I Left Strasburg about the end of the laſt Month, and paſſing by Saverne, Phalsburg, and Marſal, (which is much different from what it was heretofore) arriv'd at Metz in Lorrain, from whence the Cardinal of Furſtemburg was gone ſome Days before. He retir'd to this place in the beginning of the Year, not thinking himſelf ſecure at Bonn: And he was even ſo ſenſible of the Danger with which that place was threaten'd, that he brought along with him the very Bolts of the Doors of the Epiſcopal Palace. In the mean time he put on a ſeeming Confidence, and talk'd of nothing but Conqueſts and Electorates, promiſing great things to all his Friends; and even levy'd two Companies of Soldiers for his Guard, whom he was afterwards forc'd to disband for want of Money to pay 'em. I ſtaid two Days at Metz, to conſider all its Rarities. The City is pretty large, and tolerably well Fortify'd. There is a Company of Cadets in the Citadel, which has four Baſtions, with good Ditches full of Water. The Cathedral, which is dedicated to S. Stephen, is built on the declivity of a Hillock; ſo that whereas we uſually aſcend to other Churches, we muſt go down ſeven or eight Steps to this. It is a large Building, tho' there is nothing remarkable in it but the Bap • iſmal Font, conſiſting of one piece of Porphyrie, about ten Foot long, which is a Rarity in this Country. The Biſhop aſſumes the Title of a Prince of the Holy Empire; and is a Suffragan of the Elector of Triers. This City was formerly the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Auſtraſia, which Clovis I. gave to his Natural Son Thierry, creating him the firſt King of it: Afterwards it purchas'd its Liberty for the Summ of 100000 Crowns, of Godfrey of Bouillon, at his departure for the Holy Land, and maintain'd the Character of a Republick till the Year 1552, in which it was treacherouſly ſeiz'd by the Conſtable de Montmorenci, in the Name of Henry II. For pretending to go to the aſſiſtance of the Proteſtants in Germany, he ask'd permiſſion to enter the City, under pretext that he had fall'n ſick by the Way; and the next Morning ſent to acquaint the Mayor and Echevins of the Town, that he was deſirous to communicate an Affair of great importance to 'em before his Death. When he ſaw 'em all met together in his Chamber, he ſtarted up, and thruſt his Poniard into the Mayor's Breaſt, for a Signal to his Followers to ſtab the reſt of the Magiſtrates: And immediately after the Execution of that cruel Treaſon, the French run about the Streets, crying, Vive le Roy, and made themſelves Maſters of the Gates, and afterwards of the whole City. About the end of the ſame Year, it was in vain beſieged by Charles V. who was forc'd to make a ſhameful Retreat by the Duke of Guiſe, who defended the place. Since that unſucceſsful Attempt, Metz remain'd ſtill under the Dominion or rather Protection of our Kings: For the Inhabitants carry'd all their Appeals before the Imperial Chamber at Spire, till Lewis XIII. eſtabliſh'd a Parliament in this place, extending its Juriſdiction over Toul, Verdun, and the Country of Meſſin. The Emperour complain'd of this Innovation; nor was the Conteſt that happen'd on this Occaſion entirely decided, till the Peace that was concluded in 1648. Beſides the Parliament, the King erected a new Court of Judicature here ſome Years ago, which has had the Impudence (if I may uſe that Expreſſion without expoſing my ſelf to the ſame Cenſure) to cite before it Kings and Sovereign Princes, to yield Homage and Fealty for ſome Territories over which they pretend to have a Right of Superiority, as the Counties of Chini and Aloſt, the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts, and ſeveral others.

This is the only City in France where Jews are permitted to ſettle; and there are even ſome Towns in Alſace where they dare not lodge one Night. At Strasburg they are forc'd to pay thirty Sous at the Gate, before they are ſuffer'd to enter the City; and I have been often ſurpriz'd at the extraordinary dexterity of the Toll-gatherers in diſcovering a Man of that Nation.

From Metz I came to Nanci, the chief City of Lorrain, and Reſidence of the Dukes of that Name. 'Tis hardly poſſible that a Town which has chang'd its Maſters ſo often, ſhou'd be remarkable for its Riches: However, 'tis very well fortify'd; and the ſame Prince by whoſe Orders 'twas almoſt entirely ruin'd in 1661, was afterwards pleas'd to repair it. The River Meurte paſſes by the Walls, and fills the Ditches, which are of a conſiderable Depth. The City is divided into the High and Low Town; and the Ducal Palace, which is ſeated in the former, is a very large Structure, of an admirable Architecture, and adorn'd with many fine Pictures. Among its other Rarities, there is a Humane Figure of Wood, conſiſting of ſeveral Pieces, fitted together with ſo much Exactneſs and Art, that it may be made to imitate all the Motions and Geſtures of a living Man. S. George's Church is particularly remarkable for the Magnificent Tombs of the Dukes that lie inter • d there. About ſeven or eight Years ago this City was depriv'd of two of its nobleſt Ornaments; the famous Culverin, that ſhot a Bullet to S. Nicholas, a Village two large Leagues from Nanci; and the Brazen Horſe, that carri'd the Statue of one of the Dukes of Lorrain. Theſe are certainly the fineſt caſt Pieces in France, and were always thought too heavy for Carriage, till a certain Engineer undertook to remove 'em, and ſucceeded in the Attempt. The latter was deſign'd to ſupport the King's Statue in the Place of Conqueſts at Paris, but was found to be of too ſmall a ſize; and the other was carry'd to Dunkirk. The Inhabitants of this City, and, in general, all the Third State (or Commons) of Lorrain, are ſtill extremely devoted to the Intereſt of their true and natural Prince; and ſcruple not to expreſs their Affection to him on all Occaſions, with a certain innocent Frankneſs, which together with their Clowniſh way of Speaking, is eſteem'd by the French rather worthy of Laughter than Anger. But the Nobility are ſo dazzl'd with the glaring Proſpect of Court-Preferment, that they ſeem to have quite forgot the loſs of their ancient Privileges, which were ſo great under the Government of their Dukes, that they were in a manner Sovereign Princes; whereas at preſent they are reduc'd to an equal Level with the reſt of the Gentlemen of the Kingdom.

I ſtay'd not at Nanci, but continuing my Journey towards Dijon, arriv'd at Langres in Champagne. This City is ſeated on a Mountain almoſt inacceſſible on all ſides: but the Inhabitants have no reaſon to be proud of the ſtrength of its Situation, which makes it a kind of Priſon; for the Deſcent from the Town is extremely uneaſie, and a Man may without Vanity boaſt of his Lungs, if he can climb from the bottom of the Hill to the Gate, without loſing his Breath. The People of the Country call this the Maiden-City, both becauſe it has not been taken for ſeveral Ages, and by reaſon of its Fidelity to the Crown: The Biſhop is both a Spiritual and Temporal Lord, and has the Title of Duke and Peer of France.

