, to convert that nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teaching them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to amplifie to them the power of the Pope, setting him out in his full dimensi­ons, How he was above all men in the Christian world. A good nurse, to feed infants, in stead of milk, with such drie bones: enough almost to affright them from entring into our Church, seeing such a giant as they painted the Pope, to stand before the doore.

But Baiothnoi Chief Captain of the Tartarian army (for they were not admitted to speak with the great Cham himself) cried quits with this Friar, outvying him with the greatnesse and di­vinity of their Cham; and sent back by them a blunt let­ter:

[Page 170] Magd [...]burg. Cent. 13. cap. 2. Sed ex Vinc [...]nt lib. 31. cap. 51. ‘Pope, know this; Thy messengers came and b [...]ought letters to us: Thy mess [...]ngers spake great words; we know not whether thou enjoynedst them, or whether they spake of themselves: And in thy letters thou writest thus; Many men you k [...]ll, slay, and destroy—At last he thus concluded; If thou wilt set upon our land, water, and patrimony, it be­hoveth that thou, Pope, in thy proper person come unto us; and that thou come to him who containeth the face of the whole earth; meaning their great Cham.’

N [...]ver did his Holinesse so meet with his ma [...]ch before. He durst not meet the great Cham of the East, his competitour in the imaginary monarchie of the world, to trie whose title was truest. Let others tear their skins, he would sleep in a whole one. And indeed that Shepherd loved his flock of Christians better, then by his absence in a long journey into Tartaria to ex­pose them to the wolves. And so the conversion of Tartarie at that me was disappointed.

It is a pretty qu [...]re, Whether Turks or Tartars be easier con­verrible to Christian religion: I mean ex parte objecti; for other­wise all things are equally easie to an infinite agent. Now it seemeth the Tartars are reducible with most facility to our reli­gion: For pure Paganisme and native Infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Christianity; whereas the Turks are soil­ed and stained with the irreligious religion of Mahometanisme, which first with much pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may seem to be in some forwardnesse to conversi­on, because they have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the best joynt of their belief must be broken before it can be well set, and every drop of their present religion pum­ped out before true faith be infused into th [...]m. And experience, the most competent witnesse herein, hath proved. That after­wards more Tartars, both private men and Princes, then Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity. Enough at this time; we shall have occasion too soon to speak more of the Tartars.

Chap. 3.

IT was conceived that it would be much beneficiall to the Pil­grimes in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latines were lately possessed of the Grecian Empire: For what is saved, is gained: And grant that the Latines in Greece should not actually assist in the Holy warre, yet it was a considerable advantage what all justly expected, That Pilgrimes should now have safe and secure passage through Grecia, the pitfall which formerly had devoured so many.

But these fair hopes soon miscarried. For what through the celerity of Theod orus Lascaris, and the gravity of John Ducas his sonne in law, who reigned as Grecian Emperours in Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the Latines had wonne from them: Onely the Venetians being▪ good at holdfast, kept then portion when all others had spent theirs, and enjoy Candie to this day. This is imputed to their discretion in their choice, who in the sharing of this Empire amongst the Western Princes, refused the continent countreys (though greater in ex­tent, and [...]cher in cities,) and chose rather the Islands, which be­ing as little worlds in themselves, were most capable of [...] fortifications, especially in their way, who were most powerfull as sea.

Sixty years almost did the Latines make a hard shift to hold Constantinople, under five succeeding Emperours [...] 1203. 1205. 1216. 1221. 1238. 1. Baldwine the first, Earl of Flanders; 2. Henry his brother, 3. Peter, Count of [...] in France, Henrie's sonne in law; 4. Robert; 5. Baldwine the second, and last. An example which the ob­servers of the ominou [...] circulation or return of names alledge, That as a Baldwine was the first, so a Baldwine was the last La­ti [...]e Emperour in Grecia.

Of these, the first Baldwine had his hands and feet out off, and died in a ditch; Peter invited to a feast, payed the shot with his life; the other three died without any violence, but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greci [...], like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did [...] at the first whilst it had any [...], but then withe [...]ed for want of a [...].

Indeed it was impossible long to continue: For when the ge­neration of the primitive adventurers, in this action were dead, there wanted another to succeed them; and the countreys [Page 172] whence they came were so farre off that supplies of Latine peo­ple 1237 came thither very slowly: Onely Venice well peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And that number of souldiers which is sufficient by sudden conquest to overrunne a countrey, is incompetent without a second edition of new sup­plies, to make good, manage, and maintain it: especially being to meddle with the Greeks, farre exceeding them in number, subject onely out of fear, longing daily for their liberty and op­portunity to recover it.

Let never any Pilgrimes hereafter make Greece their Inne in their journey to Palestine. Yea, also at this time the furnace of the Grecian jealousie was made seven times hoter: For be­sides this Civil, an Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall breach happen­ed betwixt them and the Latines; which we come now to de­scribe.

Chap. 4.

HItherto Grecians and Latines lived together in Palestine in some tolerable correspondence; differing in judgement, but complying in affections; as counting themselves two seve­rall sides, yet both making up the body of Christians. But now by an unhappy discord they were irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the Turks and prejudice of the Holy warre. We will fetch this flame from the first spark; and though we go farre about, the length of the journey will be recompen­sed by the goodnesse of the way.

Anciently in the primitive time the Church of Rome was esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any ju­risdiction above them. Because that was the Imperiall citie and Queen of the world, therefore the Church therein was highest in account; as the candle which is in the fairest candlestick is al­wayes set above the rest (though otherwise equall unto it in light) at the upper end of the table.

It happened afterward that the Emperour removed his seat from Rome to Constantinople; Whereupon orphane Rome suddenly decayed (for the Emperours court carried day with it, and left night behind it) was chief mourner at the funeralls of her own greatnesse; and from a pleasant garden turned a wil­dernesse overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other barbarous weeds: whilest Constantinople tricked and tired her self, started [Page 173] up in an instant great, rich, and stately; insomuch that John her Patriarch claimed to be universall Bishop above all other. Gre­gory the Great, Bishop of Rome, stoutly withstood him, pro­testing that he was the usher of Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he heated the brand to mark his succes­sour with: For Boniface (save one, the next) Pope of Rome so dealt with Phocas the Emperour of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed universall Bishop over the whole world. A Chaplain and a Patrone well met, both usurpers, supporting one another (like stones in an arch) with their reciprocall aid; Phocas held Boniface in his chair, and Boniface kept Phocas in his throne. And thus was the Pope of Rome first possessed of his Primacie both of dignity and authority, both of precedencie and of power and jurisdiction over all other Churches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by commission from Christ and suc­cession from Peter, this string to his bow is so full of gauls, frets, and knots, it cannot hold, and is broken by many learned Di­vines.

However, Constantinople rather overborn then overcome, for want rather of strength then stomach, ever rebelled, or ra­ther resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Romes supre­macy (especially when she found her self befriended with any advantage) for many hundred years after.

It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Grecian Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1237. pag. 622. Archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirmation. Where the Court demanded of him such unreasonable fees (toll more then the grist) that the Prelate perceived it would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake his estate to settle him in his Bishoprick. Home therefore he cometh with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and mustereth together many of his countrey-men; who hereupon for ever withdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw off that heavy yoke they could not bear, hereafter owning her for their sister not mother.

It may seem strange that the Romane Court being here just­ly taxed for extortion, would not amend it. But how often so­ever she be told of her dirty face, she will never wash it: For re­forming would argue a former fault; and they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point, it would shake the whole fabrick of their credit. Besides, if the Grecians had re­ceived satisfaction and redresse in this grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare more requests, aed to think that they also were due. Lastly, no strength of perswasion will draw men from those sinnes which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice of the Romish officers (as of late the shamefull shamelesse covetousnesse of their Indulgence­mongers [Page 174] occasioned Luthers falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce their subjection to that See: and Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople now grew absolute of himself, without any dependencie on the Pope.

His Holinesse despairing to reduce them by fair means, pro­claimed warre against them. And as formerly against the Al­bingenses, so now against the Grecians, resolved to send an ar­my of Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1 [...]37. pag. 622. Croised souldiers: It being his custome to make the secular power little better then an hangman to execute those he shall please to condemn; Yea, he hath turned the back of the sword rewards Infidels, and the edge against Christians dis­senting from him in small matters. But few-voluntaries were found for this service, because of a pious horrour and religious reluctancie against so odious an imployment: Onely in Idem, pag. 614. Cyprus (I believe in a private persecution rather then open warre) some Grecians were put to death; the Pope using the same severity against wolves and wandring sheep, foes and prodigall chil­dren.

Chap. 5.

BEsides their rejecting of the Popes both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall tyranny, the Greeks differ from the Latines in other matters of moment: For they maintain the procession of the holy Spirit from the Father alone. As for their other te­nents, they stand in some middle terms of opinion betwixt Pa­pists and Protestants; yet so, that they approch near the Pa­pists in more, to us in more weighty and dominative points. With Rome they concurre in Transubstantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the Masse, Sr▪ Edw. S [...]nd. Relig. of the West. pag. 233. & 234. in praying to Saints and for the dead, in Auricular Confession, in worshipping of Pictures (onely of Christ and our Lady) but all Images they detest; a kind of Purgatory they hold, but not in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any out­ward torment. With us they consent in the Sufficiency of the Scriptures to salvation, in denying the Infallibility of the Church, (much more of the Pope) the overplus of Merits, Ser­vice understood, Indulgences, Liberaties out of Purgatorie, and the like.

Hereupon the Romanists condemn them all for hereticks and castawayes, killing more then a third of all Christians (as Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this their unchari­table [Page 175] censure. But heaven-gate was not so easily shut against multitudes when S. Peter himself wore the keyes at his girdle. And let us not with rash judging thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the brink thereof. We shall think better of them if we consider, That

First, their tenets wherein they dissent from the Romanists are sound enough, save that of the holy Ghost. Concerning which it is an usefull quaere, Whether, granting the first au­thours and ringleaders of that errour in a bad condition, there be not some favour to be allowed to those who in simplicity suc­ceed to hereditary errours received from their ancestours, if they do not wilfully barre nor bolt their eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace better instruction.

Secondly, the Master of the Sentences (waited on herein with other Bonavent. 1. Sent. dist. 11. art. 1. quest. 1. Sco­tus, 1. Sent. dist. 1. quaest. 1. Th. Aquin. part. 1. quaest. 36. art. 2. learned men) is of opinion, That in the sense of the Greek Church A Filio and Per Filium is no reall difference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would have grated the foun­dation, if they had so denied the procession of the holy Ghost from the Sonne, as thereby to make an inequality betwixt the two Persons: But since their form of speech is, That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father by the Sonne, and is the Spi­rit of the Sonne, without making any difference in the consub­stantiality of the Persons, their doctrine may passe with a favou­rable interpretation.

Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trinity is but one degree above blindnesse. Wherefore, as concerning it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the deceit of sophisters used to nestle it self, namely, in universalibus, in large and generall expressions, and not descend to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the [...]Spirits procession, is neither manners nor religion: and rather falleth under an awfull adorati­on and belief, then an exact and curious enquirie.

Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in Divi­nity with its poysonous inferences. Some errours are worse in their train then in themselves, which (as the Dragon in the Re­velation drew down a third part of the starres with his tail) by their bad consequences pervert other points of religion: But this Grecian opinion (as learned men propound it) concerning the holy Ghost, hath this happinesse, that it is barren, and beget­teth no other bad tenets from it, being entire in it self.

More may be alledged for the lessening of this errour: But grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judgement of that learned In his third book Of the Church. chap. 5 Divine whose memory smelleth like a Field the Lord hath blessed, will abide triall; who in effect thus conclu­deth, Their schismes are sinfull, wicked, and inexcusable; their [Page 176] doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as excluding from all possibility of salvation.

As for the observation of a Estius dist. 12. §. 2. Schoolman, That afterwards the Turks wonne Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day dedi­cated to the memoriall of the holy Spirit, as if God herein poin­ted at the sinne of the Grecians in dishonouring the holy Ghost; we leave it to the readers discretion, desiring rather to be scepti­call then definitive in the causes of Gods judgements.

Chap. 6.

IF that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest latitude and extent, Surveyers of land were fitter then Divines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any matter of great moment to measure the greatnesse of either Church: But be­cause Rome maketh her Universality such a masterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek Church may not outshoot her in her own bow.

If we begin with the Grecian Church in Africa under the Patriarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and fetch a compasse about Syria, Armenia, Asia the lesse, with Cyprus, Candie, and other Islands in the mid-land-sea, and so come into Grecia; if hence we go into Russia and Muscovia (who though differing in ceremonies, dissent not in doctrine; as a sundry dia­lect maketh not a severall language) to take onely entire King­domes, and omit parcels: it is a larger quantity of ground then that the Romish religion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a collop out of it, and withdrew North-Europe from obe­dience to his Holinesse.

Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately impro­ved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases in both Indies: But who knoweth not that those people, rather watered then baptized, affrighted with cruelty into Christianity, deserve not to be accounted settled and well-grounded professours of their religion?

