THE EMPEROUR And the EMPIRE BETRAY'D: By Whom and How.

Written by a Minister of State re­siding at that Court, to one of the Protestant Princes of the Em­pire.

Published for the satisfaction of all good Protestants.

LONDON, Printed for B. M. at the Duke of Lorrain's Head in Westminster. 1682.

TO THE READER.

THE extraordinary Conduct of the Im­perial Court and Council for some years past, having rais'd the Curiosity of a great Prince of the Empire, to find out at any rate the true Causes and Grounds of Counsels and Actions that had so much surprized him, he made choice of a Minister whom he judg­ed best capable to execute this Design, and having given [Page] him Instructions for the pur­pose, dispatched him private­ly under other pretences to the Emperours Court at Prague The Minister acquitted him­self well, and gave his Ma­ster an ample account of his Business by Letter, of the 13. of February 1680. The Ma­ster (a right German, and truly generous Prince) laid his Commands on me to pub­lish those important Secrets, the value whereof will soon appear by the reading, from which I will no longer de­tain you.

Farewell.

THE EMPEROUR AHD THE EMPIRE Betrayed. AND By Whom, and How.
In a LETTER.

My Lord,

'TIS the duty of a Ser­vant not to conceal any thing from his Prince and Master, especially when he is pleased to [Page 2] honour him with his Confidence, as your Higness hath done in sending me to this Court: To clear my self from the Guilt and Reproach of having been wanting to this Duty, I take the liberty to give your Highness a faithful and candid account in Writing; what I have discovered most pertinent and Essential to the business, you were pleased to employ me in. I shall do it with the less scruple and reserve, having sent this Letter by an Express, in whom I have entire Confidence, and doubt not but he will, according to my order, de­liver it into your Hands.

To begin with the best part of what I have to deliver, I am to inform your Highness, that His Imperial Majesty is, in my Opi­nion, a pious Prince, good na­tured, and of a sweet and gentle Disposition, and not at all incli­ned [Page 3] to contend with the Princes his Neighbours, or make War on his Inferiors: That, pursuant to this natural Inclination for Repose and for Peace, this Prince hath an Antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet Disposition, and hath eased himself wholly of the manage­ment and direction of his Affairs of State, and of War, by com­mitting all to the Conduct of his principal Ministers. 'Tis hard for a Prince to intrust a Minister with Affairs of this mighty Im­portance, without opening to him all his Mind, and imparting the greatest and deepest of his Se­crets: And from hence, I believe it hath unhappily followed that this Prince, having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his Affairs to the Conduct of his Ministers, hath reserved to himself only the Title [Page 4] and Pomp, the Splendour and Name of the Dignities and Gran­deur proper to his Character. In a Word, had his Imperial Majesty never so little minded his great Affairs, he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious Peace with France, subscribed by the Imperial Em­bassadours at the Congress ad Ni­miguen; the unhappy Effects whereof we have seen in seven Particulars of great importance.

First, His Imperial Majesty, by those few strokes of his Pen, hath in all probability, lost for ever the Esteem, the Friendship and Con­fidence of the Princes his Friends and Allyes; who would have ge­nerously defended and preserved him from ruine, by the force of their Arms.

Seconldy, That his own Troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the Countries of the Em­pire, [Page 5] while those of France have been actually there, and continue to this day insulting and Domi­neering as they please over the Princes, the Cities, the Coun­tries and Provinces of the Em­pire.

Thirdly, That by the Execu­tion of this Peace, the Estates, the Persons and the Courts of the three Ecclesiastical Electors of the Empire, and of the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, stand in a manner expos'd every hour to the violences and irruptions of the Arms of France; and conse­quently, in case of an Election of a King of the Romans, we may probably find by their Suf­frages what may be expected from Slaves to that proud and ambitious Crown.

Fourthly, That his Imperial Majesty having by that Peace ta­citely consented to the late Cessi­on [Page 6] on made by Spain of the Coun­ty of Burgundy to the Crown of France: It follows, that if His Im­perial Majesty, (in Case of failure of Issue in the House of Spain) should in his own Right, or in the Right of the Arch-Dutchess his Daughter, the Heir to the E­states of that Monarchy, he hath by that Article of the County of Burgundy, released his Right to it, and deprived his Successors, and the Empire of the Conveni­ence that Country might upon a favourable Revolution have afforded them to lead an Army without opposition into the heart of France: And should Lorrain be ever restored to the Empire, yet this Article will be an infallible means for France to maintain continually an Army on the Frontiers of Germany, and invade it as often as it shall ap­pear to be for the Interest and [Page 7] Grandeur of the French to attack the Germans.

Fifthly, That though Swizzer­land be throughly convinced by the building the Fortress of Hunninges, of the Ambitious designs of France, and conse­quently concerned and inclined to make a League with all, or part of the Princes of the Empire, in defence of the Common Liberty; yet the un­fortunate Session of the County of Burgundy hath furnished the Pensioners of France, (whom no Counsel or Caution of that Re­publick is free from) with a plausible argument, to perswade that Republick not to stir in its own defence, till it be perhaps too late, and out of its power to help it self: For, say they, What shall we do? The Cantons of Bern, Fribourgh and Sollurre cannot subsist without the Salt [Page 8] of that Province: Besides the Forces his most Christian Ma­jesty keeps actually on Foot there, may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost, what measures we take, and consider all things before we ingage in any: By such discourses as these (though groundless if we suppose an Union of the Forces of the Empire with the Swisse, which would infallibly draw in many more) it may fall out that this Re­publick (if the lowest party pre­vail not against those Traytors to their Country) may to its own mischief, and the ruin of others, lye still and look on, as uncon­cerned, and consequently be a Member wholly useless to the Publick, for defence of the Com­mon Liberty, which would be in the present Conjuncture of more mischievous Consequence han most are aware of.

[Page 9] Sixthly, That by this peace the Duke of Lorrain, who hath had the honour to Marry a great Queen eldest Sister to his Impe­rial Majesty, hath found as little respect in this Peace, as if he had married the Daughter of a Burgo-Master of Colmar; and hath been violently robb'd, and intirely dis­possest of his Dukedoms of Lor­rain and Bar, and several other Lands he held in Soveraignty, being his Hereditary Estates, and descended to him by unque­stionable right of Succession: Which others looked on with so little concern, as if this Prince (stript of all he could call his own) had lost no more than a Ring, or a Farm of a thousand Crowns value.

Seventhly, That his Imperial Majesty, and the Empire by Signing a Peace (to give it its right Name) so unbecoming and [Page 10] unworthy, have raised the cou­rage and hopes of the most Chri­stian King to that height, that he looks on both with so much in­difference and scorn, that he hath openly undertaken at once three things, which (I believe) were ever heard of in the Empire, at least when it had the advantage of a Head that had the least jea­lousie and care for its Glory.

The first, that without any Lawful Mission, the Emperor being young, and in perfect Health, he solicites vigorously the two Electors of the North side of the Empire, for their Suffrage at the next Election of a King of the Romans. I mention only these two Electors, for as for the others, he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dis­pose of them as he shall think fit.

[Page 11] The second, that, as if he were dealing only with the Far­mers of his Revenues, or the Poysoners of Paris, he hath by a Declaration erected at Metz (as formerly at Brisak) a Court compos'd according to the course of that Kingdom, of a dozen Hangm—where though the smallest Duke and Peer of France, is not obliged to appear; His most Christian Majesty, as Judge and Party, cites by some Catch­pole of that Clandestine Juris­diction, Princes of the most anci­ent Illustrious Houses of the Em­pire (which he hath nothing to do withall) to make their appea­rance, to give him Account by what right they possess what their Predecessors have for three or four hundred Years peaceably enjoyed. This inven­tion, with the help of the Knight of the Post, and a Map of the [Page 12] Country drawn out at pleasure, (but of the old fashion, the bet­ter to colour the business) is the ground of his pretensions, that the greatest part of Lorrain, the whole Dukedom of Deuxpents, and the best part of Alsatia, as far as Lauterbourgh, are ancient Dependencies of the Bishopricks of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and must consequently be re-united to the Demeans of that Crown with as much ease, as the Lands of some wretched Treasurers of France have been resumed by his Majesty.

The third is, that to the end his new Paper-pretences, may be as effectual as the right of de­volution of the low Countries in 1667 and 1668. He hath upon the Frontiers on this side conside­rable Forces in readiness to Exe­cute the Reunion, or rather, un­der that pretence, to do what [Page 13] he shall think fit in the Empire; when all this while, neithe his Imperial Majesty, nor any Prince of the Empire dares openly stir. As if what hath already been done to the Duke of Lor­rain, and other Princes and Ci­ties of the Empire in Alsatia, were not only a certain presage, but an unquestionable President, whereby all other Princes and States of the Empire of what qua­lity and degree soever, may clear­ly see the Fortune of those Prin­ces and States, who have the mis­fortune to hold of that Crown, or be Neighbours to its Domini­ons: The consequences that na­turally follow so untoward, and so unhappy a State of Affairs will oblige us to Conclude; Woe to his Imperial Majesty, if he do not wholly alter his Conduct, and God grant I speak not pro­phetically and truly, as Micajah [Page 14] when I say His Imperial Majesty will dearly rue his trusting his Council with the direction and management of Affairs of this Nature: And wo to His Imperi­al Majesty and the Empire, they ever signed that false and fatal Peace, whereby both will natu­rally fall (unless God by special interposition prevent it) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical Dominion. Yet I would not be thought to be of O­pinion, that if all His Imperial Majesty's Council were such as it ought to be, Affairs would be in that ill condition we find them; but the greater part of that Council being weak or corrupt­ed, as I dare say it is, we are not to doubt, but if it continues, things will still grow worse and worse: I have been bold to say, the greater part of the Imperial Council is Weak or Corrupt: [Page 15] And to make my words good, I will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance, to prove what I affirm by unquestionable Instances.

The first Instance.

Commissary General Capellier surpriz'd the Steward of his House in the very act of Traiterous Cor­respondence with the Minister of France, to whom he gave an ex­act Account of all he could disco­ver at his Master's House. The Letters he sent to the French Mi­nister and those he received from him were seized at the Imperial Post Office at Frankfort: And though this happened in the heat of the War between the two Na­tions, and the Traitor upon dis­covery of the matter was arrest­ed, and carried to Philipsbourgh, & [Page 16] From thence to Vienna, yet he (a Fellow worth nothing) found at Court such powerful support, that he was set at Liberty, and cleared as a gallant Person.