The next Day I paſs'd thro' one of the moſt charming and fertil Plains in France, and arriv'd at Dijon. The City begins to appear at a conſiderable diſtance, and preſents a Traveller with the pleaſant Proſpect of 100 Spires that overtop the Houſes; for which reaſon Dijon is uſually call'd the Town of Steeples. 'Tis ſeated on the Banks of the O • che and Suſon, and was founded by the Emperour Aurelian, tho' ſome affirm that 'tis much more ancient, and that he only repair'd it. But not to invade the Province of Antiquaries, I ſhall content my ſelf with aſſuring you that 'tis a very fine City: The Streets are large and fair, the Courts ſpacious, the Buildings very beautiful, and the Churches extremely magnificent. Among the reſt I cannot forbear taking notice of the famous Abbey of S. Benign, which was built by Gregory, Biſhop of Langres, after he had miraculouſly found the Body of that Saint. 'Tis one of the largeſt, and higheſt Structures that are anywhere to be ſeen, adorn'd with three Stone-Spires, the heighth of which is ſuitable to the reſt of the Building. The Abbey-Church of S. Stephen is on the other Side of the City, and is no leſs remarkable for its Beauty. The Front of Our Lady's Church ſurpaſſes all the reſt, conſiſting of a large Clock-Tower all over wrought, riſing between two others ſmaller, but no leſs curiouſly adorn'd, which charm the Eyes of the Beholder. S. John's Church, the Holy Chapel, the Convents of the Jeſuits, and Cordeliers, and generally all the reſt of the Churches and Convents deſerve particular Obſervation, eſpecially that of the Carthuſians, without the City, towards the Red Gate, which is one of the richeſt Monaſteries in the Kingdom. There are a hundred Monks in it, who obſerve with ſo religious a Strictneſs, their Vows of Solitude and Silence, that a Stranger viſiting the Place wou'd be tempted to think it were uninhabited. And I may venture to add, that perhaps they may make a better uſe of their Revenues than any other Convent in the Kingdom: for beſides a conſiderable Summ which they give to the Hoſpital of the Holy Ghoſt, they diſtribute every Week five or ſix hundred Loaves to the Poor. They have a very fine Cloyſter, and a finer Church, where the Dukes of Burgundy, and a King of Poland lie interr'd in magnificent Tombs.

On a Hillock, on the other Side of the City, there is a Convent of one of the Orders of Mendicant Friers, ſaid to be the Houſe of S. Bernard's Father, who was Lord of the Place that ſtill retains the Name of Bourg-fontaines. The Room where he was born, which is a very little and low Hall, of a ſquare Figure, is turn'd to a Chapel, with this Inſcription over the Door: Come, my Children, and I will bring you into the Houſe of my Father, and into the Chamber where my Mother brought me forth.

Dijon is the Capital City of the Dutchy of Burgundy: 'tis the Seat of a Parliament, Generality or general Receipt of the Finances, Chamber of Accounts, and a Court that takes Cognizance of Affairs relating to the Coining and Value of Money; and beſides the States of the Province meet here once in three Years: ſo that it wants only the Dignity of an Epiſcopal See, being under the Juriſdiction of the Biſhop of Langres. It had formerly very conſiderable Privileges; and our Kings at their Acceſſion to the Crown, and as often as they enter'd into the City, were oblig'd to ſwear to preſerve 'em. But that Cuſtom was aboliſh'd by the preſent King, when he paſs'd this way to receive the Queen at her Arrival from Spain. For when the Mayor accompany'd with the reſt of the Magiſtrates, preſented the Keys of the City, together with a Copy of their Privileges to his Majeſty, humbly beſeeching him that he wou'd ſwear to preſerve 'em, after the Example of all his Predeceſſors, and even of the late King of Glorious Memory; Cardinal Mazarin reply'd, Are you ſo inſolent as to impoſe an Oath upon your King? The Magiſtrates ſurpriz'd at ſo ſevere a Reprimand, anſwer'd with a great deal of Reſpect, that they pretended not to impoſe any thing, but only begg'd and hop'd to obtain that Favour from his Majeſty's Juſtice and Goodneſs. I underſtand your Meaning, reply'd the Cardinal, you wou'd be a Free City and Commonwealth. And I aſſure you, in his Majeſty's Name, that, without taking an Oath, he conſiders you as ſuch, but prepare your ſelves to become his Conqueſt. This Threatning was quickly executed, for the next Day 8000 Men enter'd the City, and the Cardinal made a general Alteration in the Magiſtracy. The Mayoralty of Dijon was the beſt Place of that Nature in France; for beſides the Title of a Viſcount, the Government of the City, and of all the Third Eſtate or Commonalty of Burgundy was annex'd to it. The Inhabitants of this City are generally of a very free and ſociable Temper, and the Women enjoy all the Advantages of an honeſt Liberty. So charming a Society puts a kind of eaſie Conſtraint upon Strangers, and makes 'em break all their Reſolutions of haſtening their Departure: for 'tis impoſſible to ſtay here four and twenty Hours without making ſome agreeable Acquaintance, which may afterwards prove the Source of a great deal of Pleaſure. The narrow Compaſs of a Letter will not allow me to inſert the Relation of a very pleaſant Adventure that I met with in this place; but I'm reſolv'd to make you my Confident at our firſt Meeting. To morrow I intend to depart for Lyons, where I ſhall have time to give you an Account of my Journey. In the mean time,

I Acquainted you in my laſt with my Reſolutition to continue my Journey to Grenoble. At my departure from Lions I hir'd a Poſt-Aſs at S. Siforins, out of pure Curioſity to try ſo rare an Experiment: Tho' I muſt confeſs this way of Travelling is not altogether without its Advantages; for the Rider may boldly venture a Fall, without running the hazard of breaking his Neck. I paſs'd thro' Vienne, a very Ancient City, and of Old much eſteem'd by the Romans, notwithſtanding its diſadvantageous Situation at the bottom of two great Mountains, which darken the Place extremely. Pilate, the Governour of Jeruſalem, and our Saviour's Judge, was afterwards ſent hither; and they ſtill ſhow the Praetorium, or Hall of Juſtice, where he was wont to pronounce Judgment. There is a round Stone in the Wall with this Inſcription, This is the Globe of Pilate's Scepter; tho' its unfitneſs for ſuch an Uſe makes me rather inclinable to believe, that the Inſcription ſpeaks of the Houſe, which might be call'd The Globe of a Sceptre, by way of Figure or Alluſion. They alſo make Strangers take notice of a ſquare Tower, where they pretend he ended his Days, after an Impriſonment of Seven Years. The City is full of ſuch-like Antiquities, which are the only things in it that deſerve a Traveller's Obſervation; for the Buildings are very inconſiderable. S. Severus's Church ſtands in a Place where formerly the Heathens ador'd a Hundred Gods, under a great Tree, that was afterwards cut down and rooted up by that Saint's Order, as appears by this Inſcription on a Column: Arborem Deos Severus evertit Centum Deorum.

There goes a Story, that under that Tree there was found a Death's-Head, full of Gold and Silver, with which the Church was built. I will not pretend to demonſtrate the falſeneſs of this Tradition; but I think I may venture to conclude, that either the Head was very big, or the Wages of Workmen in thoſe Days very low; for ſuch a Structure cou'd not now be erected for ſixty thouſand Crowns.

