Full and Impartial Account Of all the SECRET CONSULTS, Negotiations, Stratagems, and Intriegues OF THE Romish Party in Ireland, from 1660, to this present Year 1689. for the Settlement of Popery in that Kingdom, &c.

WHEN the natural Consequent of our late intestine Differences had (in a short time) produced so many various Scenes of Govern­ment, till by a circular Motion we center'd in our first Model; and so like Pythagoras his transmigration of Souls—were metamorphosed into so many differing Shapes, till at last, in the Year One thousand six hundred and sixty, we became animated with our first Dispositions to Monarchy, by the Restoration of King Charles the Second; then it was that several Disputes arose (which [Page 2] were Debated before the King and Council) con­cerning the Settlement of Ireland; the Lord of San­try, Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, (a Man equally eminent for Law as well as Loyalty) in an excel­lent and learned Speech represented to the Board the horrid Rebellion of Ireland; together with those Barbarous and Inhumane Massacres which he had been an eye Witness of.

In Opposition to which, Sir Nicholas Plunkett, a Man also very skilful in the Law, but a Knight of the Pope's making, and one that had acted his part in all the Rebellion of Ireland, assumed the Defence of the Natives of that Kingdom: but as his Cause was too apparently bad to be main­tained with any tolerable Success; so was his Un­derstanding in the Law inferiour to the Lord Chief Justice Santry's, who carried the Debate with great Applause, in the Opinion of all that heard it; and had his Advice been accordingly pursued, 'twas thought few of the Irish would have got their Estates: and at that time, if (by mistake) the Lord of Ormond and Lord Anglesey had not joined with the Court-Party, 'twas believed that what the Lord Santry urged, as Law, must have prevailed in point of Right; for in those days the Interest of the Duke of York (which afterwards grew to a mighty height, as you will perceive by the Sequel) was not so powerful as to have prevented it. That which he chiefly insisted upon, as to matter of Law, was, That 'twas most agreeable to the Law of the Land, as well as most equal for the Sub­ject to be Tried by the Common Law, where they would meet with a fair and indifferent Tryal by Juries of their Neighbours, and in this case could [Page 3] have no wrong done them; but that the Court of Claims was like the Usurper's High-Court of Justice, Arbitrary and Unlimited. This touch'd the Irish to the quick, for they being conscious of their Guilt, most of 'em Indicted and Out­lawed for Treason, despaired upon their Trial at the Bar to make any considerable Defence.

The Government of Ireland was first put into year 1660 the hands of Lords Justices, which were Sir Mau­rice Eustace, Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Mount­rath and the Earl of Orrery; the first a Lawyer, the latter, Men that had signally behaved them­selves against the Irish, during the whole Rebel­lion. Under the Government of these Men, a Parliament was called in the City of Dublin, and the Convention, which sat upon the King's Re­storation, dissolved. The first thing they pro­ceeded upon, were the Bills sent them from England, for by the Law of Ireland, Intituled, Poyning's Act, the Parliament of Ireland can read no Bill in their House, which proceeds not by these Steps: First, The Chief Governour and Council of Ireland draw up a Bill and send it over to the King and Council in England, who either approve or correct it as they think con­venient; and so, in the second place, return it back to the Chief Governor and Council, and these send it to the House of Commons, who have only a Negative Voice, and can neither alter nor amend a word of it. This, by way of Di­gression, which differing so much from the Practice of the Parliament of England, induced me not to think it altogether unpleasant, or unneces­sary, [Page 4] to present the Reader with this brief Ac­count of it.

But to return to the Parliament, the variety of interests in that Kingdom gave birth to several Disputes among them; for the accommodating whereof it was thought necessary at Court to send over a Lord Lieutenant, for about this time a great Controversie arose among all Parties, which was founded upon this occasion: A new interest was set on foot, in which neither Soul­dier, Adventurer, nor Irish (according to the first Declaration from Breda) were concerned, and yet it related to the first Souldiers that fought against the Irish, which were now called Forty­nine Men; these being King's-Men, were not provided for in the Parliament and Usurper's time, and how to make Provision for them now, was the matter in Dispute. Some Lands indeed there were that had not been set out to Souldiers and Adventurers, which were allotted these Men; but this Provision was not considerable, and there­fore the forfeited Corporations and Houses that were in them, were hereunto annexed; and to render 'em the more valuable, a Clause was in­serted in the Act, That no Irish Papist, in what manner soever he justified his innocency, should enjoy any House within a Corporation, except the Natives of Corke and Featherd. This the Irish vehemently exclaimed against as barbarous and inhumane, that, to serve the conveniency of a particular Set of Men, a Man must appear in­nocent in the Country and enjoy his Estate, but be adjudged a Rebel in the City; and upon that account be dispossessed of his Houses. On the other [Page 5] hand, the English complained, That the Natives by an Illegal, Arbitrary Court, were made in­nocent, though they were known to have been concerned in the Rebellion; for that in truth 'twas beyond all peradventure that not Ten of the Irish Papists were free from Rebellion and Murther: The Duke of Ormond had a great Arrear due to him upon this Fund, and after mutual Contests on either side, the Affair was settled, to the Sa­tisfaction of the Protestants.

But in order to a firmer and more mature Establishment of things, it was (amongst other Consultations) resolved in Council, to send over the Lord Roberts for Ireland in Quality of the Lord Lieutenant, as a Person whose indifferency as to the various and opposite interests of that Kingdom, might bring forth a compleat and im­partial settlement; but his being an English­man, and not related to, and so consequently not interessed in favour of the Irish, occasioned the Duke of York (whose Affection to the Na­tives of that Kingdom, has appeared by too pregnant and demonstrative Proofs) to work with the King his Brother to send over the Duke of Ormond, whose Acquaintance with, and year 1662 Relation to divers of the Irish Nobility and Gen­try, did rationally promise a more favourable re­gard to their Interests; though what probability soever this Prospect had in it, it finally turned to their disadvantage, and that by the even steerage of the Duke of Ormond, who, though placed at the Helm, in favour to the Irish, yet so signally espoused the Interest of the English Protestants in all their just and legal demands, [Page 6] that upon that very account he lost the favour of the Duke of York.

This management of things, made the Popish Party very sensible of their mistake; but to correct it in a very high measure, they procured the remo­val of some of the Commissioners of the Court of Claims, and got others put in, exactly calculated for their present design: The leading Man was one Rainsfoord, who drove so furiously, that complaints were made to the King. Talbot (now Tyrconnel) was at this time made principal Agent for the Irish Papists at Court, and upon the account of solliciting for them, had Sums of Money rais'd him by way of Tax, upon all that passed the Court of Claims; and in such cases wherein men had no Friends, nor good Titles, he bought their pretences, and by Rainsfoord's means passed the Claim; from all which illegal courses, 'twas visible to the English, that they were in a lost condition, which brought many of them under such apparent discouragements, as to part with their Estates for a year or two's Pur­chace; neither could any man make a measure of his Title, so arbitrary were the Commissioners in their Proceedings. And as the Irish insinuated them­selves into the favour of Rainsfoord, and the Com­missioners of the Court of Claims, or by the pow­erful sollicitation of their Agent at Court, pro­cur'd Recommendatory Letters from thence; in the same proportion they pass'd their innocency, not according to their demerit.

For what Complaints soever were made by the Irish, of the Cruelty of Oliver's Court, in crimi­nating them; yet some who prov'd their innocen­cy there, were decreed nocent by these Commissi­oners; [Page 7] and where they had no pretence of ta­king away an Irish-man's Estate, that was ad­judg'd innocent in the Usurper's time, in that case they obtain'd Proviso's in the Act of Settlement to deprive them of their Estates for Rebellion: As for instance, the Knight of Kerry, who though a Papist, yet always so faithfully adher'd to the English Interest, and had been so great an instrument of divers of the Protestants preserva­tion, that for that reason he was by the Ʋsurper restored to his Estate; his case was so notorious, that the Parliament (though their whole For­tunes depended upon the Act of Settlement) re­fus'd passing the Act, except that clause in preju­dice to the Knight of Kerry, was struck out, notwithstanding that they were inform'd at the same time, That if the Act was sent back, and altered, it should be to their disadvantage, as in­deed it prov'd; however it was Corrected as to that Clause.

So much of this Act did so manifestly incline to favour the Irish, as justly created Complaints by the English, which seemingly to redress, a new Act was prepared, Entituled, The Act of Expla­nation; the consequence of which was, That the Protestants were glad to sit down with the loss of one third; and where the Irish had either been so notoriously criminal, as that no Palliations could extenuate the blackness of their Rebellion; or else were Men of that inconsiderable interest, as render'd them incapable of passing their inno­cency, in such cases their Estates were claim'd by other Irish, whose interests at Court were more prevalent; such were the Earls of Clanearthy, [Page 8] Clanriccard, Lord Costela Dillon, Earl of Carling­foord and many more, who pass'd their Claims for twice more than ever they had before the Rebellion.

Pursuant to the Act passed for the payment of Quit-rent to the Crown, for all Lands that were Seiz'd, and Sequestred, the English paid Quit­rent in many places where their Lands were scarce worth it; but when the Court of Claims was over, and the Parliament of Ireland Dissolv'd, then the Irish that paid Quit-rent, obtain'd Grants by means of the Duke of York (who omitted no opportunities of testifying his good will to them) not only to be remitted of their Quit-rent, but of their Arrears also.

To this height had the Popish Design advanc'd it self at a Juncture, when the English Interest seem­ed not only to carry the preeminence, but even to have reach'd the Meridian of her Triumph at Court: and though it was believed upon the King's Restauration, there could not have been the twentieth part of Ireland gain'd from the English; yet what with the thirds taken at one blow from the English, and by Nominees, and other Stra­tagems of State, there was almost an half of the Kingdom in value lost, notwithstanding at the same time the most innocent of the Irish were depriv'd of their Estates, and the greatest Rebels got more than their own. This was the first step advanc'd for the introduction of Popery into that Kingdom; and notwithstanding the small Pro­gress it had then seemingly made, it so far en­couraged (even in this time of its Infancy) the most considerable of the Irish, as often to in­timate [Page 9] to the English, That in a short time the Protestants, and they, must be of one Re­ligion.

'Twas very remarkable, That in the Year year 1668 One Thousand Six Hundred Sixty Eight, Talbot, Brother to Tyrconnel, and Titular Archbishop of Dublin, Landing at a place called the Skerish, within Twelve Miles of that City, and being very Hospitably entertained by one Captain Cod­dington, Lodging all Night at his House; the next Morning took him aside, and after the most Affectionate Expressions of Kindness, asked him what Title he had to that Estate, for that he observed he had expended considerably upon its improvement? Coddington answered, That 'twas an old Estate, belonging to the Earl of Twomond. Talbot replyed, That was nothing, it did belong to the Church, and it would all be taken away: therefore advised him to lay out no more upon it, but get what he could, and then desert it. All this was offered upon strong injunctions of the most Inviolable Secrecy.

The Duke of Ormond was then Lord Lieute­nant, and nothing advantagious to their Inte­rests could be managed whilst he continued in that Post; which was the rise to divers Consulta­tions at Court for his removal. It had been too palpable for the Popish Party to have appeared in­teressed in it; wherefore an Intriegue was then formed of renewing the ancient Animosities be­twixt him and the Duke of Buckingham. This was reduced to Act, and the effect was propor­tionable [Page 10] to the design. The next thing to be considered, was, who should succeed him, which was a matter that required a very nice and cri­tical management. They pitched upon the Lord Roberts, as a person that had been formerly dis­appointed year 1669 of that Station: which begetting a pre­judice in him, and meeting with a Vindicative Spirit (whose temper they knew to be such) would prompt him invidiously to inspect into, or else to create faults in the Government of the Duke of Ormond, which was the end of the Court-Intriegue, and of his advancement; as knowing that his uneasiness to those of that Kingdom, would serve to prepare a fair reception for the L—B—a Man of whose inclinations to their interest, the Popish Party had the most convincing assurances; and agreeably to this whole Scheme of policy, the Lord Roberts remained Lord Lieute­nant about Six Months, and then the L. B. was sent over. Talbot, now Tyrconnel, leaves the Court, and year 1670 follows his Brother the Titular Archbishop, and lives privately; but notwithstanding his Retire­ment, is still engaged in all the Secret Counsels with Sir Ellis Leaton the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary.

And now to accomplish their purpose, the first thing to be done, was to set up a pretence that the King when in Exile, had obliged him­self to the French King to restore the Irish to their Religion and their Estates; and lest a neglect of this should occasion a Breach with France, some­thing must be acted in pursuance to it: So it was ordered, That notwithstanding the Law, to [Page 11] prefer Irish Papists to the Commission of the year 1671 Peace, in which they behaved themselves with that partiality and insolence, (Properties inherent to most, if not all of them) that they be­came odious, even to the judicious of their own party.

The next thing was to regulate the Corpora­tions, year 1672 which by an Act of the last Parliament, there was power for the Lord Lieutenant and Council to do. This was managed with such great secrecy, that none were made acquainted with it, till it was actually drawn, and brought ready to the Council-Board. The next day there was sent to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of Dublin, an Order for them to call a Common-Council, and to turn them out, and to make a new Government in the City. This they well understood would create a disturbance, which they were desirous so to improve among the Ci­tizens, as to render the Protestants disaffected; for which purpose they industriously laboured to irritate and provoke them, as the L—B—had done the Year before, when a number of Boys got up in a Tumult to pull down a Bridge which was erecting contrary to the desire of the City; where when the Lord Mayor, and Consta­bles had suppress'd them, the Lord Lieutenant ordered Soldiers, as they were carrying them to Prison, who discharg'd several Shots amongst them, and killed some of them.

But to return to the Order of Council for mo­delling the Corporation, the Aldermen gave rea­dy obedience, though they feared the bottom of [Page 12] the Design. This compliance of the Aldermen necessitated them to take new measures; for the most considerable of the Aldermen were Men of New Interest, and had been noted for keeping out Papists from the City Freedom: and whilest these Aldermen were in Power, no Popish Design could succeed: and therefore to facilitate by another, what they could not effect by former Stratagems, the next work was to prepossess the Populace with prejudice against the Aldermen, representing them as the Authors and Contrivers of this New Model, though (as it was afterwards proved, upon an hearing before the Earl of Essex and Council, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) they never heard word of 'em till they were brought to 'em to the Tole-sale with orders to put 'em in Ex­ecution.

At that time there came over to Dublin a Per­son year 1672 who assumed several names, (a practice as agree­able to the Interest and Policy of the Church of Rome, and as common, as that of variety of Shapes, and Professions) sometime he went by the name of Payne, at others by that of Nevell, and was found to be the same person that was after­wards committed to Newgate for some high Misdemeanour relating to Coleman and the Popish Plot. This Nevell (as has since been apparent in the instance before named) had his part with Coleman, and was sent over for Ireland as his pro­per Province, wherein to act the designed Tra­gedy: He remained for some time obscure in Dublin, and after that was received into the Castle; but never appeared till this (as was deem'd) [Page 13] seasonable juncture, and then in the capacity of Under- Secretary to Sir Ellis Leaton.

His business was to infuse into the Populace of the City of Dublin, an Opinion of the Treache­ry of their Recorder, Sir William Davis; and to make the pretext the more plausible, he had In­structions to add, That the Recorder and the Lord Primate, then Lord Chancellour, counselled the L.—B.—to enact those Laws for the abo­lishing of the Ancient Government of the City; and farther insinuating, that this was done at the desire, and instigation, and by the contrivance of the chief Aldermen. This impious suggestion being not only artfully spread among, but also too easily credited by the Citizens, induced 'em to pitch upon Nevell as their most proper Agent, and in order to this, advanced Mony which they presented to Sir Ellis Leaton, who, together with Nevell, brought the then Lord Mayor, Totty, with the Sheriffs to the Lord Lieutenant, who publickly declared the Relation above; and withal promised to recal his former Order. Upon which he called a Council, but the unravelling of the business discovered a Popish Intriegue, which occasioned their not agreeing with the Lord Lieutenant.

After this a Consult was held by the Lord year 1672 Mayor and Sheriffs, with Colonel Talbot, now Lord Tyrconnel, and his Brother the then Titu­lar Archbishop of Dublin, as also with Sir Nicholas Plunkett, an old Irish Lawyer, before mentioned (who was formerly one of the Pope's Supream Coun­cil at Kilkenny in Ireland.) This Consult was [Page 14] upon a Sunday, at Talbot's House, Three Miles from Dublin, where it was resolved, That the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs should call a general As­sembly of the City, and by the Act of that As­sembly turn out the Recorder, together with those Aldermen which were opposite to the Romish Party. Matters were so far acted, in pursuance to this intended Subversion, that the Assembly was al­ready in Council, but found all the Twenty four Aldermen unanimous; so that they could not, according to the Laws of that City, pass any Order, in regard that none could be made without the Assent of the Court of Aldermen, who sat in a Room by themselves. This was a fatal obstacle to their Design, whereupon they sent to the Lord Lieutenant to be Instructed how, and in what manner, they should proceed; and in the interim kept the Assembly shut up all the day. At last they received the following Directi­ons, That one of the Sheriffs, with several of the Commons, should come into the Aldermen's Court, and bring a Petition in the name of the whole City, to turn out Sir William Davis, the Recorder, and Seven Aldermen, who were of the greatest account in that City. But notwithstanding the depth of this Policy, which was lain with all the artifice and subtilty it could be capable of, yet was the whole of it privately discovered by one of the Sheriffs, which put the Aldermen into a posture of Preparation for their Defence; which was managed with that success, that upon its coming to be debated, the adverse Party obtain'd only the Suffrages of two indigent Aldermen, which gave a considerable check to the Intriegue. [Page 15] But then the Lord Mayor called a private Assem­bly, and not one of the Seven Aldermen were pre­sent: The Commons were called into the Alder­men's Court, and there, in a tumultous and irre­gular manner, they were turned out, and Seven of the Rabble put in their places; as also Leatone the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary was made Re­corder.

This Revolution so awakened the Eyes of the Citizens of Dublin, that they began to make a more narrow Inspection into the main drift and tendency of it; which, within a Month after 'twas set on foot, they plainly perceived was im­mediately levelled at the Foundation of the Pro­testant Interest and Religion. They now became apprehensive how miserably they had been im­posed upon, especially when they saw Papists brought into the Common-Council, and every day the disguise so thrown off, that they remained no longer doubtful of a most apparent and palpable Design of introducing Popery.

About this time Talbot, the Titular Archbishop of year 1672 Dublin, apply'd himself to the Lord Lieutenant, and borrowed some of the Hangings of the Castle, Silver Candlesticks, Plate and other Utensils to use at an High Mass, which Sir Ellis Leaton got to be sent with the Complement of saying, That He hoped to have High Mass at Christ's Church at Christmass; and which in all pro­bability had been effected, if a discovery of a most bloody and inhumane Conspiracy to be acted in this Year, had not seasonably prevented it; of which take the following Account:

The Priests (by Directions from their Supe­riours) ordered their several Congregations at Mass, That at such a time every Roman Catholick should fix over their Doors a Cross made of Straw: The People were curious to understand the reason of this Order; but the matter was carried with so much secrecy, that the Priests themselves, 'twas believed, knew no more than that it was designed to bless the Peoples Houses. This, in pursuance to the Advice and Instruction of the Priests (who like so many Infallible Oracles, are, upon all occasions, how difficult or unrea­sonable soever, most punctually obeyed) was generally performed, and at the same time vast multitudes of Priests came from beyond the Seas; and it appears by the Sequel, That some of these were better acquainted with the bottom of this black and damnable Intriegue, than generally the poor ignorant Priests of Ireland were, to whom, 'twas not by the Hellish Conclave at Rome thought fit, to Communicate a matter of this private and great importance. For one of these Foreign Priests finding several Houses which had not Crosses fixed at their Doors, he warned the People, with great earnestness, to put them up; and further told them, That this omission might be their Ruine, though he would not name to them the particular Instance wherein. But amidst the People's various conjectures, as to the occa­sion of this so general an Order, one of these Foreign Priests, more open-hearted than the rest, acquaints a Friend of his with this Design; which being by him communicated to another, and this other acquainting some Friend of his, [Page 17] till at last by this Relation of it to several hands, the matter was so far divulged, that 'twas impossi­ble to conceal it any longer from being publickly known. This intended Bloody Massacre was formed after the ensuing manner: Upon a cer­tain day (appointed for the Execution of this dismal Tragedy) all the Protestants were to be barbarously Murthered, and the Signal appointed to distinguish the Irish from these Hereticks, was, a Cross of Straw put up before their Doors, which wheresoever that was not found, all those Houses were to be destroy'd. But this being opportunely discovered, search was made, and Crosses were accordingly found at most of the Irish Doors, in the whole Province of Munster; which be­ing made up in a very small compass, were not before taken notice of. Search was made for the Priest, who was the first Author of this Discovery; but he was not to be found: and the Govern­ment in Ireland was then so extreamly byassed, and discovered so partial an affection to the Irish Interest, that no encouragement was given to a farther Inspection into this horrid Plot; which upon a narrower search would doubtless have an­swered the whole of the Relation given of it by the Priest, and would have appeared a most Ʋn­christian and Ʋnnatural, but upon these accounts, (in the present sense and practice of the Church of Rome) a more Catholick Design. But such as were active and industrious in laying open this mischievous and pernicious Conspiracy, had their Cattle stole from 'em, and were threatned to have their Houses burnt; with such like terrifying devices of the Irish, which they are not only wont to [Page 18] give out, but also to practise against such of the English, as endeavour to confront them in their evil Designs. This (together with the conni­vence of the Government) put a stop to any farther discovery; so that the whole was hushed up, and passed over in silence.

Thus we see, (that to what proficiency soever the Popish Interest had attained by the violent and irregular proceedings of the Court of Claims, and other artifices of its first rise and producti­on) that it was at that time but in its infant state, when compared with that maturity it had now insensibly aspired to, under the Government of the L. B. The Duke of Ormond, when in the Government, did in the whole conduct of Affairs so vigorously support the Protestant In­terest, that he remained an inseparable obstacle to their Design, unless some method were taken to put him out of that Station: in order to which (as you have heard) the Lord Ro [...]erts was to be practised upon, whose prejudice (they doubted not) would carry him to very severe Reflections upon the Duke of Ormond's Government, and indeed the experiment answered the design of the undertakers; for the first thing that the Lord Roberts did (which I should have mentioned when I spoke of his succeeding the Duke of Ormond, but however may not improperly be inserted in this place) was to prie into the Duke of Ormond's Government, and in a manner to encourage and invite persons to make their Com­plaints; but 'twas found a difficult task to find Faults after a Person of so great Honour and Integrity, as he was. But however to put his [Page 19] Design in Execution, he first gave opportunity to the Officers of the Army to make their Com­plaints, which not succeeding, then he counte­nances the private Souldiers to offer their Grievances; and in order to this, appoints Commissioners to go round the Kingdom, but all to no purpose: af­terwards he attempts the same in the City of Dublin, to see if they would complain for Quar­tering of Souldiers; but that Device came like­wise to nothing. But, alas, all this would not fix him long in the Government: He was sent over but to serve a turn, and after being a neces­sary Instrument for a while must now give place to a fitter Agent, the L. B. who was now appointed to guide the Chariot:

Quem si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit ausis; Though he could not hold the Rein so steady as fully to compleat the course, yet was the un­dertaking noble in it self; and how ever it suc­ceeded, could argue no less than a Gallant Re­solution for the Catholick Cause; and which in­deed, he had at last brought to that high pitch as to draw in the Populace (by amusing them with specious Pretences against the Magistracy) to an espousal of his interest. But however 'twas happy for the Protestants that the Rabble at last became sensible that they had look'd at the wrong end of the Perspective, and that things had been represented to them in a false light, and in colours quite different from what they now ap­peared: Popery had now almost arrived to its Zenith, and wanted but little of that Perfection which that horrible, Bloody contrivance befo [...]e men­tioned, was designed to compass; a practice of a [Page 20] parallel nature with the former Irish Rebellion, and Parisian Massacre, and the like infallible de­monstrations of the Church of Rome's undoubted Catholicism.