As for reconciliation betwixt the Grecians and Latines, it is utterly improbable, except the Greeks submit to the Popes Pri­macie, which they will never do. No hope then of their meet­ing together, when neither party will stirre step towards other.

[Page 177]True it is, some fourty years since ( anno 1594) the Bishops of little Russia (a countrey following the Eastern Church, but under the King of Poland) on condition they would accept the Popes Possevin. in Apparatu sa­cro, Rutheni. See Brier­woods Enqui­ries, chap. 18. supremacie, were dispensed with, and permitted in other matters to adhere to the Greek Church, and keep union with it; the Pope manifesting herein, that he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to the truth, as to his own obedience.

Besides the hatred they have against the Popes pride, another great hindrance of the union is the small intercourse the Eastern Christians have or desire to have with the Western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to be contented slaves; and having long since parted with their hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty.

We must not forget, how some fifty years ago solemn news was reported in Rome, that the Sr Edw. Sand. West. Relig. pag. 100. Patriarch of Alexandria, with all the Greek Church in Africa, by their Embassadours had sub­mitted and reconciled themselves to the Pope, and from him received Absolution and Benediction: All which was a politick lie, perchance therefore reported, that it might make impression in the minds, and raise and confirm the spirits of the vulgar, who easily believe all that their betters tell them. And though after­wards this report was controlled to be false, yet mens spirits then being cold, were not so sensible of it as before: and the for­mer news came to many mens ears who never heard afterwards of the check and confutation thereof. Nor is there any State in the world that maketh such use and advantage, as the Papall doth, of false news. To conclude; As it is a maxime in Philo­sophy, Ex quibus constamus, ex iisdem nutrimur: so a great part of their religion consisting of errours and falshoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept up and maintained with for­geries and deceits.

To return to Palestine; This rent (not in the seam but whole cloth) betwixt these Churches was no mean hindrance to the Holy warre. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not so clearly cut asunder from the Latines, but that they hung together by one great sinew in the common cause, agreeing against the Turk the enemy to both: But since this last breach, the Greeks did in their desires propend and incline to the Turks, being better contented they should conquer, from whom they should have fair quarter, free exercise of their religion, and secure dwelling in any citie, paying a set tribute; then the Latines, who they feared would force their consciences, and bring their souls in subjection to the Popes supremacie. Expect we then never hereafter, that either their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to our Pilgrimes in their designes.

Idem, pag. 242. Some conceive, that at this day if the Western Christians [Page 178] should stoutly invade Turkie with any likelihood to prevail, the Greeks therein would runne to aid them. But others are of a contrary judgement; considering, First, the inveterate and in­laid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the Latines: Se­condly, the jealousie they have that they will never keep pro­mise with them, who have alwayes a warrant dormant from the Pope to break all contracts prejudiciall to the Romish Church: Thirdly, that custome and long continuance in slavery have so hardened and brawned their shoulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much: yea, they had rather suffer the Turks, being old full flies, to suck them, then to hazard their galled backs to new hungry ones; finding by experience, That they themselves live on better terms of servitude under the Turk, lesse grated and grinded with exactions, then some of their coun­trey-men do under the Latines; for instance, in Zante and Candie under the Venetians.

Chap. 7.

THe ten years truce by this time was expired which Frede­rick made with the Turks; 1238 and Reinold Vice-roy of Pale­stine by instructions from him concluded another truce of the Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. Decenna­les inducias nuper denu ò confirm ârat. same term with them. He saw that this young Christian King­dome of Jerusalem, like an infant, would thrive best with sleep­ing, with peace and quietnesse: Nor was it any policie for him to move at all, where there was more danger to hurt then hope to help their present estate.

But though this peace was honourable and profitable, having no fault but that Frederick made it; yet the Templars who did not relish the father, must needs distast the child: They com­plained that this peace was not used as a slumber to refresh the souldiers spirit, but as a lethargie to benumme their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, That the Turks had accesse to the temple of the Sepulchre, and that Goats had free-com­monage in the Sheeps pasture. Wherefore Pope Gregory, to Iidem, ibi­dem. despite the Emperour Frederick, caused the Dominicans and Franciscans his trumpeters, to incite people to the Holy warre. These were two twin-orders, but the Dominican the eldest; which now were no sooner hatched in the world, but presently chirped in the pulpits. In that age Sermons were news, and meat for Princes not common men: Yea, the Albingenses with [Page 179] their preaching had drowned the voices of secular Priests, if these two Orders had not helped to out-noise those supposed here­ticks. These amplified with their rhetorick the calamity of the Christians, tyrannie of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability of successe; performing their parts with such gravity, shew of de­votion, accents of passion, not glued on for the present purpose but so naturall as from true affection, that many were wooed to undertake the voyage: 1239 Principally, Theobald King of Navarre, Almerick Earl of Montfort, Henry of Champaigne, Peter Earl of Bretaigne, with many others of inferiour rank.

Ships they had none; wherefore they were fain to shape their passage by land through Grecia: where they were entertained with treachery, famine, and all the miseries which wait on di­stressed armies. These came last that way, and (I may say) shut the door: For no Christian army ever after went that tedious journey by land.

Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bithynia: thence through Galatia they came unto the mountain Taurus; where they were much damnified by the Turks, who fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by their own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift but that a set battel might be given them; which the Turks would not grant, but played at distance and would never close. But with much ado the Chri­stians recovered to Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left, their horses all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs, miserably weak; as what the mercy of sword, plague, and famine had pleased to spare.

Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza; where they fell on forraging the countrey of the Sultan, assaulting no pla­ces which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but onely spoiled poore villages, which counted themselves walled with the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they got, and were now late returning home, when after their plentifull sup­per a dear and [...]harp reckoning was called for: Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near unto Gaza; and the Chri­stians down with their bundles of spoil, and out with their swords, bravely defending themselves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they committed a great errour, and (as one may say) a neglect in over-diligence: for in stead of repo­sing themselves to rest, and appointing a set watch, they all lay in a manner Perdues, no one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies; contrary to the rules of an armie, which with Argus should never have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next morning when the Turks, whose numbers were much in creased, set upon them, alas! they being but few to many, faint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance: Yet, [Page 180] what they could not pay in present, they pawned their lives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts, they were rather killed then conquered. Earl Henry was slain, Almerick taken prisoner, the King of Navarre escaped by the swiftnesse of his Spanish gennet; which race, for their winged speed, the Poets feigned to be begot of the wind.

Mean time the other Christians looked on, and saw their brethren slaughtered before their eyes; and yet though they were able to help them, were not able to help them, their hands being tied with the truce, and Reinoldus charging them no way to infringe the peace concluded with the Sultan. Hereupon many cursed him as the Christians cut-throat; he as fast con­demned the King of Navarre and his army for breaking the truce. And though the Papall faction pleaded that the former peace concluded not these late adventurers, and that it was one­ly made with Frederick the Emperour; yet he representing the whole body of Christianity, all the bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory answer, but that they were guilty of faith-breaking.

Home hastened the King of Navarre with a small retinue, clouding himself in privatenesse; as that actour who cometh off with the dislike of the spectatours, stealeth as invisibly as he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the lower, because men heightened their looking for great maters from him.

Chap. 8.

Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 670. FIfteen dayes after the departure of Theobald, 1240 Oct. 11. Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to Henry the third then King of En­gland, landed at Ptolemais. This Prince was our English Cras­sus, or Croesus; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tinne into gold and silver. So well-moneyed he was, that for ten years together he might for every day expend an Cambden, in Cornwall. hundred marks: So that England never since had together a poorer King and a richer Subject.

Before he began his voyage he craved a subsidie of prayers from the Monks of S. Albanes: Yea, scarce was there any Co­vent appearing for piety, to whose devotions he recommended [Page 181] not himself; counting that ship to fail the surest which is driven with the breath of godly mens prayers. Theodoricus Lord Pri­or of the English Hospitallers, with many other Barons and brave souldiers attending him, passed through France, and was there honourably entertained by King Lewis.

Being come to the Mediterranean sea, the Popes Legate brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further, but instantly return. Richard at first was astonished hereat: but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amazement, and he fell on fuming; Matth. Pa­ris. in He [...]. 3. pag. 719. Was this Christ Vicar? Unlike was he to him, who was thus unlike to himself, who would say and unsay, so­lemnly summon, then suddenly cashier his Holy souldiers. This was deluding of peoples devotions with false alarms, to make them put their armour on to put it off again. As for his own self, he had vowed this voyage, his honour and treasure was ingaged therein, and the Pope should not blast his settled resolutions with a breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing for­ward; and in such great actions the setting forth is more then half the journey.

All know his Holinesse to be too wary an archer to shoot away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plot in this restraint, but that too deep for others to fathom. It could not be this, To make this rich Earl (a fish worth angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to buy a dispensation of his Holinesse to stay at home, as formerly he had served many meaner Pilgrimes. Surely though the Popes covetousnesse might have prompted, his wisdome would have disswaded him from a project spunne with so course a threed.

On saileth Earl Richard, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais; where he is well welcomed, especially by the Clergy, solemnly singing, Idem, pag. 729. Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. He pro­claimed, No Christian should depart for want of pay; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages that would do work in this warre. But he found the Christians there shivered into severall factions, and the two great Orders, Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the Holy cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in standing, their originall be­ing dated eighteen years before the Templars; and therefore challenged superiority. But that which made the younger bro­ther so brisk, was, that he was his fathers darling. The Tem­plars in all their broils had support from the Pope, because the others were suspected to have a smack of the Imperiall faction. This made them active, daring, offering of affronts: And what countrey-men soever the Templars were, they were alwayes Italians, that is, true to the Triple Crown. These being madded with ambition, were the more outragious for their high fare [Page 182] (their great revenues) and deserved to be dieted with a poorer pittance, except they would have used their strength better. Our Earl knew, to please one side would certainly displease the other, and to please both would probably please neither.

Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself, with­out relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of their giving, but bowling at the publick good by the aim of his own eye.

The Sultans in Syria (for the Turkish power there was divi­ded into severall Sultanies, as those of Damascus, Called anci­ently Arabia Petraea, Tyri­us, lib. 21. cap. 5. Cracci, Seis­ser, but Babylon the chiefest) hearing of Richards preparations, profered peace unto him. But whilest as yet the conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon (in all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of more importance) not one­ly to strength but state, with marble pillars and statues; though the silent ruines thereof at this day confesse not to the beholders that any such cost was ever bestowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians killed at the late battel at Gaza, and hitherto unburied, decently to be interred; and appointed an annuall salarie to a Priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happinesse with little cost to purchase much credit; and the living being much taken with kindnesse to the dead, this burying of those Christians, with pious persons wonne him as much re­pute as if he killed so many Turks.

At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the Sul­tan; 1241 all Christian captives were discharged and set free, many forts of them restored, and matters for the main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace with Frederick the Em­perour; and Richard returning through Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his Holinesse, safely came home to England: Where he was welcomed with bad news, that a discontented Cornish-man, banished for his misdemeanours, had found out tinne-mines in Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 765. Bohemia; which afterwards more asswaged the swelling of this Earls bags then all his voyage to Palestine: For till that time that metall was onely fetched from England, which afforded meat to some forrein countreys, and dishes to all.

His voyage was variously censured: The Templars which consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as good never a whit as never the better, for the agreement would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantly satisfied any rationall expectation: For he Cambden, in Cornwall. compelled, saith one, the Saracens to truce, (a strange compulsion without, violence, except the shew­ing of a scabbard) he restored many to the life of their life, their liberty; which alone was worth all his pains; the peace he con­cluded [Page 183] was honourable; and a cheap Olive-branch is better then dear Bayes.

Two of our English Richards were at Palestine; one famous for drawing his sword, the other his purse. He was also remark­able herein, that he brought all his men and ships safe home, (next of kin to a miracle) and none will deny, but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is a gainer. One good he got hereby, This journey brought him into play amongst forrein Princes; henceforward the beyond-sea-world took notice of him, and he of it. Never would he have had the face to have courted the Crown Imperiall, if these his travels had not put boldnesse and audacity into him, which made him afterwards a stiff rivall to bid for the Empire of Germany.

Chap. 9.

ABout this time (though we find not the punctuall date there­of) happened the death of Reinoldus Fredericks Lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderation had been a good bene factour to the Holy warre. But the Templars counted him to want metall, because he would not be mad and causelesly break the truce with the Sultan. In his grave was buried the happinesse of the Chri­stians in Palestine: for now the lawlesse Templars observe no other rule but their own will.

And now the inundation of the Tartarians in spite of all dammes and banks overranne the North of Asia, and many na­tions fled from their own countreys for fear of them. Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines, and Gro [...]s­soms) a fierce and warlike people, were notwithstanding by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land.

Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the Sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some habitation up­on them. Their suit he could neither safely grant nor deny: A deniall would egge their disconten [...] into desperatenesse; Matth. Paris▪ pag. 851. and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might do much harm: to ad­mit them to be joynt-tenants in the same countrey with the Turks, was a present inconvenience, and would be a future mis­chief. In stead therefore of giving them a house, he sent them to a work-house; yet so, that they apprehended it a great cour­tesie done unto them: For he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians held in Palestine; liberall to give away [Page 184] what was none of his, and what the others must purchase before they could enjoy. The Sultan encouraged them to invade that countrey; whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land wealthy and fruitfull, so that the conquest would be easie, especially they having his assistance in the present service, and perpetuall patronage hereafter.