Without the City, in a place call'd The Field de l' Aguillé, there is an high Pyramid, conſiſting of ſeveral Stones join'd together without Mortar or Cement, and ſupported by an Ancient Vault of the ſame kind of Architecture, reſembling a little Chapel. The Inhabitants of Vienne pretend that this Pyramid was erected by an Emperour, with a Deſign that his Aſhes ſhou'd be plac'd in an Urn on the top of it, that his Tomb might be nearer Heaven. The Archiepiſcopal Church is conſecrated to S. Maurice, whoſe Head is preſerv'd in it. The Archbiſhop aſſumes the Quality of Primate of the Primates of the Gauls; pretending a right to that Title, in oppoſition to the Archbiſhop of Lions, againſt whom he has a Suit on this Occaſion, that (if we we may judge by Appearances) will not be ſoon decided. Vienne was the Capital City of Dauphiné, before the erection of a Parliament at Grenoble; and therefore the Kings of France, among the reſt of their Titles, ſtyle themſelves Dauphins of Viennois.

From thence continuing my Journey, mounted as before, at the rate of five Sous by the Stage, which is the ordinary Price; I and my Aſs had the Fortune to meet with a Couple of Fellow-Travellers. Immediately I accoſted my Companion, and finding nothing either in his Mien or Diſcourſe that deſerv'd Contempt, I concluded that he was a Merchant of Lions or Grenoble. About two Hours after our Meeting, perceiving at a conſiderable diſtance a Coach drawn by Six Horſes, and attended with ſome Horſemen, coming towards us, he preſently alighted, and turn'd his Aſs looſe: Then ſhrinking up one of his Arms, and turning it awry, as if he had been Lame, he walk'd bare-headed to the Boot of the Coach, and begg'd Charity of the Paſſengers. I was extremely ſurpriz'd at ſo odd and unexpected an Action, nor cou'd I divine the Meaning of it; for I thought it almoſt impoſſible that a Man, who, I imagin'd, was neither Poor nor Sick, cou'd be guilty of ſo much Baſeneſs: However, ſince my Beaſt had already carry'd me ſo far, that I cou'd not obſerve diſtinctly what he ſaid or did, I reſolv'd to ſuſpend my Judgment till I ſhou'd learn the reaſon of it from his own Mouth. Aſſoon as he came up, I ask'd what he went to do at the Coach; Somewhat, reply'd he, that will doubtleſs ſurprize you: Perhaps you did not believe me to be a profeſs'd Beggar; yet I aſſure you I have no other Trade; and if you ſtay at Grenoble, you may be a Witneſs of my Diligence in that Vocation. I'm going to the Hoſpital in that City, where I'm ſure of a Lodging, for three Days, during which I hope to get three Piſtoles. I was no leſs aſtoniſh'd at what I heard him ſay, than at what I had already ſeen him do: But he went on with the ſame Frankneſs, and told me the whole Hiſtory of his Life. He ſaid he was born at Avignon, of a conſiderable Family in that City, and that he had actually a Revenue of above 200 Livres; that during his Infancy he had ſo ſtrong an Inclination to Begging, that he uſually ſtole away from his Father and Mother to ask Alms on the High-ways; where he ſometimes pick'd up twenty or thirty Sous a Day, which made him ſo fond of that Courſe of Life, that he cou'd never afterwards leave it. He aſſur'd me, that the Trade of Begging was attended at leaſt with as much Pleaſure as Pain; and that he was ſo accuſtom'd to it, that he was reſolv'd to make it the only Buſineſs of his Life. In the mean time I hearken'd to him with an Admiration that wou'd not ſuffer me to interrupt him; and he ſcrupl'd not to acquaint me with moſt of the uſual Tricks of his Fellow-Vagabonds. They ſpend their whole Lives in wandring from one Hoſpital to another, and know exactly all the Cuſtoms of thoſe Places, and the various Offices of Charity that were appointed by the Founders to be perform'd in 'em. Some of 'em cover themſelves with Rags, and putting their Arms or Legs out of Joint, take up their Poſt at a Church Door from Morning to Night, while others go about in a pretty decent Garb, and pretending to be poor Officers who have been robb'd of their Money, and are at a great diſtance from their Friends and Relations, beg the Charitable Aſſiſtance of thoſe whom they meet, with a certain Baſhfulneſs, and mournful Tone, that deceives many well-diſpos'd Perſons. He that inſtructed me in all theſe Myſteries, was of the Second Order, and contemn'd the others as a ſort of Puny Mumpers, who had neither Courage nor Ambition: Adding, that he got more in a Day that the beſt of them cou'd do in a whole Month. Nevertheleſs theſe Strolers depend not wholly on Charity; they have another Trade which is no leſs Gainful than Begging, I mean the ſelling of Paſs-Ports to Travellers. My Companion perceiving that I had none, deſir'd me to buy one of him; and at the firſt Inn where we alighted, ſhew'd me at leaſt a Hundred. I ask'd him the Price of One: There are ſome, anſwer'd he, of all Prices, as well as other Commodities; for ſome are Authentick, others forg'd; ſome of an old, others of a freſh Date; and if you will be ſatisfy'd with ſuch as are Counterfeit, you ſhall have 'em for fifteen Sous a-piece. I thank'd him for his Ingenuity; but told him, that I cou'd not truſt to a falſe Paſs-Port. Yet they are as ſure as the reſt, anſwer'd he, for they are never call'd in Queſtion; and all the Authentick Paſs-Ports I have, are procur'd on the Credit of ſuch as I wrote with my own Hand, for otherwiſe they wou'd not give me any: However, you may pleaſe your ſelf both in the Choice and Goodneſs of your Commodity; for I have ſome for all Places. Then I ask'd him one for Geneva; but he told me, that to his great Sorrow and Loſs, 'twas impoſſible to obtain one for that Place; aſſuring me, that if he had a Hundred of 'em, he cou'd diſpoſe of 'em all at the Rate of Ten Piſtoles a-piece. At laſt I gave him two Piſtoles for a Paſs-Port to Rome, pretended to be granted by the Archbiſhop of Lions to one Bidault, and afterwards ratify'd and approv'd at Vienne. He ſwore and proteſted that 'twou'd infallibly procure me an unqueſtion'd Paſſage; but the extream deſire I had to make my Eſcape out of France rather than any Credit I gave to his Aſſeverations, made me willing to run the Hazard; tho', after all, I apprehended the Danger to be greater than it really was: For aſſoon as I preſented my counterfeit Paſs-Port to the Marqueſs de S. André, he granted me another without the leaſt Difficulty, appointing me to paſs thro' Chambery, S. John de Morienne, and Turin.