The second Instance.

The Siege of Phillipsbourg, be­ing form'd by the Imperial Troops and those of the Circles, and the place so much straitned that they began to want Powder in the Town, two Brothers, Bur­gesses of Franckfort, corrupted by a French Minister, undertook to buy several Waggon Loads of Powder in the Empire, and to conveigh them into Phillipsbourg with other Ammunition. But the Convoy for executing the Design having been surprized by the Imperialists, and one of the Rogues taken and sent to Vienna, he was not long there but he was [Page 17] set at liberty as a very honest Fellow.

The third Instance.

He that commanded in Fri­bourgh, when taken by Marshal Crequi, could not deny himself notoriously guilty of Cowardice, or Treason; being arrested for his Crimes, and carried first to Inspruck, and thence to Vienna: he was look'd upon as a Sacrifice necessary to be offer'd to expiate so hainous an offence against E­quity, Policy, and the Discipline of War; but because he was re­lated to a principal Minister, or rather because a Great One was afraid he might (if put hard to it) make some discoveries: He was fully acquitted, and cleared from all that was laid to his charge; and in such a manner, that he retired home as confident, and [Page 18] unconcerned, as ever the French Governour of Phillipsbourgh could have done, after the gene­rous defence he made of the Post he commanded.

The Fourth Instance.

The Duke of Saxe Eisnach having had the Command of a little Army on the Rnine, be­ing an active and brave Prince, neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy dis­charging the Duty of his place; those of the Imperial Council, who took part with France, ha­ving designs contrary to those of that Prince, were as active on the other side, by close and sudden wayes to bring two things to pass: The first was to raise and esta­blish a mis-understanding be­tween this Prince, and his High­ness of Lorrain; Commander [Page 19] in chief of the great Army of the Empire: The Second was, to order the distribution of Ammu­nition necessary for the Army in such a manner, that when it was provided of one sort, it should certainly want another: When it had Cannon, it wanted Carri­ages; and when it had both these it should have neither Powder nor Bullet: And to give those of the Council their due, their designs took effect to admiration, for the whole story of that Cam­paign is (in short) no more but a misunderstanding between these Princes, and want of Ammuni­tion. But this was not enough, for the malice of these Emissaries, they poceeded further to hire one under the name of Dela Mag­delaine, who having been instruct­ed by the Major Domo of the Ab­bot S. Gall (of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter) [Page 20] was set on to seduce and surprize this Prince: In a word, he came to the Duke of Saxe Eysenach to propose to him the surprizal of a Fortress belonging to France in the higher Alsatia: The propo­sal was guilded over with so much probability of success, that the Duke animated with zeal to do something great for the Glo­ry of his Imperial Majesty, and the Interest of his Country, greedily hearkned, and quickly embraced the proposal. After some necessary precautions for the Enterprise, Duneewald was commanded to undertake the Execution, and having in the Action discovered the Cheat, the Duke us'd his endeavours to have the Criminal Arrested: But all to no purpose; for the Major Domo had already secu­red him in a place of safety: I make no doubt but every one [Page 21] will grant me, this Rogue de­served death, and had not any colour of pretence, to find esteem or safety in the Empire: But it proved quite otherwise upon his Capitulation, (I mean that with the Major Domo) for the Rogue, having play'd this excellent trick, had the impudence to go to the Emperours Court, where he was very well received, and highly treated, and sent thence to Bres­law, where Count Shaftkutsch, President of the Imperial Cham­ber in Silesia, pays him constant­ly, by order from above, annually a considerable Pension: This arrant Cheat goes now as for­merly under the Name of Cygale, and gives out he is a-kin to the Grand Signior: But it hath been made appear in France and Eng­land, that he is a Native of Mal­davia, and was Groom to a Prince of that Country: This is [Page 22] the true Character of him, the rest that is said of him are but in­ventions of Jesuits and Monks, who go snips with him in the Presents he receives on his Lying pretences. I have been more particular in my account to your Highness of this Fellow, to arm you the better against a surprize, by his Fictions and Artifices, which he continues to practise every day in hope to get some­thing from those he can impose upon.

The Fifth Instance.

By what I have said formerly of Swizzerland, it may appear of what importance it may be to the Emperor and Empire to make that Republick sensible of their true interest, and treat with them for a League and Union of Forces in defence of the Com­mon [Page 23] Liberty; and (to bring this about) to employ in the Negotia­tion, Persons not only capable and faithful, but acceptable to those they are to treat with: Yet as if the Emperor's Council made it their business to do in this as o­ther particulars, only what may gain them the favour, or the Gold of His most Christian Majesty. 'Tis fit to know the Person the Emperor's Council employs in all those important Negotiati­ons they have with that Re­publick. It is no other than the Abbot S. Gall's Major Domo, a­bove mentioned, called Monsieur Fidelle, (Mr. Faithful,) but by the same figure of speech our Divines call the Prince of Dark­ness an Angel of Light: For this Fellow is notoriously known and confest to be the falsest of Men. Yet being a Person of a very ready wit, a lively fancy, and [Page 24] naturally active in what he un­dertakes, sometimes he openly acts on the part of France, and publickly solicits Suffrages in this Republick in favour of that Crown; sometimes he turns his Coat, and is on the sudden all for the House of Austria: This man from a petty Pedler of Italy, is become excessive Rich, which I mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a Man he is, how fit to negotiate the Interests of his Imperial Majesty, and to be the Confident and Councellor of the Ministers of State; His Council sends into these parts: And to make appear their Wis­dom or Collution in this parti­cular, I must acquaint your Highness with a matter general­ly known throughout the Swisse Cantons.

[Page 25] That this man is owner of a Moity of two Swisse Companies, now actually in the Service of the French, under the command of his Son in Law: (An Ordina­ry Traffick among the Swisses) That his most Christian Majesty hath within these three years be­stowed on him a Rich Canonry, in the higher Alsatia, or Brisgow, which one of his Sons is invested in: That 'tis this faithful Mini­ster of the Imperial Court, hath since the beginning of the last War, bought all the Horses his Christian Majesty had need of for his Armies, and caused them to be transported from the Port of Wasserbourgh in Germany (where his Master hath a Bayliff, and no small Power) to the Port of Rochas, in Swizzerland, which is a place whereof his Master is Soveraign Prince: That this man being the principal incendi­ary [Page 26] and Fomenter of all the trou­bles and broils hapned in Swisser­land, these last twenty years; is so generally hated by all good people of that Nation, that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the Dyets of Baden, there is no surer means than to make the Assembly suspect this man hath a hand, or is any way con­cerned in it. This appeared clearly in the affair of the County of Burgundy, for Count Cazatti, the Spanish Embassadour, having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this mans Counsel and Con­duct in a matter of that impor­tance, that mighty affair was utter­ly ruin'd by that very means: Not­withstanding all, this man is the Confident and privy Councellour of all the Ministers his Imperial Majesty sends to that Nation; and their first business, when arrived there, is to visit him, to consult him [Page 27] and communicate to him all their instructions: This about three years since, occasion'd a pleasant passage at the Dyet of Baden: An Envoy of his Imperial Majesty, (whom I purposely forbear to name) according to the Custom of his Predecessors in that Employ, and the Orders establisht, went presently after his arrival to con­sult this Oracle; going afterward to Baden, the Envoy was strange­ly surprized to find that Gravelle the French Embassadour had al­ready Communicated to the As­sembly all the private Instructi­ons the Envoy had received from the Council at Vienna: Thus that Envoy's Nogotiations came to nothing, and so will all o­thers his Imperial Majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and Corrupt Conduct of a Man so base, and altogether unworthy the honour of that Employment.

The Sixth Instance.

'Tis an infallible Maxim, that every Prince dispossest of his E­state, may hold for certain, there will be nothing omitted on the part of the Usurper, or a Con­querour in possession to ruin him, if possible, and all his Generation. Therefore 'tis not strange, that the Ministers of France (though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most Christian Majesty) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his High­ness of Lorrain: But it may sur­prize any man to find that the Imperial Governour of Phillips­bourgh, should (so openly and notoriously, as he did) have at­tempted the destruction of that Prince, by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place, for that pur­pose, [Page 29] through which the good Prince fell headlong to the bot­tom of the Ditch: May we not justly infer, this Governor had capitulated and agreed with some Minister of the Enemy to com­mit so vile a Treason? May we not conclude so black an attempt against a Soveraign Prince, Bro­ther in Law to the Emperor, and at that time representing the Person of His Imperial Majesty, under the Character of Genera­lissimo of his Armies, unquestio­nably merited exemplary punish­ment? No honest Man but ex­pected the Criminal should have been made a Sacrifice to Justice and Vengeance, when he was taken and carried under a strong Guard to Vienna. But all that was meer shew, for the Favourers of France had that influence over the Council at Vienna, that this Vil­lain, as the former, past altogether unpunished.

The seventh Instance.

It appears publickly his most Christian Majesty since the Peace Arms by Sea and Land more powerfully than before; and France being not sufficient for the Levies he makes, he is come by his Ambassadour to the Center of the Empire, to Frankford and to Prague to compleat them. He causes Fortresses and Places of strength to be every day built on Saar, the Rhine, and all the Frontiers of Germany, I think there needs no better evidence of his having a Design to re­duce Almayn into a condition of disability of help it self, when he thinks fit to attacque it; if we consider farther, that he causes his Commissaries to buy up all the Corn in Swabe and Franco­nia, which is daily carried away [Page 31] into his Magazins in Lorrain, Al­satia, and the County of Burgun­dy. Let us examine on the other side the conduct of the Head and Natural Defender of the Empire, or rather of his unhappy Coun­cil: This Prince hath since the Peace reformed all his Troops; and in particular the Garrison of Rhinefeld, which is of principal consequence: Let us weigh the matter without prejudice: He hath disbanded most of his old Regiments, and kept on foot only part of the new. A man must be blind, and void of com­mon sense, who comprehends not that the Imperial Council hath in this particular acted by inteligence with the Council of France, and by their direction, to deprive the Emperor of the only Officers and Soldiers ca­pable to defend him, and to make them immediately go over into [Page 32] the service of France: The mat­ter hath fallen out according to their design, and I leave it to any man versed in matters of State or of War, to judge what a Conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signifie.