But 'tis high time to hasten to the aforesaid Affair of the Corporation. The seasonable disco­very of the afore-mentioned Sheriff, gave the A [...]dermen the opportunity of sending over Sir William Davis to London, who representing a true Description of this Design to the Earl of Shaftsbury, made that great Politician swear, That the L. L. was a mad Man; which Nego­tiation with the said Earl, produced so success­full an effect, that about a Month after the Earl of Essex was nominated Lord Lieutenant, which year 1672 for the present interrupted the Progress of the Popish Design in Ireland, though the Natives of that Kingdom were so elevated in their Expecta­tions of its succeeding, that they forbore not boasting to their Confidents of its improvement at Court.

This Romish Design, which had fully appear'd in its proper shape in Ireland, began soon after this to unmask it self in England, and a remark­able Passage occurred, which not a little con­tributed to the untwisting of this Intricacy of State, which had been carefully spun with so fine a Thread. The King, the Duke of York, and Clifford, the Lord Treasurer, were one day at a certain House, in a private Room, where one Sir W. B. (a Commissioner of the Excise of England, and of the Revenue of Ireland) came, and being a Person that frequently accommo­dated the King with Money, was wont to gain [Page 21] access at all hours, and in presumption of this liberty was at the Door, ready to enter the Room; but his hearing the King speak, with more than ordinary earnestness, begat in him a curiosity to hearken with some Attention, but could hear only some broken and imperfect Ex­pressions. The Duke also spoke so low, that he could not understand him; but Clifford was loud as in publick, answering the King in a very au­dible and articulate manner, in these words, Sir, if you are drove off upon fears, you will never be safe; the work will do, if you declare your self with Resolution, there is enow to stand by you. The King replied, This name, Popery, will never le swallowed by the People; upon which the King started off his Seat, and said, Some Body is at the Door. Whereupon Clifford hastily opened it, and without speaking, fell furiously upon B—, dragging him to a pair of Stairs, from whence he kick'd him down. Soon after this B. dyed, which was not improbably imputed to that. Mis­fortune.

Here we may reasonably reflect upon those Politick (and for some time) imperceptible steps, by which Popery gradually gained ground upon us, both in Ireland, and England. In Ireland the whole Scheme had been managed with so much address, as to engage the Populace to their Party, as has been already shewn, in England; the De­sign was lain with that depth, and so pro­foundly disguis'd with the most artificial Delu­sions, That few (except some of the most Ju­dicious, and these no otherwise than by Conjecture) were able to fatham it. But God, who brings to [Page 22] light the hidden things of darkness, and whose powerful Prerogative is such as oftentimes to disappoint the wise in their own Craftiness, did wonderfully infatuate the wicked Devices of these Men, and that by an opportune discovery, when they were possess'd with the greatest hopes of its attaining its designed effect.

But to proceed upon the former Discourse, in­terrupted by this Digression. In this Year a little year 1672 Instrument of the Pope appeared, who by degrees became no inconsiderable Actor in the Affairs of the Romish Court, one Thomas Sheridon. This Man was Educated in Trinity Colledge near Dublin, where he commenced Master of Arts, and after that entered into the Holy Order of a Deacon of the Church of Ireland; but upon an intimate Acquaintance contracted with the Jesu­itical Party, was discovered by these politick Engineers of State, to be a Person, whose natural sagacity, joyn'd with his artificial improvements (as to which none of his co-temporaries in the University could dispute the Precedence) might justly render him a fit Object for their purpose. This Design of theirs, co-operating with his boundless Ambition, made him not sollicitous to aspire to an higher rank in the Church (though other­wise his pregnant parts might reasonably have entitled him to very eminent preferment in it) but now that he had another Game to play, he suddenly (to the Admiration of all that knew or heard of him) abandons his Sacred, and as­sumes a Civil Profession, that of a Collector of the Customes in an out-Port of Ireland: a place [Page 23] he was as unqualified for, as he was deem'd capa­ble of that of the Church; the place but an hundred and twenty pounds per annum. He re­mained three or four Years in this place, but not to the small amazement of such as were acquainted with his profuseness: For 'twas visible that his Sallary could not answer a quarter of his Ex­pence, living at a very extravagant height in imi­tation of his Master Coleman.

At last the Intriegue appeared more intelligi­ble to some inquisitive Men, who began more narrowly to prie into it. For 'twas considered, that his being Collector of Corke [...] (a great place of Commerce by Sea) afforded him Intelligence from all parts, whereby Letters from Rome, Spain, &c. to all the Popish Clergy could arrive safely through his Hands: and as this was an­swerable to their first design of fixing him in that Station, so did it render him the more con­siderable amongst them; notwithstanding that, to avoid all suspicion, he still put on the dis­guise of the Protestant Religion, which he counter­feited with so ingenious an air, that most be­lieved him extream in that Profession, and were apt to think him inclin'd to Presbytery, as de­riving it from his Masters the Farmers, who were called The Fanatick Farmers, being a Sett of Brewers in London.

Thus we see how this bigotted Votary of the Romish Church transformed himself into a diffe­rent shape, and eovered his black Design with the Mask of Presbytery, as the Stalking Horse to other Fowle, upon which his aim was set. But as this disguise could not remove the suspicions of [Page 24] the most judicious, discerning Men, who consider­ed his assuming an Employment (quite contrary to the Stream of his former Education, and to that eminent Figure which in all probability he might have aspired to in the Church) as an Introduction to some secret Project, which at present they could not comprehend, but soon after became fully informed in it. For the aforesaid Farmers going off, Sheridon (before their time was fully expired) obtains leave from them to go for London, and there the Vizard he had formerly worn was soon thrown off, and he (as in his proper colours) appeared an absolute Creature of the Duke of York's, and at that time a great Consult was held to bring on the Deli­verance of Ireland. For now the poor Catholicks there (after their late disappointment in the be­fore-mentioned Intriegue of the Corporation) were almost in despair, and moreover his Royal Highness was in danger of losing his most faithful adherents, many hundreds of them having continued there incognito since the L—B—'s time, expecting to be Officers; and these Men were very impatient.

The Earl of Essex was then in the Govern­ment year 1673 of Ireland, a person whose great integrity and prudence in the steady piloting of this tottering Ship of the State, is not easie to de­scribe. This Skilful Manager of the Helm, Steer'd so judiciously, at this nice juncture, that notwithstanding the unwearied endeavours of the Papists, nothing could be effected to their ad­vantage, whilest he kept the Sword. Wherefore a [Page 25] Project was thought on to take the Farm of the Revenue of Ireland, by which the whole Reve­nue of the Kingdom must pass through their hands; besides that, this offered to them the com­mand of the Sea-Ports, together with the con­veniency of employing in the Revenue, Fifteen Hundred Officers fit for their purpose. This be­ing set on foot, took well, and Sheridon acted his share in it with great applause: For his be­ing a Collector (added to his Natural Ingenuity and great parts) had now rendred him a great Proficient in the Affairs of the Customs and the Revenue. The Caution required in the manage­ment of this Intriegue, hindered the Duke from appearing in it, and Coleman was deem'd also a person very unfit to be concerned: for though he assumed the shape of a Protestant at that time, yet was he shrewdly suspected of Popery.

After several Debates, it was concluded, That year 1675 Sheridon was the most proper instrument to car­ry on this affair; but then his credit in London was not considerable enough for a matter of this great moment: So after several attempts, recourse was at last had to one Muschamp, then in London, an old Projector, and one of the present Farmers, but a poor man. This Muschamp acquaints another greater Projector than himself, one Sir J. S. but he was a man of moderate fame, however they could get none of substance to joyn with them, and both these were projecting heads, and acquain­ted with Sir W. P. a man of Ireland of a great for­tune, and whose Principles were most consonant to this concern; who upon the proposal being made [Page 26] to him, embrac'd it with this assurance of having men of Estates joyned with them. This being related by Sheridon to the Duke and Coleman, to effect it, 'twas found necessary to draw in some man of value, which seem'd to be a matter of great difficulty. But at last one Ryder (a young man that had of his own, and Sisters Fortune, Twenty Thousand Pounds) was named, but his being publickly known as an intimate Favourite of the Duke's, was lookt upon as almost an inse­parable Obstacle: For all matters relating to Ire­land, were so closely and tenderly handled; that notwithstanding the Duke carried the greatest stroak, yet acted so much at a distance, that he appeared to be outwardly unconcerned, Howe­ver the exigency of this affair was such as neces­sitated him to shew himself more open in this than upon former occasions; and therefore to facili­tate their purpose, Ryder was engaged, together with some other small men, who were also prevail­ed upon. The business thus lain, they appeared upon the Stage, and bid for the whole Revenue of Ireland.

The Earl of Essex, who received constant in­telligence from Court, and from some of the Po­pish Clergy in Ireland, about this time had an ac­count of designs to remove him from the Govern­ment; and how one part lay in taking the Farm: upon which he obtains leave to go for England, year 1675 leaving the Lord Primate, and the Lord Granard Justices. Upon his arrival at Court, he percei­ved the Game ran high for Popery, and the best way to prevent it, was not by downright oppo­sition; [Page 27] he therefore concludes upon a more prevail­ing method, which was to make court to the Duke of York, which he managed with so much art, and so skilful an Address (as indeed he was very capable of doing beyond their Conclave at Rome) that notwithstanding it was resolved that he should depart; yet was he kept so long in En­gland, till orders came from the Holy Fathers, for his return to Ireland.

He had so far wound himself into the Duke's good-opinion of him, that he thought him secure for their Party; and as the first testimony of his Integrity, he had Instructions from him to promote Sheridon and the Farmers: which the Earl ma­naged with such great wisdom, as at once to please the Duke, and yet to be serviceable to the Prote­stants of Ireland, who had now been in a lost, irre­coverable condition, if his admirable Conduct had not prevented it.

And now this great Man returns for Ireland to year 1676 steer again in that Government threatened by ap­proaching Tempests; the Farmers also going over, enter upon their business. Sir W. P. became very notorious in declaring not only to employ Papists, but that he would have the Priests collect the Hearth-money. Some were apt to believe that this was done on purpose to get off: but those who were most intimate with him, speak quite other­wise, and that the hopes of being created a Lord, and a Privy Counsellor, so transported him beyond all the bounds of moderation, as induced him to take this violent course, the more to ingratiate himself with the Duke; but like the Ass in the [Page 28] Fable, beat his Master down in imitation of the Spaniels fawning; and though he was a man of great Learning, and of a Mathematical Head, and bred abroad, yet so vehemently desirous of Riches, as hurried him often into great Extravagancies.

The Earl of Essex being Landed in Ireland, had a difficult Game to play, he had ('tis belie­ved) made fair Promises of being kind to the Irish, and to stand by the Farmers; to the first he gave good words, and received them well at Court: but the Farmers they began to model their. Offi­cers, and if some speedy and effectual stop was not put to these Proceedings, the whole Ports of the Kingdom would soon be in Papists hands, which was like to prove a matter of most dange­rous consequence. To defeat this Intriegue, re­quired a more than ordinary presence of mind, and a deep foresight, which as this wise Earl was endowed with in a very high measure, so did he signally shew it upon this occasion. There was but one way to effect it, and that was by raising scruples, as to the value of the Farmers and their Securities; but this he must not appear in, but in­structs some of his Confidents of the Council, to act that part sor him, and there was one, who, till this late Catastrophe, was thought to be of great Integrity and Honour; the Lord Granard he was bold and daring, and a Mortal Enemy to Sir J. S. wherefore he moves at the Council-Board, that inspection should be made into the Securities of these Farmers. The Proposal was well accepted by the rest of the Council: For in­deed they were Men, (as Sir W. P. said truly of them) viz. Farmers pick'd up in the Streets, with [Page 29] this disadvantage, that take the-first seven men you meet, and they shall exceed these for every thing, but cheating. The Earl of Essex seemed to op­pose the Council in this Vote, put it off, and acquainted the Farmers, and also gave an account of it to the Duke, whom he had now so far gain'd upon as to become a Confident. But every day usher'd in new Complaints against the Farmers running away with the Money of the King­dom, &c. which for some time the Earl seemed to decline; but at last (in appearance against the Grain) agrees with the Council, and sends over to the King the Objections against the Farmers, which in short were so great, that they were not to be trusted. Whereupon Commissioners of inspection were set over them; one was the Earl of Essex's Confident: and these men attended to the motion of the Farmers with so vigilant an eye, that nothing could be effected.

In this manner was this great and dangerous Plot, (carried on for several years by the Duke and his Minions) most miraculously defeated by the unparallell'd Conduct of that Prudent Earl, who so far out-vy'd the Romish Politicks, as to cajole that party into an approbation of those Proceedings, which proved fatally destructive of their design: which so disheartened those two ac­complices, R—and Sheridon, that they flung up their Parts, and returned to Court; the last to attend his Master Coleman, who happened to come in a fit time to succeed him in his Em­ployment: for not long after this, the Popish Plot was brought upon the Stage, in which Coleman [Page 30] was Prime Minister, who being afterwards Ex­ecuted, and Sheridon speaking something in favour of his cause, was apprehended, and after some time was brought on his knees at the Bar of the House of Commons, where he had impudence be­yond humane shape, to set forth in a flourishing Speech the greatness of his Family, (viz.) that he was in the right Line of the Kings of Ʋlster, anciently called O Sheridon; that to his Father be­longed a vast Estate, which by the misfortune of War (meaning the former Rebellion) he was wrongfully put out of; with abundance of the like impudent falshoods, and most notorious un­truths. Whereas indeed his Father (too honest a man for so base, and so degenerate a Son) was before the late Rebellion in the County of Caven, taken in a poor Boy into a Bishop's House for a Turn-spit; and the Bishop observing the Boy to be of a Docible Temper, and capable of instru­ction, and finding him educated a Papist, charita­bly put him to School, where he was taught his Grammar, and was found to be so industrious a Proficient in School-learning, as encouraged the good Bishop to Ordain him a Deacon, in which capacity he continued under the Bishop till he died. And when the Rebellion broke out so vio­lently, that few English were left in the Coun­trey; yet this poor man remained with such as stayed, and read Prayers among them, till all were either Murthered, or had deserted the place. But he being a poor Old Man, and having no­thing to remove, continued where he was, the Irish suffering him to reside amongst them; but by all their Importunities (notwithstanding their [Page 31] great eagerness to make Converts, compassing both Sea and Land, to proselyte any to their Church) could never prevail upon him to go to Mass. This Man had three Sons, which (as well as those turbulent times would admit) he edu­cated Protestants, and upon Oliver's reduction of Ireland, he was so taken with the Character of this poor man, which was faithfully represented to him by the English of the North, that he not only ordered a maintenance for himself, but also for his three Sons, whom he ordered to be main­tained in the Colledge near Dublin, where they all improved themselves to an eminent degree of Learning and parts. This is an Impartial Ac­count of Thomus Sheridon's Pedigree, whose Si­sters, and other Relations, were in Broges and Kerchiefs, the Irish Garb for Women. The Au­thor saw them not many years ago in this con­dition, and knowing this Story of Sheridon, was heightened in his Curiosity of being the more in­quisitive after it in the County where his Father was born, and found that he was of the Scologues, a Name which the Irish call Cotchers.—And none of his Kindred, as the Irish affirm, were ever better. I should not have given the Reader the trouble of this Digression, but that I deemed it not altogether unpleasant to him to represent the unparallell'd Impudence of this Man, who could attempt to speak of his high Extraction before the House of Commons, when the meanness of his Ori­ginal and Descent was so universally known in most parts of the North of Ireland. But to what degrees of extravagancy will not the Confidence [Page 32] of an Irish-man transport him? And whither will not that audacious Arrogance (with which the Natives of that Kingdom are most plentifully stock'd) carry and invite them? The ridiculous Genealogies which the Irish have framed of them­selves, as to their Heroical Ancestry, Antiquity of their Nation, their eminency for Literature and ex­traordinary Piety in former Ages, are Fopperies not to be wondered at; when in these days the Author by his own Experience can give an ac­count of several of the Irish Gentry, who have laid aside both their former Names, and Relati­ons, and have created new ones to themselves, which they pretend to be derived from a nume­rous train of Noble Progenitors, though this be publickly known to be a Chimerical and Fictiti­ous Invention.

But to return again to the Earl of Essex, (from whence this account of Sheridon, has caus'd me to digress) though his politick Carriage in the business of the aforesaid Farmers, discovered a dextrous and prudent Government; yet did it contract upon him the hatred of the Duke of York, who from this time set up private designs against him, which the Earl had constant intelli­gence of; but at last was not able to withstand them, the prejudice rising so high, till the Duke obtained a resolve for his removal from the Go­vernment. year 1677 The way to accomplish this, was to find out a man that would lend the King Mo­ney, and the Earl of Bridlington was pitched upon. Talbot had (by the Relation of a Bro­ther [Page 33] of his Married into that Family) some in­terest, but was not looked upon as a fit person to break it to the Earl; so another was found by the Earl of Orrery's means, who had been disobliged by the Earl of Essex, and by that way it was pursued. But though the Earl of Bridling­ton might have had a mind to the Government, yet would he part with no Mony, and the King's necessities were the great inducement whereby to prevail upon him to remove Essex, and Brid­lington being unwilling to supply 'em, no other pretence could be found out to work on the King.

'Twas admired by all for what reasons the Earl of Bridlington should be thought on, in regard that none but the Duke's Party were in the Intriegue. But the Romish Faction well under­stood, that although the Earl of Bridlington was not fit to carry on their main Design; yet they knew him governable, and were in hopes to put things upon him, that might bring mat­ters into a leading way for another they had in their Eye, not fit here to be named. But these things missing of their designed effect, they were now at a full stop, though no occasions were omitted of making dayly Objections against the Earl of Essex.

The Popish Conspiracy (as has been already hinted in discoursing upon Sheridon) advanced apace by Coleman, and the Parliament began now to be apprehensive of the present proceedings, and of the Alliance with France, which they utterly disapproved of. The L— B—was sent in quality of the King's Embassador to France, [Page 34] and Sir Ellis Leaton, his Secretary in Ireland, ac­company'd him; but neither of 'em were judged fit to be trusted with the secret Designs. For at that time there was a Design for the French to set up their Demands for the Irish, to have the Articles made by King Charles the Se­cond with the French King in their favour, to be performed; and the King of England was to admit the French to land Men, under pretence of being got by private compact of the Irish. The Earl of Tyrone, Lord Brittas, and others, being to raise Men in Ireland, in order to make a Diversion to the putting the Popish Plot in force in England. But the whole of this was kept private from the King, only so much of it as referred to the French King's demanding the Pro­mises, made by him (when in Exile) in fa­vour of the Irish. The Duke undertook to qua­lifie the King, if any discovery should be made of the Irish intended Insurrection; but this was divulged by some of the Irish, and the King hardly prevailed with not to believe it. The L— B—was recall'd from France, and sent to Nimeguen, and Complaints were made by some Merchants against Sir Ellis Leaton, who be­ing questioned before the King and Council, spoke very intemperately, and among other words, said, He wonder'd how these Merchants durst presume to speak any thing against the greatest King in Europe, as the French King was; for which indecent Expression, he was committed; it being justly accounted great impudence for him to affirm, in the presence of the King, That there was any other King, greater than himself.

The King and Council finding some cause to believe, that there were Designs of introducing Popery in Ireland, pitch'd upon the Duke of Ormond as the only Pilot for that Kingdom in a Storm; and accordingly he was sent over. The Duke of York did not then think it season­able year 1677 to oppose it, though he was conscious 'twas fatal to his Design. But however he wrought so powerfully with the King, That orders were given to raise Men in Ireland, under the Notion of Foreign Service. They were all composed of the Natives of the Kingdom, excepting some Prote­stant Officers fit to make Catholicks of. The Duke year 1678 of Ormond would give them no Arms, so they were Exercised with Sticks; and in a little time the Plot in England was discovered, and they all disbanded. Upon which a discovery was made by the Irish, of the Popish Conspiracy in Ireland, and it was very remarkable, that in the whole discovery, not one Protestant appeared as an evi­dence against the Papists. A pregnant instance of the great impartiality and equal demeanour of the English towards the Natives, who altho' they were now presented with various opportu­nities of destroying those, whom they knew to be their implacable Adversaries; yet declin'd all Informations against them, a practice as peculiar to those of the Protestant Communion, as different from the Indirect Principles, and barbarous pro­ceedings of that of the Church of Rome, as has been but too manifest, in those horrid Perjuries, and notoriously false Accusations, which the Irish have been palpably convinced of, in their daily [Page 36] Impeachments of the English, in the Reign of the late King James, as will appear in the Se­quel of this Discourse. But notwithstanding that 'tis so universal a practice of the Irish to swear such of the English (as they bear prejudice to) out of their Lives and Estates, if possible, or at least so vigorously endeavour it, as to stick at no Affidavit how inconsistent soever with truth, or but a rational probability; yet were the English more just than to transcribe so base an Example, or to propose that impious Maxim of the Romish Church, Of doing Evil, that Good may come of it, as a Rule of their Imitation, which the Apostle St. Paul has so plainly pronounced Damnation unto. And indeed if we descend to an impartial enquiry after the opposite Principles of the Two Churches in this case, we shall no longer wonder at the great integrity of the English, nor at that barbarous Violation (in the other Party) of a Rite of the greatest Solemnity, and most Sacred Institution, which all Chri­stians ought to account an Oath to be, and which the whole Christian Church (expect that lame and corrupt part of it which we call the Ro­mish) does upon its being administred under le­gal and requisite circumstances, justly reckon as indissolluble. But what if the other Christian Churches, which are but a vile Rabble of Here­ticks and Schismaticks (though if dividing Chri­stendom into five parts, they make up more than three) can pretend to no dispensing power in this case; yet what cannot t [...]e Vicar of Christ do in Cathedrâ, who has the Keys of Heaven at his Girdle, and can lock and unlock as [Page 37] he pleases, according to our Saviour's Commission, which he will needs have limited to his Person, as his Vicarial Prerogative, but unlimited in its Authority; whatsoever sins ye remit, they are re­mitted; and whatsoever sins ye retain, they are re­tained. But to leave this despotiek power of Absolution in the Chair of Infallibility, which (God be thanked) we are neither ambitious of, nor do pretend to, it will not be unreasonable to consider, that whatever complaints were made by the Irish as to their severe usage in the Popish Conspiracy (of which they make many tedious harangues) 'twas plain that if there was any such, 'twas acted by those of their own Party, and such as professed their own Religion, who were indeed the fittest Agents for so black an Intriegue, there being none of the English any way interessed in it. Neither can I omit mentioning the great Integrity and Justice of the Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, in his unbyassed and equal management of this Affair. For though preju­dice and partiality might have prepossess'd some Men, and have served to awaken their resent­ments against the Irish at such a Juncture as this; yet did he carry himself with so single an eye, and observed so steady and even a course, that 'twas difficult to perceive the least deflection in him upon either hand: 'tis true indeed the Law had its due course; but this was owing to the Evi­dence, which those of their own Party and Re­ligion made against their Associates in the Con­spiracy; and therefore if any irregularity was com­mitted, it cannot justly be charged upon the Duke or his Subordinate Ministers, by whom the whole [Page 38] was managed with an equal Moderation and in­differency.

But I pass from these Reflections upon the Carriage of the Duke of Ormond and the Pro­testants, to a Discourse of Affairs relating to the Plot in Ireland: upon the discovery whereof, Orders came from England to disarm the Papists; year 1678 but they received such timely notice of the De­sign, by their Creatures at Court, that there was not found two hundred Arms in all Ireland, the Irish having a contrivance of concealing their Arms by thrusting them into Boggs, filling the Barrels of their Guns with Butter, which suffers them not to take any harm; and as for the Locks they can easily hide them. The Lord Brittas and others made their Escape for France, but the Earl of Tyrone was taken, and committed to the Gate-house. Sheridon was seized in Lon­don, but nothing could be proved against him. Talbot, now Tyrconnel, was confined a Prisoner in the Castle of Dublin, together with his Bro­ther, the Titular Archbishop, where he dyed. The Duke of York went for Flanders; which made the Irish even to despair, and made one of their Lords to declare, with a great Oath, That He be­lieved Iesus Christ was a Protestant, for that nothing they could do did prosper. The Duke of Ormond was extreamly sollicitous to settle the Militia in Ireland, and ordered their watching equal with the Army. And now notwi [...]hstanding the publick fears of the Popish Conspiracy in England and Ireland; yet was the English In­terest in Ireland of greater value than ever, [Page 39] grounded upon a general Opinion of the English, that the Plots of the Irish were now so fully un­ravell'd, that the King would extend no favour to them for the future.