Grenoble became the Capital City of Dauphiné, when Charles VII. eſtabliſh'd a Parliament in it, and has ever ſince continu'd in the poſſeſſion of that Dignity. This Country was bequeath'd to King Philip de Valois, by Humbert, the laſt Prince of Dauphine, on condition that from thenceforth the Preſumptive Heir of the Crown of France, ſhou'd be ſtil'd Dauphin of Viennois; and bear in his Coat-Armorial the Arms of France quarter'd with thoſe of Dauphiné, which are, Or, a Dolphin Azure, Creſted, Finn'd, and Ear'd Gules. The Tomb of Andrew, Humbert's Son, is in the Church of the Dominicans that fronts the Place de Grenette, which is the fineſt in Grenoble, both for its Largeneſs, and the Magnificence of the Building with which 'tis adorn'd, eſpecially the Parliament-Houſe, to which you enter thro' a Court, border'd with Shops full of all ſorts of Commodities: 'Tis of an Antique Structure, and the Chambers are very well furniſh'd. The Governour's Houſe is large, and has the Advantage of a very pleaſant Proſpect. The Epiſcopal Church of Nôtre-Dame is another Piece of Architecture remarkable for its Antiquity. But after all, 'tis certain that the principal Glory of Grenoble conſiſts not in its Buildings; and they who wou'd have the pleaſure to be acquainted with all its Beauty, muſt not expect to gratifie their Curioſity by a Tranſient View of it. For it has the Honour to be the Seat of ſeveral Noble Families, who are ſo far above the Clowniſhneſs that might be expected in ſo remote a Province, that their Converſation and Deportment may be juſtly reckon'd the Standard of Civility and good Breeding: So that a Stranger is amaz'd to find the moſt refin'd Politeneſs of the Court in the midſt of thoſe wild Mountains. 'Tis ſeated on the Banks of Iſſere, in a Valley, which my Natural averſion to all Hilly Countries will not ſuffer me to call Pleaſant. Yet at my departure from the City, I ſaw ſome places that muſt be acknowledged to have a kind of diſmal Beauty, eſpecially the Monaſtery of the Carthuſians. The very Aſcent to it is a Journey of ſix Hours, thro' Ways that are almoſt only paſſable for Mules, which are very common and extremely fine in this Country: At leaſt I can aſſure you, that thoſe who live in it may for ever deſpair of ſeeing any Coach or Waggon near their Habitation, unleſs it be made upon the Place. Theſe Mountains, that ſeem to have been appointed by Nature as a wild Retreat for Wolves and Boars, are nevertheleſs inhabited by Humane Creatures, if I may give that Name to Animals that ſeem to have a nearer reſemblance to Bears than Men. Their Habit conſiſts of ſo Courſe a Cloth, that they never wear above one Suit of Clothes during their whole Life, tho' it ſhou'd laſt an hundred Years. 'Tis a certain reddiſh Stuff, of the thickneſs of two Crown Pieces, and every Thread in it is at leaſt as big as Packthread. Theſe miſerable Wretches are perfect Strangers to all manner of Pleaſure: Their main or only Happineſs conſiſts in filling their Stomachs with a ſort of Bread that none of our Dogs wou'd taſte; and even that is a Rarity among 'em: They drink Water, and live Night and Day in Huts of Straw in the midſt of their Oxen, Cows, and Hogs, which are their uſual Companions, and are utterly unacquainted with the Tranſactions of the reſt of Mankind.

'Tis impoſſible to approach the Monaſtery without feeling an over-bearing Melancholy that damps the gayeſt Spirits: 'tis ſeated between two high and rugged Mountains or rather perpendicular Rocks, and the Ghaſtlineſs of the Proſpect is heighten'd by the Pine-Trees, that caſt a diſmal Shade upon the jutting Cliffs. And to compleat the Horrour of the Place, the Ears are ſtunn'd with the amazing Dinn of a Torrent that rolls impetuouſly thro' the Bottom which ſeparates the Mountains. The Monks have ſpar'd no Pains to cut a Way thro' thoſe naturally impaſſable Precipices; and 'tis certain that ſo laborious a Work cou'd not be perform'd without a vaſt Expence of Treaſure. However they cannot be accus'd of throwing away their Money upon uſeleſs Projects; for, if you except the trouble of aſcending and deſcending, a Man may walk pretty eaſily to the Convent from the Bridges that are built at the two Ends, and in the narroweſt Places at the Bottom, eſpecially that next Grenoble, which joins the oppoſite Mountains with a little Arch that over-looks the Torrent, and is commanded by a Houſe at the End of the Bridge, which Ten Men might defend againſt a Hundred thouſand. Nor is the Paſſage to the Convent leſs difficult on the other ſide, ſo that it might be juſtly eſteem'd a very conſiderable Poſt, if it were as important as 'tis ſtrong: but in my Opinion the Uſeleſneſs of the Conqueſt ſecures it as effectually againſt the Attacks of an Enemy, as the Strength of its Situation. Theſe Paſſages end in a ſort of Meadow or little Valley, containing a hundred Paces in breadth, and a large quarter of a League in length, where the Monaſtery is ſeated. The Monks have made ſeveral ſucceſsleſs Attempts to cultivate and embelliſh their ſolitary Abode; which are ſo many convincing Proofs of the Badneſs of the Soil, that makes it incapable of Improvement. However, they ſtill continue to encreaſe their Buildings, for they have the Advantage of Wood, Stones, and Iron upon the Spot, beſides the Conveniency of Mills, that are turn'd by a ſmall Torrent which paſſes by the Convent, and furniſhes 'em plentifully with Water. I'm perſwaded they cannot eat one half of their Yearly Revenue, which amounts to 300000 Livres: tho' Gentlemen of their Order are ſeldom guilty of pinching their Bellies, and tho' they are at a vaſt Charge in bringing every thing from Grenoble.

Aſſoon as I arriv'd, the Father, who is appointed to take Care of Strangers, brought me into the Chamber call'd the Inn, or Place of Entertainment, where they immediately kindl'd a great Fire, which was a very ſeaſonable piece of Hoſpitality, for I was almoſt frozen with Cold. Not long after the the Father-Prior came to make me a Compliment, and left a Monk to keep me Company during my Abode in that Place. The Earlineſs of my Arrival gave me an Opportunity to viſit the whole Houſe, after I had enjoy'd for ſome time the comfortable Warmth of the Fire. In the firſt place, my Father-Companion ſhew'd me the Church, which is long and narrow for want of Room: the Walls are lin' • with Wood, as in all the other Apartments, by reaſon of the Moiſture of the Place, that not only ſpoils the Paintings and Ornaments, but occaſion • violent Diſtempers. Afterwards we viſited the Ha • of the Chapter-General, which is wainſcotted lik • the Church, and adorn'd with ſome Pictures; an • among the reſt I took particular notice of a ver • fine Piece, repreſenting the Martyrdom of certai • Fathers of the Order in England. From thence 〈◊〉 went to the King's and Biſhop's Apartments, whe •• they uſually receive Perſons of great Quality; fo • others are generally entertain'd in the Room where 〈◊〉 was lodg'd: the Furniture of theſe Apartments is ne •• without Magnificence. The Chapel of the Novice • is, in my Opinion, the principal Ornament of th • Monaſtery: for 'tis wholly built of Marble, ver • curiouſly wrought with Baſſo-relievo's, and excelle •• Paintings; and beſides the Altar is adorn'd with 〈◊〉 Tabernacle of Amber, which is a valuable Piec • and was preſented to 'em by a Polander. Since th • uſual Contrivance of this kind of Structures w •• impracticable in this place, inſtead of a Square Cloyſter, they were forc'd to build a Row of Cells, above 300 Paces in length. After I had taken a View of all the Apartments, my Guide brought me back to my Chamber, where we ſupp'd on Fiſh; for there is no Fleſh eaten in the Houſe; after which he left me to repoſe.