I should be too tedious to give you all the Instances I know whereby to prove the Emperour is certainly betray'd by the grea­ter part of his Council. But to be short, let it be observed, that the same Council that cleared the Steward of Commissary Ca­pelliers, the Traytors of Frank­fort who would have furnished Philipsbourgh with Powder in the Siege, and the Governour of Fri­bourgh: The same Council that hath protected at Brestaw the Vil­lain who abused the Duke of Saxe Eisnach, and procur'd a Pen­sion to be setled on him; the same Council that hath setled the [Page 33] Major Domo of the Abbot S. Gall. to be the Imperial Minister in Switzerland, and prevented the exemplary punishment of the Go­vernour of Phillipsbourgh; the same Council that advised His Imperial Majesty to reforme the greatest part of his Troops, and in the manner I have told you; this is the very Council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the Conduct and publick Robberies and Insolencies of Commissary Capelliers, and o­thers: and by causing His Impe­rial Majesty, to sign the late shameful Peace, have reduced the too good Prince into such a Condition, that (without a spe­cial Providence of God to the: contrary) no Prince will hence­forth without much difficulty and caution relye on his Word or his Signet: So that consider­ing the Activity, the Power and [Page 34] Interest of his Enemy, with the credit and influence he hath in the Emperor's Council, His Im­perial Majesty, as to his Elective Imperial Crown (and I know not what to say of his Heredita­ry Dominions and Estates) seems reduced to the Condition of a Chilperic, or a Charles in France; for he hath more than one Pepin, or one Hugh Capet to deal with. Nor do I see he hath any grea­ter Authority than had those two unfortunate Kings, who were violently thrust out of their Thrones; which neither they, nor any of their Posterity ever re­gained. The better to convince the World how foully His Impe­rial Majesty is betrayed by his Council, and in him all the Prin­ces and States of the Empire, and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous Plot carried on against them [Page 35] with great cunning and caution, give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret En­gines of this Plot, that His Im­perial Majesty's two Sisters were Married to Princes, both Robbed of their Dominions and Estates: As to the Duke of Lorrain, Hus­band of the Elder, he continues to this day stript of all his Estates, and if the late Peace hold, I see little hopes of his Re-establish­ment. And it cannot be deny'd but that the Duke of Newbourgh, though restored by the Peace to the Dukedoms of Juliers and Berg, was out of possession of both at the time of the Marriage of his Son to the Emperor's younger Sister. The Reasons of these Mar­riages were, that the Princesses being Married (as they are) to Prin­ces uncapable to afford His Impe­rial Majesty any Succour at need, neither His Majesty nor his Allies [Page 36] might have any benfit by the Marriages. And that when ever France should be desirous of Peace, there might be those in the Imperial Councils and Court, whose Interest would oblige them to desire and procure it, in order to their restoration and re-establish­ment in their Estates, and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their Bread elsewhere. It hath happened accordingly as to the Duke of Newburgh at least, for having not wherewith to bear the Charge of the Marriage of his Son with the Emperor's Sister, without being restored to the Dutchies of Juliers and Berg, which could not (at least so spee­dily) be effected without a Peace, what wonder is it, that this Prince hath for the time past (being forced by his Necessities) joyned with that part of the Emperor's Council that was for Peace, and [Page 37] assisted them in perswading His Imperial Majesty to sign it on any Condition: Nor can it appear strange, if this Prince for the su­ture joyn with the same Council, and use all his Credit and Interest with His Imperial Majesty, never to enter into a War with France, though he have never so great Reason for it. For when wants and Necessities enter in at the Door, Honour and Friendship flyeth out at the windows.

His Highness of Lorrain (to give him his due) hath done bravely on his occasion, having generously chosen to run the Risque of losing all, rather than sign so shameful and unjust a Peace, as that proposed to him by France: And I shall be very much deceived, if he or his reco­ver not their Estates rather by this than any other Conduct: For Revolutions are Common to [Page 38] all, and I have particular Reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the Affairs of his High­ness.

This I think is more than suf­ficient to Evince that His Impe­rial Majesty hath been basely be­trayed by his Council.

My next business is to shew by what sort of People he hath been chiefly betrayed, and with what Covers they have guilded those Pills, which they have made this Good and August Prince swallow from time to time.

To find the bottom of this bu­siness, we must look a great way back, as far as the beginning of the War, which France by Con­cert with England, the Elector of Cologne, the Duke of Newburgh, and the Bishop of Munster, made against the United Provinces in 1672. After several Alliances with the Deceased Elector of [Page 39] Bavaria, and Duke of Hanover, and others, which were but too visible during that War.

Several pretences have been made use of to colour that Rup­ture, but the truth is, it was fo­mented only by the Court of Rome and the Jesuits: To give your Highness full and clear sa­tisfaction in this particular, be pleased to permit me to put you in mind, that a little before the breaking out of that War, his Royal Highness of Savoy Decea­sed, having taken his Measures with the Court and Council of France, made open War against the Republick of Genoa. The Court of Rome wisely judging the Duke of Savoy would not have engaged in that Enterprize without assurance before hand of Succour and Protection from France, if needful; and that those petty Sparks might raise a [Page 40] General Conflagration in Italy, which in time might draw over thither all the French Forces, and consequently expose that Coun­try to inevitable Ruin; that sub­til and cunning Court, to save themselves from the storm, appli­ed themselves seriously,

In the First place, to put an end upon any terms to the War be­tween the Duke and the Repub­lick, which Monsieur Gaumont soon after effected.

In the next place, being sen­sible what formidable Forces His Most Christian Majesty had then on foot, and that that Monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new War; the Court of Rome resolved to use all their en­deavours to divert from them­selves and their Neighbours, the Effects of the French Arms, and cause them to fall on some other Country of Europe, the [Page 41] most remote that might be from Italy, and where it might be most Convenient for the Interest of the Pope: The Jesuits having gi­ven directions to this purpose, the affair was manag'd with that subtilty, the Storm fell altoge­ther on the United Provinces, the Court of Rome assuring it self, that if that Republique were once destroy'd, the whole Prote­stant Party would naturally come to ruin, and the Papal Authority in a short time recover it's primi­tive Grandeur and Glory. Great Obstacles were quickly discove­red against the carrying on this mighty Project: The most Chri­stian King who clearly saw what the Court of Rome aim'd at, was, or pretended to be, unwilling to engage in Open War against the United Provinces, but on two Conditions.

[Page 42] First, That the Court of Rome should secretly consent and give way that he might, if he could, joyn the Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands and Lorrain, with what he could Conquer from the States of the United Provinces, to form or restore the Ancient Kingdom of Austrasia.

Secondly, that the Court of Rome should assure him, to their Power, to procure his Majesty and the Dauphin, (who was designed the New King of Austrasia,) the Imperial Crown.

As to the point of the Spanish Netherlands, it must be observ'd, that to bring about the Design, it was absolutely necessary to ma­nage his Majesty of Great Brit­tain, (whose interests there were very considerable) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfa­ction without Sacrificing to him something very considerable of [Page 43] what belong'd to the Spaniard. It would have been almost im­possible for any but the Jesuits In­terests, so different, to reconcile and overcome so great and Nu­merous Difficulties. The two Branches of the most August House of Austria, had heap'd most considerable Favours, and showed their Bounties, on the So­ciety of Jesuits: But when they are concerned for the Grandeur of the Pope, and the Interests of the Miter (which (by the way) the Society looks on with the same Ardour a young Prince in Love would eye the advantages, the Glory and Interests of a Beau­tiful and rich Queen, whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy) all Thoughts and me­mory of the favours received from the August Family, are wholly laid aside on that occa­sion; the Jesuits fell immdiately [Page 44] to find out Expedients for two Reasons, full of Justice and Equity, according to the Politick Maxims of that Blessed Society.

The first was that whereas the House of Austria in the present Conjuncture was notoriously un­able to raise the Roman Bishops to their former Estate of Grandeur and Glory, and that there was not any but His most Christian Majesty, who by his Forces and Interests could work this kind of Miracle it was absolutely necessa­ry to remove all Difficulties and Obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so Profi­table and Glorious.

The Second, That in case the Design should take effect, the So­ciety was assured of having in recompence of their pains, two great Abbies, Heads of their Or­ders, the one in the Ancient King­dom of France, the other in the [Page 45] New Conquests: Which Abbys were to be added to the vast Pa­trimony of this Society, besides the assurances they had by the protection of France, to obtain a Settlement in Amsterdam, and elsewhere. Upon these Grounds they procur'd the Treaties to be privately sign'd between France and Rome, and between France and England, by vertue whereof the War was quickly begun a­gainst the United Provinces.

I pass over in silence the satis­faction his Majesty of Great Brit­tain was to have, as impertinent to my present business: It may be observed, that as under the Reign of Philip the second France was to have been made (as far as it lay in the Power of Rome) a Sa­crifice to the Interests of the Pa­pal Miter, and the Monarch of Spain, 'tis now become the turn of the most August House of [Page 46] Austria, (according to this Pro­ject) to be Sacrificed to the inte­rests of the Papacy, the Jesuits and his most Christian Majesty. And that as the principal design of the Jesuits, and of France, was the absolute destruction of the Protestant Party, it was from hence it proceeded, that a League was form'd and sign'd by most of the Catholick Princes of Germany, and incorporated into the Treaties above mention'd, wherein every of the Confede­rates had, or at least thought to have had his design, and com­pass'd his ends, as afterwards appear'd: Hence also it proceed­ed that France, having anciently had very strict alliances with the Protestant Princes of Ger­many, conceal'd very carefully the present design from all its ancient Allyes of that Commu­nion. The Court of Rome, and [Page 47] the Society as carefully con­ceal'd it from both branches of the House of Austria; and all this for reasons, than which no­thing is more easily apprehend­ed: For the same reason it was, that in the beginning of this War, nothing was omitted by the Popes Nuncio, the Jesuits, and their Emissaries, to lull a­sleep the Councils of Vienna and Madrid; and that afterwards they did with all possible dili­gence reveal to the Ministers of France, all they could discover of the deliberations of the Impe­rial Council, or the Spanish. For the same reason it was, that his Imperial Majesty by the clear Remonstrances of the Elector of Brandenbourgh being made sen­sible of the Trap cunningly laid for him by the French, and ha­ving commanded an Army to joyn with that Elector on the [Page 48] Rhine, those Emissaries of Rome laid all their heads together, and for their Master-piece to carry on the Design, effected two things.