Animated herewith in come the Corasines with their wives and children (bringing their housholds with them to win houses and lands for them) into Syria, and march directly to Jerusalem; which being a weak and unfortified place, 1244 was taken without re­sistance. Weak and unfortified! Strange! It is confessed on all sides, that Frederick the Emperour and Reinoldus his Lieute­nant spared no expense in strengthening this city; since which time we find no solemn taking it by the Turks: Who then can expect lesse then an impregnable place, where so much cost was sown? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three things; Either that the weaknesse of this citie was chiefly in the defen­ders hearts; Or else that formerly there happened some blind and silent dispoiling of this place not mentioned by Authours; Or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean, a place cursed in building, like Pharaohs lean kine, never [...] whit the fatter for de­vouring much meat; and which still went in rags, though her friends bestowed change of raiment upon her.

Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen years by the Christians, was wonne by this barbarous people, never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep in thy ru­ines, at this day of little beauty and lesse strength, famous onely for what thou hast been.

The Christians flying out of Jerusalem with their families, took their course towards Joppa; but looking back, beheld their own ensignes advanced on the city-walls, so done in policie by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus commented, That their fellows had beaten the Corasines in Jerusalem, and by these Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 835. banners invited them to return: But going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) entertainment, being slain every mothers child of them. Dull nostrils! not to sent so stale and rank a stratagem of their foes, so often used, so easily defeat­ed; not to send some spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men marked out for destruction, will runne their own heads into the halter.

Chap. 10.

THe desperatenesse of the disease priviledgeth the taking of any Physick. The Christians being now in deep distresse, re­solved on a dangerous course, but as (as their case stood) thought necessary: For they made peace with the Sultan of Dama [...]cus and Seisser, and with the Sultan of Cracci; (These were Dyna­stes in Syria of some good strength, and were at discord with the Sultan of Babylon) and swearing them to be faithfull, bor­rowed an armie of their forces, with them joyntly to resist the Corasines; seeking, saith In his letter to Richard of Cornwall. Frederick the Emperour, to find fidem in perfidia, trust in treachery. Many suspected these auxi­liary forces▪ thinking, though the forrest-wolves fell out with the mountain ones, they would both agree against the sheep.

Robert Patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active commander over all. S. Lukes day was the time agreed upon for the fatall battel; near Tiberias was the place. As the Christians were ordering themselves in aray, it was questioned in what part of their armie their new Turkish assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they should be placed in the front, where if they did no other good, they would dull the appetite of their enemies sword. This is thought to have been a notorious errour, and cause of their overthrow. For though those souldiers who mean to be false, will never be made faithfull in what place soever they be bestowed, yet may they be made lesse dangerous if cast into the body or main battel of the army, whence they have no such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof, Thus in Cesars time, Crassus an experienced Generall under him being to bid the Gauls battel, Caes. lib. 3. De bello Gallico. auxiliares copias, quibus ad pugnam non multùm confidebat, in mediam aciem collocavit; that so being hemmend in before and behind, they might be ingaged to fight manfully without starting away. And to instance in later times; our Ri­chard the third (who though he usurped the Crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both to prowesse and martiall policie) marching to Bosworth, placed Graft. in Ri [...]h. 3. fol. 102. suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts with Earl Henry) in the midst; and those whom he most trusted, before, behind, and on every side.

The battel being joyned, the Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 834. Turks ranne over to the other [Page 186] side; though some braved them onely with cowardlinesse not treachery, and that they fled from the battel but not fell to the enemies. The Christians manfully stood to it, and though over-powred in number, made a great slaughter of their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the Teutonick Order escaped but three; of three hundred Templars, but eighteen; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nineteen: The patriarch (to use his own words) whom God reputed unworthy of martyrdome, saved himself by flight, with a few others. And this great over­throw, to omit lesse partner-causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars former so often breaking the truce with the Sultan of Babylon.

Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines, and beaten by a beaten nation; Palestine being wonne by those who could not keep their own countrey. Improving this victorie they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre, Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after, these Corasines ela­ted herewith fell out with the Sultan himself; who in anger rooted out their nation, so that Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 475. none of their name remained: Yea, Except any make them to be Chorasmii a people pla­ced by Ath [...] ­naeus in the East of Par­thia. all writers are silent of them both before this time and ever after: as if God at this very instant had created this people to punish Christians; which service performed, they were an­nihilated again.

Chap. 11.

SOme two years after, Lewis the ninth of that name, King of France, came to assist the Christians. The occasion of his voyage, this; He had been visited with a desperate sicknesse, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to help him; and the Physicians resigned him to Divines, to begin with him where they ended: They also gave him over; and for a while he lay in a trance, 1245 not the least breath brought news of any life left in him. Then Blanch the Queen-mother (and Queen of mothers for her care of her sonne and his Kingdome) Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 880. Et P. Aemyl. in D. Ludov. pag. 214. applied a piece of the Crosse unto him. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dispute) he revived and recovered; and thereupon was Croised, and in thankfulnesse bound himself with a vow to sail to the Holy land. But his Nobility disswaded him from that designe: The dangers were certain, the successe would be doubt­full of so long a journey; his own Kingdome would be left de­solate, [Page 187] and many mischiefs unseen as yet, would appear in his absence: Besides, his vow was made in his sicknesse, whilest reason was scarce as yet in the peaceable possession of his mind, because of the remnant-dregs of his disease: It might also be dispensed with by the Pope; yea, his deserts did challenge so much from his Holinesse. King Lewis, as perswaded hereat, laid down the Crosse to the great comfort and contentment of all the beholders: But then Fox, Mar­tyrolog. pag▪ 293. altering his countenance, he required the Crosse should be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread untill he was recognized with the Pilgrimes badge. And because his vow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his disease, now no longer Lewis the sick, but Lewis the sound undertook the holy Warre. His Nobles seeing him too stiff to be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to dis­swade him from so pious a work, left him to his own resoluti­ons. There went along with him his two brothers, Charles Earl of Anjou, Robert Earl of Artois, his own Queen, and their Ladies, Odo the Popes Legate, Hugh Duke of Burgundie, William Earl of Flanders, Hugh Earl of St. Paul, and William Longspath Earl of Sarisbury with a band of valiant English men, who went without licence from Henry King of England: For in those dayes this doctrine went currant, That their Prin­ces leave was rather of complement then essentiall to their voy­age; as if the band of this holy Warre was an acquitance from all others. Our Henry displeased at this Earls departure, for his disobedience deprived him of his Earldome and castle of Saris­bury, not suffering that sheep to grase in his pasture which would not own him for his shepherd. William also sonne to this Camden, in Wiltshire. Earl, smarting for his fathers fault, never enjoyed that honour. And though King Henry himself being a Prince of more devoti­on then policie, did most affectionately tender this Holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this Earl at this time; first, because it would weaken his land thus to be dispeopled of martiall men; secondly, his subjects forwardnesse might be in­terpreted a secret check of his own backwardnesse in that warre; thirdly, the sucking in of forrein aire did wean people from their naturall Prince, and did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from their own Sovereigne, and a dependence on the King of France; lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and reserved such prime Peers to attend on his own per­son thither.

The Pope gave to this King Lewis his charges, 1246 the tenth of the Clergies revenues through France for three years; and the King imployed the Popes collectours to gather it, knowing those leaches were the best suckers. Hereupon the states of the Cler­gy were shaved as bare as their crowns; and a poore Priest who [Page 188] had but twenty shillings annuall pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the King: And this by my Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1246. pag. 943. Authour is made the cause of his following ill successe, there being much extortion used by his under-officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging upon them. And though money be the sinews of warre, yet ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth then strengtheneth. True it is, that this pious King was no way guil­ty thereof, but such as were under him; and oftentimes the head doth ach for the ill vapours of the stomach. He himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time injured by the Kings exactours, Fox, Matyro­log. pag. 292. either by oppression or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, shewing how and wherein, and he should be recompensed. How this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive plaister to asswage the peoples pain for the present.

Having at Lyons took his leave of the Pope, and a blessing from him, he marched towards Avignon: Where some of the ci­ty wronged his souldiers, especially with foul language. Where­fore his Nobles desired him that he would besiege the citie, the rather because it was suspected that therein his father was poy­soned. To whom Lewis most Christianly, I come not out of France to Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 995. revenge my own quarrels, 1248 Aug. 25. or those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus Christ. Hence he went without delay to his navie, and committed himself to the sea.

Chap. 12.

SAiling forward with a prosperous wind, Sept. 20. he safely arrived in Cyprus; where Alexius Lusignan King of the Island enter­tained him according to the stateliest hospitality. Here the pesti­lence (one of the ready attendants on great armies) began to rage: And though a French P. Aemyl. in Lud [...]v. 9. pag. 2 [...]5. writer saith it was minax mag [...]s quàm funesta, yet we find in others, that two hundred and fourty Gentlemen of note died by force of the infection.

Hither came the Embassadours from a great Tartarian Prince (but surely not from Cham himself) invited by the fame of King Lewis his piety, professing to him, That he had renounced [Page 189] his Paganisme, and embraced Christianity; and that he intend­ed to send messengers to Pope Innocent to be further instructed in his religion. But some Christians which were in Tartary dis­swaded him from so doing, lest the Tartarians coming to Rome should behold the dissolutenesse of mens lives there, and so re­fuse to suck the milk of sweet doctrine from so sowre and bitter nipples, besmeared about with bad and scandalous conversati­on. Yea, never could the Christian religion be shewed to P. Aemyl. ut priús. Pa­gans at any time on more disadvantages: Grecians and Latines were at deadly feud; amongst the Latines, Guelfes and Gibel­lines sought to ruine each other: Humility was every-where preached, and pride practised: They perswaded others to la­bour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves: Their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doctrines one to another.

But as for these Embassadours, 1249 King Lewis received them ve­ry courteously, dismissing them with bounteous gifts. And by them he sent to their master a Ten [...], wherein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously d [...]picted in needle-work; ho­ping thus to catch his soul in his eyes, and both in that glorious present: Pictures being then accounted lay-mens books, though since of many condemned as full of errata's, and never set forth by authority from the King of heaven to be means or workers of faith.

Whilest Lewis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the Holy land began to have his greatnesse in suspicion. This Order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and Teutonicks) though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate battel, yet now in three years space sprung up as populous as ever before; their other brethren which lived in their severall Covents and Com­mandries over all Europe, having now refurnished the houses in Palestine.

Now these Templars were loth King Lewis should come to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very wel­come there. They formerly there had commanded in chief without controll, and were unwilling, having long sat in the sad­dle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to another. Besides, they would not have so neat and cleanly a guest see their slutrish houses, fearing Lewis his piety would shame their dissolutenesse, (being one so godly in his conversation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted many P. Aemyl. pag. 216. Saracens) yea, perchance he being a strict Disciplinarian would punish their vicious manners. Wherefore they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace with the Sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further in warre against him.

The French King, whose heart was ever open to any fair [Page 190] agreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions, had entertained the motion, had not the King of Cyprus, being more studied in the Templars treacheries, better instructed him: For he told him, this was but a Knolls, Turk hist. pag. 102. trick of their great Master, who under-hand had sent to the Sultan, and procured him to profer this peace onely for their own private ends, for to divert the King from coming amongst them. Lewis, though the mild­est and most patient of Princes, yet not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded the Master of the Templars up­on the price of his head thenceforward to receive no Embassage, nor keep any intelligence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade Egypt.

Chap. 13.

BUt he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him, and had leisure to flie away, and Meladine the Egyptian King to provide himself to make resistance. Last time (some thirty years before) when the Christians under John Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their arrivall, but suffered to land with­out any opposition. But Meladine now was sensible of the dis­commodity in permitting his [...]oes safely to come on shore: For first, they wasted and spoiled the countrey & the provision about them: Secondly, opportunity was given to male contents and ill-disposed persons to flie to the enemy: Lastly, he found it most policy to keep the enemy off at arms end, and to close at the last; and not to adventure his Kingdome on the single die of a battel, but rather to set it on a chance, that so he might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land; though also here­in he met with many difficulties. For as nothing was more cer­tain then that Lewis would set on Egypt, so nothing more un­certain; and because it was unknown at what time or place he would come, all times and places were provided for. This ex­hausted a masse of treasure to keep in pay so many souldiers for many moneths together. But it is no time to dispute about un­necessary thirft, when a whole Kingdome is brought into questi­on to be subdued.

And because the landing-places in Egypt are of great disad­vantage [Page 191] to the defendants, yielding them no shelter from the fu­ry of their enemies artillery, being all open places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other countreys, because the land is low and level) Meladine was forced to fortifie welnigh an hundred and eighty miles along the sea-side; and what Nature had left bare, Art put the more clothes on; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully is fitly termed horribilis industria) in short space all that part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea.