Next Morning about Nine a-clock he return'd, to conduct me to the Place where S. Bruno perform'd his Penance, which is not acceſſible without great difficulty, being on the Top of the Mountain, and ſo extremely Cold, that I cannot imagine it was ever inhabited by Men. Nevertheleſs theſe Fathers aſſur'd me, that 'twas the conſtant Habitation of that Saint, with his Six Companions; and ſhew'd me certain Caves or Grotto's cut out of the Rock, where they ſpent their Days in the Exerciſe of Religious Auſterities. Since that time the Monks erected a very fine Chapel, enrich'd with ſeveral Pictures; among which that of the Saint himſelf is particularly remarkable for its finiſh'd Beauty. They forget not to make Strangers take notice of their Rock, on which, if you can believe their Tradition, an Angel appear'd to him every Day, and brought him his neceſſary Food. But it ſeems his Companions were not ſo much in love with Mortification; for after his Death they left the Hermitage, and deſcended half a League lower, to the place where the Monaſtery is now ſeated, with the permiſſion of S Peter himſelf; who did 'em the favour to appear in Perſon on that Occaſion, and promis'd 'em the Virgin's Aſſiſtance, on condition they ſhou'd rehearſe her Office once every Day:

It muſt be acknowledg'd that theſe Fathers do not content themſelves with a bare verbal Renunciation of the World and of Themſelves; for their Practice is ſuitable to the Auſterity of their Profeſſion. The Solitude of their Receſs is certainly worthy of Admiration; they live in a perpetual Confinement among thoſe almoſt inacceſſible Mountains, where they ſpend their Lives in Prayer, Contemplation, and the Severities of Repentance; and are ſo little acquainted with the reſt of the World, that they are ignorant even of the moſt Remarkable Occurrences that are tranſacted in it. They never eat Fleſh, faſt three quarters of the Year, ſubmit to the rigour of Monaſtical Diſcipline twice every Week, wear Sackcloth, ſpend nine Hours in the Church every Day, obſerve a perpetual Silence, and undergo voluntary and frequent Acts of Mortification: So that if thoſe Perſons be damn'd at laſt, I may venture to ſay that they buy Hell at as dear a rate as the Saints purchaſe Paradiſe. To make you leſs apt to ſuſpect the Truth of this Relation, 'twill be ſufficient to tell you, that the very ſight of the place inſpir'd me with ſo reſiſtleſs a Melancholy, that I ſpent the whole Night in making ſerious Reflexions on the Vanity of the World. But, after all, you muſt not have ſo favourable an Opinion of the force of this Religious Charm, as to imagine it ſufficient to imprint an indelible Character of Sanctity; for I aſſure you, a little of the Air of the World ſoon diſſipated all my additional Devotion, and I began to recover my wonted Gaiety by degrees, as I approach'd Chambery. The Way thither is a remarkable Monument of the Grandeur and Magnificence of Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, by whoſe Orders it was cut out of the Rock, for the Conveniency of his Trading-Subjects; as it appears by an Inſcription faſten'd to the Rock, and accompany'd with the Arms of that Prince. The Road for a conſiderable diſtance from the Monaſtery, is border'd with Precipices, and rugged Cliffs, that caſt forth an almoſt innumerable Multitude of impetuous Torrents, which roll along with a horrid Dinn. But afterwards the Traveller has time to recover his Senſes, when at the end of this frightful Paſſage, he meets with a pleaſant Road, that brings him inſenſibly to Chambery.

Chambery is the principal City of the Dutchy of Savoy, ſeated among the Mountains on the little Rivers of Orbane and Eſſe. As for Spiritual Affairs, 'tis under the Juriſdiction of the Biſhop of Grenoble; and for its Temporal Government, there is a Senate, or Court of Juſtice, reſembling a French Parliament, which takes Cognizance of all Civil and Criminal Suits; and its Authority is extended over the whole Dutchy. This is all the Account I can give you of Chambery; only I can aſſure you 'tis neither large, ſtrong, nor beautiful. I took a Paſs-Port of the Preſident, and proceeding on my Journey, paſs'd by Montmelian, about two Leagues diſtant from Chambery, and ſeated on the Top of a little Hill, that riſes like a Sugar-Loaf in the midſt of a Valley: It may be reckon'd almoſt impregnable; for it ſeems to be plac'd out of the reach of all other Enemies but Famine, and want of Proviſions: But the Town, that is ſeated below, is a Place of no Defence, and much leſs conſiderable than a Thouſand Villages in France. S. John de Morienne, where I arriv'd the next Day, deſerves no better Character, tho' it be honour'd with a Biſhop's See. Here I took another Paſs-Port of the great Vicar, which I may reckon cheap, tho' it coſt me very dear; for it brought me ſafe to this place, without being at the Charge of renewing it.

Two Days after I arriv'd at the Village of Laneburg, ſeated directly at the Foot of Mount Cennis. This remarkable Hill is famous both for its height, in which reſpect it exceeds the talleſt Mountains of the Alps; and for a Bottomleſs Lake, ſituated in the middle of its Surface. I aſcended a League and a half before I arriv'd at the Lake; after which I found a Plain; extending about a large League; and in that an Inn, where I was accommodated with the moſt deſirable Entertainment in theſe Mountains, I mean the warmth of a good Fire; for the Way is lin'd on both ſides with vaſt Hills of Snow; and the Wind is ſo cold and piercing, that the poor Traveller is hardly able to ſupport himſelf on his numm'd Limbs. After I had reſted an Hour, I mounted my Mule, for there are no other Beaſts of Carriage able to paſs the Mountain; and found the Deſcent on the other ſide as troubleſome and uneaſie as the Aſcent, which I have already deſcrib'd.

The ſame Evening I arriv'd at Suza, a little City in the Frontiers of Piedmont, ſeated at the Foot of a Mountain, and ſeparated from Turin by a vaſt and fertil Plain: It has the Advantage of a pure and healthy Air, pleaſant Meadows, good Wine, and beautiful Houſes. The warmth of the Climate exceeds that of France, but the Heat is not ſo intollerable as at Rome; ſo that the Traveller finds as great an Alteration at his Deſcent from the Mountains of Savoy, as if he were tranſported in an Inſtant from Norway to Italy; and is agreeably raviſh'd at the ſudden Change of a ſtormy Winter into a Mild and Temperate Spring.

The City of Turin is ſeated at the other end of this charming Plain, between the Po and the Loire, which furniſh it abundantly with all the Neceſſaries and Conveniences of Life. 'Tis enclos'd with ſtrong Walls, and ſurrounded with broad, deep, and well-lin'd Ditches. The Cittadel is a Maſterpiece of Fortification; for the Duke has ſpar'd no Coſt to make it Strong and Magnificent; and if the Goodneſs of the Soil had been ſuitable to the Care he has taken to improve it, I'm confident 'twou'd have been abſolutely impregnable. The Town is all glorious within, and adorn'd with a Thouſand Beauties: The Publick Places are ſpacious, all newly built with an admirable Regularity: The Streets are broad, and ſtreight as a Line: The nobleſt improvements of Architecture are magnificently diſplay'd in the Palaces; the Gilding, Paintings, and other Ornaments of the Churches are ſuitable to the Beauty of the Buildings; the Shops are full of all ſorts of rich and fine Stuffs; and the Academies for riding the Great Horſe, Dancing, and Martial Exerciſes, deſerve a particular Obſervation. And to compleat the Glories of the Place, there is a Court, that, notwithſtanding its ſmallneſs, may be juſtly reckon'd the Seat of Gallantry and Politeneſs; 'Tis compos'd of a Society of both Sexes, that are equally Admirable; the Ladies for their reſiſtleſs Charms; and the Men for a Nobleneſs of Mien, and Magnificence of Garb, that ſeems peculiar to themſelves.