The first was the Rebellion of the Male Contents in Hungary, not yet Suppressed, whereby they endeavour'd, if possible, to give the Emperour so strong a diversi­on, that it might not be in his Power to assist his Allies.

The second, I have from an Anonimous Author of an Essay of the Interest of the Protestant Princes and States, Printed in the year, 1676. and treating of several things, in this respect ve­ry considerable: The Author in my Opinion deserves the more Credit, in that he hath lash'd the Society to some purpose in his Discourse, yet not one of it's Pa­trons or Partisans hath under­took to refute him: The account [Page 49] he gives of the first Campaign, I will repeat Word for Word from the Original, as very sutable to my purpose.

In the Year 1672. when the Arms of France were so pros­perous, that all Europe looked on the States of the United Provin­ces as very near Destruction, His Electoral Highness of Bran­denbourgh wisely foreseeing the Consequences to be expected from the Ambitious Enterprizes of France, if not stopped in time, gained himself the Reputation, not only of having been the first Prince of Christendom who drew his Sword in Protection of that broken State, but by vigo­rous Remonstrances to the Court of Vienna, was the cause that His Imperial Majesty, awaking out of the Lethargy some corrupt Counsellors had cast him into, resolved to Arm vigorously, and [Page 50] joyn with his Electoral Highness in Defence of that Republique: His Electoral Highness in pursu­ance of this Resolution being advanc'd towards the Rhine, with a considerable Army, and Count Montecuculi being on his way thither in the Head of an Impe­rial Army, with design to act jointly, and to do something considerable in favour of the Re­publique. France, allarm'd by the March of the two German Armies, had detach'd Marshal Turenne, with a Body of an Ar­my to observe the motions of the other two: But by the several Marches and Counter-Marches these two Armies had made, es­pecially that of Brandenbourgh, sometimes making as if they would pass the Rhine in several places, sometimes in being ready to fall upon the Allies of France beyond the Rhine, Turennes Ar­my [Page 51] was so tyr'd out and haras­sed, that about the end of the Campaign it was almost quite dissipated, and found it self in so miserable a Condition, that 'tis certain all Turenne was able to do, was to be on the defen­sive against one of those Armies, and that if both Armies had join'd, Turenne had been inevita­bly lost, as was publickly confest. His Electoral Highness of Bran­denburgh knowing how easie it was to destroy Turenne, and the Consequence of his Defeat, cau­sed a vigorous Remonstrance of all to be made to the Council of Vienna; it was so effectual, that positive Orders were sent Monte­cuculi to join his Electoral High­ness and Fight Turenne, without further loss of time; which would have broken all the open and hidden Measures of France, and by one blow freed the Em­pire [Page 52] and Holland from Oppressi­on. But other matters were in hand for the Interest of Rome. His Majesty of Great Brittain had permitted himself to be per­swaded to publish about that time, a Declaration (whereof he made Report to his Parlia­ment,) whereby a Tolleration and Indulgence was granted in favour of the Nonconformists of his Kingdom. Though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular Con­venticles of the Sectaries of the Protestant Party, as, under the name of Non-Conformists, to introduce Popery again into that Estate, though contrary to the Designs and Intentions of His Majesty, who granted it only in favour of the tender Consciences of his Protestant Subjects: This Step towards Popery being the First Fruits the Court of Rome [Page 53] had promised it self from the Ruin of the States of the United Provinces, 'tis no wonder that Court set all hands at work to ef­fect that Ruin. The then prin­cipal Obstacles of the Design, was the Resolution of His Electoral Highness against Turenne, the Destruction of his Army being capable to Re-establish the States of the United Provinces, and that Re-establishment would have destroyed all the Projects of the Jesuits in England. Here it was the Jesuits plaid their part to prevent the blow from fallin on Turenne, and they acted it too well for the general Good of Eu­rope: for Montecuculi instead of receiving Express Order to joyn Brandenbourgh's Army, and fight Turenne, received Orders quite contrary; whereby he was abso­lutely forbidden to do the one or the other. To drive this Nail [Page 54] to the head; the venerable So­ciety (whose impudence nothing can parallel) made it their busi­ness several ways to infuse into his Electoral Highness a jealousie of the Emperour, as insincere in his intentions: this was effect­ed with the greater facility, for that his E. H. of Brandenbourgh, having received from the Court of Vienna, a formal Letter, which gave him an exact account of the true order his Imperial Majesty had sent Montecuculi to join him and fight the French, and his E. H. having summoned Montecuculi to execute that Order, Montecuculi, who knew he had Orders quite contrary, but knew nothing of the former, of which the Elector had account, could do no less than refuse the one and the o­ther, nor could his Electoral Highness choose upon the re­fusal, but suspect the sincerity of [Page 55] the Emperor's Intentions. This was not enough for those Ma­sters of mischief, for at the same time those Emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into Montecuculi, a suspicion of the sincerity of the Elector's Intenti­ons. These Jealousies being but too deeply established, especial­ly on this last side, 'tis no won­der His Electoral Highness was at last perswaded (as these Emis­saries had by a third Hand infi­nuated to him) that the House of Austria treated under-hand a separate Peace with France: Which appeared the more pro­bable, by the daily Advice he had of the miserable estate of Turenne's Army, growing every hour worse and worse, and the obstinacy of Montecuculi, neither to joyn him, nor fight. The Emissaries foreseeing this misun­derstanding would vanish in­time [Page 56] time, when the truth should ap­pear, made use of that conjun­cture to set on the Duke of New­bourgh to manage a particular Peace between his Electoral Highness and France; which the Electoral, jealous of the Im­perialists, and vext at their pro­ceedings, was at last perswaded to accept, and with so much the more reason, that as to Holland he pretended they had not satis­fied their Engagements to him, and as to the Interests of the Em­pire he reserved himself intire liberty to arm in its defence, if France should attacque it.

The Elector was concerned in Reputation to make the Empe­rour sensible of his just Resent­ments of Montecuculi's proceed­ing: Montecuculi was strangely surprized, when at his return to Vienna his Master called him to a strict account of his Conduct, [Page 57] and the Reasons why he had neither joined Brandenbourgh's Army, nor fought Turenne, when express Orders had been sent him for both. But if Montecu­culi was surprized at the Questi­on, his Imperial Majesty was no less at the Answer, when his sage General produced for his discharge an Order of his Impe­rial Majesty, in very good form, expresly forbidding him either to joyn with Brandenbourgh or fight Turenne: And 'tis certain, this General found all the justice of his Cause, and the assurance his Master had of his fidelity, little enough to clear him of this unhappy Affair. I know this business is one of those Riddles never to be decypher'd, unless the Author will voluntarily give us the Key. I know 'tis from hence it proceeds, that one of the principal Wretches of this [Page 58] Court hath been formerly char­ged with this Forgery: But to speak the truth, the whole guilt of this Affair lies at the Doors of the Emissaries of Rome in this Court, who by secret Contri­vances with those of France, found the means to intercept the true Original Order, and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one, but very well Counterfeit both the Hand and Seal: And that by People who are not now to learn that Trade. It being certain we should not have seen so many Troubles in Hungary, as daily are there, had these Emissa­ries less credit in the Emperours Court.

His Imperial Majesty, the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourgh, and Count Montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this Affair: But I am well assur'd not one of the three knows the se­cret [Page 59] Engines set at work in the business. What I know thereof comes not from them, but from a place where every particular of this Negotiation was known, and by whom it was animated. Certain it is, if the point of the Catholicon in England had not been found; the Ministers of France could not have so easily compassed this Forgery; but by that every thing became feasible, the Directors of the Society ha­ving voluntarily undertaken to master all Difficulties.

By the ingenious Deduction of this Relation, where the Author speaks plainly, as a man well in­structed and acquainted with the fineness, and superfineness of the management, and by what I have said before, on the same Subject, and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a Principle of [Page 60] a Papal, or Jesuitical Ambition, the Council of Vienna, from the beginning of the War, hath been so well penetrated, direct­ed, or altered, that all the Expe­ditions of the Imperial Army (except with convenient distin­ctions, the considerable Impor­tant taking of Bonne, the long and langushing Siege of Phillips­bourgh, and the taking it at last, and the death of Turenne, which was meerly accidental) I say all the Expeditions, these three Points excepted, have been from the beginnings of the Campaigns to the end of them, but so many Processions and Pilgrimages of Shame and of Misery, of Disor­der and confusion, as the Sub­jects of the Empire know too well, who have been flay'd to the bone, and had their Marrow suckedout by Winter quarters, without con­sideration, or mercy, but espe­cially [Page 61] the Protestant States and people, and other Princes, Lords, Magistrates, Countries and Towns, who have felt the smart of that fiery Tryal.

From the same principle it is, that when by the Expulsion of the Swedes out of the Patrimo­ny of the Empire, his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh, and his Highness of Zell and Osna­bourgh were in a condition (not­withstanding the particular peace of the United Provinces and Spain) to transport the chief of their Forces upon the Frontiers of France, and by so glorious an Action, to oblige France infalli­bly to make a peace with the Empire in general and particu­lar, according to Justice and E­quity, then were the Emissaries of Rome, so powerful in the Council at Vienna, that they ob­liged his Imperial Majesty, to [Page 62] the prejudice of all his Treaties, to seal privately such a peace with France, as we have menti­oned before; which hath been manag'd with so much dexterity, that that good (but for that time too credulous) Prince did believe, and perhaps is still of the same mind, that he acted according to the most judicious Maxims of Religion and Prudence: And because it may concern your Highness to be inform'd what Ar­tifices were used by the Jesuits and Ministers of France, who went hand in hand, acting by concert in all this Affair, to en­gage his Imperial Majesty to sign that fatal Peace, there were sent from France under other pretences the Dutchess of Mec­lenbourgh to the Court of Zell, and the Count of D' Epause to that of Brandenbourgh, and at the same time the Jesuits labour'd [Page 63] so effectually, that his Imperial Majesty was made believe (though certainly without just ground) that the Houses of Brandenbourgh and Lunenbourgh had already agreed, or were just upon agreeing, to a separate Peace with France; whereby his Imperial Majesty would be left alone a prey to the French Ambition. True it is, if those Princes were in that Conjuncture (as is very probable) very willing to keep what they had conquer'd from the Swede: I think they had done well to have dismist those Envoys from their Courts, which had they done, it would at least have taken away from the Emperours corrupt Council, all pretence of rendring them suspitious to his Imperial Ma­jesty, and hastening him in pur­suance of that suspition to sign the peace under Consideration.