The Duke of York goes for Scotland, and with him the Second Coleman, Thomas Sheridon, who still profess'd himself a Protestant, though his Actions at this time gave a sufficient Demon­stration to the contrary: For from Scotland he writ over private Encouragements to the Popish Party in Ireland, and put them in some hopes. But the English were not apprehensive of any danger, improving their Estates, and the Trade of the Kingdom more than ever, and never e­steeming themselves more happy than at this juncture, as being quietly seated under the Care and Influence of the Duke of Ormond's Govern­ment, who now endeavours to have a Parlia­ment called in Ireland, and succeeded so far as to obtain a Grant; in pursuance whereof a Bill drawn by the Lord Lieutenant and Council, is sent over to the King: but the Duke of York's interest interceding, obstructed any farther Pro­gress, who came with all expedition from Scot­land to put a stop to that design; which the Irish were so confident of before it was done, that they stuck not to affirm that they were well assured there would be no Parliament whilst King Charles lived, and would frequently discourse with that liberty and boldness, as if the Duke of York had been actually Seated in the Throne, upon a Presumption that he would arrive speedily to it.

Ireland had now continued for two or three years in great Tranquillity and Quiet, when up­on a suddain a Stratagem was set on foot, lain as deep as Hell, and yet seemingly for the ad­vantage of the English, which take as follows: In the Settlement of Ireland, there were overplus and concealed Lands, said to be in the possession of divers of the English, but in truth much more in that of the Irish. Now to insure the Titles of the English from any future Discoveries (as was pretended) a Court of Grace was to be erected, year 1683 where all that would, had the opportunity of putting in their Claims: and upon proving their possession, and compounding with the Commis­sioners for payment of such a sum, as they thought fit to impose on them; they were to pass new Patents. It was also given out, that it was safe for all new Interests, to pass that Court, and that it would strengthen their Titles. This Po­licy had its intended effect, for many persons came in, and considerable Sums of Money were paid. But under what plausible pretext soever this Court was set up, 'twas soon perceived as a snare to the English: For its design was to make a narrow in­spection into all Mens Titles, and thereby to discover what advantage might be derived from it. For by the Act of Settlement, all the for­feited Lands in Ireland were only invested in the King, as a Royal Trustee, for the use of the Sol­diers and Adventurers, and could be no way dis­posed of, but according to the intent of that Act. Now whereas there were several Irish out of their Lands decreed them by the Act for want of Re­prisals; [Page 41] the King's Patent could not give any Land away, but in pursuance to the intent of the Act. By which it appears, that this Court was erected to prepare Pretences for the Irish, when opportu­nity should invite; and though all this was ne­gotiated through the Duke's Interest: yet none of that party appeared in it, but the whole of it was transacted by the Dutchess of Portsmouth, who had the Money got by Fines out of it.

Because there will be occasion in the farther discovery of this Treachery, to name a principal Actor in the Catastrophe of Ireland, I shall now nominate him that was the Abettor and Contri­ver of this mischief, 'twas one W. who sometime year W before bought a Judge's place in the Exchequer for Eight Hundred Pounds. This Judge was found a fit Tool to make use of, and being a Cunning ambo-dexter formed this Intriegue, which had proved fatal to the Protestant Interest of Ire­land, if affairs had succeeded in the same Current they had now put them. But I must not forget to add, that to make this poison go down the more easie, the Pill was gilded over: Most of the Judges were made Commissioners, and had part of the Fines; the Lawyers and Attorneys got Money by the Court: so that consequently all that were capable of understanding the Cheat, were interessed as Parties in the Intriegue, and by this means some of the Lawyers and Attorneys pur­chased Estates, to the ruine of the former Pos­sessors. And 'tis to be observed, that in the seve­ral Designs of the Papists, Protestants were the Tools, whereby they acted, by which they ap­peared to have nothing of Catholick in them. [Page 42] And now to force men into this Tonnel, another Oppression was impos'd upon the Subject, and that was, that no man should pass Patent for Fairs, Markets, Mannors, &c. without passing his Estate through this Court: whereas by the Act of Set­tlement all persons had liberty for the improve­ment of the Countrey, to pass Patent for them, so that they were not within three Miles of one another.

Here you may perceive a most black design speciously represented as a fit occasion to lay hold on, whereby to corroborate the English Interest, though in truth nothing could more effectually weaken the Protestants Titles to their Estates, and strengthen or improve those of the Irish; and this not only managed, but at first set up by a Protestant. And indeed this gave a more plausi­ble colour to it, and made it the more easily gain belief with the English, that the true Reasons of its erection, were the same with those that were pretended, because first advanced by one of their own Party: A sad thing indeed, that English­men and Protestants, should by base and unwor­thy Compliances become such Servile Instruments to the advancement of the Popish Cause! A Ca­lamity which as it had made some steps before, so did it improve to an infinite Progress, when the late King James was in possession of the Throne. In which time, too many men, who were reputed Protestants, through a mean, and pusillanimous Disposition, were not seldom Co-adjutors with the Papists in such violent Pro­ceedings, [Page 43] as carried a direct opposition to the Laws, and their Religion.

But to proceed where I left off: The Duke of Ormond, perceiving by the tendency of these Af­fairs, that the Romish design was agitated with greater earnestness than ever, with great difficul­ty obtains leave to go for England, and pursu­ant to that comes over, leaving his Son, the Earl of Arran, Lord Deputy. Upon his Arrival at year 1683 Court, he a second time attempts a Parliament, but ineffectually; upon which disappointment he returns again for Ireland, with an heavy heart, as he himself declared to a Great Man of that Kingdom. He had Instructions to Regiment the Army, and some other things that were Prepa­ratives to what followed soon after. But now the Fatal Stroke was come, the Death of the King, a Mystery not to be inquired into, though one can hardly omit remarking that the Irish year 1684 Papists could for some time before fix upon the utmost Period of that Reign, and the Duke was sent for in haste from Scotland three years before, without any apparent reason for it, besides that, the King's permission was obtained with some difficulty.

From this time we may Commence the Date of the Irish greatness: Fate now smil'd upon 'em, and that which they had long expected with so much impatience and importunity, which had cost them so much pains, and had involved them in such great Perplexities: That which had expo­sed them to so many dangers, and been so fre­quently [Page 44] blasted with cross Accidents and various Disappointments, was now fallen into their Lap. Now their long-look'd for day was come, and their Game which had been play'd with so much difficulty and loss, did now assure them of bet­ter success. These Apprehensions so transported them with such pleasant Raptures, as were emi­nently visible in all their actions, especially in Publick Days of Rejoycing, as the day of the King's Proclaiming that of his Coronation, the Birth of the pretended Prince of Wales, and the like: in all which they demonstrated the most extravagant Symptoms of a Superlative Joy, which they express'd in making of Bonfires, Beating of Drums, playing upon the Bag-pipes, and other Musical Instruments, in Drinking, and Serenading in the night time, forcing the En­glish out of their Beds, and breaking open their Doors, and drinking Confusion to the Kings E­nemies upon their Knees: by which 'twas plain that they understood the Protestants. And all these unlawful Revellings oftentimes continued for two or three Nights and Days without in­termission, wherein such of the English as refus'd to joyn with them to that extravagant height, were accounted Persons disaffected to the Go­vernment, called Fanatick and Oliverian Dogs, with the like Expressions of Calumny and Re­proach. But this was not all; the most judicious of them, were now so animated in their hopes, that 'twas impossible for them to bear them any longer with moderation, or to contain themselves from the most violent Outrages, and from insti­gating the Rabble to steal from, and rob the [Page 45] English, which at first was looked upon as the most Expeditious Contrivance, whereby to expel them the Kingdom. The Duke of Ormond foresaw what was now past remedy, and told a Friend of his, that nothing could now preserve the En­glish but a precipitateness of the Irish: For (said he) let my Countreymen alone, and they will spoil their own business: And so indeed they had in any time but this, when it might be said ac­cording to our Saviour's Prediction, That the time was come, when they that destroyed the Protestants, thought they did God service.

King James and his former (but now more especial) Favourites the Irish, were now equally furious in their course, and seemed to contend (the one in his Commands, the other in their forward Obedience) which should exceed in their joynt design of extirpating Heresie. The Duke year 1684 of Ormond was called over, but before his depar­ture, laboured with an Indefatigable diligence, to establish matters on such a foundation, so as that it might not be easie for them to create a present change, without a manifest violation and infringement of the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom. The new Hospital, a stately Fabrick near Dublin, erected for poor Soldiers, would (he foresaw) be made a Nest for Hornets, which to prevent, as well as possible, he sate several days with the Council and Judges in private, in the Castle, and there made all the provision that could be for it, against the imminent storm. One remarkable Passage I must not omit to menti­on, which demonstrates the great spirit of that [Page 46] excellent person. At the aforesaid Hospital he appointed a Dinner for all the Officers of the Hospital, and the Officers of the Army then in Dublin; which being over, he took a large Glass of Wine in his hand, bid them fill it to the brim, then stood up and called to all the Company. Look here, Gentlemen, they say at Court, I am now become an Old Doating Fool; you see my Hand doth not shake, nor does my Heart fail, nor doubt but I will make some of them see their Mistake; and so drank the Kings Health: But upon his Arrival at Court found that King James's Bigotted Opinion would carry him to the most violent actions; a dismal appre­hension whereof (as is believed) at length broke his heart; for though he was of a great Age, yet was he of such health of Body, and cheerfulness of mind, that in course of nature he might have lived Twenty Years longer, as his Mother did. 'Twas plain, that the Irish could fasten no Ca­lumnies upon him, when the first thing they re­proached him with, was Cheating the Army in building the Hospital, and that Robinson the Ar­chitect had inriched himself by it: when indeed not to lessen any thing of his due Character, Ro­binson shewed the parts of an Excellent Artist in the Contrivance, and of an Honest Man in the Charge, as men of Value and Experience in Build­ing affirm.

Upon the Duke of Ormond's removal, the Go­vernment year 1685 was put into the hands of the Lord Primate, and the Lord Granard, in the Quality of Lords Justices. The Irish fell immediately to [Page 47] their old trade of making Plots, but with this difference, That whereas they had formerly been the Actors themselves, they now placed them upon the English, which they daily impeached of designs against the King and the Government: The Grandees had the confidence to appear in Vindication of such Evidence as was given against the English, (though it was altogether as unrea­sonable as untrue) and press'd the Lords Justices for Orders of Council to empower Irish Papists, and Mongrel Protestants to examine them, and to commit (if they saw cause) without Bail, any person impeached. This Arbitrary Power, the Lords Justices, and Council, would not agree to; yet were so hectored and insulted upon by them, that they issued out Orders of Council to examin and commit, but always they were directed to Protestants, which wearied the Irish of that Stra­tagem.

One thing has been omitted, which was, that before the Duke of Ormond left the Government, an Order came for regulating the Council, which he left for the Justices to do, and most of the English (that were active) of the Privy Council were turned out, but as yet no Irish Papists put in. The Irish Lords and Gentry repaired in great numbers to Dublin, and as well Gentry as Com­monalty of the Natives in all places reproached the Protestants and their Religion, with all the Calumnies and Impious Reflections, that the rankest Satyrists could invent. At Leslip seven Miles from Dublin, the Lord Clanriccard, Sir Valentine Browne (now created a Viscount by the late King James) Colonel Moore, and some others [Page 48] upon their Knees, drank Confusion to all Pro­testants and their Religion. This was taken no­tice of, and the wiser sort of their Party blamed these Men for their forwardness, as judging it could not be safe to go on so fast; but to stifle the noise of it, such as were Eye-witnesses of the Fact, and threatened for not Pledging the Health, were seized with Warrants, and menac'd with having their Throats cut, and the like ter­rifying Arts, if they denied not the thing. Sir Standish Harston one of the Barons of the Exche­quer, was threatened to be eased of his Employ­ment, if he took not off his Son-in-Law who re­ported the matter.

These daily repeated Insolences of the Irish made the Lords Justices weary of their Govern­ment; and one of them (the Lord Granard) writ to England to be dismist. But in a Con­sult of the Papists, it was resolved, to represent him as a Man fit to be kept in; for that his in­terest was very prevalent in the North among the Scots, and had for many years in King Charles's Reign been a Pensioner, and had Five Hundred Pounds per Annum given him to distribute among the Presbyterian Clergy; of which Perswasion his Lady was. For the aforesaid Considerations, and besides, that he was a Popular Man in the Army, 'twas judged convenient to retain him in the Government: For which end King James writ him a Letter with his own hand, with great Promises, and assurance that nothing should be acted prejudicial to the Protestant Interest, which at that time this Lord was accounted to be zea­lous for, however he has now prevaricated.

Monmouth's Rebellion soon broke out, and year 1685 some were apt to believe that Granard was in suspence who to declare for; but the Lord Pri­mate was a person of firm, and inviolable Loy­alty, and his unalterable steadiness hindered the other from deserting. These two persons by their united Interests, one for the Church, the other for the Dissenters, kept things in a quiet posture in Ireland, and were so Cajol'd by King James, as made them not only of opinion, but perswaded others to be so too, that the King would never expose himself to the hazard of preferring Papists in that Kingdom, where the English and Scots were so unanimous against 'em: And besides that, they were so well furnished with Arms, as having the Arms of the Militia (so lately setled) in their hands: But the Popish Party grew bold and insolent, and every day af­forded but too convincing occasions of new fears to the Protestants.

Monmouth's Discomfiture gave liberty to the Irish (more than ever) to contrive Plots, and to fasten them upon the Protestants, which put the whole Kingdom into a Ferment; for the Irish pretended, that the Protestants assembled toge­ther in great numbers in the night: and to gain the more credit to these Hellish Inventions, the Vulgar Irish were instructed to leave their Hou­ses, and to hide every Night in their Bogs, upon a pretence of fear that the English would come in the Night and cut their Throats; a Practice as notorious in the Church of Rome, as unheard of among Protestants, and which there could not

be the least Ground or Foundation for, at this juncture. For besides that in most parts of the Kingdom the Irish were infinitely more nume­rous than the English; nay, in some an hun­dred Families for one, (I suppose I speak much short of the true account) which shewed the impossibility of putting any such thing in exe­cution, had it been ever intended, and must needs be accounted an absurd and ridiculous contrivance to any man of common sense. So were the Irish (though conscious to themselves of their own Bloody Actions in the former Re­bellion) well enough assured that the English ne­ver imagined, much less would attempt any such thing. They were convinced as well by their Practices (which had been but too favourable and indulgent to the Natives in the former Reign) as by the Principles of their Religion, that they were not men of Blood; nay, and would frequently confess, that they were never known to be addicted to Cruelty and Murther, to Barbarous Massacres, and Inhumane Assassi­nations, which they could not excuse some of themselves from. And indeed whoever considers the difference betwixt the Reformed and Romish Church in this respect, must needs acknowledge a most strange opposition betwixt them. To see the Ancient Practices of the Heathen Emperors, so drawn to the life, nay, out-done by the pre­sent Romish Faction, is to some a Demonstration that the Persecuting Spirit, which reigned with so much predominancy in the Infant days of Christianity, is now strongly revived in this de­generate Church, which is apparently in this, and [Page 51] other Principles, upon her Retrograde motion to Ancient Gentilism. And upon the other hand, whoever considers that Spirit of Peace and Meek­ness, of Mercifulness and an Universal Charity, which governs with so absolute an Empire in the minds of those who have duly embraced our Profession, must needs own, That our English carries that true Badge and Characteristick Evidence of Christianity, for which the Primitive Church was justly accounted so illustrious. But not to dwell any longer upon this Reflection, with what malice and injustice soever the English were re­presented as Night-Walkers, and designing to murther the Irish, yet were Examinations of these Impeachments taken by Justices of the Peace, calculated for the purpose; and these were sent to the Lords Justices and Council: and although the Accusations were notoriously false, and irra­tional (as has been already shewn) yet for not being prosecuted with that open partiality and rigour, which these envious, implacable Spirits were impatient for, Complaints were made to the King by the Irish, and he to gratifie their malice, sent private instructions, with a Repri­mand to the Lords Justices, about this affair: Upon which a Proclamation was issued forth for­bidding all Night-Meetings, &c. though the Lords Justices and Council well knew there was no such thing. This Artifice of the Irish, was, but in order to make way for greater mischief, by preparing Evidences to bring the most consi­derable of the English into Plots.

Their first onset was with one Moor of Clon­mel, who was Indicted for High-Treason before Sir John Mead in the Palatinate of Tipperary. This Moor was a person of a vast Estate, which made them bend their whole force against him. Now to countenance the design, Tyrconnel, and Justin Mac Carthy, came to Clonmel to the Trial, and in the Publick Court assum'd to reproach the Judge and the Jury; Mac Carthy calling him Fanatick, and he and Talbot aspersing him and the Duke of Ormond for employing such a Rogue, with other Calumnies, in such Language as was only fit for such Blood-hounds to express. Not­withstanding Moore and some others that were impeached, were quitted: But such an extrava­gantly partial account was sent over to the Court of that action, that the King questioned the Duke of Ormond, how he came to employ such a Fa­natick; to which the Duke replied, he did it in duty to his Majesty, as believing he could not entrust a better man than one of his Majesties Servants, for so he was when Duke of York, be­ing then his Attorney General in Ireland.

Tyrconnel then began to model the Army, but year 1685 the introductory part first to be performed, was to get in all the Arms from the Protestants, and this design was varnished over in as fair Co­lours as the Ground would bear. But however its direct tendency was plainly obvious and visi­ble to every Eye. The King and Council writ over to the Lords Justices and Council, that there was reason to believe that the Rebellion of Monmouth had been of that spreading Conta­gion, [Page 53] as to infect many, and delude more. It was not therefore safe for the Kingdom to have the Arms of the Militia dispersed abroad, but they would be in a greater readiness for the Mi­litia, and their own defence, to have them de­posited in the several Stores of each County: Upon which instructions a Proclamation issued forth, and to make it take the better effect, the Lord Primate first began with the City of Dub­lin, and sending for the Lord Mayor and Al­dermen, makes an Elegant Speech to them, mag­nifying their unshaken Loyalty in the worst of times; and withal adding, that their ready Obe­dience and prevalent example would be of great service to the King and Kingdom: And in the close of his Speech tells them, that they expe­cted their compliance in bringing in their Arms, which should be always ready for their Service. The City were sensible of their condition, but knew likewise, that 'twas to no purpose to di­spute as to their obedience, so brought in their Arms. The Countrey pursu'd this Precedent, and to render the design more effectual, the Irish gave out, That if any Arms were reserved in the Protestants hands, such would be interpreted as persons disaffected to the King and Government, and that it would be no excuse to say they were their own Arms, and not belonging to the Mili­tia. This frighted many, and operated so pow­erfully, that abundance delivered in their Arms bought with their own money.

The Protestants being thus disarmed, Tyrconnel proceeds to destroying the Army, and first be­gins with the Officers in the same method, [Page 54] which was designed immediately before the Death of the King, which was to displace all Officers that had been in the Parliament, or Oliver's Ar­my, as also the Sons of any such. This the Duke of Ormond had directions to proceed in when he came last from England; but he made no Progress in it, under pretence of gaining time to find them out, for he foresaw it was to make room for Papists.

Tyrconnel (for so we must call him for the fu­ture) proceeds in his design, and after turning out a great part of the Officers, returns for En­gland, and carries along with him one Neagle a Cunning Irish Lawyer, since Knighted by him: Neagle's Business at London was to be engaged in their secret Consults; for he was a man of great parts, educated among the Jesuits, and con­sequently very inveterate. Upon their Arrival at London, 'twas some time e'er Neagle could gain admittance to kiss the King's hand, but was constantly with Father Petre, and the rest of that Furious Cabal. The Queen was altogether for their Counsels, but the King was not so forward­ly inclined, being every day set upon by all his Popish Lords, not to proceed too fast, in the re­volution of Ireland, for that would spoil the ge­neral interest of the Catholicks: and upon the Lord Bellasis, Powis, and some others of that Fa­ctions understanding that Neagle was come over, they were so transported with Rage, that they would have him immediately sent out of London: But whatever mischiefs he effected in private, his Publick Transactions were of no great pre­judice to the Protestants. However to compleat [Page 55] in Retirement, what he durst not attempt at Court, and upon the Publick Stage, 'twas agreed in Council, that he should set forth by way of a Letter to a Friend, the great Oppression and Injustice of the Act of Settlement, which he did under the pretence of a two hours waking in a Night at Coventry, but was indeed two Weeks labour in London. In this Letter he ran so high in his Invectives against King Charles the Se­cond, (which nothing but a meer Tyger, or Savage as himself would have done) that he durst not own it to be his, but in Ireland gave out, that he would Arrest any Man in an Action of Ten Thousand Pound, who should father it upon him. But now a Consult was held (the design of Tyrconnel's coming over) and the Debate va­riously canvass'd as to a fit Person to send over for Ireland, in quality of Lord Lieutenant. Tyr­connel was mentioned with some tenderness, as being a person very Obnoxious to the English, and therefore 'twas not thought seasonable (till matters were come to a greater Maturity) to bring him upon the Stage. The Lord Bellasis was proposed, but that was too bare-fac'd; besides, he was infirm, at least to carry on their design with success, and not altogether to disgust the English, 'twas resolved that Tyrconnel should re­turn Lieutenant General of the Army, and the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant. In the mean time the Irish Papists in all parts of the Kingdom, proceeded in their former Stratagems of Impeach­ing the Protestants for Plots, &c. but these were generally so ridiculously contrived, and made up of such Palpable Contradictions, and Incongrui­ties, [Page 56] that they served only to demonstrate the Protestants innocency, and the Horrid Perjuries, and Implacable Inveteracy of the Informers: But seeing that these Impeachments were so un­skilfully managed (which yet were repeated up­on every pretended occasion of disgust they had to an English-man) as to miss of their Wicked and Diabolical intent; then they applyed them­selves to other Courses; many went out Toryes, and robb'd upon the High-way, broke up Hou­ses, stole Cattle, killed them in the Field, and cut out the Tongues of Sheep alive, with other innumerable Barbarities, all acted upon the En­glish, which were so frightened and discouraged with these Tragedies, that thousands deserted the Kingdom, and came for England under as great Fears and Jealousies, as if there had been an o­pen Rebellion, and Five Hundred together de­parted the Kingdom, to Transport themselves to Virginia, Carolina, Pensilvania, West-Indies, and New England.

This was extream grateful to the Irish, who set all their Engines at work, so to dishe [...]en and discourage the Protestants, as to force them to leave the Kingdom. Tyrconnel now drives with greater fury than before, not only displa­cing the Officers of the Army, but also turning out the Private Soldiers, and to both, prefers which of the Irish he thought fit; his Will was his Law, and his Actions purely Arbitrary, none daring to question him; for he brought over Blank Commissions Signed by the King, for such as he was willing to put in. This Part he acted [Page 57] in a most Insulting Barbarous manner, causing poor Men that had no Cloaths on their Backs, but Red Coats, to be stript to their Shirts, and so turned off; and of all this he himself was an Inhumane Spectator: He seiz'd the Horses of some Officers and Troopers, giving Notes that a­mounted not to a fourth proportion of their just Values; to others he gave nothing but ill words, and vile reproaches. In the midst of this Tragi­cal Scene the Earl of Clarendon comes upon the Stage in the Capacity of Lord Lieutenant; his Relation to the King added to the violent Pro­ceedings then in Ireland, so vigorously drove on by the Popish Party, afforded but little hopes of any redress of these Evils to the Drooping Spirits of the Protestants, who were by this time entered into a very Desponding and De­jected Condition.

But these Discouragements of the English were alleviated in a very high measure, if not changed into Ecstasies, and perfect Raptures of Joy, when perceiving the Lord Lieutenant acting as a per­son of inviolable Integrity to the Protestants, and the English Interest, they looked upon him as a fit Man to stem the Torrent of the Popish Fa­ction, which had been so violent and impetuous: and indeed his very first action gave no small proof of it, which was to cherish and revive the broken hearts of the Protestants, with those great Assurances his Master had given him of protecting the Protestant Interest and Religion, which he good man could not disbelieve. In pursuance of this, he issued out Proclamations for bringing in of Torys, and propos'd Rewards to such as [Page 58] should apprehend them: He rid a Progress round the chiefest parts of the Kingdom, to give life to the English; but at the same time the Grandees of the Irish proceeded in their de­sign, animating their Vassals, with hopes that he should soon be removed; the Irish composing Barbarous Songs in praise of Tyrconnel, and that his Heroick hand should destroy the En­glish Church; with Bloody and Inhumane Expres­sions, very ungrateful to a Christian Ear.