Thus, Sir, I have endeavour'd to give you in few Words, a juſt Idea of this Charming City; for it wou'd be an endleſs Labour to undertake the particular Deſcription of every fine Church, and beautiful Palace, in a place where ſuch Structures are no Rarities. All the Ornaments of this City are Modern; at leaſt I cou'd not, upon the ſtricteſt Enquiry, diſcover any other Antiquities than thoſe in the Duke's Gallery, which is full of all ſorts of fine Paintings, rare Munuſcripts, Medals, Vaſes, and other Curioſities of that Nature. The Gate of the Palace is defended with two Culverins, admirable for their Largeneſs and Workmanſhip; and a Mortar of a prodigious bigneſs. The Metropolitan Church is dedicated to S. John, and exceeds all the reſt in Magnificence: 'Tis a ſtately Dome, enrich'd on the Inſide with Paintings, of a finiſh'd Regularity and Fineneſs: And to all the other Ornaments, there was lately added a Chapel of a ſurprizing Beauty and Richneſs. This admirable Structure is of an excellent Architecture, and ſeems in a manner to be overlaid with a glittering Cover of Gold and Silver: 'Twas built on purpoſe for the Holy Handkerchief, which is kept there at preſent. You cannot imagine with what Devotion the People of this Place adorn that Relick; which is a little Sheet, with the Image of our Saviour painted very imperfectly in the middle, of a yellowiſh Colour. I need not tell you that this is commonly pretended to be the ſame Cloth in which Chriſt's Face was wrapt at his Burial, and that his Image was miraculouſly ſtamp'd upon it: But there are ſo many other Pretenders to the ſame Dignity, that I will not undertake to decide ſo doubtful a Controverſie.

According to all Appearance, the Duke of Sav • y will not remain long in the King's Intereſts; for he has already given out Commiſſions for the levying of two Regiments of Foot, and one of Dragoons, with an expreſs Order, not to receive a Frenchman into 'em; and beſides, 'tis certain that he did not oppoſe the Paſſage of the Barbets, as he might have eaſily done: For all the Motions of his Troops, were only in Order to their Encampment at Verecil; and I'm perſuaded the only reaſon why he ſuffer'd the French to act on that Occaſion, was becauſe he cou'd not hinder 'em.

I have met with another Obſtacle, that will retard my Journey to Iſaly for ſome time; for the whole Country is full of Spaniards, who Infeſt all the Roads, and commit a Thouſand Robberies. The People here are daily alarm'd with freſh Accounts of theſe Diſorders; ſo that I have been at laſt prevail'd with to alter my Reſolution, and am going to take Journey for Marſeilles, where I'm certainly inform'd I may find daily Opportunities of embarking for Genoa or Leghorn.

AFter I have told you that we ſet ſail from Marſeilles on the 25th. of March, you muſt not expect to hear more News of us till our Landing; for I cannot imagine what pleaſure you cou'd take in reading, that on ſuch a Day the South or Eaſt Winds were contrary to us, or that we were forc'd to tack about to the North or Weſt. I'm ſo far from looking upon the Sea as my Element, that I never found the leaſt Inclination to be acquainted with it. Beſides, Sir, I muſt confeſs I'm naturally apt to judge of others by my ſelf; and therefore when I remember how often I have skip'd over ſuch Paſſages in the Relations of Travellers, I cannot forbear concluding that you wou'd be as little pleas'd with ſo dull an Entertainment. Since then you will have the Advantage of paſſing from one Port to another, without feeling the Inconveniencies of bad Weather, or being troubl'd with the Noiſy Hurry of the Mariners, I hope you will be the more eaſily perſuaded to ſtop a while with me at the Iſles of If, where we ſpent a whole Day at Anchor, after we came out of the Port of Marſeilles.

The Iſles of If are three ſmall Iſlands about three Miles diſtant from Marſeilles, forming a very ſafe Harbour againſt any ſorts of Wind, which is defended by two ſtrong Caſtles, where the King keeps a Garriſon. Theſe Iſlands are of great Importance to ſecure the Trade of Marſeilles; for without the Advantage of their Neighbourhood, that City wou'd be a kind of Priſon, ſince 'twou'd be impoſſible for any Veſſels to go out of the Port, without expoſing themſelves to the Inſults of their Enemies: And beſides, the Storms that are ſo frequent in the Mediterranean, wou'd drive many Ships upon the Shoar, if they had not the Conveniency of ſtanding into this Harbour. But notwithſtanding the Advantageous Situation of theſe Iſlands, and the great Importance of the Harbour for the Security of Trade, they were mortgag'd by one of our Kings to the Duke of Florence, for ſix hundred thouſand Crowns. Whilſt the Princes of that Family injoy'd the poſſeſſion of this Poſt, the Spaniards left no means uneſſay'd to make himſelf Maſter of it; but they were either reſolv'd to keep it in their own Power, or afraid to incur the Anger of the French, ſince 'tis certain that they rejected all the Propoſals that were made to 'em upon this Occaſion. Theſe Iſlands were afterwards reunited to the Crown, by the Marriage of Mary de Medicis with Henry the Fourth. And the Succeſs of that Negotiation was in a great meaſure owing to the Marquiſs de Pile, who was then Governour of the Place; for he made Duke Francis ſenſible, that 'twas better to comply with the Deſires of that Monarch, than to engage himſelf in a War with ſo potent an Enemy. In conſideration of ſo acceptable a piece of Service, the Marquiſs was continu'd in his former Poſt, and the Reverſion of his Office was beſtow'd on his Son, who died there, leaving two Sons, the elder of whom, who enjoys his Grandfather's Title, ſucceeded in the Government of theſe Iſlands; and the younger, call'd the Count de Forville, was made Governour Viguier of Marſeilles, and Captain of one of the King's Galleys; the yearly Revenue of theſe two Places amounting to 20000 Livres.