[Page 64] To sum up all, we may from what hath been said, reasonably infer these three particulars.

First, That his Imperial Ma­jesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his Coun­cil; for I am not so malicious and unjust to confound the inno­cent with the guilty, and not to make an exception (out of the ge­neral clause) in favour of those of his Council, who are men of Integrity and Honour, who in truth I think are very few, and not much in Credit.

Secondly, That his Imperial Majesty being so villanously be­tray'd by his Council, the Em­pire in general and particular, through the indissoluble union of the head and Members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its Soveraign, as is very well known by a fatal, and too long experience.

[Page 65] Thirdly, that 'tis easie for his Imperial Majesty, and the Em­pire, to know whom they have equallly cause to complain of, and from what Principle not only this Treason is derived, but all the mischiefs that have affli­cted Christendom, for above an Age, but especially the Empire since the beginning of the late War: I say for above an Age, as to the General; because that which his most Christian Maje­sty, instigated by the Jesuits, un­dertakes in our days, is but the same, which, by instigation of their predecessors, Charles the first, the Emperour Fardinand the Second, and Philip the Se­cond of Spain, did in their days. As to the Empire in particular I say, since the beginning of the last War; because 'tis certain his Imperial Majesty hath been since that time by the means I [Page 66] have mentioned, so closely beset, and so strictly observed, that 'tis not in his power to speak, to ad­vise, to wish, or do any thing, but the Society knows, and ab­solutely destroys it, if not suitable to their particular Interests and Designs: There is not a person in the Emperor's Court, but knows, that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that Court that Cabal in any mat­ter though never so little: To conclude this Point, His Imperi­al Majesty, as a Slave to the So­ciety, as things stand at present, serves only to Authorize his own Ruin, the Ruin of his August Family, and of the Empire in general and particular: For the very Moment I write, France publickly solicits in the Empire, (as I said before) the Nominati­on of a King of the Romans in fa­vour [Page 67] of the Dauphin, which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and sub­tilty, that his Imperial Majesty, if he follow the advice of his Council, Spiritual or Temporal, will think himself obliged in Conscience voluntarily to give way to it.

This, my Lord, is the true state of his Imperial Majesty, and his Council since the last Peace. Three things remain to be con­sidered.

First, The particular Advan­tages the Court of Rome, and the Jesuits procured themselves by the late War.

Secondly, What Advantages they design'd themselves by the late Peace, and its consequences.

Thirdly, What the Empire in general and particular may ex­pect from the present state of Affairs.

[Page 68] The Advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits procured themselves, by the late War, have not been so great as they promised themselves, for God having preserved the United Provinces, whose utter Destru­ction they had projected; 'tis certain, most of their Projects in England, and elsewhere, were defeated: Yet the Advantages of the Papacy over the Protestant Party, in the late War, are very considerable; and consist in five Particulars.

1. That by the fire of War, kindled by the Artifices of Rome, and the Jesuits, between England and the United Provinces; those two Protestant Powers have un­happily consumed very conside­rable Forces in Men, Money, Ships, Ammunition, and loss of Trade, the Soul and Substance of the Riches of both Countries.

[Page 69] 2. That the United Provinces have in defence of themselves against France and its Allies in Germany, been forced to spend their Men and their Money, be­sides loss of Trade during the War.

3. That Swede, Denmark, Brandenbourgh, and Zell, have consumed their Forces during all this War, kindled by the Arti­fices of the same Party, between Swede, and the three Princes of Denmark, Brandenbourgh, and Lunenbourgh, both by Sea and Land.

4. That under pretence of this War, the Protestant States of the Empire, as well during the Campaignes as by Winter-Quarters, have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with Exactions, Burnings, Contribu­tions to that degree, that most of the Protestant Imperial [Page 70] Towns are almost ruined; and several of them as well as the Palatinate, and other Countries, out of hopes of recovery in an Age; while the Hereditary Countries, and Bavaria, and many other places of the Roman Communion in the Empire, have been preserved as the Apple of an Eye, or so little opprest they scarce feel it.

5. That France by this War, having conquered the County of Burgundy, and kept it by the Peace free from Condition of Exchange, it is to be observ'd, that whereas this Province, be­longing heretofore to Spain, was, by reason of its distance from the heart of that Kingdom, not in a condition to hurt the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses; now that it belongs to France, we art not to flatter our selves, but it belongs to a [Page 71] Power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the Canton of Bern, and under the specious pretence of Religion put the Protestant and Roman Cantons in disorder, and by de­grees work their inevitable ru­ine; unless that Republick have the Courage and Judgment to en­ter into confederacy with those that ought to preserve it from destruction, which the building the Fortress of Hunningen, may sufficiently instruct them, is cer­tainly intended them.

I reckon all these to be real advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have by the last War procur'd themselves against the Protestant Party: For where resolution is taken to ruine an Enemy under several heads, the best way to effect it, is to divide the Powers, and engage them as much as may be in [Page 72] War, one against another, to the Consumption of their For­ces; and to fortifie your self on their Frontiers, that you may make sudden Inroads into their Countries when you please: The Court of Rome, and the Je­suits, by the Access they have had to the Council of France, and the House of Austria, and by the help of the Counsellors there, and in the Protestant Courts, have with great dexterity put these Maxims in practice during the late War: For His Majesty of Swedland, managed by France, His Majesty of Denmark, His E­lectoral Highness of Branden­bourgh, and His Highness of Zell, managed by the Imperial Court, will take the pains to search to the bottom, by what Mo­tives and Artifices they have been all four engaged in a War, which hath ruined their Estates [Page 73] for more than ten years. I doubt not (with the respect and submission that is due to them) but they will find that the mo­dern Romans have with great in­solence and perfidiousness pra­ctised upon them what the anci­ent Romans did for divertisement to their Gladiators: for when these men had by bloody, and oftentimes mortal Combats, suf­ficiently diverted the Spectators, and the Magistrate made them a Sign to give out, they were bound to do it, and in what con­dition soever they were to go every one home, as these four Princes were in the end forced to do. This may serve for an excellent and important instru­ction for England, Holland, Swede and Denmark, and all the Prote­stant States and Princes of Ger­many, to avoid effectually the snares the Court of Rome every [Page 74] day lays for them the ways I have observed, with a setled design to destroy not only their Religion but their Temporal Estates.

The Second Point.

The Advantages the Court of of Rome and the Jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the Peace between his Impe­rial Majesty and France, may be reduced to three principal Heads.

1. By the Maxims observed in the first part of my Letter, to fix (without danger of any pro­bable variation) the Designs of France, and the Efforts of their Arms, against the Empire and Northern Countries, as most re­mote from Italy, and most con­venient by the progress of those Arms to ruine the Prorestant [Page 75] Party and consequently to ad­vance the re-establishment of the Papal Grandeur and Authority, the fall of the one producing na­turally the exaltation of the other. And for attaining this end, to procure this Peace to be so made, that his most Christian Majesty might be fully perswa­ded the Court of Rome and the Jesuits (in prejudice to all other Powers of Christendom) studi­ed nothing more than his exal­tation, and an effectual setling and establishing in time an abso­lute Monarchick Authority over Europe: And that this project might be made appear so facil and easie to this Prince that he might be the better tempted to under­take it: In order to these ends, the Court of Rome and the Jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to de­monstrate their zeal and close [Page 76] adherence to the Grandeur and Exaltation of the most Christian King, than by making (as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness) a Sacrifice of the Emperour and Empire (with all that concerned the Glory and Interest of both) the better to carry on the Designs of the French: Their project in this particular hath proved so effe­ctual, and discover'd so many divisions, so much ignorance, weakness, and baseness, in the Empire, that his most Christian Majesty may by these appea­rances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the Em­pire (though I am not of opi­nion he will find it so easie a matter as he hath been made be­lieve 'tis.) But we are to believe this Prince is perswaded, that to attain all his ends, the Empire [Page 77] being the natural obstacle against an Universal Monarchy, it must be his business to attempt the Empire in the first place. Nor can it be doubted, but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, making full account the most Christian King will be very well able by his Forces to master the Empire, have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the Peace be­tween his Imperial Majesty and France, upon design that his most Christian Majesty being by this expedient of the Peace free from War, in case the perpetual Plots of the Court of Rome, and the Jesuits in England, or elsewhere, should be so prosperous, as, with the help of Forreign aid, to effect the re-establishment of the Popes Authority there, they might make use of the French Forces to invade that Kingdom, or other Countries, for the ends I have [Page 78] mentioned: And if by Gods Providence the perfidious and damnable Conspiracy of the Je­suits against the King the Reli­gion and State of England had not been discovered the last year, I believe England had e're this felt the Effects of what I observe. Be pleased to allow me leave on this occcasion to say, that unless his Majesty of Great Brittain be willing to fall, with all his People, under the slavery of the Pope, the Jesuits, and France, he hath great Cause to take heed left the Warlike Pre­parations of all sorts made by the French in all their Ports, and on the Coasts of the Ocean, be not made upon some such design; for by the Scheme of the Plot Ireland is looked upon as a Country which may unquestio­nably procure France the abso­lute Dominion of the Sea, and [Page 79] of Trade, and the Conquests of the West Indies, according to their ancient and primitive pro­ject.

3. The Court of Rome and the Jesuits having that influence over the Imperial Council, that it was in their power to do what they pleased there, there is no doubt but the signing of the Peace was prest on this farther design, that His Imperial Maje­sty (the Peace concluded) find­ing himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his Forces, they might easily per­swade him to employ them to root out the Protestant Party in Hungary, and perfect the pre­tended Reformation in Silesia: And it was well for that People that God provided for their safety by very extraordinary means, I mean the Plague; for had not that broken out, it is [Page 80] not credible but Dunewald the Apostate, now a formal Creature of the Jesuits, had been sent thither with an Army to do something. Happy would it be for His Imperial Majesty, if by just and solid Reflections on the Disasters successively fallen upon his August Family, for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, and by considering this Scourge of God which hath forced him to quit his Capital City, and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes, he would be sensible the Hand of God is not stretched out against him, as heretofore against David, for his Sin, but because he hath stretched out his hand to op­press the only Congregations of Christians in his Dominions, whose Worship is not infected [Page 81] with Idolatry, and who accor­ding to the Precepts of the Gospel adore the Soveraign and Supreme Creator in Spirit and in Truth. But far happier should His Imperial Majesty be, if by such reflections God would give him the Grace, as he did to the Emperor Charles the Fifth before de died, to acknowledge and own the Truth he perse­cutes; and (setting aside Policy) embrace generously the Professi­on of it. God Almighty would then certainly bless him, and 'tis credible he would not deny him the Power to humble the Proud, and those who by their enormous. Ambition, put all Europe into Combustion. I beg your High­nesses Pardon for this Digression; which the Matter I treat of, and my Zeal for the Faith and Salva­tion of others naturally led me to.