These restless Endeavours of the Papists made the Earl of Clarendon find things very uneasie; whereunto one Remarkable Passage not a little contributed, which was reported to be thus: That upon a Sunday Morning going to Church, he perceived an Irish Officer he never saw be­fore, Commanding his Guard of Battle-Axes that attended his Person, which exceedingly surpri­zed him: whereupon he made a stop, demand­ing who he was, and who put him there? The Irish-man (for they are naturally Pusillanimous and fearful) was as much frighted, as the Lord Lieutenant was disturbed; but with some diffi­culty, and in broken Expressions, occasioned by fear, told his Excellency, he was a Captain put in by the Lord Tyrconnel. His Excellency demand­ed of him When? he replyed, That Morning: His Excellency bid 'em call the former Captain, and dismiss this of Tyrconnel's. The next day the Lord Lieutenant sent for Tyrconnel, and que­stioned him for this Action, who replyed, He did nothing but by the King's Orders; to which the Lord Lieutenant returned answer, That whilst His Majesty intrusted him with the Government, [Page 59] he would not be disposed by his Lieutenant Gene­ral. Complaints on both hands were made to the King, and so ended.

Tyrconnel having compleated his design in mo­delling the Army, goes for England, and there consults with his Party to obtain the Govern­ment of Ireland. The King, Queen, and Father Petres were for him; but the whole Council of Papists oppos'd it, still urging how unacceptable he was to the English; others therefore were named in private by that Popish Party: But all the while the Protestant side were wholly ignorant of any design to remove the Earl of Clarendon, not questioning but that he stood upon a firm Foundation, (namely) the Kings late assurance to the Earl of Rochester, Lord Treasurer, who was seemingly Prime Minister of State, but not thought fit to be confided in, as to those dark Secrets of the Catholick Designs.

About this time there was a general metting at the Savoy before Father Petres, of the chief Roman Catholicks of England, in order to consult what Methods were fittest to be pursued for the promotion of the Catholick Cause. The Papists were universally afraid of the King's Incapaci­ty, or else unwillingness of exposing himself to the hazard of securing it in his Reign. They were sensible that he advanced considerably in Age; besides, they were not ignorant of what almost insuperable difficulties they had to con­tend with, before they could bring it to any ripeness: Wherefore upon these Considerations, (carefully weighing and ballancing every Circum­stance) some were for moving the King to pro­cure [Page 60] an Act of Parliament for the security of their Estates, and only liberty for Priests in their own private Houses, and to be exempted from all Employments. This Father Petres A­nathematized as Terrestrial, and founded upon too anxious a Sollicitude for the preservation of their Secular Interests; but if they would pur­sue his measures, he doubted not to see the Ho­ly Church triumphant in England: And indeed his Politicks have taken, but in a quite different manner than he expected; for (God be praised) a Church triumphs in England, as much superi­our to his in Holiness, as the means of its pre­servation have been in justice, to his, which were intended for its destruction. Others of the Pa­pists were for addressing the King to have liber­ty (now that they might do it) to sell their Estates, and that his Majesty would intercede with the French King to provide for them in his Dominions. After several Debates, it was at last agreed upon to lay both Proposals before the King, and some of the number to attend his Majesty with them, which was accordingly done; to which the King's return was, That he had be­fore their Desires came to him, often thought of them and had (as he believed) provided a sure Sanctuary, and Retreat for them in Ireland, if all those endeavours should be blasted in England, which he had made for their security, and of whose success he had not yet reason to despair. This Encouragement to the Papists in England, was attended with the most Zealous Expressions, and Catholick. Assurances of his Ardent Love to the Holy Church, which he said he had been a [Page 61] Martyr for. Thus we see how the Bigottry of this unhappy Prince, transported him beyond all bounds, and carry'd him to such Extravagancies in Government, as the moderate of the English Papists themselves thought to be extream hazar­dous and insecure; and would all of them have been content with a private exercise of their Re­ligion, as thinking it abundantly more safe, ra­ther than endanger the losing their Estates and Fortunes, (which they almost look'd upon as in­evitable) if such violent extream courses were followed.

But alas these self-preserving, and the furious Principles of the Jesuits had no Congruity; and the King was too much a Creature of the last, to attend to any but their Counsels. He said he was resolved to die a Martyr, rather than not ad­vance the Catholick Cause. He had entered him­self into the Order of the Jesuits, and was be­come a Lay-Brother of that Society; and so in consequence to his Profession, must needs look upon it as meritorious to extirpate and destroy Heresie. He was told that this would be a most glorious action; and doubtless would be Cano­nized for it. To reduce three Kingdoms to an entire obedience to the Holy See, which had A­postatized so long, and been the Nursery of so many Damned Hereticks, who by their Hetero­dox Doctrines had created so much disturbance to the peace of the most Holy Catholick Church, was doubtless the greatest action on this side Hea­ven, and deserved no less than that for its re­ward. No time, nor story, could parallel this Heroical Atchievement, which would be com­memorated [Page 62] to Eternal Ages. This would be a Work of Supererogation indeed, which would not only convey him to Heaven, without touch­ing at Purgatory; but also lay up such an infi­nite over-plus of merits, as being deposited in the hands of the Church, and frugally applyed, would not only preserve thousands of others from these Flames, but waft them immediately into Abra­ham's Bosom. These or the like we may sup­pose to have been the constant suggestions of the Jesuits, which as they indeavoured to instill into the Kings mind, with Tongues as smooth as Oyl, and with the most prevailing Flatteries, and Artificial Insinuations; so on the other hand, did he as greedily imbibe these Poisonous Doctrines, as they could infuse them, and eagerly swallow'd the Bait, when all the while the Hook lay con­ceal'd, and he so far intangled, till 'twas too late to discover it. And now how can we suppose that a Prince thus wholly at the Devotion of the Jesuits, swayed altogether by their Coun­cils, and upon every occasion consulting them as so many Oracles, should resist the voice of these Charmers, who Charmed so wisely in his byass'd opinion. These Syrens kept a very harmonious Consort, which they exactly tuned to the Key and accent of this Votary's fanciful Genius: eve­ry stroke sounded so melodious in his Ear, as made him not consider that this pleasant Mu­sick presaged a dangerous Ship-wrack to him­self and his Party, as we find it afterwards proved.

But to go on in my former Discourse: Af­ter the aforesaid Encouragements given by the King to the English Papists, to allay their fears, fresh Consults were set on foot, relating to the Government of Ireland. This by accident the Lord Treasurer received some account of, which he immediately acquainted the King with, who absolutely denys, that there was any intention of changing the Chief Governour; but on the contrary assured him of his great satisfaction with the Lord Lieutenant there. Within a few days the Lord Treasurer received from his Bro­ther the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the same Intimations, which he had informed the King of; and upon which he again accosts his Maje­sty, who as positively disowns the whole matter as he had done before, and to remove the Jea­lousies of the Lord Lieutenant, writes (for his greater satisfaction) a Letter to him, as was said, with his own hand, assuring him there was yet no thoughts, and he believed never would be in him (whilst both liv'd) to remove him from the Government of Ireland; notwithstanding which the Papists in Ireland, confidently affirmed, that the day before the King writ the Letter, he had given assurance to Father Petres, That Tyrconnel should be Lord Lieutenant; but 'tis certain that no other Creature but the Queen was privy to this, no not Tyrconnel himself, for he could not keep a Secret.

'Twas at the same time also resolved to put year 1686 the Lord Treasurer and Sunderland (Principal Secretary) to the Test, as to what they would do in compliance to the Catholick Cause; it not being at all adviseable to cherish Serpents in their Bosoms that might disembogue their venom upon every inviting Revolution. The King undertook the management of this Affair, and made his first Onset on Sunderland, for he was observed to be most docible, as appeared already, by his submis­sive bowing and cringing to the Altar. What the Tenour of that Discourse was, which the King had with him, is not yet known; but however Sunderland's Obedience was extreamly magnify'd and approved of in the Conclave; and Father Petres at a meeting with the Jesuits, gave a good account of this Negotiation with Sunderland; ad­ding that 'twas necessary for him as yet to ap­pear a Protestant for Important Reasons of State.

Upon meeting with this success, the King de­scends to an attempt upon the Treasurer, whom he endeavours to manage with good words and gentle arts of Perswasion. For he was haughty, as knowing that his signal Services might rea­sonably entitle him to considerable Favours from the King: And therefore upon this account must be amicably dealt with, and gently stroak'd into humour: which the King strove to perform with all those Specious Arts and Policies dictated to him by his Holy Council. And the more to pre­vail upon him, he urged to him, that Sunder­land, a Wise and Religious Man, though he was [Page 65] knowing in his Religion, yet refused not to admit of a Conference with those that were Learned, and desired him to do the same. The effect of this Negotiation became so publick, that 'twill be un­necessary to mention it here: but Sunderland, like an easie and tractable Child, though fed at first with Milk, came at last to digest strong Meat, by arriving every day more and more to maturity in the Faith; and though still a Protestant, yet went every day with the King to Mass, publick­ly kneeling before the Altar, and praying with Naaman, That God would forgive his Servant in that thing.

But to come to the Lord Treasurer: No work of grace would take effect with this ob­stinate Impugner of the Faith; and which ren­dered him a greater Infidel, was, that the King could not prevail so much upon him as to obtain his silence, or a desire from him, to have time to consider of it, but turns an open Heretick: up­on which one of the Fathers said, He must be Anathematized, and that the King could never prosper whilst such an Heretick was near him.

Before it was publick in London, the Priests year 1686 of Ireland gave out that the white Staff was broke, and at that time by way of prediction told all that soon after came to pass.

It was now become the publick discourse, That the two Brothers must down, and then the King in Council pretended (though he had before re­solved) to ask their advice, who was fit to be placed in the Government of Ireland. Several [Page 66] persons were proposed, but none approved of: After that the inclination of the Council had been sufficiently sifted, by offering of divers, the King again brings on Tyrconnel; which was withstood by all but S—, and in opposition to which the Popish Party contended vigorously.

P—(notwithstanding that they knew him to be both a C—and a F—, as the King in Passion one day told him he was; yet however) was considered as a Person whose moderate car­riage had entitled him to a reasonable good Cha­racter among the Protestants; and therefore the fittest to be placed in this station, the better to amuse them. This was chiefly insisted upon by them, and he was strongly argued for upon this account. Powis was naturally covetous, and the Government of Ireland, a Post of great profit: wherefore his Friends advis'd him to agree with Sunderland, and do as the L. B—did with the Dutchess of Cleveland, become Tenant for it; in order whereunto Powis comes to terms, and agrees for Four Thousand Pounds per An­num; but whatever the bottom of the design was, Sunderland never forsook Tyrconnel at the Council-Board. Some conjectured, that he ac­quainted the King of his Bargain with Powis; and that the King made Tyrconnel agree to the same. For 'tis certain Tyrconnel (who was of no great Conduct) would swear he got not so much by the Government, as served to maintain him, notwithstanding that it was worth to him Eighteen Thousand Pounds per Annum.

Sunderland was become so intimate a Favou­rite, that nothing could be got at Court but by his interest; and when the King was told he got all the Money of the Court, he replyed he deserved it. Nay, his Interest was at last be­come so remarkable, that the King himself would ask when any grant was given, if they had spoke with Sunderland.

The Irish were still marvelously impatient for year 1686 their Dagon; and at last Tyrconnel obtains the Government, notwithstanding all opposition. The confirmation of this dismal News reaching the Ears of the Protestants in Ireland, struck like a Thunderbolt: Perhaps no Age or Story can pa­rallel so dreadful a Catastrophe among all Ages and Sexes, as if the day of Doom was come; every one lamenting the dreadfulness of their horrible condition, and almost all that could (by any mens) deserted the Kingdom, if they had but money to discharge their Passage; a demon­stration of this were those infinite numbers of Families, which flocked over from Dublin to the Isle of Man, and other places. Indeed I cannot recal to mind the great Consternation, the dis­mal Apprehensions, and Panick Fears, which possess'd the hearts of all Protestants at this ju [...] ­cture, without reviving (like Aeneas his repeti­tion of the Trojan Miseries to the Carthaginian Queen) those deep impressions of sorrow, those Infandos—dolores, under which I was then almost sunk, and overwhelmed.

Now every thing discovered a gloomy and Melancholy prospect, and seemed to be attended with so many Discouragements, that many that had Patentee Employments, obtained Licence from the Lord Lieutenant under the Broad-Seal, to come away; and all that lay in his Excellen­cy's power, for the help and assistance of the Pro­testants, he zealously performed. It was inter­preted by many as a signal Act of Providence propitious to the English, that the Winds conti­nued for some time contrary, after that this furi­ous Zealot for the Cause (as impatient as a Wild Bull in a Net) was come to the Sea-side, which disappointment did not a little discompose him, whose prejudice and ambition equally inspired him with eagerness to supplant his Predecessor, whom he had looked upon as his Corrival in the Government. This favourable delay was religi­ously respected by many as a certain warning, or admonition from God to his people to fly from those heavy Judgments, which had been long imminent, but now in an actual readiness to descend upon that Poor Distressed King­dom.

But he whose Arrival was dreaded every mo­ment, as the most fatal misery that could fall upon the Nation; at last (after being thus re­tarded) to the unspeakable terrour of the Prote­stants, Landed at Dublin: And the Lord Claren­don (who had a particular favour conferred up­on him to continue for one Week in the Govern­ment after Tyrconnel's Landing) at his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Dublin's Palace, resigned the Sword to Tyrconnel with an admirable Speech to [Page 69] him, setting forth his exact observance of the Commands of the King his Master, and faithful discharging of that great trust, which had been committed to him; and concluding with his Im­partial Administration of Justice to all Partys, in these, or the like words addressed to Tyrcon­nel: That as he had kept an equal hand of Justice to the Roman Catholicks, so he hoped his Lordship would to the Protestants. Ne­ver was a Sword washed with so many Tears, as this, a most doleful presage of its being so in blood: It would surpass the Art of Rhetorick to set forth the dreadful Reflections which the poor afflicted Protestants made upon this Omi­nous Revolution. No Oratour could find words to express the fatal Calamities which were now derived from the consequence of this change; it presaged the worst of evils, and seemed to carry in all its parts the most dismal Characters of an Irreversible Extirpation of the Protestant Interest, and Religion. Most of the English were pos­sessed with the daily fears of a general Massacre to be suddainly put in Execution, and that in a most inhuman manner; and this produced the strangest Convulsions in the minds of men, that a most exquisite grief could be capable of. O­thers were more temperate in their sorrows, and were of opinion, that notwithstanding Popery was the Scene which must be acted, yet they were in hopes by some more plausible way, than that of downright murthering. They con­sidered that the last Rebellion had heaped so much Infamy upon the Irish, and had justly ren­dered them such Barbarous and Inhumane Sava­ges [Page 70] to the whole Christian World, that to obli­terate that deserved reproach, they would now take some milder course; which though it might have something more of Humanity in it, would yet be as effectual to the design, the utter Sub­version of the Protestant Interest and Religion. In fine, Quot homines, tot sententiae; their Sen­timents were as various as their Fears: But how­ever all concurred in this, That Popery was the Game, that must not only be Played, but win too, whatever Arts were used to obtain the up­shot.

The Lord Clarendon before he surrendered the Government, was very curious to inform him­self of the Constitution and Condition of Ire­land, and at his going over carried with him Copies of Records, Surveys, &c. of that King­dom, and among other things, it is said, that he desired the Lord Chief Justice Keating, (now in Rebellion in Ireland) and one of the fatal instruments for the ruine of that Kingdom, to give him his opinion in Writing, both as to the Legality and Justice of the Act of Settlement; as also to answer those Objections which had been made against it by Neagle; all which he amply performed; and which my Lord Claren­don upon his Arrival at Court, shewed to the King, who sent the Copy over to Tyrconnel, who spared not to reproach Keating for this action, which Keating at first disowned; but the matter being too plain to admit of an absolute denial, at length began to make the best Excuse he could.

My Lord Clarendon being shipped for En­gland, now does the open and full Triumph of the Irish ambitiously shew it self in this advanta­gious light in all its grandeur and magnificence: The dejected condition of the English made their Victory more glorious. 'Twas now impossible for the Natives to forbear insulting over the En­glish at an insupportable rate, as if they had been actually their Slaves, bound to the Wheels of their Chariots. That sober thought of Seso­stris, when he had his Coach drawn by four Kings, was not a reflection to be entertained by them at this juncture. The Day was now their own, and Post mortem nulla voluptas, they fail­ed not to use it as extravagantly whilst they enjoyed it. What Affronts and Indignities were now cast upon the English? How barbarously Hector'd and Insulted over by these Huffing Rhodomontadoes? How injured and oppres­sed by publick acts of notorious injustice? How abused as to their good Names, reviled as to their Religion, and reproached as Englishmen and Protestants? Called Fanatick Dogs, and Damn'd Hereticks, is so publickly known, as requires not much pains to describe. Those of the Pro­testants who had been the most obliging to the Irish, were sure to meet with the most ungrate­ful returns; and if they had been so charitable as to relieve them in their necessities, as the English (a merciful and too easie natured a Peo­ple) had frequently done, they would now in requital seize upon what they had, by open force, or else set others of their own Creatures to do it. If any of the English had lent Money to [Page 72] them, or bargained for Goods and Commodities of the Countrey, whereby the Irish were be­come their Debtors; their usual payment (espe­cially if they were in necessity, and afraid that Executions would be obtained against their per­sons or substance) was repairing to the next Irish Justice of the Peace, and swearing of High-Treason against their Creditors, though often­times (in kindness to them) they had been for­born with a year or two from discharging the Debt.

But I pass from speaking any more of these Infamous Wretches (whose Mercies are Cruelty) to Tyrconnel's first steps in the Government as Lord Deputy, in relation to which, I shall now usher in at once, the removing of the Judges, though some of them were turned out before Tyrconnel came to the Sword: As Sir Standish Harston Baronet, one of the Barons of the Ex­chequer; Sir Richard Reynolds Baronet, one of the Judges of the King's-Bench; and Johnson, one of the Judges of the Common-Pleas.

The Consult was in London before Tyrconnel came to the Government, whether the Judges should not be turned out before the Earl of Cla­rendon was removed, to represent him odious to the People, if he complyed; or disobedient to the King, if he seemed unwilling in the mat­ter, as they believed he would. For they ob­served that he and the Lord Chancellor Porter, began to startle at the Commands from England, before they received any account of their remo­val; and Porter publickly declared, That he came not over to serve a turn; nor would act [Page 73] any thing against his Conscience: and as a Te­stimony of this, he found at his return to Lon­don, that he could not without some difficulty obtain the favour of kissing the King's hand; but at length gaining admittance, he humbly asked the King, What he had done, that he was so used? For it had been a considerable expence to him to remove his Family. To which the King replyed, That 'twas his own fault; which was an expression not very unintelligible. Por­ter went several times after to Court, and stood in the King's Eye; but he never vouchsafed to speak to him, or to take the least notice of him. But to come to the Judges, it was not thought safe to turn them all out, nor any more of them, till the Government was in a hand that was Catholick: For some of the Council, I mean, the Cabal, were afraid of proceeding in their design too fast; especially Powis, who urged a slow Pro­gress, as accounting it most safe; and this made him not be confided in as to their secret and blacker Designs, though in his Lady they repo­sed an intire Confidence, as being thought the greatest Politician among them; and were not a little ambitious, that the Earl of Shaftsbury in the Popish Plot, had given her that Chara­cter.

This Debate concerning the Judges, was long and often; some were for making a clear rid­dance, and to have the Reformation begin in the Courts of Judicature. They having already the Military part of the Government in their hands, might with greater Facility secure the Civil: [Page 74] But the moderate Party prevailed, and one in a Court (to colour the actions of the rest) must be left: But that which stuck with them was, that Sir William Davis, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, must not be moved for two Rea­sons.

The First was, That he had been of the Duke's Party in the time of the Popish Plot, behaving himself so loyal, that he had been sent over, if Dissolving the Parliament had not pre­served him: but this was the least part of his Strength.

The Second therefore, and most prevalent Inducement, was his Marriage with the Coun­tess of Clancarthy, whose Son had Married the Earl of Sunderland's Daughter, and Sunderland was to be denied nothing: Besides, Sir William Davis was a Diseased infirm man, given over for some years; and to expedite his Journey for ano­ther World (for he was a thoughtful man) his Brother Judge Nugent, (the first Popish Judge that was put in) pass'd Patent for Sir William Davis's place of Lord Chief Justice in reversion: a sad Presage in those times, where men must die when and how their Adversaries pleased. This being resolved, the choice was soon made. Lord Chief Baron Hen makes way also for Rice, and in Rice's room, Sir— Linch succeeds in the Common-Pleas.

In the High Court of Chancery, was placed Sir Alexander Fitton, a man notorious on Re­cord, so exempts me from the pains of giving the Reader a Character of him in this place; [Page 75] but little regard was to be had to the man, so long as he was fitted to that interest, which was then promoting; it being very remarkable, That of what Perswasion soever they were, which they employed at this time, they chose men of the most branded Reputations, and whose Principles were such as could brave Consci­ence.

The three Protestant Judges had their seve­ral Capacities and Inclinations for their Service, the Lord Chief Justice Davis, I speak not of, for he was decreed to die, and did soon after: but the three Standards for the Cause, were the Lord Chief Justice Keating for the Common-Pleas, Lyndon for the King's-Bench, and Baron Worth for the Exchequer. The Lord Chief Ju­stice Keating had always been a Servant of the Duke of Yorks, was a Native of the place, as the Irish call them, his Family for many Ages there, and Naturalized into Irish; he was somewhat accounted to be Popishly inclined, and therefore that Party thought themselves sure of him; but he was a person of more sense than to pursue the Chace with greater expedition than safety: He was rich and single, and small hopes would not spur him on to an indiscreet forwardness; however, as to the main, they questioned not his Affection to the Cause.

Lyndon, though in his affection no friend to the Irish Government; yet lay under the pow­erful temptation of a numerous Family, and his not abounding in Riches made him the more Passive, though he behaved himself the best of the [Page 76] three; and when it laid in his power, shewed himself an English-man.

Baron W—was the Man they most de­pended upon, and he was so well known, that year W 'twas in vain to pretend indifferency, nor did he, but was the first man in the Exchequer (where there was more business than in all the Courts besides) that struck the fatal blow in all Causes where the English were concerned, as in the Sequel will appear in the Charters, and pri­vate Causes of the English that came before him.

The Courts being thus setled, the next thing year 1687 to be performed, was calling in the Charters, and here Tyrconnel endeavoured to proceed in the same method, that the Lords Justices had done before, in perswading the City to deliver up their Arms. But one art in State-Policy could not easily be imposed twice in a year, and the English had a fresh Impression upon their Memories, by what plausible perswasive Rheto­rick they had been cajoled out of their Arms, and now to have a like Delusion pass upon them, in depriving them of their Laws, was a colour not natural enough to deceive them a second time: However this was the method of the pro­ceeding.

Tyrconnel (during the Lord Clarendon's Go­vernment had procured the King's Letter, that all Roman Catholicks should be admitted into the freedom of all the Corporations of the King­dom: which Letter was artfully contrived with [Page 77] a great deal of sweetness, and of endearing expres­sions, as that it proceeded from his Majesty's great care of the general good of the Kingdom, and was graciously designed by him for the en­couragement of Trade, and the uniting of the Affections of his Subjects: and in order to put this in execution, the City of Dublin was to lead the way, and to be the Precedent to the whole Kingdom: And therefore in pursuance to the te­nour of the aforesaid Letter, the Lord Mayor calls a General Assembly, wherein the Kings Letter was read; upon which the City made their humble Address to the Lord Lieutenant and Council; setting forth, that they found the City by Act of Parliament bound up, and the if they should act according to the Letter, they incurred a Forfeiture of their Charters; and therefore humbly prayed the Lord Lieutenant and Council, to lay their Condition at his Ma­jesty's Feet, who (they did humbly conceive) was mis-informed in this matter. This retarded the freedom of the Papists for some time, but another Mayor, one Castleton, (who is still in Dublin) succeeding, he passed the Irish Freemen, and in consequence to this, the same was done in the whole Kingdom.