To make amends for the leſs favourable part of the Character I gave you of the Natives of Prov • nce, I ſhall take this Occaſion to acquaint you with ſome of their better Qualities: For I love to do Juſtice to all Men; and beſides, I wou'd willingly make my Peace with the Inhabitants, before I leave their Country: They are very good Mariners, and are famous over all Europe for their Induſtry and Diligence: Nor are they leſs remarkable for their Courage and Bravery; for they are ſo little capable of Fear, that they wou'd reckon it a piece of Cowardice to turn their Backs to ten times their Number of Enemies. Not very long ago, our Captain's Uncle, call'd Blaiſe Marin, in a Ship of Forty Guns, maintain'd a Fight for three Days together, during a Calm, againſt five Tripolin Men of War, with ſo much Reſolution and Succeſs, that they were forc'd at laſt to leave him. And a ſmall Bark of thirty Men, was about a Year ago ſnatch'd out of the very Jaws of the Algerines, by the Prudence and Bravery of the Pilot. She was chas'd by one of the largeſt of the Enemy's Ships, in which there were four hundred Men, till ſeeing no poſſibility of eſcaping, that Handful of Men reſolv'd to board the Ship that purſu'd 'em, without lowering their Sails, or grappling the Veſſels together: And the Pilot leaping on board the Enemy's Ship, with his Curtelas in his Hand, cut the Rope that ſuſtain'd their Main-Sail, which they cou'd not hoiſe again in above three Hours. In the mean time the Pilot jump'd into his own Bark, and Crying, Courage, my Boys, we're ſav'd, ſteer'd away from the Enemy, who could never afterwards come up with him. The Merchants at his Return, preſented him with a Gold Medal; nor cou'd they in Juſtice do leſs Honour to ſo rare a Merit. But they will not be ſo kind to a Captain, call'd Curet, who had the Misfortune to be taken by the Galleys of Naples about three Months ago: For tho' he had only 24 Guns mounted, and 100 Men on board, to reſiſt ſeven Galleys that attack'd him; his Countrymen exclaim againſt him as the baſeſt of Cowards; and I know not whether 'twill ever be ſafe for him to ſhow his Face at Marſeilles. But after all, this ſeems to be a Rodomontade, rather than an effect of true Courage; ſince it muſt be acknowledg'd that ſeven Galleys are a very unequal Match for the ſtrongeſt Merchant-Ship in the World.

Three Days after our departure from If, we arriv'd at Genoa, which you know is uſually call'd Genoa the Proud, tho' in my Opinion it cannot pretend the leaſt Right to that Title: 'Tis the Capital City of Liguria, and had its Name from Janus the firſt, King of Italy; or according to others, from double-fac'd Janus. Some make this Janus King of the Toïans; and others deduce the Etymology of the Word from Janua, a Gate, or Door; becauſe Genoa is as it were the Gate of Italy. Authors are generally much divided concerning the true Name of this City: Luitprand, Tircin, and ſome others, call it Janua; Titus Livius, Ptolomy, and Strabo, give it the Name of Genua; and the latter Opinion ſeems to be better grounded than the former, eſpecially ſince 'tis confirm'd by a ſmall Copper-Plate, which is to be ſeen in this Place, and was found Ann. 1507. by a Peaſant, as he was Tilling the Ground. The Inſcription is engrav'd in very ſmall, but pretty diſtinct, Roman Characters; and in it the Genoeſe are call'd Genuates.

The time of its Foundation is unknown, at leaſt I never had the Fortune to meet with a ſatisfactory Account of it in any Author, either Ancient or Modern. 'Tis ſeated at the bottom of a little Gulf, on the Declivity, and at the Foot of a Hill, ſeeming to conſiſt of ſeveral Stories. The Port lies very open towards the Sea, and therefore cannot afford ſafe Anchorage for Ships. The City contains five and thirty Pariſhes; the Streets are uneven, and very narrow, tho' the Houſes are extremely high. In the middle of the Publick Place, there is a Marble Statue of an unuſual bigneſs, repreſenting Andrew Doria, the Deliverer of the Republick, trampling on three Turks Heads, in Memory of the ſignal Victories he obtain'd over theſe Infidels. The Palaces of Genoa are very much admir'd; and it muſt be acknowledg'd that ſome of 'em are very fine Structures; but the principal Beauty of thoſe few that deſerve that Title, conſiſts in the Marble of which they are built.

Marble is no Rarity in this Country; all the Churches are adorn'd with it, as well as the Palace Royal, where his Serenity keeps his Reſidence: But after all, you muſt not imagine that the Streets are pav'd with it. Since we ſtaid but two Days in the City, I cou'd not find an Opportunity to ſee the Inſide of any of the Palaces, and therefore I cannot ſatisfie your Curioſity with a Deſcription of 'em. You are ſo well acquainted with the nature of the Government, that 'twou'd be needleſs to give you any farther Account of it; only I cannot forbear taking notice of the extreme Decreaſe of the Power and Grandeur of this Republick ſince thoſe glorious Days, when they extended their Conqueſts to the Tanais, and made themſelves Maſters of all the Coaſts of Aſia, and the Iſlands of Cyprus, Scio, Lesbos, &c. They ſtill retain a little Iſland, with the Title of a Kingdom, and are extremely proud of it, tho', in my Opinion, without any reaſon. The Habits of the Nobles reſemble thoſe of the Counſellors in France; they dare not wear Gold or Silver when they come abroad; but in their Houſes they have very rich Veſts, and coſtly Night-Gowns.

Since the late Bombardment of the City, they cannot endure thoſe of our Nation. They ſhow'd me a Convent of Nuns, into which there fell not one Bomb, tho' there were above a hundred ſhot at it; and told me, that there was a Hand ſeen in the Air, which diverted their Courſe, and threw 'em another way. The Jews, who are deteſted by all the World, were in great Favour here during thoſe terrible Diſorders, becauſe they found out a way to quench the Bombs with Ox Hides: Yet this is not a new Invention; for the ſame was practiſed long before by the Inhabitants of Groningen, when they were beſieg'd by the Biſhop of Munſter in 1672: And ſince that time the Algerines made uſe of the ſame Secret; beſides the covering of their Streets with Sand. Nor is there any thing wonderful in the Succeſs of this Stratagem; for one may eaſily and infallibly ſmother a Bomb if he can come in time to ſtop the Hole before the Fuſee be ſpent. At the Aſſault of the Horn-Work at Philipsburg, I ſaw a Soldier take the ſame way to prevent the Effect of the Granadoes, which the Germans threw among us: For he gather'd 'em as they fell, and ſtopping the Touch-Hole with his Hand, either ſmother'd 'em immediately, or threw 'em back upon the Enemies. But tho' this may be eaſily done, it cannot be attempted without Danger; for the Fuſee is always made as ſhort as poſſible; and if the Fire ſhou'd happen to reach the Powder when the Man throws himſelf upon the Bomb, the ſhutting out of the Air wou'd only 〈◊〉 it burſt the ſooner.