The Third Point.

To make some solid Progno­stick, in a matter so dilicate, I say, as to what the Empire in general and particular is no ex­pect from the present state of affairs; we are to believe his most Christian Majesty (unless notably changed in his dispositi­ons) would boldly and couragi­ously carry on his business, I mean his pretension to make his Son, the Dauphin, King of the Ro­mans: His Marriage with the Princess of Bavaria, the Envoys and magnificent Presents he sends to the Electoral Courts of Saxony and Brandenbourgh, and his arming so furiously, signifie sufficiently two things. First, His Contempt of the Alliances and Oppositions His Imperial Majesty may make against him. [Page 83] Secondly, That he will certain­ly pursue his pretension. 'Tis of extream importance for the Em­pire in general and particular to know, whether it be for the inte­rest of the Empire to favour this pretension, or to oppose it. This with your Highnesses leave, I in­tend briefly to examine; and to observe some order: It is to be considered,

1. Whether it be better for the Empire in general, and every Member of it in particular, to live according to the ancient Cu­stoms, Rights and Priviledges, un­der which they have lived for ma­ny Ages; or that the Empire, with­out striking a blow, submit vo­luntarily to the Yoke of a Govern­ment which acknowledges no Law, but that of a Power purely Despotical and Absolute?

2. As a Dependent on the former Point, Whether it be bet­ter, [Page 84] as to the Revolutions since the Wars for Religion, that the Empire live occording to the Concordats and Agreements in the Peace of Munster, or Osna­brug, and the last Capitulations with His Imperial Majesty since his Election: or without regard to the one, or the other, that the Empire engage anew in a Civil War, which by a final Vi­ctory may decide the Quarrel in favour of one of the parties, con­cerning the Concordats, and those two Treaties of Peace, or the late Capitulations, as if ne­ver agreed or capitulated?

I think it the more necessary to examine before hand these Points, for that we may hold it for certain.

As to the first Point.

In case the Dauphin be ever E­lected [Page 85] King of the Romans, that from the days of that Election, whatever Capitulations shall be signed to the contrary, the Ger­man Empire will be annexed to, and made an Hereditary Pro­vince of the Crown of France. To justifie this, you need only read several French Authors, who have treated of the Rights and pretensions of France, upon the Empire, particularly that of the Advocate Awbrey; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his Writings, yet if that Election take effect, we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded. Besides, you may soberly weigh what France hath already practised upon that part of the Empire which hath fallen to its share, and the Neighbour­ing Parts, both in Temporals and Spirituals: as to the Temporal Concerns, France seizes all bold­ly [Page 86] and openly in the Face of the Sun, without pretence of other Law, or Right, but that of con­venience, with as much free­dom and confidence, as it would take possession of any ancient Patrimony of that Crown: The Dukes of Lorrain and Deuxponts, Mentbeleuard, and the Ten free Towns of Alsatia, sufficiently prove this; as to Spiritual mat­ters you need only read the pub­lick Ordinance of the Bishop of Metz against the Lutherans of those Countries.

For the Clergy in general, all the free Chapters of the Empire, whether Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deans, or Priors, may assure themselves, if this Electi­on take place, they must go to France e're they come to those Dignities; for to imagine the free Suffrages of the Chapters shall be continued, is sortishness [Page 87] and folly. The Bishopricks of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and (I doubt not for the future) Cam­bray, which were heretofore Prin­cipalities of the Empire, may teach us that under a French Government the only way to those Dignities is by a Writ of Presentation by the Kings, and consequently all that seek or depend on those Bishopricks must be Courtiers and Slaves. Not but that I believe if the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans, his Council is too cunning not to make him promise expresly to maintain the Privileges and Ecclesiastical Benefices of the Empire: And that till he be fully setled they may be content to write Letters to the Chapters to chuse the person the Court shall recommend, but in such a man­ner there will be no fear of re­fusal: Yet this course is not to [Page 88] be expected to hold ten Years to an end: Which I believe the ra­ther for that France pretends (as hath been declared at large by several politick Treatises) that most of the great Benefices in Germany have been founded by Emperors, Kings of France, and that consequently the Court of France is the true Patron of them.

The Princes of the Empire, Ecclesiastical and temporal, of what Rank or Degree soever, may from the day of that Ele­ction, provide for three things which will certainly follow.

First they shall be reduced to the natural Rents and Revenues of their ancient Patrimonies, which cannot with Probability be denied to depend upon the ancient Kingdom of Austrasia, (which the Ministers of France suppose to be part of the French [Page 89] Monarchy) and consequently all natural Rights there being sub­ject to the Law Salique, admit neither of Alienation nor Pre­scription. For as to the Taxes and Contributions now paid these Lords by their Vassals and Subjects, there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them, and consent with a very good Will, that the Head of the Empire shall in this Case Order what Taxes and Exactions he please to be Levied, and all for his use: To pretend Capitulations or Reasons to the contrary, will be to insist on Trifles, or commence Suits to be decided only by Mili­tary Execution.

Secondly, They will be Dis­armed, it being against the Ho­nour of the policy of France, to permit any Prince, or Lord, un­der their Dominion, to have the Power to defend himself by force, [Page 90] be his Right to do so never so an­cient and authentick.

Thirdly, To gain the favour of the Head of the Empire, the Head of every House of the Se­cular Princes must actually wait on His Imperial Majesty at an excessive Expence, or send in his stead his Brothers or Sons to make his Court, or to receive Orders and Caresses, and some­times Repulses and Checks: And the Empire being full of Divi­sions and Jealousies, there is cause enough to fear the Princes will strive who shall be most Offici­ous, as the Princes and other Great men of France have done, to their utter Ruin, and total Consumption of their Estates.

As for the Counts, and Barons, and all Gentlemen of the Empire, who are Vassals to Electors and particular Princes, my Heart bleeds to think how certainly [Page 91] and strangely their Condition will be chang'd, if ever a French King be made Emperour. Is it probable the Ministers of France will have more pity of the Ger­man Nobility and Gentry, than the Dukes, Marquesses, Counts, Barons and particular Nobility of their own Country have found at their hands? There is no doubt but the day they change their Master, they must bid an Eter­nal Adieu to all their Rights of Soveraign Justice and Free-hold: The Great Men and private Gen­try of France, several of whom have the Honour to be descended in a right Line from Soveraign Princes, had no less Courage, nor were heretofore less Priviledged, nor less Jealous of their Rights, than many of the Body of the Empire are at this present. Yet have they been forc'd one after another to submit to the Yoke, [Page 92] and lose all their ancient Privi­ledges: Nor must they think any more (though they have right) to lay any imposition on their Subjects. For (as I said before in the Article of the Princes;) This is a sweet bit, which the ab­solute and Despotical Dominion of France always reserves for it's own Tooth. They must never think more by Offices and Im­ployments under particular Princes, or the Head of the Em­pire, to render themselves conside­rable, make their Fortunes, or Recover their spent Estates, as they could have done heretofore: At least but few of them shall be ever able to do it. For as to particular Princes, they will in case of a French Emperour be ab­solutely ruin'd, and forc'd to Re­trench themselves and their Fa­milies to a very low Condition; and as to the Head of the Empire, [Page 93] whoever will have Office or Im­ployment in his House or Courts of Justice, must think of buying it with ready Money, there be­ing not an Office or Imployment in the French Kings House, from the Steward of his House to the Scullion in his Kitchen, nor in his Courts of Justice, from that of Chief President to the mean­est Serjeant, but is sold for ready Money. So that there remains not for the Nobility and Gentry of the Empire, any Office or Em­ploy, but what must be bought, save only the Military: But the Nobility and Gentry of the Em­pire are too Judicious, (at least, unless (as the French Proverb is) They are willing to be taken for Fools,) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of Military Employment, any greater Privi­ledge than is allow'd the ancient [Page 94] Nobility of France, and conse­quently, that to procure the fa­vour of the Prince or his Prin­cipal Ministers, they must serve in the Wars at their own Charge, as the French Nobility have done. The necessary Expences of every Office exceeding yearly, by three fourths, the pay of the Prince: That is, they most resolve to consume the Bulk of their Estates to be known at Court, and fre­quently spend a real Patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes, which will infallibly Ruin their Families; and bring most of those who take these Courses to end their lives in Languish­ing Griefs and cruel Repentings: For thus it is, all the Nobility of France serve in the Wars, and such is the end most of them make. If we have heard of a Schomberg or a Ransan that be­came considerable in France by [Page 95] the Wars. Let the Nobility of the Empire be assur'd it was but a Lure which the Ministers of France (who have long since Plotted the Conquest of the Em­pire) thought fit to hold out to Delude and Cheat the German Nobility: They are like the Fires in the Night that lead them into Precipices, who are indi­screet enough to follow them: All this I know to be true, groun­ded on very Authentick Me­moirs, and certain knowledge of the matters I mention.

As for the Imperial Towns and free Cities of the Empire, Colmar, Schlestat, and Haguenau, and the rest of that Rank, situate in Alsatia, may teach their Magi­strates and Councils, what va­lue the Ministers of France put upon their ancient Rights and Priviledges, for those are the things the Ministers there, or [Page 96] their Envoys under the name of Commissaries or Intendants, call in Derision Stories to make one Sleep, Illusions, and Old Wives Tales, that is, things nothing worth. If ever France come to the Empire, all the Cities of that Order are with Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and (last of all) Bezan­son to denounce and disclaim all Rights of Justice, Magazines, Garrisons and Impositions, and to prepare themselves (at least all those that cannot, will be kept under otherwise) to see built in the highest place in the Town a strong Citadel at their Charge, and a Garrison put into it, which they must maintain, and conse­quently by degrees undergo, as well as all the Subjects of Princes, Earls, Barons, and particular Lords; and all Counts, Barons, and private Lords for their Estates in Land and all Necessaries for [Page 97] Life, with very little Exception, all the Impositions following.