This was laid with ingenuity enough for pro­moting the Irish design; yet received not its ho­ped for effect, which was by this means to pro­cure freedom for so many of the Irish in every Corporation, as by the Majority of their Suffra­ges, might out-vote the English in the Election of Popish Magistrates, which upon Tyrconnel's [Page 78] Accession to the Government, might facilitate the surrendring the Charters, and so render the King­dom (as they stiled it) entirely Catholick: But this device, how speciously soever contrived, did not reach the end of its Projectors. For notwith­standing the great Endeavours, and active Indu­stry of the Irish; yet most of the Corporations out-ballanced them in the number of Prote­stants.

Tyrconnel perceiving himself frustrated of his expectation, by the numerous Party of the En­glish, has an immediate recourse to the way be­fore-mentioned of the Lords Justices, and to put this in practice, sends for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and there acquaints them, that he had in charge from his Master the King, to tell them, as being the chief City of the Kingdom, and un­to which, as such, he intended the greatest Marks of his Favour, that it was his pleasure to call in all the Charters of the Kingdom, not with design to take away any thing from them, but to enlarge their Priviledges, by which act of bounty and favour, he might the more endear them unto him: He farther told them, that his Majesty expected their ready compliance, so as that their chearful surrendry of their Charter, might become examplary to the rest of the Kingdom.

The Lord Mayor returned the answer usual in such cases; which was, that he would call an Assembly, and move it to them; and the next day he accordingly did so, acquainting them with what the Lord Deputy had given him in charge. [Page 79] The Assembly was not long upon their Resolves, but the manner of delivering them afforded the greatest matter of debate; the result whereof was this, That the Lord Mayor, Recorder, and Al­dermen should wait upon his Excellency, and acquaint his Lordship, that as the City had ever been exemplary in their Loyalty, and faithful O­bedience to the Kings and Queens of England; so they should ever continue in the same; and therefore humbly conceived it to be their Duty to lay at his Majesty's feet the great Services they had done the Crown, under the Grants and Immunities of One Hundred and Chirty Charters, they had then in their Treasury from his Majesties Royal Ancestors; and they hum­bly prayed his Excellency to favour them in a kind representation of their condition to his Ma­jesty, which they hoped would prevail with his Majesty for the continuance of their Ancient Go­vernment, under so many Gracious Grants and Charters. Upon the making of this return, there was present the King's Attorney and Sol­licitor. The first being a most Virulent and Inveterate Papist; nothing of friendship was ex­pected from him: but the latter was not doubt­ed, yet contrary to expectation, argued stifly a­gainst the City. The Lord Deputy (as extra­vagantly mad to meet with this return, which so absolutely thwarted his design) fell into a great fit of violent Passion, and in a raging Tem­pest told them, That this was the continuance of their former Rebellion, that they had turned out all the Loyal Snbjects in the last War of Ire­land, [Page 80] and that they would do so now, were it in their power: And it was, because they so lately disputed the King's Commands, for ad­mitting Catholick Free-men, that caused his Ma­jesty to call in their Charters; and in the close of this furious Speech, advised the Lord Mayor to call the Assembly again, and obey the King, or it would be worse for them.

Wherefore the Lord Mayor humbly besought his Excellency to signifie his pleasure to the As­sembly by a Letter under his hand, alledging, that they would not regard a Verbal Repetiti­on of it, which they had been already acquain­ted with; as also urging, that it had been the constant practice of the Chief Governour to send their Letter upon occasions of publick business to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons: And if his Excellency would please to follow this usual method, he would act (as in duty bound) in obedience to it: To which the Sollicitor Ge­neral replyed, that there was no necessity of any such Formality, but 'twas sufficient if his Ex­cellency signify'd his Commands by word of Mouth, in which they ought to acquiesce.

Upon this, the Lord Mayor called another Assembly, and great Debates arose, how to de­mean themselves in this nice Criticism of Af­fairs: But as to the surrendry of their Charter; 'twas what they unanimously resolved against: After some Dispute as to the manner of Ad­dressing the Lord Deputy in this case, 'twas at last resolved, and concluded, That the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, should make [Page 81] their Application to his Excellency, with Rea­sons why they could not surrender their Charter, and to pray his Excellency to allow them time to Petition the King, not doubting but His Majesty would be graciously pleased to take into his Princely Consideration as well their Exemplary Loyalty, as Eminent Suffer­ings for His Royal Father, of Blessed Me­mory. Upon which they produced a Letter from King Charles the First, dated at Oxford, which contained great Acknowledgments of their great Loyalty and Faithfulness to him, which he gave them high assurances of being eminently rewarded, if it pleased the Divine Providence to restore him to his Crown, and its just Rights and Prerogatives.

The aforesaid Representatives of the City also prayed Tyrconnel to represent their conditi­on favourably to His Majesty; but he answer­ed them roughly, and according to his former Austerity, told them, That on the contrary he would Write against them; and in the interim according to the Directions he brought over with him from England, a Quo Warranto issued forth against the City: Who called another Common Council, and there agreed upon a Pe­tition to the King, and sent over with it their Recorder, Sir Richard Rieves, who behaved year 1687 himself briskly, and with good Applause in this matter: For notwithstanding that he was not only frequently sent to, but threatned by Tyr­connel, if he proceeded in it; yet however he [Page 82] goes for London, and there sollicits the Duke of Ormond to introduce him to the King, where on his Knee he delivers the Petition with a sub­missive tender of all the City Charters at His Majesties Feet: The King was already so pre­possessed with the Partial Account that Tyrcon­nel had given of this Action, with which he was so extreamly prejudiced, that upon the first sight of Sir Richard Rieves, he asked him if he had the Lord Deputy's leave to come with this Petition? And that he had those in Ireland that understood the Law better than himself, and so turn'd from him.

Sir Richard Rieves advised with the Duke of Ormond, who told him, That there was no hopes of succeeding in the Enterprize; so was forced to go back for Dublin with a short but unpleasant return of the ineffectualness of this Negotiation. But however the City was resolved to stand the Brunt, and to stop the violent Tide if possible, which now ran with so rapid a Current; and in order thereunto they Fee'd four Counsels. Their first Evasion whereby to procrastinate matters, was by urging, that the Sheriffs were interessed as Parties in the Writ, the Charters being granted to Mayor, Sheriffs, and Commons, and so could not properly make Returns to that Writ that came against them­selves; this was deem'd to be Law, but no­thing was to be accounted as such by Judges that broke through all Inclosures, and stuck not to trample upon the known Laws and Con­stitutions of the Kingdom, if opposite to their [Page 83] Popish and Arbitrary designs. So this return of the Sheriffs was over-ruled, and a Fine impo­sed upon them, if in four days they did not amend their Return, which some though they would not have agreed to: but 'twas among themselves thought fit to do it, and accordingly the Attorney General proceeded against them; and took some advantage of their Pleadings, which the Court gave judgment upon. This afforded matter of Triumph, and an universal excessive joy to the Irish, which dispersed it self with a marvelous Celerity throughout the whole Kingdom; but became on the contrary hand as much a Subject of Lamentation to the English Citizens, who called themselves the Virgin City, as having never been tainted with any action of Disloyalty or Rebellion in all the several Revolutions and Vicissitudes of that un­fortunate Kingdom, which, though never since it was in the possession of the King's of England, continued forty years uninterruptedly without an Insurrection of the Natives; yet was this City remarkably Loyal in all Changes, and performed many signal acts of Bravery and Cou­rage, as their Records do amply testifie, and of which (not to name many others) I cannot o­mit one very remarkable Instance; which was, That when the Lord Duke of Ormond recei­ved Orders by that Royal Martyr King Charles the First, of ever Blessed and Immortal Me­mory, to give up the Sword and Government to the Parliament; they being at that time best able to suppress the Irish Rebels: The [Page 84] Lord of Ormond, in pursuance to this instru­ction, delivered up the Sword, and sent to the Mayor one William Smith, ordering him to do the like; but he to shew his Loyalty went to the Lord of Ormond accompanied with his Bre­thren the Aldermen, and told his Lordship, that he kept that Sword for the King, that the City was the King's Chamber, and he would deliver neither, but into the hands of the King's Servants: Upon which the Lord of Ormond took occasion to commend his Loyalty, and told him, He had the King's Commands to do it; and for the Mayors greater satisfaction, shewed him the King's Letter, which when the Mayor read, he observed there was order for the Lord of Ormond, to give up the Go­vernment to the Parliaments Commissioners, but not a word that the Mayor should do it; which the Mayor taking notice of to the Lord of Ormond, told him, he would leave the Sword and Keys of the City with his Lordship, to use as he pleased, he being the King;s Lieu­tenant; and so he did, and after took his leave. This the City justly boasts of, as never being engaged in any Rebellion, nor ever actually under the Usurper's Government in any other manner than by the King's Appointment and Command.

But to return to the Charters, consonant to the Sentence against Dublin, so was Judgment given against all the Charters of the Kingdom, except against such as quietly surrendred, as most did, it being to no purpose to contend [Page 85] in the lesser and inferiour parts of the King­dom, after their GOLIAH of Dublin was slain.

I shall not impose upon the Reader's Pati­ence with giving him an account of what sub­tle arts of Address, and Obsequious Contrivan­ces, were made use of, to distinct Corporations, to prevail with them to surrender. This he will suppose that they were not remiss or un­active in, if he considers that they dreaded no­thing so much, as that the Clamours and Out­cries (of so many Bodies of people which were to be sued and disobliged) should reach the Ears of the Court, and be made use of by the ad­verse Party to their disadvantage; and therefore we may be sure that they endeavoured to silence them as much as they could: For both Tyrcon­nel and his Voucher, [...]eagle, had assured their Party that most of the Charters would quietly be surrendred by the people, and that there was but one Corporation in the North of Ireland, which they were afraid of; this was Carrick­fergus, which they managed with a great deal of Policy in the following manner.

Ellis, Secretary to Tyrconnel, writes a wheed­ling Letter to the Mayor of that City, insinua­ting how great an opinion the Lord Deputy had of his Loyalty, with abundance of such impertinent stuff, and that his Excellency would enlarge their Priviledges: They were foolishly taken with this gilded Bait, and so surrendred their Charter. Upon this success, Ellis was applauded as an excellent Instrument to delude [Page 86] the Protestants with; and so he was, which he improved, by the frequent opportunities which were offered to him of drawing in honest men, he having been many years in the Secre­taries Office, and a pretended Protestant, though his Brother was a noted Champion for Rome; but that was one of the Machinations of the Romish Conclave, (mightily practised in Ire­land) to disguise one part of their Family un­der the Protestant Education, though they were as much Papists as the other that appear­ed to be openly such by a publick Profession: A practice which the old English Families are rarely free from in that Kingdom.

But to come again to Ellis, his Letters and Messages flew round the Kingdom, and prevail­ed in many places, but more out of a Senti­ment, That 'twas to no purpose to contend, than any Belief, or Opinion they had either of his, or his Masters assurances. But however that was, 'tis certain that Ellis acquired a fair Reputation among the Popish Party for his suc­cess in these Arts of Delusion and Treachery, and they in their Secret Cabals, did not a lit­tle magnifie and applaud their Politicks, which they thought, they so amused the English with, laughing at the Credulity of the Heretick Dogs, for so their Grandees in their private Meetings would frequently call them.

Having thus obtained their wish as to the surrendry of the Charters, the next work was to agree upon a Model for the men. This de­bate was strongly canvassed several ways, and [Page 87] that which chiefly puzled them, and even put 'em almost to a Non-plus, was, that the King would have nothing of this transacted at Court, for fear of meeting with opposition there.

This Exigency, of not being suffered to re­ceive advice from England, exposed them to great Difficulties; for they were utter Stran­gers to the Laws, and Government of Corpo­rations; as indeed they were to all matters of Government, having been conversant in no­thing but Secret Plots, and Private Contrivan­ces, how to unhinge and discompose all Govern­ments; and as an aggravation of their misfor­tune, except Rice, Daly, and Neagle, there was not a man of them in the Privy Council that had common sense, if you will believe them­selves: for Rice and Daly would often complain that nothing could pass at the Council-Board, that concerned the Publick, but their Coun­trymen must first ask Teig, If that would not spoil his Pottatoe-Garden.

Necessity at last supply'd the place of In­vention; and a method was agreed upon which reduced Corporations to perfect Slavery; and this in all the Circumstances of that affair was their prime and ultimate aim: For as to matter of Trade, or improving of the Nation; these were Speculations of too Metaphysical a nature for men of their size, and former way of Edu­cation, as was demonstrated in the first Procla­mation issued forth by Tyrconnel and his Coun­cil [Page 88] to break an Act of Parliament in taking off the duty of Iron, and admitting it so into the Kingdom, whereby they might encourage Mer­chants to bring in Pieces of Eight from Spain, and so hasty they were to have the honour of this admirable contrivance, that without asking the King's leave (which is always done be­fore any Proclamation relating to the Revenue Pass) They put it in execution; but as soon as 'twas heard of in England, a Proclamation came from the King, forbidding this wise act made by these great States-men: And so ill this pre­sumptuous folly of theirs was interpreted, That the Lord Bellasis swore in Council that, That Fellow in Ireland, was Fool and Mad-man year 1687 enough to ruine ten Kingdoms.

Father Petres corrected him severely for this foul miscarriage; and writ to him, That if he acted not with greater Caution, the King could not possibly preserve him in that Government. These Documents, and severe Reprimands of the Ghostly Father, were so religiously obser­ved by him, that for the future he would pro­ceed in nothing, but ball out at the Council-Board, and call them Fools and Blockheads, if they spake any thing that was contradicted by the English Privy-Council: Their great Con­fident, was the Lord Chief Justice Keating, who knowing that he had an Ascendant over them as to Parts, was so imperious and insult­ing, that sometimes he was taken to task; but had wit enough to submit, yet often was very uneasie to them: But however he in publick, [Page 89] and W. in private (for he was not of the Privy-Council) directed them in the management of the affair of the Charters: And when they had got the shape and model of them presented by these Temporizing Painters, who drew to the life according to the Popish fancy, then they proceeded to an Election of the men to name in their Charters, and here they begged pardon of their Advisers, and would be their own Di­rectors.

'Twas their Rule to have in the great Ci­ties (who were most English) one third Prote­stants, and two thirds Papists; but then these that they called Protestants were Quakers, or other Enthusiasticks, and two or three in a Char­ter of such Protestants, as either their conside­rable Estates, or loose Principles would secure to their Party; by that means leaving not a man of true Value or Courage in any Corporation in the Kingdom: and although they took in Lords and Gentlemen out of the Countrey into all their Corporations; yet could they not com­pleat them without additional numbers of Scan­dalous and Contemptible men: In one Corpo­ration in the North, the first Magistrate of the Town was a Man that had been burnt in the Hand.

Here you see by what impious Arts, and fraudulent Machinations, the several Corpora­tions were cheated and trapanned out of their Charters, most of them wheedled, and grosly imposed upon, by a Wolf in Sheeps Cloath­ing, Secretary Ellis, who stuck not to make [Page 90] great Promises of enlarging their Priviledges, and the like, though he knew nothing to be more destructive of the Protestant Interest and Religion, of which he owned himself a Profes­sor. And as his wearing of a Protestant Mask contributed very much to the success of this in­trigue, so did the same Vizard, put on by Keat­ing and W. not a little facilitate the Model of the new Charters, of which they contrived the Plat-form, and then 'twas easie for the Po­pish Faction to super-struct upon it, the palpa­bleness of whose design was in nothing more ful­ly evident, than in putting in of all manner of Fanatical Enthusiasts, into their new Charters, under the notion of Protestants: For 'twas evi­dent that some of these were as irreconcileable Enemies to the Protestant Church, as they were Friends to, and Confederates with the Romish. As for instance, The Quakers, concerning which ridiculous Profession, Who is, or can be ignorant that 'twas derived from the Jesuits? Who knows not that these have sharpened their Wea­pons at the Romish Forge, and that their prime Leaders (whatever they otherwise pretend to) do inwardly own Ignatius Loyola as their Foun­der? These were therefore too much their own Creatures to be neglected by them, as not only appears by their former Principles (if those monstrous Absurdities they maintain, may be reckoned to be such) but also by their present Practices, as their vindicating the late King's De­claration for Liberty of Conscience, though it manifestly tended to the introduction of Popery, [Page 91] and their zealous espousing of his interest at this day, do fully shew. But amidst all the new arts of modelling the Corporations, neither their Brethren, the Quakers, nor other of their Ad­herents, could give them such effectual assistance, but that often they were put to their shifts, and necessitated to elect men of the blackest Chara­cters, and most infamous Reputations, as ap­pears from their choosing a Magistrate that had been burnt in the Hand. Here was admirable justice indeed to be expected, where he who had not only held up his hand, but been punished in so scandalous a manner at the Bar, was now to sit upon the Bench.

But as the Popish Party were put to these Dif­ficulties of getting any sort of men (how noto­riously infamous soever) to fill up their Char­ters, so were they as much perplexed to find out men that would pay for them: For not ten in the whole Kingdom would, or could discharge the Fees for them. Wherefore to encourage them, the Lord Deputy ordered, That the Lord Chancellor, and Attorney General Neagle should abate half of their Fees: But all would not do, so that most of the new Charters are yet in the Attorney General's hands for want of paying the Fees, and the several Corporations act with­out them.

The infinite numbers of people deserting the Kingdom from all parts of it upon Tyrconnel's coming to the Government, made the Towns and Cities almost waste; discouraged all manner [Page 92] of Trade, and sunk the Revenue to an incredi­ble Ebb, and deduction from its former value: These weighty Arguments were strongly pres­sed at Court to Tyrconnel's disadvantage, upon which he obtains leave to meet the King at Chester, and carries with him his great Minister year 1687 and Counsellor Rice, who being chief Baron of the Exchequer, was to be believed above any, it being King James's Maxim, That he would hear no man in any thing that did not properly lie under his Province. Rice was fitly enough qualified to sooth up the King with fine Stories, and a specious representation of Affairs, which he could the more easily do, in regard there was none present to contradict him, and so this Cloud blew over, though many did believe, and were in hopes that it would have broke with that violence upon Tyrconnel, that he would never have returned again as Lord De­puty.

There as yet remained some Protestant Offi­cers in the Army, which upon this interview were ordered to be disbanded, excepting some few, who 'tis believed had made fair Promises, which they had not occasion as yet to put in execution: Nor did King James require more than a private assurance of their Faith, and In­clinations to his interest, it being too early to make a publick Declaration as yet.

The Judges were abroad upon their Circuit year 1687 whilst Tyrconnel was in England, pursuing such instructions as he had prescribed to them, be­fore [Page 93] his departure, which were severe and preju­dicial enough to the English, and to their Pro­testant Clergy, notwithstanding his late Procla­mation, superadded to others before from the King, that they should enjoy all their Ecclesia­stical Rites, and Just Dues, as they had former­ly done: The Clergy having since the begin­ning of King James's Reign, lain under great Grievances, as to the non-payment of their dues (especially Surplice Fees, which in that King­dom they call Book-money, and is very conside­rable to them, by reason of the numerousness of Irish Families in most places) took the opportu­nity at the Assizes in the several Circuits, to represent their condition to the Judges, as Per­sons from whom they expected Redress; but on the contrary met with very dissatisfactory, and unequal returns. For though the Judges could not disown the legality of those small Dues called the Book money, because founded up­on the same Law with the greater Tythes, as the Irish of the Country unanimously did, (not­withstanding that they had paid them in the former Reign) yet did they so manifestly dis­courage the Clergy in their Addresses to them, (taking all advantages against them that could be offered, and as studiously declining every Ar­gument made in their favour, as they were rea­dy to embrace, and hearken to what could be objected against them, though meer Forgeries of the Irish) and thereby so animated the Natives against them, that they seemed to do them as much injustice (though under specious and fair [Page 94] pretences) as if they had publickly told the Pa­pists, that they ought not to pay them any thing: Though at the same time, and with the same breath that they were guilty of this execrable partiality, they had the confidence to avow the justice of their proceedings towards the Clergy, for whom they would have had them believe that they entertained the most equitable, and upright intentions. This would require a large Discourse, if accurately handled, but my un­skilfulness in a matter out of my Province, and pe­culiar to Ecclesiasticks, will (I hope) be excu­sed, though thus slenderly touched upon; but thought it better to speak something imperfectly of it, than wholly omit an Affair which was so universal in the Reign of the late King James, and so publickly transacted in the whole King­dom.

The Judges found the Gaols full stocked with Toryes and Irish Robbers; but Irish She­riffs and Irish Juries were so Gracious as to vouchsafe them so general a deliverance, that not one in forty was found guilty: And in such Cases where Matter of Fact was notori­ously plain, or any of the Grandees were any way interessed in belief of the Criminals (as 'twas rare almost to a miracle if none were) and the Evidence not to be taken off; then 'twas usual for the Prisoner at the Bar to be called by wrong Names, and so discharged for want of Pro­secution: To these Arts of evading condign pu­nishment for their Execrable Crimes, several Me­naces were added, to terrifie the Plaintiff from [Page 95] prosecuting, as that otherwise their Houses should be burnt, their Cattle stole, their sub­stance destroyed, and perhaps their own Throats cut, which as often threatened, so not seldom put in execution; a sad discouragement to the poor English, who lay under the daily hazard of being Robbed and Pillaged by the Irish; and if they happened to seize the Malefactors, must either discontinue any farther prosecution against them; or else be exposed to greater mischief: For the Proof and Demonstration whereof (not to insist upon too many others) take the follow­ing Instance, which for the eminency of the Person, and Barbarity of the several Facts, may supply the rest, acted by the Earl of C—

This Earls Eldest Son (a great Favourite of the Duke of York's) was with him at Sea, and there killed, and leaving no Heir, his younger Brother was brought out of a Convent in France, and instated in the Earldom. The Duke of Or­mond, who always endeavoured to Naturalize the Irish Families into English, embraced this opportunity (there being none living but his Sister and this Earl, who was next to a Natu­ral) to Marry him to a Daughter of the Earl of Kildare's in Ireland, a firm Protestant, and capa­ble of an Intrigue beyond her Sex; by this La­dy he had several Children, and one Son, who is now Earl: He was by the Duke of Ormond sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by him carefully bred up a Protestant, and Edu­cated at Oxford. His Uncle Justin Mac Carthy (as it since appears, for the promotion of the [Page 96] Catholick Cause) without the knowledge of his Mother, or the Duke of Ormond, Marries him when not Sixteen Years of Age, to the Earl of Sunderland's Daughter, and immediately sends him for Ireland, where he continued a Prote­stant until the coming of King James to the Crown; and then like the rest of his Country­men, at that juncture returned to his old Vo­mit: He had then a Troop of Horse given him, which he soon made of his own Breed; for before their inlisting, they were the great­est Vagrants of the Countrey, which with him­self now ravaged in the Countrey, in an hor­rible and most inhumane manner, Forcing Wo­men, Maiming of Men, Pulling down of Hou­ses, and all other Extravagancies, which he, and his Hellish Tribe could invent. I already assumed (before I entered upon this Man's Character) to give a remarkable Instance of the violence offered to the English for their just and legal Prosecution of Notorious Irish Criminals and Malefactors; which I shall now set before you in two remarkable Passages relating to this Earl, which were publickly transacted at the Bar.

One was of a poor Butcher, at a Town near Corke, who refusing Clancarthy's Men an Horse, they violently seized him by force, and would never return him to the Owner, which the Man making Complaint of to the Judges of Assize, in presence of the Earl: The Judges ordered satisfaction to be made to the Man for his Horse, which the Earl promised to see performed: But [Page 97] as soon as the Judges were departed the Coun­trey, he takes some of his Troopers along with him and goes to the Man's House, and told him that he was come to give him satisfaction for his Horse: Whereupon he forces him out of his House, and ordering the vile Instruments, his Troopers, to get a Blanket, and upon a Pave­ment before the Poor Man's Door, stood as a most Barbarous and Inhumane Spectator, whilst they tossed him in a Blanket, ever and anon let­ting him fall upon the Stones till they broke him, as if upon the Wheel, all to pieces, and so left him dead.