Winter being past, Robert Duke of Burgundie, and Alphonse King Lewis his brother arrived in Cyprus with a new army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for Egypt, and at­tempted to land near Damiata. Iune 4. But the governour thereof with a band of valiant souldiers stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtfull fight: The Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled to improve and P. Aemyl. pag. 216. inforce their darts to the utmost, whilest the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of their own strength. Besides, those on land threw their weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that the declivity and downfall did naturally second the violent impression of their darts. How-ever, the Infidels at last were here beaten with what commonly was their own weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fled into the town, 5. leaving behind them their governour and five hundred of their best souldiers dead on the shore.

Damiata was a strong city, the taking whereof was accounted the good task of an army for a yeare. But now the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory of the miseries they indured in the last long siege by the Christians; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved themselves by flight. The French issuing in quenched the fire, 9. and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from the teeth of the flame.

Meladine much troubled with this losse, to purchase peace Matth. Pa­ris, pag. 1047. offered the Christians all Jerusalem in as ample a manner as ever formerly they had enjoyed it; all prisoners to be restored, with a great summe of money to defray their charges, and many other good conditions: So that we may much wonder at his profusenesse in these profers, and more at the Christians indis­cretion in their refusall. For though some advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not through covetousnesse to out­stand their market; yet the Popes Legate and Robert Earl of Artois, Knolls, Turk. Hist. heightened with pride that they could not see their pro­fit, and measuring their future victories by the largenesse of their first footing in Egypt, would make no bargain except A­lexandria, the best port in Egypt were also cast in for vantage, to [Page 192] make the conditions down-weight: And King Lewis, whose nature was onely bad because it was so good, would in no wise crosse his brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks seeing themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their countrey to the utmost.

Chap. 14.

ABout this time brake out the dissensions betwixt the French and English. The cause whereof (as some say) was, for that the Earl of Sarisbury in sacking a fort got more spoil then the French. But surely the foundation of their discontents lay much lower, being on old enmity betwixt the two nations, and Robert Earl of Artois used Earl William and his men with much dis­courtesie.

The Robert stood much on the Royaltie of his descent, being brother to King Lewis, though nothing of kin in conditions, being as bountifull to deal injuries and affronts as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English Earl, though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet conceived himself to even him in valour and martiall knowledge. And though godly King Lewis used all his holy-water to quench these heart-burnings, his successe answered not this pains, much lesse his desires; onely his cooling perswasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep.

Amidst these broils died Meladine the Egyptian King. A worthy Prince he was; though some write very coursely of him: as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who will have every ones good word. Let Christians speak of him as they found: whose courtesies to them when they were half-drown­ed in Egypt, if they will not confesse, they deserve to be whol­ly drowned for their ingratitude. In the latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects, and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude of faults. The chief reason whereof was, because they suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to Christianity: Besides, having reigned above thirty years, his government became stale; and good things, if of long continuance, grow [...]edious, they being rather affected for their variety then true worth: Lastly, the rising [Page 193] sunne stole the adorers from the sunne setting; and Melechsala his sonne being an active and promising Prince, reigned before in mens desires over the Kingdome. To him now they all ap­plied themselves; and having more wisdome in their generation then the Christians, instantly ceased their private diss [...]nsions. And now the Sultans of Damascus, Aleppo, and Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with Melechsala to de­fend their Mahometane religion.

Chap. 15.

FRom Damiata the French marched up towards Cairo; 1250 the governour whereof offended with Melechsala, promised to deliver that Regall citie to the French. With some danger and more difficultie they passed an arm of Nilus, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a place where it was foordable. Hence Earl Robert marched forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assaulting the Turks in their tents (whilest Melechsala was absent in solemnizing a feast) put them to flight. Hereupon this Earl pro [...]laimed himself in his hopes Monarch of the world: This blow made his enemies reel, the next would fell them: Now speed was more needfull then strength: This late victory, though gotten, was lost if not used: What though they were not many? the fewer the adventurers, the greater the gain: Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole power of the Turks, which was incamped not farre off.

But the Master of the Templars, Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1049. in whom the sap of youth was well dried up, advised the Earl to stay and digest the honour he had gotten, expecting the arrivall of the rest of their armie: for the work was weighty they undertook, and needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Christians, effectually to manage it: His souldiers were weary, and must be refreshed; and it was madnesse to starve them to day in hope of a feast to morrow: That they were to march through a strange countrey, and their best instructours were behind: let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the dark. He minded him that he over­valued his victory, not considering the enemies strength, whose harvest was not spoiled by losing an handfull of men.

But the Earl, full of the emptinesse of self-conc [...]it, allowed [Page 194] no counsel for currant but that of his own stamp, He scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and opprobriously ob­jected to the Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1060. Templars the common fame, That the Holy land long since had been wonne, but for the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with the Infidels.

Here the Earle of Sarisbury interposed himself to make peace, and to perswade Robert to listen to the wholesome counsel that was given him. But his good will was rewarded with Cow­ard, Dastard, English tail, and such like contumelious terms. Wherefore said our Earl, Well, Generall, on in Gods name; Erimus, (credo) ho­die, ubi non audebis cau­dam equi mei attingere. Idem ibid. I believe this day you will not dare to come nigh to my hor­ses tail. And now the touchstone must tell what is gold, what is brasse.

Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and were notably repulsed; and Melechsala coming in with his whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The Christians were but the third part of the armie; and at the present, they them­selves were scarce the half of themselves, being faint for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one read more valour in so little a volume: They played their parts most stoutly. As for the French Earl who went on like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the Earl of Sarisbury, Flee, flee, for God fighteth a­gainst us. To whom our Earl, God forbid my fathers sonne should flee fom the face of a Saracen. The other seeking to save himself by the swiftnesse of his horse, and crossing the river, had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash from him the stain of rashnesse and cowardise. Thus died the Earl of Artois: who had in him the parts of a good Generall, but inver­ted and in transposition, bold in counsel, fearfull in execution. He was one of that princely quaternion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, and exceeded each other in some quality; Lewis the Holiest, Alphonse the Subtillest, Charles the Stout­est, and this Robert the Proudest.

As for the Earl of Sarisbury, he resolved to sell his life at such a rate that the buyer should little boast of his penny-worth, slay­ing many a Turk; and though unhorsed and wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not stand on his feet; and refusing all quarter, upon his knees laid about him like a de­sperate man. The longer he fought, the fewer wounds he had; and there at last he breathed forth his soul in the middest of his enemies. Of all the Christians there escaped no more then two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one common souldier, the mes­sengers of this heavy news.

The French writers, because they can say little good, say lit­tle of this battel, and lessen the overthrow as much as may be; which Authours of other nations have more fully reported. [Page 195] Thus sometimes unfortunate gamest [...]rs fl [...]tter themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their losses, whereof the stand­ers by take more accurate notice. P. Aemylius (an Italian, born at Verona; but by long writing the French history his penne is made free denison of France) though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore round about: So that it plainly appeareth, that a great and grievous and most mortall blow was here given to the Christians.

Chap. 16.

IT is easier to be conceived then expressed, what generall grief this dolefull news brought to the French; who followed not farre off, and who before had cause enough to sorrow for them­selves: For the plague began to rage furiously amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Mean time good King Lewis sent many of the weakest and impotentest people down the river to Damiata, there to enjoy the benefit of privacie, good atten­dance, and physick. Melechsala having intelligence hereof, met them by the way; and setting upon them (having neither arm to fight, nor legs to runne away) either burned or drowned them all, save one English man, Alexander Giffard (whose ancient and famous family flourisheth to this day at Chellington in Staffordshire) who wounded in five places of his bodie, escaped to the French, and reported what had happened to the rest.

And by this time Melechasala understood of the correspon­dency betwixt King Lewis and the governour of Cairo, for the betraying of the city: Whereupon he caused him suddenly to be apprehended; whereby the French King lost all hopes to ob­tain that place of importance. Yea, now full willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms formerly offered them; and now their hungry stomachs would make dainties of those conditions which before, when full of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks now sleighted them as not worth the treating with; and as knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing were more then men, would at last be lesse then women.

Then began the French Lords to perswade King Lewis to [Page 196] provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to Da­miata. They told him, That if he stayed with them, there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was any other but a wilfull self-delusion?) of his escaping: If he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their religion; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult over Christ! The captivity of the most Christian of the most Christian Kings would be foundation [...]nough for the Turks thereon to build tropheys of eternall tri­umph. But Lewis would not leave them, that they might not leave him, but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and wo; disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it in a good cause in so good company.

Forward they march, and come to the fatall place where the last battel was fought. There behold the mangled, headlesse, handlesse, feetlesse corpses of their fellow-countreymen. They knew in generall they were all their friends; none knew his par­ticular friend. The cause of this unwonted cruelty to the dead, was a proclamation which Melechsala made, assigning a great summe of money to every one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Christian: And this made many of his cove­tous cowards (who carried their valour in their purses) to be couragious. Whilest the French were here bemoning their fel­lows, Melechsala came upon them with an infinite multitude, Apr. 5. and put them all (being few and feeble) to the sword; taking King Lewis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles, pri­soners.

Instantly the Turks went up with French ensignes to Damia­ta, hoping so suddenly to surprise it. Which proje [...]t had it took effect, then farewell King Lewis for ever. He must be sent a present to the Caliph of Babylon, from whom never any re­turned alive; Melechsala being but Purgatory, whence there was redemption; but the Babylonian Caliph Hell it self, from whence no hope of release. But God defeated their designe; for the Turks could not French it so handsomely, but that they were discovered. The very language of their hands made them suspected afarre off, because they could not counterfeit the French idiotismes in managing their bucklers, that nation being most punctuall and criticall in their military postures: But being come near, it was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and complexions; so that they departed without having what they de [...]ired.

Chap. 17.

SOme made more hast then good speed (bad news being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to sail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow. These intelligencers Blanch, the Queen-mother and Regent of France, rewarded with the gallows: and my Authour doubteth not to pronounce them all Quos Mar­tyres credi­mus esse ma­nifestos. Martyrs. But let them be contented with the corone [...] of their own innocence, though without the crown of Martyr­dome; that honour alone belonging to such as suffer death for fundamentall points of religion. Matth. Paris. pag. 1059. But so great an eclipse could not long be kept from the eyes of the world; and this doleful and dismall news was sounded and seconded from every side. Then was there a generall lamentation over all Christendome, chiefly in France, where all were so sorrowfull, that any mirth was counted profanenesse. Many bounded not themselves within the banks of grief, but brake out into blasphemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice it self of being unjust; and not con­tent to admire what they could not conceive, condemned Gods proceedings herein to be against right, because above their rea­son. Fools, because they could not conquer on earth, did quar­rel with heaven. This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some, yet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of o­thers: some spake but out of present passion, but others even out of inbred Atheisme. Many who before were but luke warme in religion, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some others cities of Italy, the inh [...]bitants whereof Ut priús. Matthew Paris calleth semi­christian [...]s, but half-Christians (though this his harsh appellati­on wanteth three parts of charity) began wholly to tend to apostasie. And now for a crutch to stay their reeling faith, it was high time for the Clergy to ply the pulpits. They perswa­ded those Rachels who in this voyage had lost any children and would not be comforted, that their children were in a most blessed condition: They emptied all their boxes of their co­lours of rhetotorick, there with to paint out the happinesse of their estate which they enjoyed in heaven: They pieced out their Sermons with reporting of Miracles▪ How William Earl of Sa­risbury appeared to his Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1051. mother, and assured her that he reigned most glorious in heaven. She presently forgot her grief for lo­sing her sonne, for joy that she had found a Saint, yea, a Martyr. This was their constant custome; When any in Europe wept for the losse of their friends in this warre, their tears were instantly [Page 198] dried up with some hot miracle that was reported them: Where­with the silly people were well pleased; as babes of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying.

About this time many thousands of the English were resolved for the Holy warre, and would needs have been gone, had not the King strictly guarded his ports, and kept his Kingdome from running away out of doores. The King promised he would go with them, and hereupon got a masse of mony from them for this journey. Some say, that he never intended it; and that this onely was a trick to stroke the skittish cow to get down her milk. His stubborn subjects said, that they would tarry for his compa­ny till midsummer, and no longer. Thus they weighed out their obedience with their own scales, and the King stood to their al­lowance. But hearing of this sorrowfull accident, both Prince and people altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the French in their distresse, and too soon to bring them­selves into the same misery.

Chap. 18.

BUt to return to Egypt; where King Lewis was kept prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition about the resign­ing of Damiata, but found that to hear of death was more wel­come musick unto him.

But see here a sudden alteration: One Tarqueminus a sturdy Mammaluke, with another of that society, killed Melechsala in the very heighth of his victorious happinesse, and succeeded him in the Egyptian Kingdome. This Tarquemine came in with an in­tent to send Lewis the same way: Which poor Prince was one­ly armed with innocence and Majestie, and yet his bare person defended his person from that cruel attempt: such an awfull im­pression did his very presence, saith my Authour, strike into him who would have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city of Damiata was King Lewis his corslet, and that all the towres and walls of that place fenced him; Tarquemnius re­serving his person as an equivalent ransome, thereby to redeem that royall citie.