First upon Estates in Land, Mo­ney, and Trade.

Ayde, Octroy, Preciput, Equi­valent, Crue, Taille, Estaste, Sub­sistence de quartier d'hyver, Ga­rinzons, Mortpayes, Appointments des Governeurs, Debtes & Affaires du Roy, Gratifications Extraordi­naries, Den Gratuit, Frais de Re­coua usemens & Contabilite.

More upon Drinks.

Aydes sur le vin, Bieres, & Ci­dres, Plus le huitieme denier, Le Souquet, Le Patae, Imposts & Bil­lets.

[Instead of Censuring the Translation imperfect, in giving the Names of these [Page 98] Impositions (as in the Ori­ginal) in French, let the Reader Congratulate his Happiness, that very few of these Most Christian Im­positions have been Chri­stened in England, and there­for they want Names in our Language.]

More upon things Eatable.

The Gabelle on Corn and Meal, which is taken in Markets or at the Mill, in several places, under the Name of Mesure Coupee, or Octroy.

The Toll called Pied Forchu, taken for all sorts of Beasts sold in Fairs and Markets.

The Toll taken by Weight for every Pound of Meat sold in the Shambles.

The Gabelle on Salt, which will raise the price of Salt so [Page 99] high, that what is now sold for a Florin, will then cost Fourteen Crowns.

More upon all Necessaries for Life.

The Mark of Paper, The Mark of Silver, The Mark of Tin, The Mark of Hats, The Mark on all Silk Stockins and Woollen, The Mark of Shoes, The Gabella on Perukes, The Gabelle on Tobacco, The Mark on all Stuffs of Wooll or Silk, The Mark on Linnen, The Gabelle on Ice, The Control of Ex­ploits.

More upon Noble Estates, from five Years, to five Years.

The Tax of free Fifes, The Tax of new Purchases, The Fifths and Refifths, Amortissements.

More upon the Offices of Judica­ture and the Treasury.

The price of Valuation, The Mark of Gold, The two Sols in the Pound, The Seal duty, The Duty of Control, The Registers Duty, The Duty for Oaths; The Prest for being admited to the Annual, The Annual or Pau­lette.

Besides many other Taxes to be paid from time to time, and many Retrenchments of Wages to be yearly undergone; for the Soveraign Courts have but three quarters Wages, the Subordinate but two, and the base or lowest Courts frequently but one.

Add to all these the Reunion to the King's Demesnes, newly Executed throughout France on all Commonalties or Corpora­tions of the Empire, that is, all [Page 101] that belongs in Common to any Commonalty, as Fewel and Pa­sture in Woods and Forests, Ri­vers, Ponds, and all other Com­mon Rights of what nature so­ever.

More on all sorts of Merchandises Imported or Exported.

The Custom, The Custom for the Value, The Foreign.

Besides the Custom of Lions, Burdeaux and Roan, which take their Names from the Places, and are levied with all Rigour imaginable, not only upon Im­portation into the Realm, or Ex­portation out of it into Foreign Countries, but in most of the Frontiers of the Provinces, upon passing out of one into another, within the Kingdom. And we may expect the like Exactions to [Page 102] be established in the several Pro­vinces of the Empire, on several pretences.

All these Subsidies, and many others, (which, to avoid Prolixi­ty, I pass over in silence) are one way or other punctually paid, where-ever any Subjects of the French Monarchy live, with no other distinction, but that the Lords and Gentlemen have Right to hold free from Imposition so many Acres of Land, for their Maintenance, as may be Hus­banded with two Yoke of Oxen, (provided the Owner hold that Estate in Demean) for as to what is let out to Farmers, as they pay the King Taxes for the profit of the Farms, they pay so much the less Rent to the Land­lord; so that in effect the Noble­man in France pays Taxes as well as the Boor: Which the Princes, the Nobles, the Magistrates, and [Page 103] Subjects of the Empire, of what Degree soever, have reason se­riously to consider. For, 'tis folly to fancy they can make their Ca­pitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intollerable Subsidies. The Provinces of Guienne, Languedoc, Provence, Dauphine, Bourgundy, and Britain, and most of the other Provinces of France, had herefore their particular Prin­ces, as most of the Provinces of the Empire now have; and the principal Cities and Towns in these Provinces of France, had then as great Priviledges and Im­munities as any Free Towns of the Empire: But the Kings of France having invaded all these Principalities, and seized the Li­berties of the Cities, have, since the taking of Rochel, reduced them into so absolute Slavery, that the Citizens and Inhabi­tants [Page 104] have quite lost the Resoluti­on and Generosity to endeavour a Recovery of their Liberties, and are so bridled with strong Garri­sons and Citadels (and we may ex­pect the like in all Countries of the Empire, if ever under a French Government) that they are not in a condition to stir, at least to any considerable purpose.

This may suffice for the first point: I pass to the Second.

The second Point.

This deserves the more exact consideration, for that if ever the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans, since the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, by the im­portant Services these have done the Crown of France of late, and promise to do for the future, and the Cardinalships they flatter the Nephews and Relations of [Page 105] the principal Ministers of France with the hopes of, do what they please in the Council of France; and what is published to the contrary, on the account of Re­galities, now in controversie, is but Cheat and Illusion; the cru­el persecution raised and carried on some years last past against the Protestants of that Kingdom, the disgrace of Pompone, being not of their Cabal, and of Thea­tin the Princess of Brvaria's Confessor, intimating sufficiently the extraordinary Credit that So­ciety hath in the Court of France: I say, if ever the Dau­phin be elected King of the Ro­mans, the Empire is to expect two things. First, To see him at the Head of the best Forces of France, (upon the specious pre­tence of Religion, and restoring the Estates belonging to the Church) undertaking in the Em­pire [Page 106] aganst the Protestant Party what Charles the Fifth, and Fer­dinand the Second attempted to execute. Secondly, That this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the Court of Rome, that the Empire will be in dan­ger to be involved in a War more cruel, more bloody, and dangerous, than any the former Wars raised for that Cause. And there is reason enough to be­lieve, that the late War, as well as the Peace since made, were hatched and carried on by the Court of Rome, in hopes of be­ing able, by the Power of the French Forces, to work the en­tire Ruin of the Protestant Par­ty of Europe, which we see every day decay by degrees: And I am much mistaken if the Mo­ney sent by the Pope into Poland was not design'd for a Project of this nature. Prince William of [Page 107] Furstenberg might, if he pleased, furnish us with clear Evidence of authentick Memoirs to this purpose; but we are not to ex­pect it from him, lest by such a Discovery he lose the Recom­pence the Court of Rome designs him for the Pains he hath taken, and continues, to bring to effect this Popish Project in the Em­pire, and consequently in all Europe.

By what hath been said, your Highness may see the Fortune of the Empire, if ever it fall (by any means whatever) under the in­tolerable Yoke of the Despotical Government of France: And I think I need say no more to con­vince every Member of the Em­pire, and all the States of it in general, (without any great depth of Policy, or knowledge of War) what their Duty to Re­ligion, their Glory and Interest [Page 108] oblige them to do, for preserving themselves from falling under a Yoke of that nature.

But to preserve themselves effectually from this Yoke, I conceive it extremely considera­ble to enquire first, Whence all this Mischief proceeds? Which known, will give us light what must further be done: And par­ticularly, from what Part the first Attack may be expected, and what Defence is to be made.

The Mischiefs I have mentio­ned unquestionably have their rise from the Designs and Fo­mentations of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, who (at present at least) direct and dispose of the French Projects and Forces, and without any Mercy or Respect, pretend, with the Assistance of those Forces, and their own se­cret Managements of Affairs, to sacrifice all to the Re-establish­ment [Page 109] of the Papal Grandeur.

I conceive in Right and Ju­stice two things are to be done; but I doubt much whether the one will be. The first is, That since the Publick Good and Safe­ty of the Empire consists in li­ving (without Innovation) ac­cording to the Ancient Rights, Immunities, and Privelidges, and the Concordats established by Law, (which every Member of the Empire is obliged to observe) and that the Pretensions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, are as inconsistent as those of France, with the Publick Good and safety of the Empire: Eve­ry Member of the Empire, with­out flattering themselves any longer with hopes of Favour from Rome or from France, and without distinction of Religion, applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the Preser­vation [Page 110] and Publick Good of the Empire, should without delay take such Measures, that neither the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, nor France, may attain their Ends. And in order to this, That every Member of the Em­pire should put it self into a Po­sture and Condition, by uniting their Forces, to oppose Force to Force: And if the Princes of the Roman Communion will Bona fide engage in this Union, it will be necessary, first, That his Im­perial Majesty find means to gain the Amity and Assistance of the three Northern Princes whom I have formerly mentio­ned, engag'd in War by his means, and afterwards cruelly abandon'd to the Mercy of France and of Swede: Which (by the small Intelligence I have of Affairs) will be difficult enough to effect, especially with the Ele­ctor [Page 111] of Brandenbourgh, without giving him satisfaction in two Points, on which he doth with much equity insist. Secondly, That his Imperial Majesty gain over to the Interests of the Em­pire the Forces of the Crown of Swede; which will be no easie Task. Thirdly, That the Em­perour, and all the Princes of the Roman Communion in the Em­pire, banish and root out of their Councils not only all Jesuits and Monks, (who by themselves or their Superiors have all Re­sort to their General at Rome) but every one that any way de­pends on, or hath Society with these Hypocrites, or rather Free Spies of the Empire; a Capuchin in this particular being as bad as a Jesuit. Though this be abso­lutely necessary, as matters now stand, yet (to speak freely) I very much doubt whether the Princes [Page 112] of the Roman Communion will have the Generosity and Cou­rage to do it.