The other Passage relating to this fine Spark, was of a Man that had offended him at a place called Clonmell; him he first had beaten with Sticks, and then hung up by the hair of the Head: he was taken down alive, but what be­came of him after was not known. The Ac­complices of this Tragedy, his Villanous Troop­ers, were brought to the Bar, and Tried for the Murther, and notwithstanding that this horrid Action was done in the sight of an hundred Men, yet were they quitted, and the Earl ne­ver Tried.

He to this day proceeds in these bound­less Inhumanities, which perhaps may be an occasion of great sorrow and trouble to his Mother.

But to return to the Judges which we left upon their Circuits: Little Justice was admini­stred by them to the English, but in such ex­traordinary Occurrences where the Irish were [Page 98] so notoriousoy culpable, as would accuse them of most gross partiality, to have passed Sentence in their favour. But in all things that had but the least shadow of Justice, or of seeming equi­ty and reasonableness in it, they were sure to carry it; and this was acted in pursuance to one of Tyrconnel's Instructions from Court, which was, That the Judges should be directed in their Circuits to undermine and enervate the Protestant Interest, which indeed they did so effectually, that no English-man could either get in Rents, or be secure of what they had for­merly received. For there being a Statute in Ireland, which we have not in our English Laws, for Trials by Civil Bills, as they call them, which (in the nature of Chancery) is such an Arbitrary way of proceeding, as gives the Judges of the Kingdom opportunities, which too many of them (it's said) have made ill use of.

By this Arbitrary Method of proceeding, the Irish had now hit upon an expeditious way, whereby to ruine the English: For 'twas no more but with a Twelvepenny Process flung at any Man's Door, and a false Affidavit, made (which the Irish can as easily digest as the most common Action they do) and so an Execution was obtained, directed to an Irish Sheriff for a pretended Debt of Twenty Years standing, it being very common for an Irish Tenant to sue and bring a Fellow to swear that in such a Year his Landlord distrained Cattle of Twen­ty or Thirty Pounds value, and had them ap­praised [Page 99] at the half proportion of what they were worth: This was sufficient to obtain an Execution for the relief of the poor distressed Catholicks, a practice become as universal a­gainst, as destructive to the English; insomuch that in the North of Ireland there was not one man in five of the ordinary British that were not ruined; and had they continued these Courses but few Years longer, together with their exorbitant Proceedings against the English in their Mannor, Sheriffs, and the like Inferiour Courts, (where such barbarous Injustices, and publick Oppressions, and Violences were acted, as never till then were heard of among Chri­stians) these without other means might have wholly reduced the Kingdom into Irish hands. For as by their Civil Bills at the Assizes, and by their notorious Perjuries in the Inferiour Courts, they destroyed the smaller men; so by Ejectments in the higher Courts, they took away mens Estates in Fee: It being observed, That never one Cause came before them upon a Trial for Land, but the Judgment was con­stantly given in favour of the Irish.

Complaints were continually made at Court of these irregular Proceedings, and Writs of Er­rour were brought from England, but generally the same Judgments were confirmed in this Kingdom; the Judges here being most of the same Stamp.

Sheridon about this time began to be discover­ed year 1687 by Tyrconnel to sell places of all sorts, both Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military: He was not

only Principal Secretary of State, but also one of the Commissioners of the Customs: So that whenever he met with a conveniency of ma­king an advantagious bargain for a place in the Custome-house, he would pretend to the Com­missioners, That 'twas my Lord Deputy's Re­quest to have such a Person employed. This by degrees increased so much upon the Commissio­ners, that Dickison, one of the Commissioners, writ over to the Lords of the Treasury, that they were so burthened and oppressed with Irish Offi­cers, recommended by the Lord Deputy, that he was afraid that the Revenue would be lost by ill management. Upon this, my Lord Deputy was ordered not to recommend a man, nor any ways to intermeddle in the Revenue. The Commissi­oners also issued forth their Orders, posted up at the Custom-house Door, That all Persons who had Petitioned for Employments in the Customs or Revenue, should return to their respective Abodes, for that there would be no Employ­ments disposed of. This Bustle created various Disputes betwixt Tyrconnel and Sheridon; and from this time forward Sheridon contrived to undermine Tyrconnel. His first Stratagem was to prepossess the Romish Clergy against him, which to accomplish, he contracts an intimate Acquaintance with Tyrconnel's Chaplain, that most frequently officiated: This Fellow picks up what he could of Tyrconnel's contempt of the Mass and Prayers: One particular Charge was, That when the Army was in the Camp at the Currah of Kildare, Tyrconnel being at play in his [Page 101] Tent, the Priest came to him to know if his Excellency would go to Mass; who replyed, No, he would send, (naming some body by him) to stand in his place, and that would do as well: Of this Sheridon being a Bigotted Zealot, gives an account to Father Petres, whose Niece She­ridon had Married, by which means he obtain­ed an interest and freedom with the Jesuit, and not with him only, but with all the Irish Clergy, especially with the Titular Primate of Armagh, who being an Ʋlster man, as Sheridon was, had no kindness for Tyrconnel, who was of the Pale, a sort of old English degenerated into Irish, but had in no esteem by the Natives of the Province of Ʋlster. The aforesaid Titular Primate then contracted an intimate Familiarity and Acquain­tance with his Cousin Sheridon, as he called him, and they (with the before-mentioned Priest) for­med Articles against Tyrconnel; which having compleated, and Sheridon disposed of his Affairs, prays leave of the Lord Deputy to go for En­gland, pretending some private business of his own to dispatch there: But Tyrconnel being jea­lous that he designed some prejudice to himself, would not give him permission to go; upon which, Sheridon writes to a Cousin of his to London to take out a Licence from the King, which Father Peters look'd upon as strange, and sent him word back, That the King would en­quire the reason why he had it not from the Lord Deputy. This could not be transacted with that secrecy at Court, but that Tyrconnel had some in­telligence of it, which exigency drove him to [Page 102] have recourse to his two Grand Counsellors at a dead lift, Rice, and Neagle, who advised him to take no notice, nor shew any outward Symp­toms of discontent against Sheridon, but rather attend some opportunity whereby to intangle him in a snare, which soon offered, it being fa­tile baculum invenire, &c. no difficult matter to find out Treachery and Perfidiousness enough in an Irish-man whereof to accuse him. They ob­served that the Lord Deputy's Domestick Chap­lain was intimately conversant with Sheridon, and another Priest that was, or called himself Cousin to him. To countermine these Intriegues the Lord Deputy appoints a third Priest, a Con­fident of his own, to fall into an intimate famili­arity with his Brethren, who seemed inclined to unite his endeavours with theirs, if they had any intentions of impeaching Tyrconnel: The Priest managed this Affair with so much skill and dexterity (verifying the vulgar saying of Set­ting a Thief to catch a Thief) that he soon wound himself into a strict League of Amity with them, and so seemingly interessed in all their Affairs, that they no longer questioned his espousing their Party; and to delude them the more artificially pretended to find out new matter of accusation against Tyrconnel, which he did so effectually, that against the Post-day he brought his Charge against the Lord Deputy in writing under his own hand, which Sheridon in his sight sealed up, with a great many more in a Pacquet, and directed it to his Cousin in London: This being done, the Priest takes leave of Sheridon, and [Page 103] gives notice immediately to Rice the chief Baron, who doubted not to trapan him upon this favou­rable occasion. Sheridon (as usually) makes up the Lord Deputy's Pacquets, sending all to the Post, with instructions for the Pacquet immedi­ately to go to Sea.

Rice and Neagle remained in the Lord Depu­ty's Closet, and at twelve of the Clock at Night a Messenger was sent on Board the Pacquet-Boat to fetch off the Male, which being opened, Sheri­don's Pacquet was taken out, directed to his Cou­sin, which discovered the whole Intriegue, and among the rest, the Irish Primate's concern in the design. Sheridon's Pacquet was sealed up and put into the Male, except one Letter, which was taken out, directed to a certain person in London, full of vehement Exclamations against the Lord Deputy, and giving an account of ma­ny of his Articles which he designed to impeach him of.

Rice and Neagle advised the Lord Deputy to write to the Lord Sunderland, which he accord­ingly did, setting forth Sheridon's Briberies and other Sinister Practices, not taking any notice of Sheridon's contrivance against himself. All this was done when Sheridon was asleep, and not su­spicious of any design against him, which the better to disguise, Tyrconnel still carried himself to him with the same unconcernedness as formerly.

At this time happened the death of the Bishop of Clogher, in order to which Commissioners were appointed for setting and disposing of the Revenue of that Bishoprick: 'Twas adjacent to [Page 104] Sheridon's Countrey, who had abundance of Cousins (especially upon such an occasion as this) some of which he endeavoured to prefer in that Employment, thereby hoping to have fished out something for himself; but the Lord Chief Baron was now (though he knew it not) become his formidable opposite, and there was one of the Commissioners of the Customs, Dickison by name, that was a person, as well of great expe­rience as of integrity and honesty, who kept a vigilant eye upon Sheridon; for though he had a great hand over, and much influenced the rest of the Commissioners, yet could he never prevail upon Dickison.

Now arrives the return of his Pacquet to his Cousin in London, but with no good account of his Affairs: The reason of which ill success was Sunderland's acquainting Father Peters with the complaints that were made against him by the Lord Deputy, and thereupon shewed him his Letter from Tyrconnel. That Letter which was taken out of the Pacquet in Dublin was not mis­sed by Sheridon's Cousin in London, who only writ back to him, That he had delivered his se­veral Letters as directed, and no more.

'Twas now time for the Lord Deputy to break publickly with Sheridon, and in order to it sends for him into his Closet, there being present with him, the Earl of Lymerick, the Lord Chief Ju­stice Nugent, the Lord Chief Baron Rice, Judge Daly, and some others: The Lord Deputy de­manded of Sheridon, Whether or no he had written any thing against him to London? She­ridon [Page 105] who wanted not Confidence, or rather Im­pudence (with which his Countreymen do uni­versally abound to an immense proportion and degree) answered, That he had not, but that he had heard that his Excellency had writ against him, which so enraged the Lord Deputy (who is a great Furioso, and can prescribe no limits to his Passion) that he could not contain from cal­ling him Traytour, Cheat, Rogue, &c. and pul­ling out Sheridon's Letter, asked him if that was not his hand, which for the present put him into great disorder and confusion, but after some re­collection he assumed to justifie himself, and to enter into a Capitulation with the Lord Deputy, at which Tyrconnel rose in excess of fury to kick him; so he was turned out. Tyrconnel and his Party were in long consideration how to proceed in this nice Conjuncture of Affairs: They dreaded not Sheridon's interest, or Impeachments so much, as this opportunity of awakening his Excellen­cy's Enemies at Court: After various Debates, 'twas at last resolved, That Daly should take She­ridon to Task, and so accommodate the matter as to stifle any farther noise of it, which Sheridon was ready enough to embrace; but at the same time both the Lord Deputy and he had mutual Jealousies of, and strove who should first intrap one another.

The Lord Deputy (by reason of his aversion to him, for siding with Sheridon) does now re­vive the Quarrel, that the Irish Clergy had with the Primate, especially the Archbishop of Cashell. [Page 106] I call the Titular one so in this Discourse. Upon an Assembly of the Titular Popish Bishops of Ire­land, great Debate arose concerning the Priority of their Jurisdictions; in reference to which, the Primate insolently usurped over them all, not distinguishing the Archbishop, which he of Cashell resenting as a great Indignity and Affront, infla­med the difference to a great height, and caused them to break up abruptly, and in great discon­tent with one another.

Cashell is the more Learned Man, the Primate being universally contemned by their own Party, as neither respected by them as a Scholar, or a Man of Parts, which general disesteem made most of the Clergy that were considerable (I mean the Dignitaries) bandy against him; and their Prejudice ran so high, that they sent over to Fa­ther Peters (who promoted their Applications to the King) to have a Co-adjutor imposed upon him. The King writes about it to the Pope with ag­gravating Exclamations of the Primate's Miscar­riages and Insufficiency; to which the Pope re­plied, That he was one of his own Election, and so indeed he was, being a Fryar in Spain, and com­ing over Chaplain to the Spanish Embassador, at the time of the Primate of Ireland's being Exe­cuted, he prevailed with the Embassador to present him to the Duke of York, who writ to the Pope in his behalf, upon whose recommendation he got the Mitre. This Quarrel of the Irish Clergy had been dormant for some time, but the Deputy to execute his Revenge upon the Primate, thought it now seasonable to awaken and revive it: But [Page 107] this continued not long upon the Stage, for he soon received a severe reprimand from Father Peters for this rash Action, who was extreamly moved at the proceeding. This being the most effectual course whereby to render their Party ri­diculous and contemptible to the World, that whilst they were so industriously contriving to establish their Religion, they should at once break all their former measures by endeavouring to supplant and destroy one another: And there­fore 'twas immediately hushed up in a deep si­lence, and the Primate (at least seemingly, and to outward appearance) reconciled to the Lord Deputy.

Sheridon again assumes to Petition for leave to go for England, assuring his Excellency, That 'twas only in order to pursue some private busi­ness of his own: That he had a Law-suit for some Debt due to his Wife, which required his attendance, &c. but all would not prevail to ob­tain permission, wherefore he employs his Wife's interest at London, and by that way sollicits the King with so much importunity, till at last an Order was got for his going over.

About the Ninth of December in this Year, year 1687 upon a Sunday Morning there happened such an Inundation of Water in the City of Dublin, as no man was ever a Spectator of the like: It car­ried away Stone-Bridges, destroyed Houses, and without intermission continued three days over­flowing a great part of the City, to the unspeak­able damage of many Thousands; and that which [Page 108] encreased the Prodigy, was, That no Rain, fell, save a few Showers upon the Saturday Night be­fore. This besides the considerable detriment to, or rather apparent ruine of many English, was accounted by many as a miraculous act of the Di­vine Providence, and interpreted as an ominous Presage of that Deluge of Troubles which has since so universally descended upon the poor En­glish in that distressed Kingdom.

But to come again to Sheridon, who now ar­rives at London, but 'twas near four and twenty hours before he could speak with Sunderland, who after his admittance gave him but a cold recepti­on; the reason of which (as 'twas conjectured) was, that Sunderland expected that which Sheri­don was not yet Master of; for he had but just began his Trade when the Lord Deputy and he fell at variance.

This indifferency, or rather coldness in Sunder­land, did not hinder him from applying to the rest of his Friends, but was so unhappy as to find by them, that there was no expectation of removing Tyrconnel; for he was fortified with the French Interest, and was in a manner Deputy to Lewis, not James; it being said in Paris when News came there of Tyrconnel's being struck out, That there was none in England durst move him: and so it appeared as we shall find hereafter.

Sheridon wanted not those which were Favou­rites and Well-wishers to his design against the De­puty, as Castlemain, Powis, and another not to be named, but they durst not trust Sheridon with their Sentiments, but sent some of their Confi­dents [Page 109] to animate him with general Promises, without naming any body: He found himself now involved in great danger, and in three days turned his Story, and went to Sunderland, to whom he had at first only complained of the Lord Deputy's unkindness, but now comes, and posi­tively affirms, that he brought over no Articles against him, nor could say any thing but what was honourable of him, only that his Excellency had taken displeasure against him, he knew not why, &c. and that the occasion of his coming over, was to follow his own private business: Father Peters, his Wife's Uncle, would not carry him to kiss the King's hand, but at last his Friend, the Lord Sunderland, got him admittance: How­ever the King would not hear him speak, in so great awe stood he to his Brother, or rather Master of France, whose Creature Tyrconnel was.

Sheridon had not continued three days in Lon­don, when he was followed by the Lord Dongan, a Young Man, Son to the Earl of Lymerick: He brought Letters to Sunderland and others, setting forth Sheridon in black Characters; which Negotiation so succeeded, that Father Peters would admit him no more in his presence: And now those Lords which would have privately supported him against Tyrconnel, deserted, and declaimed against him, when they perceived that he publickly magnified his Master; by which means he was wholly left to himself, and Tyr­connel's Party vigorously pursued him here as a Delinquent, and had it immediately inserted in [Page 110] the News-Letter, That he was turned out of his Employments in Ireland, and so he had no­tice given him, that he was too that of being Se­cretary, and a Popish Bishop preferred to his place.

Sheridon was now involved in very great streights to go back; he considered 'twas to no purpose: To remain here 'twas not possible for him without the assistance of Friends, and none would appear for him: At length he delivers a Petition with his own hand to the King, desiring that he might be heard speak for himself, and not be Condemned to utter Destruction, as he ac­counted it to be, if he stood not in his Majesty's favour. The King gave him no other Answer, but that he must return to the Lord Deputy, and there justifie himself; this he reckoned to be hard upon him, but waiting upon the Lord Sunderland for some order to carry back, upon which he grounded his Trial, 'twas thought fit to name the Chief Judges to hear, and to report back the Matter to the King, as they should find it. With this order he returns for Ireland, together with a Letter of Recommendation from Sunderland to the Lord Deputy, praying his Lordship to take Compassion of the Poor Man, who was suffici­ently mortify'd by what he had already suffered in the loss of his Secretaries Place, and that if his Excellency should pursue him farther to the lo­sing of his Commissioners Place in the Customs, he was a Ruined Man, for that the King had de­clared if Matters alledged against him were pro­ved, he should never have any Employment in [Page 111] his Dominions; and in the Close added, That Acts of Clemency were suitable to persons of his Excellency's Quality and Station, &c. But mat­ters were now come to too high a pitch, and the breach was too wide ever to be patched up toge­ther again, as it had been once already by Judge Daly's mediation betwixt them. Sheridon, or some in his stead had even in Dublin whilst this was transacting, spoke contemptibly of the Lord Deputy, in order to applaud Sheridon as a Trium­phant Conquerour: For so the Populace had cryed him up in Dublin, and the Protestant Party in Ireland, out of Enmity to Tyrconnel, which it seems they thought to be the worse man of the two, though in reality Sheridon as an Apostate was the greater Villain.

Upon Sheridon's Arrival at Dublin, he repair­ed to the Castle with his Papers, but was not ad­mitted to the presence of the Lord Deputy: He then goes to the Custom-house, and there sits a­mong his Brethren. The next day the Lord Depu­ty advises with the Judges what to do with him, for his Stomach could not digest his enjoying any Place in the Kingdom, whilst he continued Chief Governour. The Judges Counselled to appoint a Day of Hearing, and in the mean time to suspend him from sitting in the Custom-House. Sheridon had this order sent him, upon which he came to the Castle, and disputed his being suspended, as if not in the Lord Deputy's Power. This De­meanour was an Aggravation to his former, and upon farther consulting with the Judges, 'twas agreed, That since much of the proof of Sheri­don's [Page 112] Bribery depended upon the Officers concer­ned in the Revenue, 'twould be absolutely ne­cessary to heap as much Ignominy and Disgrace upon him in that Province, as was possible; which to effect, the Commissioners of the Customs were sent for, and ordered to write to all the Collectors of the Kingdom not to keep any correspondence with Sheridon, in regard that he was suspended from acting in the Revenue.

A day being appointed for Sheridon to come to an Hearing, he moved for more time, which was readily granted; for at this time another blow from Rome came against Tyrconnel, which required his best Ministers to divert, which was as follows.

The Earl of Castlemain had for some time been returned from his Embassy to the Pope, but was Invested in no Preferment, which he complained of to his Holiness, which was seconded by Father Peters; upon the receipt of whose Letters, his Holiness writes over to his Nuncio, to Address to the King in his behalf; who was as ready to gra­tifie him in something, as the other to embrace it, but at present there was no vacancy: But to supply that, Father Peters takes opportunity to strike at Jeffreys the Lord Chancellor, for tamper­ing in the business of Magdalen-College, in order to which, he roundly acquaints the King, That the most effectual course whereby to accomplish his design by establishing the Catholick Religion, was, to let his Prime Ministers and the World un­derstand, that no service, they had or could do, should protect them, or be deemed of any account [Page 113] if they failed in the least Iota or minutest Cir­cumstance relating to the Catholick Cause. This Argument was so pursued with a constant unin­terrupted vigour by the Nuncio and Father Peters. that 'twas brought to the Cabinet, and upon the Seventeenth of December at NIght in this Year it was resolved, That Jeffreys should be put out, and that three of the Lords of the Treasury should be made Lords Commissioners of the Broad Seal, and that Castlemain should be Lord Treasurer. This Resolve continued not ten days, but upon the suddain the Scene changed, and Jeffreys fixed more firm than ever. The true cause of this was never known, but 'twas observed, that the Queen and Sunderland adhered to him. This administred fresh cause of disgust to Castlemain and to the Church Party; for now it began to appear that Affairs moved by the French Inte­rest, in opposition to that of Rome: Such insu­perable Difficulties had the Folly of that poor unfortunate King exposed him to: His Zeal and Affection led him to adhere to Rome, but his de­pendance was intirely built upon France.

The Church Cabal embraced the opportunity of the Lord Deputy's and Sheridon's Quarrelling, wherein to recommend Castlemain as a fit person for the Government of Ireland, representing to the full how injurious those Scandalous Impeach­ments of the Lord Deputy and Sheridon had been to, and how much they had retarded the Pro­gress of the Catholick Cause: Farther urging that Tyrconnel had proceeded by too slow a motion, and that he had effected nothing but the turning [Page 114] out of a few Soldiers, and discourageing and frightening away the Industrious English who might (many of them) by Indulgence and En­couragement have been prevailed upon to espouse their Religion: That Castlemain was a Man of great Parts, and of a fine curious Head for the accomplishing of such a Work as the Reducing and Converting of Hereticks.

This was soon sent to Tyrconnel, and by his Pensioner in London Communicated to Paris, which the Deputy acquaints his two Grand States-men Rice and Neagle with, who to dissi­pate this approaching Storm, sit up Night and Day, even to the hazard of Rice's Life, who was an Infirm Man.

Their whole Consult was (as appeared after­wards) what Apology to make for their small Proficiency in Proselyting Men to their Religi­on, or at least in indearing them to the espousal of the Romish Cause and Interest, and after ma­ny Essays, the most Authentick was, that whilst the English were Masters of their Lands, they feared not the Government, but as Satan answer­ed in the Case of Job, Touch them but in their Estates, and they will either run into Treason or Conversion. This being resolved upon, Rice and Neagle were to draw up the substance of an Act, which they did in that nature as gave (in a manner) the Lands of the whole Kingdom in­to the power of the King, and although the Ca­tholicks were to have but half of their Estates, yet the other part was to be under such Qualifica­tions, as that the King might dispose of it to such [Page 115] as he found to be obedient Sons. This if the King would have pursued, a Parliament they could have had when they pleased, fitted for their turn, all Corporations being already put into Po­pish hands, and all the Sheriffs of the Counties be­ing Papists, would be sure not to make returns to their disadvantage.

This Consult being come to this ripeness, 'twas year 1688 concluded, that Rice should go over as Plenipo­tentiary in negotiating this Affair, which was mannaged with that privacy and reservedness, that not one of the Council knew of it till the War­rant was signed for the Yatcht to carry him over: But as soon as this became publick, the Lord Chief Justice Nugent flew about like lightening to all his Friends, to make an interest to go over with Rice, which Neagle and Rice privately op­posed; for as one of them told the Author, he was good for nothing but to spoil a business; when nothing could prevail, he pretended some affairs of his own, and so obtained leave to go over, and for the honour of the business, was joined with Rice, to present that which was pub­lickly to be offered, but was not in any part of the cret intriegue, to render the undertaking more prosperous. For the Deliverance of the Irish Nation, they Embark'd upon St. Patrick's Day; but considering the bad success they met with, they might as well have put him out of their Ka­lendar, as by a particular order from Rome, they had formerly done St. Luke, because upon that Holy-day the English had obtained a great Victo­ry over them in the last Rebellion.