Now Lewis had changed his Lord, but not his lamentable condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was restored to his liberty, on condition, that the Christians should surrender Damiata, and he also pay back to the Turks many thousand [Page 199] pounds, both for ransome of Christian captives, and in satisfa­ction of the vastations they had committed in Egypt. Lewis for security of this money, pawned to the Turk the Pyx and Host (that is, the body of Christ transsubstantiated in the Eucharist) as his chiefest jewel which he should be most carefull to redeem. Hence, in perpetuall memory of this conquest, we may see a Du Serres, in the life of Lewis the 9. Wafer-cake and a box alwayes wrought in the borders of that tapestry which is brought out of Egypt.

Note by the way, That the Turks were most unreasonable in their rates of ransoming souldiers, and in all other their pecunia­ry demands. For their own countrey being near to the foun­tain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other lands by their own, and asking as much for a private mans ransome as would drain a Princes purse in these Western parts.

Thus was Damiata restored again to the Turks, and the Chri­stians punctually performed their promises; though the false Miscreant on the other side set not half the captives free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any Christian to trans­port any of his goods out of Egypt.

Hence Lewis sailed to Ptolemais: where he lived in a misera­ble case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects, friends, and the Pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and Charles, though sent into France to solicite his suit, and to advance his ransome with speed, yet being arrived forgot the affliction of Joseph; and the King was as farre from their mind as their sight: Wherefore God justly visited Alphonse with an incurable disease. His sub­jects, though furious at first in bemoning him, yet the fit past, complained not so much for him as on him; charging him for ill managing the matters in Egypt by his cowardlinesse and in­discretion. His friends the Pisans and Genoans reviled him as the marrer of their mart, Damiata being formerly their most gainfull port; but now their hony was spoiled by destroying their hive: for the Sultan seing the city taken twice of the Christians in short time, to prevent further dispute about it, took away the subject of the question, and rased it to the ground. The Pope forsook him: And though many intreated his Holinesse not to prosecute the Emperour Frederick any fur­ther, from whom Lewis expected all the beams of his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him, but sought fi­nally to ruine him. Onely Blanch, King Lewis his mother, was carefull for her sonne, and laboured his cause day and night. But alas! her armes were too short to bring all ends together. And having gathered a considerable summe of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a moment Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1091. cast that away which [Page 200] her care and thrift was many moneths in getting. All this he bore with a soul not benummed with Stoicall senslessenesse, but becalmed with Christian patience: Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1091. a second Job; so that what pleased God, pleased him. It somewhat mitigated his misery, that he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman wor­thy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child, which be­cause another Benoni, or sonne of sorrow, was called Tristram. But that S ^•. Tristram a Knight long before. See Carew, in Cornwall, fol. 61. name is more ancient, nor had it its birth from the christening of this child.

Foure yeares King Lewis lived (not to say, loitered) in Syria, daily expecting in vain that some Prince of Europe should fetch him off with honour, being loth to return till he could carry home his credit with him. And though he was out of his King­dome, yet was he in his Kingdome, whilest surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so highly affected.

Chap. 19.

NOw more largely of Tarqueminus, and his killing Melech­sala, and of the common-wealth of the Mammalukes be­gun by him. And because great is the merit of this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first originall.

Saladine (as is touched Book. 2. chap. 40. before) was the first of the Tur­kish Kings who began the gainfull trade of the Mammalukes. These were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cher [...]o­nesus, and instructed as in Mahometanisme so in all military discipline; Saladine disposing them in martiall nurseries, and continuing a constant succession of them one under another. It is above belief how much and speedily they were improved in warlike exercises: Art doubled their strength by teaching them to use it. And though they came rough out of their own coun­trey, they were quickly hewen and polished by education: yea, their apprehensions prevented the precepts, and their practise surpassed the presidents of those that instructed them. As it is observed in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change to a fitter soil; so were these people by altering their climate: the cold countrey wherein they were bred, gave them big and robustious bodies; and the hot climate whereinto they were transplanted, ripened their wits, and bestowed upon them [Page 201] craft and activity, the dowrie of the Southern countreys. They attained to be expert in any service; especially they were excel­lent horsemen: and at last they began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish Kings themselves.

True it is, Saladine kept his distance over them, used them kindly, yet made them not wantons; and so poised these Mamma­lukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he still reser­ved the casting voice for himself. But Meladine and Melechsala his successours, entertained them without number, and instruct­ed them beyond reason, so that under them in a manner they monopolized all places of strength and command; till at last, the stemme of these mercenary souldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the Turkish Kingdome in Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became a windfall. Indeed, the dastardnesse of the Egyptians made these Mammalukes more daring and insolent. For the Egyptians more loved profit then honour, and wealth then greatnesse; and though contented to abide labour, would in no wise undergo danger. Merchandise they where wholly im­ployed in; and it seemed they used trading so long, till at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could not now know Egypt to be Egypt, but onely by the overflowing of Nilus, not by any remaining ancient marks of valour in the peoples disposi­tion. Thus the genius of old Kingdomes in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last.

But to come to Tarqueminus; He being one of these Mamma­lukes, and perceiving how easie it was for those that did sup­port, to supplant the Turkish Kings, with another of his associ­ates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because it was unfit­ting so great a Prince should go to the grave alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither to attend him. Tarque­minus afterwards procured of his society to be chosen King of Egypt. He was the Solon or Lycurgus of this slavish common­wealth, and by the consent of the rest of his company he enacted many laws: Whereof these were those of the Grand Charter, which admitted of no revocation:

First, That the Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 107. Sultan, or chief of this servile Empire, should be chosen alwayes out of the Mammalukes.

Secondly, That none should be admitted to the Order of the Mammalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth, but onely such as being born Christians, were afterwards taken ca­ptives, and then from the time of their slavery had been in­structed in the Mahometane religion.

Thirdly, That though the sonnes of the Mammalukes might enjoy their fathers lands and wealth, yet they might not take up­on them the name or honour of a Mammaluke.

Fourthly, That the native Egyptians should be permitted no [Page 202] use of weapons, but onely such as with which they fought a­gainst weeds, to till and manure the land.

In surveying this State, we can turn no way but must meet with wonders:

First, one would think that there was such an indelible cha­racter of slavery in these captives, and such a laesum principium in them, that none of them ever should make a good Prince, as knowing no more how to sway a scepter then a pure clown to manage a sword▪ or else that they should over-state it, turn ty­rants, and onely exchange their slavery, by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet many of them in their kinds were wor­thy Princes for government, no whit inferiour to those which are advantaged with royall birth and breeding.

Secondly, it is a wonder they should be so neglective of their own children. How many make an idol of their posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping themselves out of necessa­ries to provide their heirs a wardrobe! yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds, to advance their posterity; thinking here­by in a manner they overcome death, and immortalize their me­mories, in leaving their names and honours to their children: Whereas the contrary appeared in these Mammalukes.

Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the election of their Prince, being in a manner all equall amongst themselves. We see elective States in Christendome, though bound with the straitest laws, often sagge aside into schismes and factions; where­as this strange Empire in their choice had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in the kindling.

Lastly, who ever knew a wall that had no better cement, to stand so sure and so long? Two hundred sixty and seven years this State endured; and yet had it to do with strong and puissant enemies. Some Kingdomes ow their greatnesse not so much to their own valour and wisdome as to the weaknesse of their neighbours: but it fared not thus with the Mammalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them on the south; on all other sides they were encompassed with potent opposers: From whom right valiantly they defended themselves, till in the yeare 1517 they were overcome by Selimus the great Turkish Em­perour.

To conclude; As for the Amazons and their brave atchieve­ments, with much valour and no manhood; they and their State had onely being in the brains of fabulous writers: As for the Assasines, or regiment of rogues; it never spread to the breadth of any great countrey, nor grew to the height of a Kingdome; but being the jakes of the world, was cast out in a place betwixt barren hills: But this Empire of vassals was every way won­derfull, stretching so farre over all Egypt and most of Syria, [Page 203] and lasting so long. A strange State! wherein slavery was the first step to their throne, and apostasle the first article in their religion.

Chap 20.

IN this same yeare Frederick King of Jerusalem and Empe­rour of Germanie ended his troublesome dayes. A Prince, who in the race of his life met with many rubs, some stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Turk, he had to do with the Pope (the Pope immortall in his succession.) And though his Holinesse was unfit for warre (as being alwayes old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten) yet he used his own head, and commanded the hands of others; whereby he kept Frede­rick in a continuall warre. Yet never could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a weapon, if not against the law of Arms, against the law of God, and against which no guard, Arming his subjects against him, and Dispensing with the oath of allegeance.

But he gave Frederick the mortall wound, in setting himself against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest sonne. And though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth, and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia, where he died: yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave. For now he knew not where or in whom to place any confidence; as suspecting the single cord of Loyalty would not hold in others, which brake in his own sonne though twisted with Naturall affection.

The greatnesse of his spirit was a great hastening of his death; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the sharpnesse of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder. Bow he could not, break he must. What-ever is reported, he died of no other poison then sorrow, (which ushered him into a wasting ague) grief being a burden whereof the strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the same, that Bzovius, anno 1250. § 14. Maufred his base son should stifle him with a pillow▪ though I must confesse he might be taken on suspicion, as likely enough to play such a devilish prank; yet it is unreasonable, that he who is acquitted by the [Page 204] Falsum ex ejus temporis hominum te­stimonio e [...]e convinci [...]ur, Pantal. in Fred. 2 ^•. Authours of the same time, should be condemned on the evi­dence of the writers of after-ages.

He died at Florence in an obscure castle on S. Lucies day, ha­ving reigned King of Jerusalem three and twenty years. Dec. 13. As others▪ 26. By his Will he bequeathed many ounces of gold to the Knights Tem­plars and Hospitallers, in recompence of the wrongs they had received by him. He left a great summe of money for the reco­very of the Holy land, to be disposed at the discretion of the foresaid knights. He forbad any stately funerall for himself, though in his life immoderately excessive in pomp; as if he would do penance for his pride after death. A Prince, who had he not been hindred with domesticall discords, would have equallized Caesar himself: For if thus bravely he [...]aid about him, his hands being tied at home with continuall dissentions, what would he have done if at liberty? A scandal is raised since his death, That he was but Others say a falconers, or, a physici­ans. See Mun­ster, De Ita­lia, lib. 2. pag. 235. a millers sonne; but he would have ground them to powder who in his life-time durst have aver­red it. Indeed he was very happy in mechanicall matters, such as we may term Liberall handicrafts; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brasse: Nether did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean imployments, but rather proved the amplitude and largenesse thereof; of so generall acquaintance, that no Art was a stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from the almost miraculous manner of it; Con­stantia his mother bearing him when welnigh sixty years of age. But both in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sonnes of long barren-mothers to have been fruitfull in famous atchievements.

Pity it was that he had some faults: yea, pity it had been if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were notorious and un­excusable. Many wives and concubines he had, and by them many children.

[Page 205]It is much, that succession adventured in so many severall bottoms, should miscarry: Yet these foure sonnes dying, left no lasting issue; and in the third generation Fredericks stock, and that whole ra [...]e of Suevian Princes was extinct: Which in the judgement of some men was a judgement of God on him for his lasciviousnesse.

We must not forget a memorable passage which happened more then twenty yeares after Fredericks death: Calvisius, anno 1285. ex Spang. One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, sometime brought up at the Court, cunningly sowing together all the old shreds of his Courtship, Et Pantal. in Rodulpho Caesare. and stretching them out with impudency, pretended to be Fre­derick the Emperour, long detained in captivity in Palestine. The difference betwixt their a [...]pects was easily reconciled; for few Phys [...]ognomy marks are so deeply fixed in any face, but that age and misery will alter them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed them to be couzened by him: yea, some Princes took this brasse for gold without touching it. But the best engine which gave this puppet his motion, was a bruit con­stantly buzzed, That Frederick was not dead. For Princes, the manner of whole deaths hath been private and obscure, fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who affirm and be­lieve them to be still alive. But the world soon suifeted of this cheaters forgerie; and this glow-worm when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nantes was burnt to ashes by Rodul­phus the Emperour.

After Fredericks death there was an interregnum for three and twenty yeares in the Empire of Germany. True it is, that of some, William Earl of Holland (one without a beard, not va­lour) was nominated Emperour. The Spirituall electours chose Richard, brother to our King Henry the third. And as in Corn­wall he got much coin, so Germany gave him a bottomlesse bag to put it in. A third party named Alphonse King of Castile, an admirable Mathematician: But the ointment of his name is mar­red with the dead flie of his Atheisticall speech, That if he had been in Gods stead, he could have framed the world better then now it is. Notwithstanding the best Dutch writers make an in­terregnum, as counting the Empire still a widdow and all these rather her suiters then any her husband.

In like manner also in Palestine there was not any King for fourteen years after Fredericks death. The right indeed lay in Conrade Duke of Suevia, Fredericks sonne by Iole daughter to John Bren King of Jerusalem: But he was so imployed in defen­ding himself in Sicily against Mau [...]ted his base brother (who soon after dispatched him out of the way) that he had no leisure to prosecute his title to the fragments of his Kingdome of Jeru­salem.