The Second, and that I take to be the only solid means, is, That the Protestant Party being now clearly convinc'd that they are the sole Persons aim'd at, and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last War was really in order onely to work their Destruction; all Kings, Princes, and Magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his Sphere to apply them­selves with all industry and vi­gour, first, To Arm with all their Power, that they may be able to oppose Force to Force: Se­condly, To enter into mutual Leagues and Alliances, that by joynt Strength they may resist Forces so considerable as those of France, and others the Court of Rome and the Jesuits may by [Page 113] their Artifices bring over to that party. To begin so great and necessary a Work, we will for a while leave the Territories of the Empire; and looking abroad, I am of opinion that England and the United Provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive, which may (if possible) be indis­soluble; That Denmark and Swede are to follow that Exam­ple; and, That all the Protestant Princes and States of the Empire, with the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses and the Grisons, ought to do the like: For, 'tis not a Concern of particular Quarrels and Jealousies, but the Faith, the Religion and Temporal Estates of all the Protestant Party are now at stake. This I conceive will be more easily effected in this Conjuncture, for that by a [Page 114] special Providence of God there is no War at present between England and Holland, nor be­tween Swede and Denmark, nor between the Princes of the Pro­testant Communion in Germany. If these three things be effected, and the particular Leagues incor­porated into a General, and con­sequently, an intire Union of the Protestants of Europe, we need not fear the Designs or Attempts of the Court of Rome, or the Jesuits, or the Council and Forces of the French: for (these things effected) we shall have power e­nough not only to deliver the Empire from all just apprehensi­ons of the Designs of the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, and of France, against its Liberties, but to reduce his Most Christian Majesty (by way of justice & right) to keep himself modestly within the Frontiers of his Kingdom, and (in case of Re­fusal) [Page 115] to do something more; which would infallibly produce a sure and general Peace.

I am the more induced to be of this Opinion, while England and Holland on the one hand, and Swede and Denmark on the other, are labouring to put an end to all former Quarrels; and the Protestant Princes and Magi­strates of the Empire endeavour (as I suppose) a League with the Protestant Cantons and the Gri­sons, that (to say the truth) I see no other solid and effectual Means to defend the Empire from the Oppression of France, and the Protestant Party in par­ticular from the Oppression of the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, and France, all at once: For, (to rid our Hands of all false Max­ims at once) What else can the Empire and Protestant Party rea­sonably ground their Safety up­on? [Page 116] Will they ground it on His Imperial Majesty, as they ought, and without doubt might have done, had his Council been gui­ded with right and sound Max­ims? I cannot think, after all that his Council have caused him to do publickly, and what he still continues to put in Executi­on against the Protestant party, that any rational person of that party can expect the least Fa­vour on that side, at least as long as the Jesuits and Court of Rome have that Credit, that Counte­nance and Support they have now in his Court. And that we have little reason to hope this Prince will rid himself of them, who have dangerously corrup­ted his Understanding and Rea­son, by their Education of him, and the prejudices instilled into him. And should the Protestants on this occasion expect help [Page 117] from the Court of Bavaria, as their Interest in the Empire ob­liges them, we may very well imagin the expectation will be vain, if we consider the late strict Alliance of that Court with France, or the ridiculous Monastick Bigotry reigning in that Court. If then you will rely on the Ecclesiastical Prin­ces, who knows not their Dis­ability, and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the Jesuits shall insinuate in­to them?

So that for the future (as well as the time past, at least, for the last Age, and more) the Natural Defence of the Empire hath (un­der God) no solid Ground, but the Forces and Industry of the Protestant Party. It was that Party saved it from the intended Oppression of the House of Au­stria in former times: And in [Page 118] the late War, when France at­tempted to Master it by its Arms and Intrigues, it was the same Party not only preserved the Empire, but the Emperor, from the Yoke of the French. And it will be the same Party which (by the Grace of God) shall easily preserve it for the future; at least, if the Potentates of that Party, or the greater part of them, apply themselves to do what I conceive they are obliged to.

But to speak plainly, and make appear the necessity of such a Pro­testant League and Confederacy, we are to consider; His Imperial Majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in de­fence of the Empire, by saving himself from falling under the Dominion of France; or that he will do nothing but in shew and appearance.

[Page 119] If His Imperial Majesty per­form as he ought, against the En­terprises of France, such a League can never be more seasonably made to second the Imperial Forces; nor can His Imperial Ma­jesty in that case rely on any For­ces (the Nature of the Quarrel considered) that will be more true to him than those of the Protestants.

But if His Imperial Majesty intend meerly to look on, as unconcerned, and not to engage really and effectually against the French Designs, which he is so highly concerned to oppose, there can be no doubt, but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have secretly carried on a close Intelligence and private League between their Imperial and Most Christian Majesties, for the Ruin and Destruction of the Prote­stant Party; and, That by some [Page 120] private and mysterious Stipulati­on, some Protestant Estate in the Empire, or on the Frontiers, in the Low Countries, or Swisserland, is, according to their Project, de­signed a Recompence to the Duke of Lorrain, for the Dukedoms of Lorrain and Barre, which France hath taken from him, and hath no mind to restore. And by a captious Contrivance of this na­ture, the Protestant Party in the Empire shall find it self at once assaulted by the united Forces of their Imperial and most Christi­an Majesties (who are both of a Communion.) I leave to your Highness to judge, how much it concerns the Protestant party, by the Industry and Union I have mentioned, to prevent so great and dangerous an Inconveni­ence.

My Suspicion of His Imperial Majesty is the greater, for that [Page 121] it is notorious there are in the Society of Jesuits Men of several sorts; some of whom are dispen­ced with not onely to lay aside the Habit of their Order, but to Marry, and bear all sorts of Of­fices and Dignities: And that if his Imperial Majesty was in his younger days, out of too great a zeal for his Religion, unhappi­ly engag'd in this Order, under the Dispensations I suppose, there is no cause left for wonder at his Proceedings against the Prote­stants: For, though he had been but of the Lower Order, which is that wherein Marriage is per­mitted, and a Capacity allowed of bearing Offices and Dignities; yet as to all other things, and particularly in matters of Reli­gion, he must have been under the Obedience of the General of the Jesuits, and consequently obliged to make Peace and War, [Page 122] as the General of the Society should judge most convenient for the Interest of the Pope and the Society. The continual War this Prince makes against the Protestants of Ʋpper Hungary, contrary to all the Maxims and Rules of sound Policy, and con­trary to the Priviledges (one of his Ministers told me, and I am otherwise well assured) he hath sworn to that Nation; the vast Gifts he hath bestowed on the Society in Bohemia, Silesia, Hun­gary, Moravia, and generally in all his Hereditary Countries; with his shameful signing the late Peace, in prejudice, and con­trary to all his Treaties with the Protestant Princes, smells rankly of an Obedience which acknow­ledges no Obligation, nor owns any Rule of Justice or Piety, o­ther than the absolute Command of his Superior. And I see no­thing [Page 123] in this Prince, as to his manner of Living, and constant Attendance at Jesuitical Come­dies, Musick, and Pilgrimages, sometimes to one Relique, some­times to another, with all that may make out his natural or ac­quir'd inclinations, that may a­ny way convince this Opinion of mistake.

So that if it be so, (as to speak the truth) I very much suspect it is; and I am not alone in this Suspicion: I leave it to the Judg­ment of the Empire in general, and the Protestants in particu­lar, what ground they have to re­lie on, or expectany Succour or Assistance from the Head of the Empire: For, in case this prove true, should his Imperial Maje­sty promise and design effectual­ly to assist the Protestants, in de­fence of the Common Liberty; yet if on the morrow the Gene­ral [Page 124] of the Society should order him, for some greater Good, (which, according to their Max­ims consists frequently in a Mas­sacre, a Poysoning, or Assassina­tion) to joyn at a precise Day and place his Arms to those of France, for the entire extirpation of the Protestant Party in the Empire, there is no doubt but this Prince would be obliged to do it, either on the account of Obedience due to his General, or for fear the Society, in case of his disobedience, should dispatch him, as they did by themselves, or their Emissaries, Henry the Third and Fourth in France, Don Carlos in Spain, Duke Bernard of Weymar in Germany, and lately the Illustrious Princess of In­spruck, second Wife of that Prince, the last Duke of Brieg in Silesia: or as they have newly attempt­ed to do against his Majesty of [Page 125] Great Britain. For Incendiaries, Assassins, and Murderers are the faithful Servants and inseparable Instruments of that blessed Socie­ty. Your Highness will not be surpriz'd at the vehement Suspi­cion I have exprest of his Impe­rial Majesty, when you have considered, there have been two Kings of Poland of that Order, and that Philip the Second of Spain did (out of Policy) cause himself to be enrolled amongst them. But the Order of the Je­suits is compos'd (as others) of two sorts of People, whom Poli­ticians distinguish by the Names of Directors and Directed: And we are to observe, the two Kings of Poland were in this latter Class. The former, by promoting too zealously the Passions of the So­ciety, having lost the Kingdom of Swede, to which he was Heir; and the second having by the [Page 126] same means incurred the irrecon­cileable hatred and aversion of the Nobility of Poland, to so extream a degree, that to avoid the threatning effects of it, he was forced at last to quit his Crown, from a Sovereign to be­come a Subject, and go end his days in a strange Country, with no better a Character than that of Abbot of St. German in France. But as for Philip the Second (set­ting matter of Conscience aside) considering him only in quality of a Politician▪ I boldly assign him a Place in the Class of Di­rectors; for he directed his Af­fairs so well, he mist but little of subduing France, and effectually seised the Crown of Portugal, and the East-Indies as an Appur­tenant. I am oblig'd, by the Respect I bear his Imperial Ma­jesty, to leave it to your High­ness to think which of the two [Page 127] Classes he is to be rank'd in.

But whether his Imperial Ma­jesty be a Member of this Socie­ty, or not, I have said enough to make appear to your Highness the absolute necessity of a League and Consederacy be­tween the Protestant Powers of Europe, to enable them to defend themselves against the pernici­ous Designs of their Enemies. I will conclude with minding your Highness, That this is the Occasion that calls upon you, to shew to all the World your zeal for your Religion, and the Good of the Publick; And that since my longer stay in this Court will be useless, your Highness will do me the Favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be, that I may have the honour to wait on your Most Serene Person, and continue the performance of my most humble [Page 128] Services. To that happy time I respite acquainting you with many Particulars I dare not trust to Paper, (though altogether confirming what I have most confidently affirmed, as to the most Essential Points of my Letter.) And in hopes to re­ceive speedily the honour of your Commands to that pur­pose, which I humbly beg, I re­main with all due Respects,

My Lord,
Your Serene Highnesses most humble Servant, &c.
Prague, 13 Febr. 1680.
FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.