But to return to the Irish Embassadors (for so they were called here in England) over they came, and after Rice had paid a Visit to the Jesuits (of whose Society he was once a Novice, and had been educated in their Colledge) he made his first Court to the Lord Sunderland. Father Pe­ters he found not favourable to his design, but the French Faction was his chief dependance, to whom he had always a recourse in his private Consults, without communicating any thing to his Colleague, whom he kept in great ignorance of the private intriegue of Castlemain against the Lord Deputy. 'Twas Rice's chief business to possess the Conclave with a great opinion of the Lord Deputy's extraordinary Zeal for the pro­motion of the Catholick Cause, and that he had made a much greater Progress in it before that time, if the want of a Parliament, and the con­tinuance of the Act of Settlement, had not re­tarded that design; without which Rice alledg­ed, That 'twas impossible to make Converts, or to Proselyte any to their Party, who thought themselves Masters of the Kingdom, whilst they had the Laws on their side, and made it their boast, That the King durst not attempt to med­dle with them. So that as Affairs stood, there seemed a more rational probability, that the Ro­man Catholicks should condescend to the Prote­stants, than they to the Roman Catholicks. Thus was Rice very active, and industrious, in urging and propagating the intriegue, which when it was fully comprehended by his Party, Father Peters was with much difficulty influenced so [Page 117] far as to join in it, though at first he could not be prevailed upon to hear of it: For he was abso­lutely byass'd for Castlemain's interest, and being no Politician, but a perfect fury, and of an Im­perious Temper, was wont to contemn every thing that was not his humour: But this Project being a work of expedition in Ireland, and (in his own Style) to Convert or Confound the He­reticks there; he at last embraced it, and when once he became interessed, nothing must be done but by his direction and advice; so 'twas conclu­ded upon, that the Project should be laid open before Sunderland, and that when he was made Master of it, he and Father Peters would wait on the King with it: And to oblige Sunderland's more chearful and hearty concurrence in this Af­fai [...] he was to be made sensible what signal ad­vantages would be derived to his Lordship from so great a Revolution in that Kingdom, a matter which required no great art so to instil it into him, as to make it intelligible.

But notwithstanding Father Peters adherence to this Project, yet did he continue in his former Inclinations for removing Tyrconnel: And 'twas believed that happy difference among the several Romish Factions, was the prime occasion of di­verting this fatal blow design'd for Ireland.

The business was in the Closet fully discours'd to the King by none but Sunderland and Peters, (who with the liberty of a digression, I must ac­quaint the Reader, was not infallible in keeping Secrets.) The King was soon fully inclined to the thing, but how to pass it at the Council, Hic la­bor, hoc opus est, there lay the stress of the busi­ness; [Page 118] for he was very apprehensive that such as were opposite to Tyrconnel's continuance in the Government of Ireland, would be more violent against his being there with a Parliament too great for such a Man whom the Council had in con­tempt. Peters thought he could easily remove that obstacle by introducing the Popes recom­mendation of Castlemain, but over that the French King had laid his hand, to whom the poor King was become a Vassal. Amidst these difficulties, 'twas hard to form a resolution, but however 'twas agreed to, that the two Judges should be publickly introduc'd to the King with their pro­ject for calling a Parliament in Ireland, and to lay at his Majesty's feet the deplorable condition of his Catholick Subjects there, occasioned by the palpable injustice and oppression of the Act of Settlement, which was so notorious, that the ve­ty Protestants themselves were ashamed of it, and would gladly part with enough to satisfie the Irish, in case that they might have a good Act of Parliament to secure the rest. All this was put in practice, and they brought to Whitehall, where the King received their Project in writing, and told them, he would advise with his Council a­bout it.

Now 'twas the constant method of King James in any thing of weight, or importance, to consider it first in the Cabal, before 'twas proposed at Council-Board; yet this thing, upon which en­tirely depended the Settlement or ruine of a King­dom, had not that Sanction, but was carried im­mediately to the Council, which was matter of admiration to many, but supposed to be done for [Page 119] one of these two Reasons, either that the King was conscious that those of the Cabinet would not suffer it to proceed any farther, but was in hopes so to influence the Judges and other Tools, he had at the Council-Board, to vote for it: Or else that he would shew his indifferency in the matter, that so it might not be thought any pri­vate intrigue.

The King brought this project the first Coun­cil-day, and in few words acquainted the Council with its importance and contents, and by whom presented to him: no man spoke a word either in favour of, or in opposition to the thing, but desi­red it might be read; which being done, the Lord Bellasis in a storm of Passion inveigh'd bitterly against it, saying that, If such designs as those were encouraged, they of England, (meaning the Catholicks) had best in time to look out for some other Country, and not stay to be a mad Sacrifice for Irish Rebels. Powis, according to the best of his understanding seconded; and in short, 'twas so run down, that neither Sunder­land nor Peters, durst attempt to speak a word in its vindication, but only desired, that those Gen­tlemen which brought over those Papers might be heard. Bellasis was for committing them, or com­manding their immediate return; but 'twas at last thought reasonable to hear them, so a day was appointed.

The noise of this, and the success it had met with at Council-Board, flew abroad with great Exclamations, the Boys in the street running af­ter the Coach where Rice and Nugent at any time were, with Pottatoes stuck on sticks, and crying, [Page 120] Make room for the Irish Embassadors: 'Twas believed that some of the Popish Party did blow up the People, that so the King might be sensi­ble what mischief this would tend to.

The day came on for these Embassadors to be heard at Council-board, where Rice made a Speech full of Policy and Artifice, and answered the Objecti­ons made by the Lord Bellasis and Powis; but when Nugent came to speak, he kicked down all that Rice had done, and Bellasis presently disco­vered the defect of his Irish understanding, as he call'd it, abusing him beyond the respect due to the place where the King was, calling him Fool and Knave, and Powis did the same. They were not long in tearing this fine Project to pieces, which when they had done, Bellasis bid them make haste to the Fool their Master, and bid him next Message he sent, to employ Wiser Men, and upon a more honest Errand. Powis bid them tell him, That the king had better use to make of his Catholick Subjects in England, than to Sacrifice them for reprize to the Protestants of Ireland in lieu of their Estates there.

In short, every one fell so violently upon them at the Board, that the King remained silent, and without any resolve or order, broke up the Coun­cil, and neither the Embassadors nor their Project appeared more upon the Stage, but kissing the Kings Hand, march'd off with great hast and pre­cipitation; for they were afraid that even the Roman Catholicks themselves would have affronted 'em.

This Miscarriage of Tyrconnell's gave fresh op­portunity year 1688 to the Castlemanians to raise Objections [Page 121] against him, setting forth what mischiess he had al­ready done in that Kingdom; that the Revenue was sunk to an incredible abatement, and that in one year more there would not be left money enough in the Kingdom to discharge the Army, and that this last Project of his would exasperate, and frigh­ten away those of the English which were left, who being the dealing and industrious people of the Nation, would put a final period to all Trade and Commerce in that wasted and depopulated Coun­trey: But all these just and reasonable Allegations, (which matter of fact, and the present ruinous and distracted Estate of that Kingdom, did but too fully evince the truth, or rather infallibility of) though judiciously laid down before the King by sober and considering persons, yet were they all to no pur­pose: For though the King kept it private from most of his Council, yet certain it is, that he had promised the French King the disposal of that Go­vernment and Kingdom, when things had attained to that growth, as to be fit to bear it: This jump­ed near to the time of the King's Declaration for Li­berty of Conscience, and the Bishops Commitment to the Tower: And as one had ruined England, if the visible hand of Supream Providence had not signal­ly and miraculously interpos'd, by inspiring the Bi­shops with couragious and invincible resolutions in a just vindication of the Protestant Cause and Reli­gion; so the other had struck the fatal blow to the Laws and Fundamental Constitutions of Ireland, if some Hushai's even amongst the Romish Faction had not turned the pernicious Counsels of these Achito­phels into folly.

The expected success of the aforesaid Embassa­dors [Page 122] Negotiation, which by one Party was dreaded, by the other hop'd to prove answerable to its design, made various impressions upon men in proportion to their different interests. The English were ap­prehensive of no less a change than a total subver­sion of the Government, and an unraveling of all the Laws made for the security of their Estates and Religion, which the unhinging the Act of Settle­ment (the sole occasion of this Solemn Embassy) would at one blow compleat. The Natives were (imaginarily) in actual possession: Their appre­hensions whereof were such as discovered all the outward signs and indications of so high a satisfa­ction, as cannot be easily represented. Joy and Triumph was in all their Actions and Discourses: Fancy and Imagination wrought very powerfully, and like Men in Bedlam, who dream of nothing but Kingdoms and Empires, they seem'd to shew as much Complacency, and to be alike transported with the airy hopes of getting, as if they had been already invested in their Estates: But this Scene of Joy, which had been represented with so much splendour and magnificence, soon disappear'd, and a Melancholy Prospect over-shadowed with a dark Cloud, was quickly brought upon the Stage, when they perceiv'd all their hopes blasted in the fruitless consequences of this great intrigue. Parturiunt montes, their high expectations soon descended to a low ebb and they were quickly under as great despondency (by this suddain turn of the Spoke in the Wheel) as they were before of satisfaction. For as they are wont to put no bounds to their Ec­stasies, and transports in prosperous, so neither do they limit their sorrow and despair, upon adverse [Page 123] Contingencies. An unequalness of mind, and re­solution very remarkable among the Irish, who like the floating Euripus, have no consistency in them­selves, but are carried up and down in their hopes and fears, according as every petty accident does either invite or discourage.

But to return to Sheridon whose Trial Rice and Nugent's absence had retarded, and the ill effects of whose Negotiation had so exalted him that he begun to vaunt over his Enemies, openly exclaim­ing upon the Lord Deputy, and withal adding, That he would soon be removed from the Govern­ment, and such advantage did he derive from this disgrace Tyrconnell met with in England, that he held the Lord Deputy and his Judges, at defiance, and was now become so imperious that his braging and threatening the Evidence took off several. And the truth is, after that Rice returned from England they were in such despondency, expecting every day a new Lord Lieutenant, insomuch that one day Tyrconnell himself said publickly to some Offi­cers at the Castle, that though he had great assu­rance from the King, that he should not be remo­ved, yet now he heard that he should, and wish'd that he had given Five Thousand Pounds to have known it a Month sooner, which expression was much wondered at.

Sheridon now comes upon his Tryal, having four year 1688 Counsels all Protestants, or at least, who pretended to be such, for two of them have since by their acti­ons given cause of suspicion, viz. Whiched and Do­nohan, two intire Friends; the first now with King James in Ireland, and employed a Judge of Oyer and Terminer to try Protestants for their Rebellion.

Donohan is here, and makes as fair a shew for King William, as his Brother Whiched for King James, but had the misfortune of being discovered to procure a Pass for his Brothers Son that was here employed by King James, and one of his Converts, who 'tis said, has since returned hither from Ire­land with Intelligence from King James. Two as good Protestants as Brethren, but both in Iniquity: One acts by a Commission from King James against those of his own Church, and Profession, and not only so, but interprets that to be Rebellion, which was grounded upon no other design than an abso­lute preservation of their Lives from the bloody Massacres of the Irish, who having robb'd and pil­laged them of their substance, at the next step would have broke into their Houses, and have cut their Throats, from which they were bound by the Law of Nature, and consequently by that of Re­ligion, (to which the last carries no opposition, but is derived from it as its prime and original founda­tion) to defend themselves. But is it possible for any one that stiles himself a Protestant, so shame­fully to temporize and prevaricate as against the Laws of Nature and Humanity thus (as it were) to prey upon his own kind? The other promotes King James's interest, though not publickly, and upon the open stage, yet by private and secret ma­chinations, though at the same time he seems a zealous adherer to the present Government: An Hypocrisie, which, I pray, may be as much beyond a Parallel, as tis without excuse.

But I come to Sheridon: The Charge that was brought against him, was, for selling of Plac [...], and receiving extravagant Fees in his Office. To prove [Page 125] which there were Witnesses of all sorts brought from all parts of the Kingdom, to which Sheridon and his Counsel made defence only by criminating the Evidence, or making them interessed as Par­ties that swore to get money, if they could fix it upon him. The chief Evidence produc'd against him was a Priest that he had employed to bring in Grist to his Mill.

This Priest he brought Evidence to prove he was a Man of a lewd and infamous Character, guilty of several vile actions, as of Bastardy, &c. Much time was consumed in hearing impertinent stuff, not worth my filling Paper with, or the trouble of the Reader's perusal, but in the end he was dismist of his Employments, and so went off the Stage the worst of men, had he not left an Ellis behind him, a Miscreant of all Shapes, that hath since been the Engine of Murthers and Rapins in that Countrey.

But now comes into Ireland one Captain Bridges, year 1688 who rid Post to bring the happy News of the Birth of the supposed Prince of Wales: For which he received the Honour of Knighthood by the Name of Sir Matthew Bridges.

What Tongue can express, or man describe the extravagancy of those Joys which possessed the Irish at the arrival of this News? Their former apprehensions of the shortness of their triumph, by reason of King James's declension in Age, and the prospect of a Protestant Successor, had extream­ly imbittered their greatest Comforts, and caus'd an intermixture of hopes and fears. But now that they had got a Young Prince that would become a Patron to the Holy Church, this soon dissipated [Page 126] all their troubles. They now considered, that their Religion would be perpetuated to future Ages, and that upon this fund they might not only extirpate Heresie, but so establish the Holy Catholick Religion, as to remain to all Posterity: For now (in the Scripture Phrase, which they usurpingly monopolize and improperly apply to themselves) The Gates of Hell was never like to prevail against their Church. These were such sweet Reflections as they never before had a perfect relish of, and which such nar­row Breasts, and earthy Souls, were not capable to contain, or to contemplate upon, without ma­king a violent eruption into all the outward demon­strations of an inconceivable satisfaction. 'Twould require a Volume to describe the particularities of those various Scenes of Joy, which they shew'd upon this occasion Let this suffice, That no Arts of Extravagancy were omitted, whereby to repre­sent their boundless Complacencies. This News gave them so victorious an ascendant over the En­glish, that they were now become the scorn and contempt of those individual persons who had been their Slaves and Vassals, insomuch, that the mean­est Labourer would now upon the least provocati­on, threaten to hang his Master. One pleasant in­stant to this purpose, I cannot omit, the Author be­ing an Ear-witness of it. A Labourer came to his Master very soberly, and told him he owed him a Cow, and bid him give it him presently; the Gen­tleman laughed at him, for he owed him not a Pen­ney; upon which the Fellow growing angry, the Gentleman called him Rascal, and offered to beat him; but the Servant was not only too quick, but too strong for the Master, whom he was very fair­ly [Page 127] about to Cudgel; but Company interposing di­verted him from his intention: But the Jest still remains, which he spake in Irish, but being inter­preted runs in English thus, You English Churse, (with an Oath by his Maker and St. Patrick) I will Hang thee with these hands, as well as ever thou waste Hanged in thy life. But the poor Gen­tleman was afraid that he would have given him such an Hanging as is never used but once.

The News of the Bishops being committed to the Tower, came some few days before that of the Prince of Wales's Birth, either of which gave them abundantly more joy than they could possibly bear, but being united, put them into strange Convulsi­ons. Their Passions were now outragious, having both these at once upon their hearts, and now that they must vent themselves, 'twas a most difficult thing to restrain their hands from cutting of throats, it being natural to them in their drink and reveling Debaucheries, for want of Enemies, to stab one a­nother, and contrary to other Brutes (for they de­serve no better Name) they are most mischievous when best pleased. Then is revived an old Quarrel of the Grandfathers (commenced an hundred years ago) and the revenge must be executed, if any of the Clan (as they call them) be in the Company.

Before I take leave of our supposed Prince of Wales's Birth, I must not omit to acquaint the Rea­der of the universal confidence of all the Irish in the Kingdom, that the Queen (as soon as 'twas said she had Conceiv'd) was with Child of a Son. This they were so certain of, that they would lay you Twenty Guineas to one, or any other Wager in proportion to that, from the highest to the low­est [Page 128] amongst them. This confidence was much won­dered at by the English, and judged to be very un­reasonable, if not built upon some private Grounds and Inducements, which I leave the Reader to guess at, which some amongst them were certainly ac­quainted with, whose Discourses among the rest created in them a belief of some extraordinary de­sign then in agitation: Otherwise they would ne­ver have been so forward in proposing such extra­vagant Wagers, which when the English enquir'd the reason of, they attributed their great assurance to the Prayers of their Infallible Church, which were daily offered to God upon this account, and would undoubtedly meet with a suitable return: But it appeared plain enough, that though this was generally ascribed as the true cause of their great confidence, yet that they had other Latent Reasons which were not fit to be discovered.

But to leave this and proceed to other Matters. year 1688 The Judges of Assize even Daly that was the just­est man amongst them, and who in the first Circuit he went did good service in hanging of his Coun­treymen, did now this Summer-Circuit favour all Criminals, and having Sheriffs of their own, pack­ed such Juries as neither Murther nor Felony, if committed upon Protestants, was adjudg'd to be a Crime, and where Matters were so apparent, that they could not possibly but find them, the utmost extremity us'd was Burning in the Hand. 'Twas said, that the Lord Deputy had particular Com­mands from King James in this matter for these Reasons. First, They Hanged none but Catholicks. For 'tis scarce known in an Age (which bespeaks [Page 129] the great honesty and integrity of the ordinary sort of Protestants) that any English-man turns a Tory, or is guilty of Theft.

In the second place, 'twas thought the best way to destroy the Protestants, and 'twas observ'd that none were rob'd but Incorrigible English Fana­ticks, as they called them, and those were deem­ed to be such, that were so inflexible to all their blandishing arts of perswasion, and alluring en­ticements, as there remained no hopes of their Conversion. Whereas in all parts of Ireland there were too too many Laodicean and Temporising Pro­testants who being related to the old stock of the Kingdom, could easily shelter themselves under the covert and protection of the Irish Gentry and Grandees, and these luke-warm Indifferents were those which the English were most afraid of.

The Judges pursued their Instructions to the ut­most, and now that notorious principle which the Church of Rome is ashamed to own, but daily pra­ctises, That no Faith is to be kept with, (and give me leave to add) nor justice given to Hereticks, was sig­nally demonstrated at this juncture. For now, tho' both Laity and Clergy lay every day more and more under additional grievances, yet 'twas appa­rent that there was no hopes of any redress. The Laity had not only great arrears of Rent due to them, but still more and more old pretences were reviv'd by the Irish of Debts due to them ten or twenty years ago, which they now sued for, as pretending that they could have no justice in the Protestant Government, which was the reason they had retarded prosecuting so long, in order to which they wanted not Knights of the Post, who for the value of Six-pence in drink, would make as many [Page 130] false Affidavits against the English as they pleased. The Clergy made their complaint to the Judges the year before (as I have hinted to you already) as to the obstinacy of the Countrey in the non payment of their small dues, and receiv'd no redress; but now the evils were grown upon them to an higher pitch. The Priests were now become so confident in their hopes of establishing Popery, that they could no longer contain from shewing their inveterate ma­lice against the Protestant Clergy, against whom they endeavour'd to prepossess their people at Mass (over whom they have an unlimitted and Arbitrary pow­er) with all imaginable prejudice and contempt. The Priests now suggested to them, that by the same reason that they detained the lesser from, they might also refuse the paying the greater Tyths to, the Ministers, as Corn, Hay, &c. They told them that they saw by their own experience, they had been discouraged in their pursuit after the first, and after all their endeavours could get no redress, and now that the Catholicks had liberty of their Religion, they saw not why they should not deny them the last: For the Law would not give these to them more than the former. Of right they told them that all the Tythes belonged to them as their proper due, and tho' by the oppression and injustice of the Protestant Government they had been kept out of them so long to their apparent prejudice and disad­vantage, yet now things were in another posture: They had now a Catholick King, and Catholick Ma­gistrates of their own, who would not take their dues from them, but rather invest them in them; and therefore charged the people under pain of Ex­communication and the severest Anathemas not to pay any manner of Tythes to the Protestant Mini­sters. [Page 131] The vulgar Irish were so much over-awed with these arts of terrour from their Priests (whose Sentence in any thing they reverence with an equal fear, and alike profound veneration, as if pronoun­ced by the Pope in the Infallible Chair) that none would come to the Protestant Clergy, to take Tythes of them, unless these dreadful Imprecations (which if incurr'd they believ'd themselves to be certainly damn'd) were taken off. By this means the great Tythes were like to lie upon the Ministers hands, a great inconveniency in most parts of Ireland, where their Parishes being of a vast circumference, and full of Bogs and Mountainous places, 'twould be difficult, if not impossible almost, to gather their Tythes in kind, at least without having one half of them embezel'd and stole by the Irish. This puts the Clergy upon a necessity either of setting out their Tythes in small proportions; or else they must lose them, and in those Countrys where the Irish are most numerous, the vulgar sort were wont to take the Tythe, which the Priests now prohibiting under the aforesaid Penalties, would (as they were sensible) be an unspeakable loss and mischief to the Ministers, for the reasons already mentioned, which was what they studiously aim'd at, and were desi­rous to improve, as high as they could.

These malicious practices of the Priests put the Protestant Clergy to great inconveniencies in the di­sposal of their Tyths, especially in such Countrys where the Irish were most numerous: Most were forced to descend to an accommodation with the Priests, bestowing a considerable proportion of Tythes upon themselves (which was what they drove at) to suffer the ordinary Irish to come and buy the rest. Some that would not be abus'd at that [Page 132] rate, made their Applications to the Judges of As­size, complaining against these insolent and irre­gular Proceedings of the Priests. But alas it was not to be expected that these Catholick Judges would go and punish their Ghostly Fathers, a very unna­tural act in their Religion. In short no Law would be found out to punish them, all that could be gain­ed (and that very rarely) was a civil admonition to them, not to disturb the Protestant Clergy in their rights and the like, and so were dismissed, how plain soever the Matter of Fact was proved against them. By this it seemed that those of the Clergy, though not the most Couragious, yet were the most Politick, who dealt privately with the Priests, and by fair words and considerable Largesses of Tythe-Corn, &c. prevail'd upon them to be quiet: for the meek and filial regard of these Judges to their Worthy Fathers, served but to make them the more insulting and imperious over the Ministers, who still animated the Countrey against them, and at last to that height that several of the Irish in many Parishes violently seized upon the Tythe-Corn, &c. and con­verted it to their own use, neither suffering any o­ther to buy it, nor any Servant of the Ministers to come upon the Land to collect it.

But to leave this Affair of the Clergy, and to joyn them and the Laity together, if it happened that for money due by Bills under Hand and Seal, or by clear and unquestionable Evidence, Execu­tions were obtain'd from the Judges against any of the Irish, then had the Natives another refuge to shelter themselves under, and to fly to that of an Irish Sheriff, who would carefully decline all op­portunities of taking the Party; or if he could not avoid apprehending him, then would either suffer [Page 133] him to make a voluntary escape, or else an hundred two of Men should lie in the way, and rescue him from the Gaol; or if they wanted force, the whole Countrey of the Irish would rise up and assist them, if the Debt was due to an English Churle, as they called them. These things so encouraged the Irish that had Executions over them, that they would come and hector those of the English (to whom they owed the Money) in the open street, and with their Swords by their sides, and Fire-Arms and Skeens in their Pockets (the last a bloody large Knife, with which they are wont to stab the English, and not seldom one another) with half a dozen or more lusty Rogues at their backs, would come to their Doors, and bid them publick defiance.

Thus were the English either deny'd justice a­gainst the Irish, or if they obtain'd it from the Jud­ges, yet they were sure not to meet with it in the Sheriff, and so have no other return of all their trouble, but the contracting additional cost to their former Debt from one Assizes to another, which was like to continue in infinitum, and all to no pur­pose, unless that of enhansing the charges far a­bove the principal Debt, and still be out of both. On the contrary hand, if an Irish-man had but any tolerable plea for a debt due from a Protestant, a decree was presently granted, and as for the Sheriffs execution of it, 'twas as swift as his implacable ha­tred could carry him, and then be sure no failure was committed in the severe usage of the Debtor, whether in relation to Body or Goods: If the last, then must three times value of the Debt be taken, and apprais'd by Irish-men appointed for the pur­pose, who, the Reader may presume, would not put too large an estimate upon them? 'twould fill a Vo­lume [Page 134] to give the particular instances of such vio­lent and irregular actions done, to the Authors own knowledge. But I proceed.