Chap. 21.

GO we back to King Lewis, who all this while stayed in Pa­lestine, busying himself partly in building and fencing of Si­don and Cesarea, partly in composing discords betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to threaten them into agreement: But these armed men little cared for his naked me­nacing. He being also an excellent religious Antiquary and Cri­tick on holy monuments, much employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places from the tyranny of time and oblivion.

Mean time, 1251 in his Kingdome of France happened this strange accident; An Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 1094. Hungarian pesant, who is said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned, gathered together many thousands of people, pretending they had intelligence from hea­ven to march to the Holy land. These took on them the name and habit of Pastorelli, poore shepherds; in imitation belike (as the Devil is Gods ape) of those in the Gospel, who were warned by Angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem.

Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went into France; shewing they had a vertigo in their heads, mistaking the West for the East; or else, that like vagabonds they were never out of their way.

The Holy Lamb was their ensigne, but their actions neither holy nor lambe-like. They pillaged and killed the poor Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat for every ones hands to hit, and their legges so stand in mens way that few can go by them without spurning at them:) Where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians, especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty. But at last near Burdeaux threescore thousand of them were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age (or in courtesie call him a Poet) made this Epitaph on them;

1253 By this time Lewis in Syria had stayed out the death and bu­riall [Page 207] of all his hopes to receive succour from his own countrey. Long expecting in vain that France should come to him, he at last returned to it. The greatnesse of the burden he bore, made him to go the faster; Apr. 25. and being loaden with debts to his Italian creditours, he secretly hasted home: Where safely arriving, be­sides loyaltie to their Prince, love to a stranger was enough to make him welcome.

Chap. 22.

LEwis is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a wofull condition, without hope of amendment. Now, can any good come out of Tartary? Can the Northern wind blow a comfortable warmth? Yea; see a strange vicissitude of things! Marinus Sa­nutus. Haito the Christian King of Armenia had travelled to Mango the Cham of Tartary, Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699. to communicate to him the present dan­ger of the T [...]rks, and to consult of a remedy. He shewed, how if order were not taken with them in time, they would over-runne all Asia: Let him not count that he lay out of their rode, because of his remote situation: For what is the way wander­ers will not trace? He might expect onely this courtesie, to be last devoured. In conclusion, Haito prevailed so farre with this Pagan, that he not onely promised his assistance, but also was baptised, 1254 and took the Christian religion on him: So also did his whole countrey by his example; and Christianity be­ing the Court-fashion, none would be out of it. Never since the time of Constantine the Great, did the devill at once lose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopefull accession to the Faith.

Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though Authours predicate it universally of that whole countrey) onely of Ca­thaia, the Eastern and most refined part of that Empire: For Cannibals were still in the North, who needed first to be con­verted to reason and to be made men, before they could become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm of Western Tartarian heathens forraging Calvisius, ex Hist. Pol. in anno 1259. Poland. So it seemeth, so vast was the Empire, that it was still night in the West, though it was day in the Eastern part thereof.

Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was so­lemnly, [Page 208] deliberately, and methodically wrought by preaching, first those things wherein the light of Nature concurreth with Faith; then, those wherein humane reason is no foe but standeth neuter; such as are merely of Faith, leaving the issue of all to God, whose [...] A. thanasius. oratory onely can perswade souls: or whether (which is more probable) it was but tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching then embracing religion, we will not dispute. Sure it is that Mango sent Haalon his brother (who is said to have married a wife an excellent Christian, 1255 and Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 2. pag. 5. de­scended from the Wise-men who came to see our Saviour) with a great army to suppresse the Turks and assist the Christians. It seemeth his army rid post; for falling into Persia, he conquered it sooner then one can well travell it, So Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 112. The Magdebur­genses say lesse, Seme­stri spatio, Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699. in half a year. It facilita­ted his victory, because that countrey had much unfurnished her self to furnish her forrain colonies and garisons in Syria: And ge­nerally active nations are strongest abroad, and weakest at home; where they are onely strong with conceit of their strength be­lieved in other countreys. The city Samarchanda onely resisted him. 1256 Haalon seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay; counting it beneath a conquerour to tempt his fortune with a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course of the cards, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he himself onely skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went away with what was easie and smooth, deputing an inferiour captain to hew this knotty service; who after a long siege subdued it. For in re­spect of the age of this siege, that of Troy was but a child, it lasting Magdeburg. & Knolls, ut prius. seven and twenty yeares; and at last not taken but yield­ed up, the defendants then wanting clothes to cover their na­kednesse.

From Persia Haalon marched to Babylon: 1258 The Caliph where­of called Musteazem, was so superstitious an idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries for the defense of the city; and therefore it was quickly subdued. The cove­tous Caliph he Calvisius, in anno 1158. ex Bizar [...]. famished to death, and then filled his mouth with melted gold. Every where Mosques went down and Churches up.

Hence into Mesopotamia: 1260 which he instantly conquered, with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa. He wonne and restored many places to Conrade the Christian Prince of Antioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him. Yea, this Tar­tarian armie so awed Melechem the Mammaluke Prince of E­gypt, who succeeded Tarqueminus, that he durst not budge. And many other good offices this Haalon did to the Christians in Syria.

Chap. 23.

BUt they were unworthy of this happinesse, who would not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied themselves in pri­vate dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisans and Venetians. These States (as many other in Italy) at this time were so proud in their Masters old clothes, they scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers the Eagle had moulted, and set up by the breaking of the Emperour in Italy. The Vene­tians and Genoans were hardly matched: The Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachfull as either of them, and then in this point of policie superiour to both; That first siding with the Genoans, they whipped the Venetians: then when they were sufficiently humbled, taking part with the Venetians, they strip­ped and Iashed the Genoans: and the scales being even before, Pisa made that weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains.

Now not content to fall out at home within the dores of Italy, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the Turks looked on and laughed at them; counting it in their ap­prehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad. Be­sides their old grudges transported hither out of Italy, this green wound was the cause of their dissension here: In Ptolemais these three States had their severall streets, severall markets for trading, and courts for causes both civill and criminall: but all three had one Church (that of S. Sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the Pope himself; who counted the same Church might serve the worshipers of the same God: But the So saith Blondus. De­cad. 2. lib. 8. pag. 308. But if we consult with Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 28. the Genoans and not the Venetians wonne Ptole­mais. Venetians by the virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King Baldwine for their service in winning this city, challenged a peculiar interest therein. Hereabout was their old bustling; and in a tumult, the Genoans at that time surpassing for number, drave the Venetians out of the Church: Yea, Philip of Montfort, a French Governour of Ptolemais in the time of the interregnum, wanting not onely policie for a Magistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus L [...]co priùs citato. saith he was half-mad, and his actions speak him no lesse) compelled the Venetians generally to forsake the city.

Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais forc'd a sunder the chain which crossed the haven, and burned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay there. For alas! being strait­ned [Page 210] in the haven, they had no room (being intangled) to turn and free themselves one from another. And though united force be most forcible, yet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot expresse and exercise it self. Many brave souldiers in these ships lost their lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever opening their wares.

To avenge this losse, the State of Genoa sent from home a navie of fiftie ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There meet they with Reinetius Zenus Duke of Venice, with the united pow­er of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no fewer then seven­ty four vessels well provided. They would have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the Governour of the city forbad it: It would be more scandalous to Christianity; The roving fireballs might hurt the city, and sinking ships hinder the harbour; Be­sides, the conquered party would probably complain of the par­tiality of the place, that it more favoured one side; They should not fight under his nose; if they had a mind to it, let them out and try their fortunes in the open sea.

Chap. 24.

ACcordingly it was performed; out they go and fall to their work. Their gallies, like Ostriches, used their legges more then their wings, more running with oars then flying with sails. At that time, before Ordinance was found out, ships were both gunnes and bullets themselves, and furiously ranne one against another.

They began with this arietation: Herein strength was much but not all; nimblenesse was also very advantageous to break and slent the down-right rushings of a stronger vessel. Then fell they to grappling: Here the steady ship had the better of it; and those souldiers who best kept their legges could best use their arms, the surest stander being alwayes the foundest striker. Much valour was shewed on both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. The Genoans losing five and twenty of their ships, fled, and saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel and desperate battel.

And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloudy then those on the land, especially since gunnes came up, whose shot be­twixt [Page 211] wind and water (like those wounds so often mentioned in the Scripture under the fifth rib) is commonly observed mor­tall. Yea, full harder it is for a ship, when arrested and ingaged in a battel, to clear it self, then for souldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neither his own two nor his horses four legges can bestead any; but like accidents they must pe­rish with their subjects, and sink with their ship.

And then why is the sea victory lesse honour, being more dan­ger, then one atchieved by land? Is it because sea-service is not so generall, nor so full of varieties, and the mysteries thereof sooner learned? or because in sea-fights fortune may seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much interested? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land hath a more lively verdure then that which is got at sea.

We return to the Venetians: who using or rather abusing this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence, throw down their buildings both publick and private, demolish the fort which they had builded at S. Saba, rifle and spoil their shops, warehouses and storehouses: onely the Pope prevailed so farre with them, that they set at liberty the prisoners they had taken.

Ten years did this warre last betwixt these two States in Syria, composed at last (saith my Authour) by the authority of Pope Clement the fourth, and by famine (the bad cause of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into agreement. Longer these warres lasted betwixt them in Italy: their successe, like the sea they fought on, ebbing and flowing. In this costly warre Pisa was first beggered; and for all her politick parta­king, Genoa at last trode so heavy upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly was mistresse of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling and lesse comfort to prosecute these bloudy dissensions: For warres of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of exercise, which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in health; but these civil warres amongst them­selves, like the heat of a feaver, dangerous, and destructive of religion.

Chap. 25.

WE have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who suc­ceeded Robert in the titular Platina, in Urban. iv. Patriarchship of Jerusalem, to be Pope, by the name of Urbane the fourth. To advance the Holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum in Syria, he ap­pointed Charles Duke of Anjou, yonger brother to King Lewis of France, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, and it was ratified by Clement the fourth his successour.

This honour was first offered to Lewis himself; but piety had dried up in him all ambitious humours: then to our Henry of England; but his warre-wasted purse could not stretch to the Popes price: At last, this Charles accepted it. 1265 But it is not for any speciall favour to the bush, if a man run under it in a storm: it was no love to Charles, but to himself, to be sheltred from Maufred, that the Pope conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charles; that she might go in equipage with her three sisters, being Queens, sold all her Besoldus, De reg. Sicil. pag. 645. & 649. jewels to furnish her husband with money to purchase these Kingdomes: that sex loving bravery well, but greatnesse better.

Now the Pope (whose well grounded and bounded bountie will never undo him; for where he giveth away the meat he selleth the sauce) See these conditions at large (five and twenty in number) out of Io. Anton. Sum­m [...]nt. cited in Besoldus, pag. 647. conditioned with Charles on these termes: First, that he should conquer Maufred then King of Sicily, who molested the Pope; and that he should finally subdue all the re­maining race of Frederick the second, Emperour, who claimed that Kingdome. Secondly, in acknowledgement that he held these Kingdomes from the Pope, he should pay him an annuall pension of four (some say fourty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should chance to be chosen Emperour of Ger­many, that then he should either resigne Sicily back again into the hands of his Holinesse, Platina, in Clem. iv. or not accept the Empire. For he knew that all Emperours would be possessed with an anti­papall spirit; Neve Impe­rium Roma­num, etiam ultrò obla­tum, acci­peret. and that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the Church, but as a member of the Empire: Besides, the Pope would not dispense that Princes should hold pluralitie of temporall Dominions in Italy; especially, he was so ticklish he could not endure the same Prince should embrace him on both sides.

Ever since, the twinne-titles of Sicily and Jerusalem have [Page 213] gone together; and fit it is that the shadow should follow the sub­stance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradine his nephew (the last of the Suevian race, and grandchild to Emperour Fre­derick) and was possessed of Sicilie, and lived there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded it, nor came thither at all: A watchfull King, who never slept in his Kingdome.

His absence gave occasion to Calvifius, in anno 1269. ex Marino Sanuto. Hugh King of Cyprus to fur­bish up new his old title to the Kingdome, as lineally descended from Almerick the second. And coming to Ptolemais, he there was crowned King of Jerusalem: But the extremity of the fa­mine (all things being excessive dear) much abated the solem­nity and state of his Coronation. 1269 Sept. 27.

Chap. 26.

BUt betwixt two Kings the Kingdome went to the ground: 1261 For Calvisius, ex Marino Sa­nuto, in anno 1260. Haalon the Tartarian Prince, and late Christian con­vert, was returned home to succeed his brother Mango in the Empire, leaving Abaga his sonne with competent forces in the city of Damascus, which he had wonne from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father, aud substituted Guirboca his Lieutenant in Damascus.

This Guirboca, upon the occasion of his nephew rashly slain by the Christians in a broil, 1262 fell off wholly from Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countreymen. The occasion this; The Dutch Christians return with great booty they had taken from the Turks; Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 699. Guirboca's nephew meeteth them, demandeth it for himself; the Christians deny him (as souldiers are very ten­der-conscienced in that point, counting it a great sinne to part with the spoil they are possessed of:) hence brawls, then blows; Guirboca's nephew is slain: Hereat the Tartarians (who were very humorous in their friendship; if not observed to an inch, lost for ever) in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet, or fall back to Paganisme.

Herein the Christians cannot be excused: Infant-converts must be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians, and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous to the Holy [Page 214] warre. However, one may question the truth of their conversi­on, whether reall at first: This spring was too forward to hold; and the speedy withering of their religion argueth it wanted root. And as tame foxes, if they break loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief then those which are wild from the beginning; so these renegadoes raged more furiously then any Pagans against religion. Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his nephew, destroyed Cesarea and burnt it, using all cruelty against the inhabitants.

Nor lesse were the Christians plagued at the same time with Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince in Egypt; who succeeded Melechem, and every where raging against them, either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The city of Joppa he took and burned; 1268 and then wonne Antioch, slaying there­in twenty thousand, and carrying away captive an hundred thousand Christians. But it may justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding of nothing may increase many thousands.

These wofull tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on the good disposition of Lewis King of France, that he resol­ved to make a second voyage into Palestine to succour the Christians.

He so fixed his mind on the journeys end, that he saw not the dangers in the way. His Counsel could not disswade, though they did disswade him. First, they urged, that he was old; let younger men take their turns: They recounted to him his former ill successe; How lately had that hot countrey scorch'd the lilies of France, not onely to the blasting of the leaves, but almost wi­thering of the root? Besides, the sinews of the Christians in Sy­ria were so shrunk, that though lifted up, they could not stand; That Nature decayed, but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physick; That the Turks had got a habit of conquer­ing, and riveted themselves into the possession of the countrey; so that this voyage would but fleet the cream of the Kingdome to cast it into the fire.

But as a vehement flame maketh feuel of whatsoever it meet­eth; so this Kings earnest resolution turned bridles into spurres, and hind rances into motives to his journey. Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Had he sped ill formerly? he would seek his credit where he lost it: Surely, Fortunes lottery had not all blanks, but that after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were the Christians in so low a case? the greater need they had of speedy help.

Thus was this good Kings judgement over-zealed. And [Page 215] surely though Devotion be the naturall heat, Discretion (which wanted in him) is the radicall moisture of an action, keeping it healthfull, prosperous, and long-lived.

Well, King Lewis will go, and to this end provideth his na­vie; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram his Sonnes, Theobald King of Navarre his sonne in law, Alphonse his bro­ther, and Guido Earl of Flanders. There went also Edward eldest sonne to Henry King of England. It was a wonder he would now adventure his head when he was to receive a Crown, his father being full-ripe to drop down without gathering, ha­ving reigned longer then most men live, fifty and five yeares. But thirsty was this Edward of honour: Longshanks was he called: and as his strides were large, so vast and wide was the ex­tent of his desire. As for his good Father, he was content to let go the staff of his age for to be a prop to the Church. And though King Lewis was undiscreet in going this journey, he was wise in choosing this his companion, to have this active Prince along with him; it being good to eye a suspicious person, and not to leave him behind.

With Edward went his brother Edmund Earl of Lancaster, surnamed Crouch-back; not that he was crook-shouldered, or camel-backed: (From which our English Poet most zealously doth vindicate him;

but from the Crosse, anciently called a Crouch (whence Crouched Friars) which now he wore in his voyage to Jerusa­lem. And yet it maketh it somewhat suspicious, that in Latine Vincents Discoveries of Brooks er­rours, Tit. Lancaster. records he is never read with any other epithet then Gibbo­sus. But be he crooked or not, let us on straight with our story.

Chap. 27.

LEwis now having hoised up sail, 1270 it was concluded by the ge­nerall consent of his Counsell, That to secure and clear the Christians passage to Palestine from pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa by the way.

This Carthage long wrastled with Rome for the sovereignty, [Page 216] and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at last crushed out her bowels with one deadly fall. Yet long after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spurre to put metall into the Romanes, 1270 and to be a forrain mark for their arrows, lest otherwise they should shoot against themselves. At last by the coun­sel of Cato it was quite destroyed: who alledged, That it was not safe to have a knife so near their throat; and though good use might be made of an enemy at arms end, yet it was dange­rous to have him too close to ones side; as Carthage was within a dayes sail from Rome.

Out of the ruines of this famous citie, Tunis arose; as often a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak hath been felled. Thieving was their trading: but then as yet they were Apprentices to p [...]racie, whereof at this day they are grown Ma­sters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis then in bignesse, great onely in mischief. But as a small scratch just upon the turning of a joynt is more troublesome then a bigger sore in another place; so this paltry town (the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home) seated in the passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse annoyance to Christian traffick then a whole countrey of, Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the bloud of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for the time to come, Lewis with his whole fleet (augmented with the navy of Charles King of Sicilie and Jerusalem, his brother) bent his course to besiege it.

It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious vermine they were to be rooted out of the world by any means: nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of warre on a company of thieves and murderers.

The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seised on the Christian armie: whereof thousands died; amongst others, Tristram King Lewis his sonne: And he himself of a flux follow­ed after. This Lewis was the French Josia, both for the piety of his life and wofulnesse of his death, ingaging himself in a needlesse warre. Many good laws he made for his Kingdome: that not the worst, He first S ^r. Walter Ralegh, hist. part. 1. lib. 5. cap. 3. retrenched his Barons power to suffer parties to trie their intricate titles to land by duells. He severely punished blasphemers, Alf [...]nso Vil­leg. in the life of S. Lewis. fearing their lips with an hot iron. And because by his command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris, some said he was a tyrant: He hearing it, said before many, I would to God that with fearing my own lips I could banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more to heare Sermons then to be present at Masse: whereas on the contrary our Continuat. Matth. Pa­ris. in anno 1273. Henry the third said, he had rather see his [Page 217] God then hear another speak of him though never so well. His body was carried into France there to be buried, and was most miserably tossed; it being observed, that the sea cannot digest the cruditie of a dead corpse, being a due debt to be interred where it dieth; and a ship cannot abide to be made a bier of. He was Sainted after his death by Boniface the eighth, and the five and twentieth day of August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he went on shipboard) is consecrated to his me­morie. Herein he had better luck then as good a man, I mean our Henry the sixth, who could not be canonized without a mightie summe of money; belike Angels making Saints at Rome.

Chap. 28.

BY this time Tunis was brought to great distresse, 1271 and at last on these conditions surrendred; That it should pay yearly to Charles King of Sicily and Jerusalem fourtie thousand crowns; That it should receive Christian Ministers freely to exercise their religion; If any Saracen would be baptized, he should be suffered; That all Christian captives should be set free; That they should pay back so much money as should defray the Christians charges in this voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town beaten down, and all put to the sword; think­ing the foulest quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by robberie) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God, and burnt, to ashes: His own share he execrated, and caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any thing of it; because that coals stolen out of that fire, would sooner burn their houses then warm their hands. It troubled not the consciences of other Princes to enrich themselves herewith, but they glutted them­selves with the stolen honie which they found in this hive of drones: And which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go to bed, return home, and goe no further. Yea, the young King of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearfull to prosecute his journey to Palestine; whereas Prince Edward struck his breast, and swore, That though all his friends forsook him, yet he would enter Prolemais, though but onely with Fow in his horse-keeper. By which speech he incensed the English to go on with him.

[Page 218]The rest pleading the distemperature of the weather, 1271 went to Sicily, in hope with change of aire to recover their health: Where many of them found what they sought to avoid, death: amongst other, Theobald King of Navarre, and Isabell his wife, and William Earl of Flanders, who ended their dayes at Dre­panum. Besides, their navie was pursuivanted after with a hor­rible tempest, and a curse (entailed either on their ill-gotten goods, or deserting Gods cause, or both) arrested them in their return: so that of this great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ships being wracked, and the goods therein cast into the sea; with which the waves played a little, and then chopped them up at a morsel. Whilest the weather frowning on them, smiled on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either in his men or ships, with Elenor his tender consort then young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great solace and com­fort of the Christians there being in great distresse.

Chap. 29.

AT his arrivall the last stake of the Christians was on losing; For Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt and Sy­ria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebbe, that they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed not their inten­tions) within three dayes to resigne the citie unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who arrived with his armie there in the very interim, in opportunitie it self, which is the very quintessence of time; so that all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was guided by the hand of an especiall pro­vidence.

And now those who before in despair would have thrown up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game; and the Christians taking comfort and courage, both defie their ene­mies, and their own thoughts of surrendring the citie. Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand souldiers, marched to Nazareth; which he took, and slew those he found there. After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks were gathered to­gether at Cakhow fourtie miles off, very early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand, and put the rest to flight.

[Page 219]In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his perso­nall valour: Yea, in cold bloud he would boldly challenge any Infidel to a duell. To speak truth, this his conceived per­fection was his greatest imperfection: For the world was abun­dantly satisfied in the point of his valour; yet such was his con­fidence of his strength, and eagernesse of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout man, he would still supere­rogate: yea, he would profer to fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a tall man: this daring being a generall fault in great spirits, and a great fault in a Generall, who staketh a pearl against a piece of glasse. The best was, in that age a man fighting with sword and buckler, had in a manner many lives to lose; and duells were not dangerous.

Whilest he stayed at Ptolemais, Elenor his Lady was deli­vered of a fair daughter, called from her birth-place Joan of Acres: But fear of her husbands death abated her joy at her daughters birth. The Turks not matching him in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was thus contrived: The Admirall of Joppa, a Turk, pretended he would turn Christian, and imployed one Anzazim an Assasine in the businesse betwixt him and Prince Edward; who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing to our Prince he got much credit and esteem with him.

Continuas. Matth. Paris. in anno 1272 pag. 1345. Some write, this Anzazim was before alwayes bred under ground, (as men keep hawks and warre-horses in the dark, to make them more fierce) that so coming abroad, he should fear to venture on no man. But sure, so cunning a companion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted with men, yea, Christians and Princes, as appeareth by his complying carriage; else, if he had not been well read in their company, he could not have been so perfect in his lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell it self: For this was his religion, To kill any he was commanded, or on the non-performance willingly to forfeit his life.

The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince Edward letters from his Master, 1272 which whilest he was reading alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm with an invenomed knife. Being about to fetch another stroke, the Prince with his foot gave him such a blow that he felled him to the ground; and wresting the knife from him, ranne the Turk into the belly, and slew him; yet so, that in struggling he hurt himself there­with in the forehead. At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with a stool beate the braines out of the dead Turks head, shewing little wit in his owne; and the Prince was highly displeased, that the monument of his va­lour [Page 220] should be stained with anothers crueltie.

It is storied, how Speed, in Edward the first. Elenor his Lady sucked all the poyson out of his wounds, without doing any harm to her self: So sovereign a medicine is a womans tongue, anointed with the vertue of loving affection. Pitie it is so pretty a story should not be true, (with all the miracles in Lovers Legends) and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex: Yet can it not stand with what See Fox Martyrolog. pag. 337. others have written; How the Physician who was to dresse his wounds, spake to the Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysie to take away Lady Elenor out of the Princes presence, lest her pitie should be cruell towards him, in not suffering his sores to be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and wrung her hands, Madame, said they, be contented; it is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the Realme of England should la­ment a great season: And so they conducted her out of the place. And the Prince, by the benefit of physick, good atten­dance, and an antidote the Master of the Templars gave him, shewed himself on horse-back whole and well within fifteen dayes after.

The Admirall of Joppa hearing of his recoverie, utterly dis­avowed that he had any hand in the treacherie: as none will willingly father unsucceeding villany. True it is, he was truly sorrowfull; whether because Edward was so bad, or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts. P. Aemyl. in D. Ludo­vico, pag. 227. Some wholly acquit him herein, and conceive this mischief proceeded from Simon Earl of Montforts hatred to our Prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge for doing some conceived wrong to his father, (in very deed, nothing but justice to a re­bell) hired, as they think, this Assasine to murder him; as a lit­tle before for the same quarrell he had served Henry sonne to Richard King of the Romanes, and our Edwards cousin ger­mane, at Viterbo in Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should contrive this Princes death in Palestine: but malice hath long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea, this ad­deth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen; and the further from him the blow is given, the lesse is he himself su­spected.

Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians there would have revenged it, but Edward would not suffer them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen on the Turks, had not he Continuat. Matth. Paris. in anno 1272. pag. 1347. disswaded them, because then many Chri­stians unarmed, and in small companies, were gone to visit the Sepulchre, all whose throats had then probably been cut before their return.

[Page 221]Eighteen moneths he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came back through Italy, without doing any extraordinarie matter in Pale­stine. What musick can one string make when all the rest are broken? what could Edward do alone, when those Princes fell back on whom the project most relied? Lewis and Charles were the main undertakers; Edward entertained but as an adventurer and sharer: and so he furnished himself accordingly, with com­petent forces to succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good: so in their default he valiantly went forward, though having in all but thir­teen ships and some thousands of men, (too many for a plain Prince to visit with, and too few for a great one to warre with) and performed what lay within the compasse of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais and assisting them there, was like a cordiall given to a dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather) a few grones and as many gasps the longers.