Now came by a Ship from Amsterdam bound to year 1688 Dublin with Letters from a Friend of Tyrconnel's to him, which intimated, that he writing nothing but his own Conjecture, did imagin that the Prince of Orange had a design against England, for none could otherwise guess what all those great preparations in Holland, which they were so extream hot upon, tended to. Tyrconnell sent this Letter over to Sun­derland, who shew'd it to the King, who made no other use of it than to deride Tyrconnel, as appear'd from Sunderland's Writing to him, and ridiculing his intelligence. But every day usher'd in fresh su­spicions, the effect whereof was look'd upon as very strange, as being a thing which was wish'd for both by Friends and Enemys. The Irish (to shew their ancient Vanity) triumphed before the Victory: They called the English, Rebels, by way of Predi­ction; for they were sure that they would joyn with the Prince, and as certain that they would be beaten, and be served the same sawce that Monmouth and his Adherents had met with, only that they now spoke more bloodily, and in more Malicious and Butcherly expressions against the Prince of O­range, Whose Head they would stick on a Pole, and carry it round the Kingdom. For near a Month this was only discoursed of, but at last arri­ved King James's Proclamation, and then the En­glish began to consider what they should do. The most considerable persons amongst them hastened to Dublin to see how things stood. The Irish also flocked thither in such Multitudes, that the City [Page 135] could not contain them; yet the soberer and more prudent party were for sitting still, and some for going over to England, as being differently posses­sed with various fears and distractions, and when the happy News arriv'd of the Prince's Landing, they hung down their Heads like Bullrushes, and were under the greatest desperation and desponden­cy; and on the contrary, the English bore up as victors: Tyrconnell courted them, and made every day preparations for flight.

Yet the Term was then begun at Dublin, and the Ld. C. J. Nugent (than whom perhaps the Bench never bore a more Confident Ignorant Irish-man) gave the Charge to the Grand Jury, in which he applauded and extolled above the height of an Hy­perbole, the Magnanimous and Heroick Actions of the Great and Just King James; and on the con­trary cast the most vilifying Reproaches upon the Prince of Orange, and charged them to make a dili­gent disquisition after any that were suspected to adhere to his interest, with such opprobious expres­sions fit only for the Mouth of an Irish Vultur, or Cannibal; his conclusion was, That now the States of Holland were weary of the Prince, and that they had sent him over to be dress'd as Monmouth was, but that was too good for him, And that he doubt­ed not before a Month passed, to hear, that they were hung up all over England in Bunches like Ropes of Onyons.

About this time, as a Prelude to what has since year 1688 followed, was one Swan a Gentleman near Dublin, most barbarously Murthered by the Sheriff, and a parcel of Irish Ruffins. The pretence the Sheriff had, was to take possession of some Land that an [Page 136] Irishman had recovered from the said Swan, but with so little right, that the Irish Judges in the Exchequer (a Demonstration indeed, that 'twas palpably un­just) refused to grant the Injunction; however their Tool, Worth, did it, and the cry is, That the Blood of that Man lies at his door: But the Sheriff exceeded the Tenour of his Warrant; for he had nothing to do with the House nor Land it stood upon. Swan therefore kept his House, and the Sheriff coming to take possession, Swan looked out of the Window, and desired him to call a Jury of that Neighbour­hood, and if they found that Land or House in his order from the Exchequer, he would give quiet possession; but otherwise he would not open his Doors, for he was very sure the Sheriff had no or­der to come there. Upon this, without any offer of Swan, more than keeping his Door shut, the Sheriff having his Men ready, a number of them together, discharged a Volley of Shot at him as he stood in his Window, and shot him in several places: they broke open his Doors, and finding him wallowing in Blood, and groaning upon the Floor, they took him up, and flung him out of Doors. Some more Compassionate than the rest carried him into a Ca­bin, where he had so much strength as to ask for Drink. In his House there was of several sorts e­nough, but those Inhumane Butchers would not give the Dying Man a drop, who died there in the place. This Horrible Tragedy I thought fit not to omit the relation of, (though by way of Di­gression) as being but the introductory part of too many of the like Barbarities repeated since.

Every day by all ways Expresses came to Tyrcon­nell, which gave him no good account of Affairs, which made him give Commissions to any that [Page 137] would accept of them, and that he might have the more custom without a penny of Fees to the Secre­tary: For many of them that had Commissions, pawned them for their Lodgings at their going out of Town, not having a Penny to carry them along, but pawning their very Cloaths off their Backs as they Travelled.

The English and some of the best of themselves laughed at this Poppet-play, for no man believed that 'twas designed for more than a shew, and that Tyrconnel did it to make good his Word, of being able to raise an Army of an Hundred Thousand Men at a Months notice.

Every day brought an additional account of the Prince of Orange's success, which put the Gran­dees into so great a terrour, and consternation, that those who at first had expressed a great deal of alacrity and forwardness amongst them, in rai­sing of Men, began now to decline, and by de­grees more and more to draw back. Then the Lord Deputy sent to the Judges, and the Lord Chief Justice Nugent, (to shew his valour) un­dertook to raise a Regiment, and so others pretend­ed to do, but it came to nothing. The Irish were in greater trouble and confusion than before, the English braving it in City and Country, every day expecting to have an English Lord Lieutenant over, it being the unanimous opinion of all the Prote­stants, that the Irish Lords would have contended who should be the first Man to make their submis­sion: but no relief coming to the English as was expected, some began to draw for England, when an unexpected Catastrophe had like to have swal­lowed all up. 'Twas the Earl of Mount Alexan­der's receiving of a Letter, giving him an account, [Page 138] That upon the Ninth of that Instant December all year 1688 the Protestants of Ireland were to be cut off. This Letter he sends with several Copies to Dublin, and to all parts of the Kingdom; it arrived at Dublin but on Friday, and the Sunday following, was to be the day of Slaughter. This suddain alarum struck such a fear upon the English, that upon the Saturday there got away about Three Thousand Souls. There happened to be abundance of Ships in the Harbour at that time, but were so crammed that many were in danger of being stifled.

The Run of these people happened to be so suddain, and in the middle of the Night, that it resembled the flight of the Jews out of Egypt, and the Irish were as desirous to have them gone, for some of them were in as great a terrour as the other. The Guards kept their Post in a Maze, and the Draw-bridge of the Castle was drawn up, thus they stood upon their Guard till Morning, and when Tyrconnel understood what the matter was, he first sent the Earl of Roscommon, and the Earl of Longford to Ringsend (this being Sunday Morn­ing) to perswade the People to stay, and ordered the Yatcht to sail after them that were gone, and to fetch them back, but neither of his Orders suc­ceeded: And the same day sent to some of the most Considerable Persons, and Citizens of Dublin, that were Protestants, making great Protestations and Oaths of his utter abhorrence of the pretended design of Massacring the English, begging them to perswade their Friends not to stir.

'Twas by all his actions at this juncture suffici­ently apparent, that he had then no thoughts of standing out, notwithstanding that he gave Com­missions to every one that would accept of them: [Page 139] For he now made great Court to the English, de­siring several of them to testifie how just and equal he had always been in his Government to the Pro­testants. This was a condescention to the English, which carried no proportion with the imperious­ness of his former carriage to them, and was ac­cordingly interpreted as an effect of inevitable ne­cessity, and of that great Consternation, of which such eminent Characters were plainly legible in all the Circumstances of his Deportment; for he now discovered as much awe and dread of the suc­cess of the Prince of Orange's Arms, as upon the first News of his Arrival he had done of disdain and contempt: Every Action he did had deep Marks of his Fears engraven upon it, and all his Discourses expressed his disordered and evil appre­hensions of the present tendency of Affairs.

But as Matters were in this great hurry and confusion at the Castle, so is it not easie to set forth the strange Effects and Consequences which at­tended that suddain alarum in the City of an in­tended Universal Massacre: There you might see Thousands of People deserting their Houses, and all their Substance in the World, and running to the Ships with scarce any Cloaths upon their Backs.

Never was seen such a Consternation as at this time: Never such a Confusion and Distraction. All the Bloody Massacres in the former Rebellion were now reflected upon under the most ghastly and dismal Representations, and those Scenes of barbarity and cruelty seem'd to threaten the same or worse usage, which produc'd the greatest hor­rour and amazement, grief and despair, that hu­mane nature could be capable of.

This facal News which had so terrify'd the Pro­testants [Page 140] of Dublin, as if the dissolution of all things had been at hand, arrived not to several parts of the Kingdom, till the very day 'twas to be put in execution, which being Sunday, was brought to the People in the time of Divine Service in some places, which struck them with such suddain ap­prehensions of immediate destruction, that the Doors not allowing quick passage enough, by rea­son of the Crowd, abundance of persons made their escapes out of the Windows, and in the greatest fright and disorder that can be represented, the Men leaving their Hats and Perriwigs behind them, some of them had their Cloaths torn to pie­ces, others were trampled underfoot, and the Wo­men in a worse condition than the men. And this disturbance did not only continue for this day, but for several Sundays after, the Protestants were in such a Consternation and terrour, that all, or most of them carried Fire Arms, and other Weapons to Church with them, and the very Ministes went armed into the Pulpit, and Centinels stood at the Church doors all the while that they were in the Church. But whether this (which created so great a fear and uproar among the Protestants in all parts of the Kingdom) were a real thing designed, or whether by that discovery prevented, I leave it to others to judge and determin; but certain it is, that never any thing which happened in the King­dom (no not all the occasions of fear which were given to the English in the daily Progress of Popery in the late King James's Reign, or even that of Tyr­connel's coming to the Government) made so great a fright among the Protestants as this.

From this time we may commence those un­heard year 1688 of acts of rapin and spoil, which the Irish [Page 141] began to exercise upon the English, such unparal­lel'd Villanies of open Robbery and Violence as no History can equalize, no time produce, or scarce any Nation (however so barbarous) have been known to be guilty of, at least never any that had the Culture of a Moral, much less of a Christian Education, or that were so far civilized as to be reduced to any sense of humanity, or to submission to Law and Government.

'Twas a Principle long imbibed by the Natives of that Kingdom, and which a continued practice had given some proof and demonstration of, that 'twas no crime to rob or steal from an English-man as being an Heretick, and deem'd a publick enemy to their Religion, as well as to their individual in­terests. Though this principle was too notorious to be own'd and defended, and in that respect, is of a like cognation with too many of the Romish Church; yet their actions evidenced the truth of it; I mean not of the Principle it self, but of their being of that Opinion. For 'twas plain, that their forbearing to ravage and destroy the substance of the English, when under the Protestant Govern­ment, was to be attributed to a fear of the Laws, or rather of the Penalties annexed to the breach of them, which had hitherto in some measure curb'd and restrained them from violence; and not to any Principle of Conscience, or distributive Justice. On the contrary they were so far from respecting it as a Crime to injure the English in what they could, (as is already touched upon) that they look'd up­on it as an act of merit. Quo jure, quâque injuriâ,—per fasque, nefasque. If they could contrive any way to prejudice them in their substance or Estates, though by the most sinister and impious [Page 142] devices, 'twas a lessening of the Purgatory Flames, if not a quite Extinguishing; at least, 'twas a near­er step to Paradise.

But although this vile Maxim was industriously conceal'd amongst them, and though at the bottom of their hearts did only break out now and then whilst they were kept under submission and obedi­ence to the English, and this for fear of an Human, not any Divine Law; yet when the face of things chang'd to their advantage in the Reign of the late King James, and amongst many others, the Laws against notorious Criminals, and publick Malefa­ctors, if Irish men, if not quite cancell'd, were much dispensed with: Then the Natives shewed themselves in their proper Colours, and manfully apply'd themselves to rob and steal from the En­glish, which though it was a continued practice in all the aforesaid Reign, yet never arriv'd to its ma­turity till this time. Now all things were in con­fusion, and the Reins of Government seemed to be let loose by reason of the present Distractions. This therefore they looked upon to be their Harvest, which they were resolved to make use of, as indu­striously as they could; and in order thereunto would go in great Crouds in the Night-time with Fire Arms, and other Weapons, and steal an hun­dred or two hundred Head of Cattle at once from an English-man This practice continued so long, till many English Gentlemen, and substantial Far­mers who had several hundreds of Black Cattle, and Sheep, &c. had not one left; so that those who had lived in great Hospitality and Plenty, had not now Bread to eat, or any thing left to preserve them from starving. This Calamity was almost Universal throughout the whole Kingdom, though [Page 143] in some Counties more than in others; and I have been told, That in some County in the Province of Munster, Eleven Thousand Cattle were stole by the Irish in nine days; and that hardly one English Gentleman or Farmer i [...] [...] Countrey had above two or three Cows left; and that for forty Miles together the Irish Cabbins were full of Beef stolen from the English, which they did not so much as bestow Salt upon, but hung it [...] [...]oak; and that it stunk and look'd as bad as any Carrion.

This I have by relat [...] [...] that County, who are persons of very good Credit, but not be­ing an Eye-witness of it, shall leave it to the Rea­der to judge; only this is certain, That an incre­dible havock was made by the Irish in all parts of the Kingdom: But I leave these Cannibals to de­vour one another, after consuming in this Barba­rous and Impolitick manner, the Cattle and Breed of the Countrey, which in all probability will oc­casion a famine, or very great scarcity in that mi­serable Kingdom.

'Twas exceeding strange, and unaccountable to see the English possess'd with such various distracti­ons upon the news of the intended Massacre already mentioned, some running to the North of Ireland among the Scots, others to the Isle of M [...]n, and a­bundance for England, to shelter themselves; when at the same time, all that had any sense believed, that Tyrconnel would be the first Man in the Go­vernment that would endeavour his Escape: for most of his Goods of value were already pack'd up, and some of his Treasure Ship'd. In this posture they continued till January, and then some of the Irish Lords moved to have him surrender the Sword, and the whole Council board gave it for their opini­on; [Page 144] to which he only replied, Would they have him throw it over the Wall, for there was none to take it. Thus unhappy was the delay, which with too much reason may be feared to lie at the Door of Sir [...] [...]here, and his friend Keat­ing in Ireland, two Men that rais'd their fortunes in the last Settlement, and were making provision for the same Work again; and 'tis remarkable, that [...] Brother to these here, is (as 'tis said) the most active among the Irish at this day; and Sir [...] Houses the only Sacred place from violence in Dublin. But of this Intrigue more may be expected, and time will shew, since the Honourable House of Commons have taken that matter into their prudent Consideration.

The deplorable Effects and Consequences at­tending the wrong measures taken for the reducti­on of that Kingdom, are perhaps, if duly reflected upon in all their Circumstances, more doleful than the Massacre and Rebellion there in Forty One, tho' 'tis much less considered: and it seems a Work be­coming the great Council of this Nation to bring the Authors of it to condign punishment.

But to return to the last debate betwixt Tyrcon­nel and his Council. They were all of them in amaze, and in great confusion: What to do they knew not, all of them were unanimous in their Resolutions to submit, except the Lord Chief Ju­stice Nugent, and the Lord Chief Baron Rice. The Priests put off their Wolves cloathing, and in most parts of the Kingdom turn'd Sparks with their Swords by their sides and Perriwigs upon their Heads. In this Month the Irish assembled together in great Bodies by the name of Raperees, armed with Sl [...]eens and Half Pikes, and what Robberies [Page 145] they left unacted upon the English in the Relation aforementioned, those they now compleated, kil­ling their Cattle, and robbing and pillaging their Houses. Now their new Levies were Mustering every day, and their Priests exercising the fresh rais'd Soldiers, and Hamilton's Arrival from En­gland, put them upon new resolutions, which ne­cessitated the English to fortifie themselves, and to associate together for their ownpreservation, against which Proclamations were issued out in the North, and at London-derry, and then followed the same in other parts of the Kingdom, commanding them home to their respective Dwellings, and that such as did not immediately observe the Proclamation, should be proceeded against by the Attorney Ge­neral as Traytors. This Proclamation was signed by several Protestants of the Privy-Council, which was fatal to the English, in regard that it possessed many of them with a belief, that there was not so much danger as they were afraid of; and others it put in fears of the Law. So that upon the whole matter, they were diverted from any thoughts of making their defence, and so were dispersed and scattered up and down, and by that means became an easie Prey to the Irish.

Every day brought in new hopes and fears, so that some got together again of the English near Kilkenny and the Queens County, who were soon dispersed. Still the Lord Deputy and Council re­mained in suspence what to resolve upon, when upon a suddain they came to a conclusion, wh [...]h might quiet the Irish Lords that were for submissi­on to the Prince and Government of England. The Project was this, That two Men should be pitched upon, and sent over to the late King James in France, [Page 146] only to set forth the impossibility of their holding out against England, and then they were sure to ob­tain permission to make terms, and so might sur­render. But this was a Jesuitical Stratagem, contri­ved by Rice and Neagle, and as one of them brag'd since, carry'd on without the privity of any but the Lord Deputy, and themselves. For they were afraid of the Cowardly Temper of the rest, whose incli­nations were favourable enough to the Cause, but wanted Courage and Resolution. The Scheme be­ing thus laid, 'twas moved at Conncil, and took with general Applause. Rice, and the Lord Mount­joy were pitched upon to be sent; and in the con­clusion of this Affair at Council-Board, the Lord Chief Justice Keating believing now that their hopes of King James were over, thought to begin with the first to shew his Zeal and Affection to the Protestant Cause, and in order to that moved, that since they were resolved on this method, that his Excellency would put a stop to the raising Men, which was agreed to, but not in the least ob­served.

Mountjoy and Rice proceed in their Negotiation, year 1688 and take Shipping at Waterford, but before they arrived at Paris, the French Engineer Landed at Corke, and from thence rid with all expedition for Dublin. Then the face of things looked with a far different prospect to what they had done before, and those little hopes which had supported the En­glish till this time, did now evaporate into nothing, which put them upon a necessity of associating to­gether, and of getting into Castles and the best places of strength, they had for the defence and preservation of their Lives.

In Connaught, the Lord Kingstone behaved him­self like the Son of so Noble a Father, whose hand the Irish had felt in the former Rebellion.

In the North, Sir Arthur Royden did the like, but a fate attended him that he could not divert. In Munster the English were thought to be more consi­derable than in any part of Ireland, both for Horse and Foot; of the latter more than three thousand, and numbers of brave Gentlemen of gallant Cou­rage and resolution, and of will enough to back it, to have drove the Irish out of that Province, and to have march'd through the Kingdom, Cork, Bandon, Kingsale, and Youghall being offered to be delivered into their hands, which was so openly and indis­creetly managed, that it became the publick dis­course for a Month together in every Coffee house in Dublin. At this time there were not seven hun­dred old Soldiers in the whole County of Corke, which forc'd Justin Mac Carthy to write daily to Tyrconnel, that he could not hold out, without a speedy supply of Men, which yet Tyrconnel could not spare; for he was afraid of an insurrection in the North, and 'twas believ'd in Dublin, that if they in Munster had done any thing, all parts of Ire­land had been secure in the English hands, except Lynster; for that Tyrconnell could have spared none of his own Forces from himself, and the new raised men then knew not the right from the left, if same be true. The fault lay but in two Men, but that being publick, time will shew it, and my work here is to relate nothing but what there is good au­thority for.

Matters were now reduced to that extremity, year 1688 that no course remained to preserve the English, but [Page 148] that of making their escape; for they were disar­med in one day throughout the Kingdom, and that order executed with so much rigour, that few per­sons of whatsoever quality were permitted to wear their Swords. In the Corporations they shut up the Gates, and suffered none to pass in or out with­out searching them strictly for arms, and when they came to search in their Houses, under pretence that the English had conceal'd their Arms, they some­times seiz'd upon what Plate or Money they could meet with during this hurly-burly, which lasted for several days together, most of the Horses which belong'd to English Gentlemen and Farmers in the Countrey were violently seized upon for the King's use, as was pretended, and several hundreds were brought into the Corporations, which were Gar­risoned with Irish Soldiers, who quartered upon Private, as well as Publick-Houses of the English, which were so full of them that they had scarce Beds for themselves to lie in. They now were in daily expectation of the Landing of the late King James: And this possessed them with so triumphant a joy, that the more to discourage the English, they not only gave out that he was arrived, when there was no such thing, but rung the Bells, made Bon­fires, the Mayor and Aldermen in several Corpo­rations drinking the King's Health, and the like. But this imaginary formality was but a prelude to the succeeding Triumph, to the real Landing of the late King. And then what they had done before in Effigie, or in empty show, they now performed substantially, and to the life. 'Tis beyond any thing of human art to imagine, much more to describe the greatness of their joy at this time, and there­fore I shall not attempt a representation, which [Page 149] would come infinitely short of those extravagant Pageantries which were now acted. Publick fame has already given some account of it, and to that I refer the Reader.

I have now given (as without vanity and often­tation I may affirm it) as true and impartial a Re­lation as is possible, of the design the Abdicated King had from the happy Restauration of King Charles the Second, to make Ireland the refuge (if all other endeavours proved unsuccessful) for [...]is Catholick Friends: and 'tis plain that 'twas the French Allyance, (which he always assiduously made Court to) upon which he depended in the accom­plishment of this Intrigue. The Irish were very sensible of it, and since his accession to the Crown, would frequently boast, that if England should up­on King James's Death, or any other misfortune, devolve into the Protestants hands, that they made no doubt of preserving Ireland, by the power of the French, and that the Prince of Orange (whom they always dreaded) would have his hands full at home: but that Soveraign Providence, by whom Kings Reign, and Princes decree justice, has to the great astonishment of other Nations, most mira­culously confounded all the wicked devices of his Adversaries, and preserved him to sit upon the Im­perial Throne of these Kingdoms (where may he long Reign) not only to maintain the true Reform­ed Religion in his own Dominions, but to enlarge the best part of his Titles, Defender of the Faith, throughout the whole Christian World For so in­deed (whatever opinion some prejudiced Men a­mongst us may have) do all the Reformed Chur­ches of Europe esteem him to be.

I thought to have put a period to this Discourse in this place, but observing the complaints of ma­ny that are fled from Ireland (whose miseries may indeed allow them grains.) I shall beg leave to animadvert a little as to their mistakes in the hard usage which they think they have received here, in not being all immediately reprized by the King's Bounty.

I shall not say what is too apparent of some who came from thence, and would shelter themselves among Honest Men, as most of them are generally believed to be: yet even in this Relation where they could not be left out, without making it im­perfect, some are found faulty, and yet may pre­tend as fair as the best.

Every day produces additional reasons why the King cannot be too cautious in whom he confides; and 'tis to be feared that some of Ireland are not quite exempt from all suspicion as well as others in England.

But then as for those whose deserts have entitu­led them to his Majesty's good opinion, such as for their affection to the Protestant Interest and Religi­on, have been divested of their substance, and are in present want, those we see are not out of his Ma­jesty's Gracious Care, and Princely Consideration. For how many, I was about to say, how few, are excluded from Commands in the Army that desi­red it; besides all that had Commands formerly, and could not be employed, have half pay allowed them for their present subsistence. And then as for the poorer sort, his Majesty was before-hand in making provision for them, in issuing out his Brief for a General Collection throughout the whole Kingdom; which Charity has been gratefully ac­knowledged [Page] by that most Reverend an [...] Pio [...]s Archbishop of Tuam, in a Se [...]mon at St. James's.

There now remains onl [...] [...] part of the Cler­gy and Gentlemen unprovided for. As for the Clergy, his Majesty graciou [...]y cons [...]dering their condition, did soon after his accession to the ( [...]rown) graciously order, that whatever Benefices in his Gift should become vacant, should be conferr'd upon them, besides the supply which the Brief af­fords them for the present. Hence we may ob­serve, to what a narrow compass the noise of Forty Thousand People is reduced to there being, accord­ing to the best account that is given, not Seven Hundred Men that are not, in some respect, or o­ther, competently provided for. But that I may not be thought to have incurred a mistake in this computation, it must be observed, That a great part of the List given in to the House of Commons, are Men of Estates, or Money here in England; and though perhaps some of those make the greatest clamour, yet would it better become them to re­lieve their Distressed Brethren, than to abate the Charity, which the Parliament with great generosi­ty, and a Christian compassion designed for the sup­port of such as were really in a poor and an indi­gent condition. All I here say is matter of fact, and how partially soever his Majesty's present ma­nagement may be misinterpreted by some; yet 'tis certain, that his silent, but wonderful conduct, in the provision for the Distressed Protestants of Ire­land ought to be engraven in Golden Characters, and not defaced by the unreasonable Clamours of such, who would devour that which they have no want of, and consequently no just claim and title unto, to the apparent injury of their suffering and neces­sitous [Page 152] B [...]hren, which the Parliament have most hu [...] supplicated [...] Majesty for, who (no doubt) [...] in the most [...] and discreet manner, make such a [...] as will bespeak his Royal Bounty and [...] sense of their condition, as well as [...] opottionable to their pressing and great [...]ties.