By this time Henry his aged father being dead (his lamp not quenched but going out for want of oil) the English Nobilitie came as farre as the Alpes in Savoy to wait on Edward in his re­turn. Leave we him then to be attended home by them to receive the Crown, to which no lesse his vertues then birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first King of his name, and the first that settled the Law and State (deserving the style of Sr. Robert Cotton, in his Henry iii. Eng­lands Justinian) and that freed this Kingdome from the wardship of the Peers; shewing himself in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm onely but the whole world.

Chap. 30.

BEfore Edwards departure, Hugh King of Jerusalem and Cy­prus concluded a peace (to our Marinus Sanutus. Princes small liking) with the Mammaluke Sultan of Egypt, to hold onely in and near Pto­lemais; whereby the Christians had some breathing-time. But that which now possessed all mens thoughts and talk in Syria, was the expectation of Rodulphus to come thither with a great armie; who (after two and twentie yeares interregnum) was chosen Emperour of Germany.

This Rodulphus was a mean Earl of Haspurg (Frederick the 1273 last Emperour was his Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. in vita Rodulphi. godfather; who little thought, that ha­ving so many sons of his own, his god-son should next succeed [Page 222] him) and lived in a private way. But now the Empire refusing her rich suiters, married this Earl without any portion, onely for pure love. A preferment beyond his expectation, not above his deserts: For Germany had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory the tenth would not ratifie his election, but on this condition, That he should in person march with an armie to Palestine. And though this was but an old policie, To send the Emperours far away, that so he might command in chief in their absence; yet his Holinesse did so turn and dresse this third-bare plot with specious pretenses of piety, that it passed for new and fresh, especially to those that beheld it at distance. But Rodul­phus could not be spared out of Germany, being there imployed in civil discords: The knees of the Dutch Princes were too stiff to do him homage, till he softned them by degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the Holy warre, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a trade, having no paternall lands con­siderable, no bottom to begin on; though through his thrift and providence he first laid the foundation of the Austrian familie.

Yet somewhat to answer expectation, 1275 he sent Henry Duke of Mechlenburg with competent forces into Palestine: Who co­ming to Ptolemais, made many notable incursions into the countrey about Damasco, with fire and sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many rich booties; till at last he was circumvented & taken prisoner by the Mammalukes. Twen­ty six yeares he lived in captivity, keeping his conscience free all the while: At last the Sultan of Egypt (a renegado Germane, who formerly had been engineer to this Dukes father) set him at liberty, together with Martine his servant; that he who so long had shared of his miserie, might also partake of his happinesse. No sooner had this Duke put to sea, but he was again taken by pirates; and the Sultan, out of pitie to this distressed Prince, and out of scorn that fortune should frustrate and defeat his reall courtesie, set him free again. At last he came safely home, and was there welcomed with asmuch wonder as joy; his subjects conceiving his return a resurrection, having buried him in their thoughts long before.

Here he found Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. pag. 245. two counterfeits, who pretended themselves to be this Duke, and on that title challenged lodging with Ana­stasia his Lady. But the one of them had a softer bedfellow pro­vided him, a pool of water, wherein he was drowned; the other was made a bonefire of, to solemnize the joy of the Dukes return.

Chap. 31.

BY this time Charles King of Jerusalem and Sicily had made great preparations for the Holy war. And to make his claim to the Kingdome of Jerusalem the stronger, he bought also the title of Maria Domicella Princesse of Antioch, which pretended aright to the same. He sent also Roger the Count of S. Severine as his Vice-roy to Ptolemais: where he was honourably received in despite of Hugh King of Cyprus, by the especial favour of Al­bertine Morisine the Venetian Consul there. And now his navie was reported to be readie, and that by the way he had a project upon Michael Paleologus the Emperour of Greece: Whē all his intentions were suddenly blasted; it so happening, that on Easter day, as the bell tolled to Even-song, all the throats of the French­men in Sicily were cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that Island won by Peter King of Aragon. The grand contriver of this massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a Physician; and I dare say he killed more in an houre then he cured all his life-time.

Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse the French; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covetousnesse, and crueltie to the people of that Island, putting them causelesly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary hanging was counted an extraordinarie favour. But the secrecie of contriving this slaugh­ter of the French was little lesse then miraculous; that so many knowing it, none should discover it; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers; 1282 though their Even-song was nothing to the English Mattens intended in the Gunpowder-Treason. Mean time King Charles was at Rome, beholding the making of Cardinals, when this doleful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and melancholick, living as it were with­out life, and died at last, having reigned King of Jerusalem twentie year. A Prince which had tasted of various successe; fortune for a while smiling on him, and at last laughing at him.

His son Charles succeded him in the Kingdome of Naples and 1284 in the title of Jerusalem. He was surnamed Cunctator, Delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the Shield of Rome was so cal­led: he onely stayed till opportunitie was come; our Charles, till it was passed. I find nothing memorable of him except this, That [Page 224] offended with the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with the King of Cyprus, he seised on their lands, and con­fiscated all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his dominions, How ever, let him have room in the catalogue of our Kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the sea-side, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners: so this Charles, toge­ther with Hugh, John, and Henry, Kings of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we reade nothing remarkable of them, will become the front of a page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to parcell the historie the better to our ap­prehension. As for the bare anatomie of their reigne (for we find it not fleshed with any historie) with the dates of their begin­nings and endings, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our Chronologie.

Chap. 32.

BUt whilest these titular Kings slept, the Mammaluke Princes were vigilant to infest the reliques of the Christians in Pa­lestine: Which Princes succession we will adventure to set down; nor are we discouraged with the difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardnesse in the story of the Mammalukes proceed­eth (as we conceive) from one of these causes: First the State is not written directly, but by reflexion; not storied by any con­stant writer of their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the Chro­niclers, of neighbouring Christian countreyes have catched at them. Secondly, out of a popular errour, their chief Captains by reason of their large authoritie passe for absolute Kings. Third­ly, the same King hath many names, and the same name by translation in sundrie languages is strangely disguised. How-ever, we will use our best conjectures in these uncertainties: and a dimme candle is better then no light.

Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaet, was the last Egyptian Prince we mentioned. A dangerous man to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to task, and kept him in continuall imployment. This Abaga had a prettie trick to make cowards valiant, causing them that ranne away from the battell, ever after to wear womens clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a Vide Calvi­sium in anno 1227. & Magdeburg. Cent. 13. wound he received in Armenia: or, as some say, by cold in swimming over Euphrates.

[Page 225]Elpis succeeded him, his Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. 16. Col. 701. sonne (say some) but the Mamma­lukes laws forbid that except his extraordinary worth was his facultie, and dispenied with him ad succedendum patri. But who knoweth not that the Eastern tongue speaketh nephewes and kinsmen to be sonnes? Some wholly omit him; enough to make us suspect that he was onely some Deputy clapped in to stop up the vacancie till Melechsaites was chosen.

Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) wonne the strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much loved and was very bountifull to the Carmelites, who lived dispersed in Syria: 1285 but afterwards he banished them out of his countrey, because they altered their habit, and wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius; the Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving constancy in old customes. Nor was this any mishap but an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted themselves in the fattest places: So that he who knoweth not to choose good ground, let him find out an house of the Carmelites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction.

Alphir was next to Melechsaites, 1289 otherwise called Elsi. He perceiving that now or never was the time finally to expell the Christians out of Palestine, whilest the Princes in Europe were in civil warres, besieged and wonne Tripoli, Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the ground, but suffering the inha­bitants on some conditions to depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which Alphir would not presently besiege, lest he should draw the Christians in Europe upon him; but conclu­ded a peace for five yeares with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exasperate them by winning all from them at once, and thinking this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two severall draughts.

Mean time Ptolemais was in a woful condition. In it were some of all countreys; so that he who had lost his nation, might find it here. Most of them had severall courts to decide their causes in; and the plenty of Judges cause [...] the scarcity of justice, malefa­ctours appealing to a trial in the courts of their own countrey. [...] was sufficient innocencie for any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Venetian. Personall acts were entituled nationall, and made the cause of the countrie. Outrages were every-where practised, no-where punished; as if to spare Divine revenge the pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it. At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting their titles to this citie, no fewer then the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, Flo­rentines, the Kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the Agents for the Kings of France and England, the Princes of Tripoli and Anti­och, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Masters of the Templars and [Page 226] Hospitallers, and (whom I should have named first) the Legate of his Holinesse, all at once with much violence contending about the right of right nothing, the title to the Kingdome of Jerusa­lem, and command of this citie; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing in the hive when now ready to leave it.

Chap. 33.

WIthin the city were many voluntaries lately come over, five hundred whereof were of the Popes furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his Holinesse coffers. The soul­diers being not payed, according to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; and marching out, pillaged the countrey, con­trary to the truce: Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) de­manding restitution, is denied, & his Embassadours ill intreated.

Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six hundred thousand men. 1290 But we are not bound to believe that Alexanders souldiers were so big as their shields speak them which they left in India, nor Asian armies so numerous as they are reported. Al­low the Turks dominions spacious and populous, and that they rather drained then chose souldiers; yet we had best credit the most niggardly writers, which make them an hundred and fiftie thousand. Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a purchase could not be over-bought: The place, though not great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish Empire, and therefore pained them.

Peter Belvise Master of the Templars, a valiant Captain, had the command of the citie assigned him by generall consent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like prodigall heirs to lose this city for nothing, which cost their grandfathers so much bloud; at least let them give one blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How should they shew their friends their faces, if they shewed their foes their backs! Let them fight it out man­fully; that so, if forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied for want of fortune then justly blamed for lack of valour.

And now Ptolemais being to wrastle her last fall, stripped her self of all combersome clothes: women, children, aged persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths without arms) were sent away; and twelve thousand remained, conceived com­petent to make good the place.

Serapha marcheth up furiously; his men assault the city, with open jaws ready to devoure it, had not their mouths been stop­ped with the artilery the Christians shot at them. Back they [Page 227] were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double so many at a dinner, and conti­nue this costly ordinarie for some daies together; yea, in spite he would spend an ounce of Turkish bloud, to draw a drop of Christian.

In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned arrow: A losse above grieving for. Many were strong in desiring the honour who were weak to discharge the office. But the worst mischief was; the Christians were divided amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the citie, conceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular nation could defend it self, having their buildings severally fortified: And this dangerous fansie took off their thoughts from the publick good, and fixed them on their private ends. Mean time, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some name with them Henry King of Jerusalem and Cyprus) more seeking their safetie then honour, secretly fled (with their bodies after their hearts) out of the citie; and some of them shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being drowned in the sea. Their cowardlinesse is imputed by some Authours to all the rest; whereas it appeareth on the contrarie, they most valiantly behaved themselves.

At last, 1291 the Turks entred the citie by undermining the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a citie, but a heap of cities thrown together: wherein the people of every countrey so fensed them­selves in their severall sorts, that they powdered the Turks with their shot when they entred the streets. It is hardly to be paral­leled in any siege, that a taken citie was so long before it was taken: for it held out fiftie daies; and the Knights Hospitallers made good their castle for Lampad. Mellif. bist. part. 3. pag. 313. two whole moneths together. But alas! as the severall parts of Insecta being cut asunder, may wrig­gle and stirre a while, not live long; so these divided limbes could not long subsist, and at last most of them were slain.

Yet was it a bloudie victorie to the Turks; most of them that entered the citie being either burned with fire, or killed arrows, or smothered with the fall of towres, the very ruines (as thirstie of revenge) killing those that ruined them.

Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians should ever after land here) demolished all buildings; the Turks holding this position, That the best way to be rid of such ver­mine, is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy all places wherein they may nestle themselves.

Some say he plowed the ground whereon the citie stood, and sowed it with corn: but an Sand. Trav. pag. 204. eye-witnesse affirmeth, that still there remain magnificent ruines, seeming rather wholy to consist [Page 228] of divers conjoyned castles, then any way intermingled with pri­vate dwellings.

No fewer then an hundred thousand Latine Christians (all that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cyprus. It is strange what is reported, Lampad. pag. 312. That above five hundred matrones and vir­gins of noble bloud, standing upon the shore of Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them, cried out with lamen­table voice, and profered to any mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where, all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came, and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in Cyprus; nor by any enquirie could it after be known (when he was sought for to receive his hire) who this mariner was, nor whither he went.

The Hospitallers for haste were fain to leave their treasure behind them, and hide it in a vault; which being made known from time to time to their successours, was fetched from thence by the Sand. Trav. pag. 204. galleys of Malta about three hundred yeares afterwards. Henry King of Cyprus to his great cost and greater commen­dation, gave free entertainment to all Pilgrimes that fled hither, till such time as they could be transported to their own coun­treys; and thanks was all the shot expected of these guests at their departure.

Thus after an hundred ninetie and four yeares ended the Ho­ly warre; for continuance the longest, for money spent the cost­liest, for bloudshed the cruellest, for pretenses the most pious, for the true intent the most politick the world ever saw. And at this day, the Turks to spare the Christians their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, have done them the unwelcome courtesie, to come more then half the way to give them a meeting.