But tho' the ſhortneſs of our ſtay at Genoa wou'd not permit me to gratifie your Curioſity with an Account of the Beauties and Rarities of that City; I confeſs I cannot pretend the ſame Excuſe for declining to undertake the Deſcription of Rome, Florence, and the place where I am at preſent. I have ſpent two whole Months in examining and admiring that infinite Number of Wonders that ſeem to have been brought from all the parts of the World, and ſhut up in this Country, as in a vaſt Repoſitory. I have even wallow'd in Delight, and been kept in a continual Rapture with the amazing View of ſo many noble Structures, auguſt Monuments of Antiquity, ineſtimable Libraries, Statues, Pictures, Works of Marble and Porphyrie, and a Thouſand other Curioſities, of which there is a prodigious and even incredible Abundance in theſe places. I have ſeen all theſe magnificent Rarities; I have view'd 'em with all imaginable Pleaſure and Attention, and my Mind is ſtill full of their agreeable Idea's; but tho' I have not forgot what I promis'd you, neither the Conſideration of your Satisfaction, nor of my own Engagement, can make me willing to keep my Promiſe with reſpect to Italy. You muſt e'en give me leave to claim the Privilege of a Norman once in my Life; and you will eaſily diſpenſe with the Account you expected from me, if you peruſe the Relations of ſo many Travellers, who have viſited this lovely Country from one end to the other, eſpecially the late Work of Monſieur Miſſon: For what can be added to ſo exact a Deſcription? Is there any Corner in Italy, that has eſcap'd his inquiſitive Curioſity, or any thing remarkable in it which he has not illuſtrated with Learned and Judicious Reflexions? He is a compleat Traveller; he has forgot nothing that deſerves to be taken notice of, and has ſo intirely exhauſted his Subject, that there is nothing left for future Obſervers. And therefore, inſtead of deſcribing Italy, I ſhall only deſire you to conſult his Book, by the Aſſiſtance of which, you may make one of the pleaſanteſt Voyages in the World without going out of your Cloſet. But ſince you will perhaps expect that I ſhou'd at leaſt add ſomething to convince you that I have ſeen theſe celebrated Places, I ſhall adventure to tell you, that among ſo many admirable Rarities that fill'd me with Wonder and Amazement, there is nothing, in my Opinion, more extraordinary and ſurpriſing than the Pomp and Magnificence of the Court of Rome. I know not whether this Remark will make amends for my Silence in other Reſpects: You'll perhaps tell me, that 'tis a ſtale and trivial Obſervation: However, you muſt give me leave to aſſure you, that 'tis not an eaſie Task to repreſent all its Wonders; and I muſt confeſs, that hitherto I had never any Idea of it, that did not come ſhort of the Truth. The Court of Rome is no leſs Numerous and Magnificent than that of France; and perhaps I might venture to ſay, that the latter is exceeded by the former. Every Cardinal is a Prince, who receives daily all the Marks of Honour and Reſpect from a Thouſand Prelates, and other Eccleſiaſticks, that look upon him as their Sovereign, and place their whole Felicity in his Favour. Nothing is wanting to compleat the Splendor of their Dignity: Magnificent Palaces, rich Furnitures, delicious Tables, Pleaſure-Houſes, Gardens, Grotto's, Fountains, numerous Trains of Servants, and, to crown all, the Converſation and Society of the handſomeſt Ladies in Europe; for you muſt not imagine that their Character confines 'em to all the Auſterities of a Monaſtick Life; and, excepting only ſome Gray-Bearded Dotards, that pretend to the Popedom, the reſt are as Gay and Amorous as any young French Prince. 'Twou'd be needleſs to apply this Character particularly to all the Members of the Sacred College; and therefore I ſhall content my ſelf with aſſuring you, that none deſerves it more juſtly than the Cardinal Patron, who has acquir'd ſo Univerſal a Reputation of an accompliſh'd Gallant, that 'tis generally reckon'd the moſt effectual way to obtain a Favour of him, to make uſe of the Interceſſion of a Lady; and even he ſcruples not to declare, that he has not the Force to refuſe any thing to a fair Petitioner.

Thoſe who love Pleaſure and Luxury, cannot deſire a more favourable Treatment than they meet with under the preſent Pontificate. The Holy Father encourages 'em by his own Example; his Table and Furniture are Magnificent, and his Nephews reſemble ſo many Sovereigns. The Prince Mark is attended with a Train of forty Lacqueys, all clad in a Livery of Cloth of Gold, and his Stable is furniſh'd with ſixty of the fineſt Horſes in Rome; tho' all this is a manifeſt Violation of the Edicts that were publiſh'd to regulate the Affairs of the Nepotiſm. 'Tis true, the People grumble extremely to ſee their Subſtance exhauſted, and the very Blood drain'd out of their Bodies, to maintain the extravagant Vanity of thoſe Upſtart Favourites, who about a Year ago were as poor as themſelves. But among ſo many Marks of Splendour, there is nothing more ſurprizing, than the Magnificent Gondola's, built by the Pope's Orders, which are the firſt that ever grac'd the Tiber. His Holineſs goes thither very often to take the Air, accompany'd with thoſe that have the greateſt Share in his Favour; and 'tis thought he deſigns to bring the Venetian Freſco into Faſhion at Rome, which in my Opinion is a Project that may be eaſily accompliſh'd, ſince the Roman Ladies love to be ſeen, as well as the reſt of the Fair Sex.

In the mean time the Luxury and Vanity of the preſent Pope, gives occaſion to ſeveral well-diſpos'd Perſons, to make Compariſons between his Conduct, and that of his Predeceſſour, which you may reaſonably conclude are not in the leaſt Advantageous to his Holineſs: For there is certainly a very remarkable Difference between theſe two Pontiffs: He who at preſent fills the Chair, makes it his only buſineſs to gratifie his Inclination to Pleaſure, and to Aggrandize his Family; whereas the good Pope Innocent apply'd himſelf only to the performance of the Duties of his Office, reforming the Abuſes that had crept into Rome, viſiting the Hoſpitals, and aſſiſting the Poor. And beſides, he left no Means uneſſay'd, to reſtore Peace to Chriſtendom: And when an unjuſt Power endeavour'd to extend its Uſurpations to the Church it ſelf, we had the Pleaſure to ſee that generous Prelate oppoſe the incroaching Tyranny, with a Reſolution and Piety worthy of a Common Father. His Private Life, and Domeſtick Occupations, were no leſs Edifying: He was eaſie of Acceſs to all Men, and hearken'd favourably to the Poor when they came to repreſent their Grievances to him, or to beg his Aſſiſtance. His external Deportment was very ſimple, and ſo free from the leaſt Appearance of Worldly Pomp, that he might be call'd the Model of Humility. I'm aſſur'd by ſeveral Perſons of unqueſtion'd Credit, that the Expence of his Table was fix'd at One Shilling. Two Julio's a Day, and that the whole Charge of his Proviſions did not exceed Fifty Crowns a Year. I cannot without Aſtoniſhment reflect on the admirable Sobriety of a Perſon who might be juſtly rank'd among the moſt Potent Princes in the World; and am not at all ſurpriz'd that moſt Perſons here eſteem him a Saint. 'Tis ſaid that Miracles are wrought at his Tomb; and if that Report continue a while longer, he will certainly be the only Object of the People's Devotion. I know not whether the Zeal of his Adorers may not one Day procure the deceas'd Pope a place among the Canoniz'd Saints: But conſidering the Reputation of his Succeſſour, I may venture to aſſure you, that he will never be enroll'd among that Number.

Under this Pontificat the Curtezans have reſum'd their expiring Courage, and begin to appear with the ſame Haughtineſs and Inſolency that ſeem'd to be in ſome Meaſure curb'd under the Government of Innocent XI. That Jovial Society, which may be reckon'd a Fourth Order in the State, and no leſs conſiderable than any of the reſt, will, in all probability, maintain its Privileges and Liberties as long as the Supreme Power is lodg'd in the Clergy, who will never deprive themſelves of ſo neceſſary a Diverſion. And truly, I know not how ſo many young Perſons that are engag'd in a Vow which they are not able to perform, cou'd ſubſiſt, without the comfortable Aſſiſtance of thoſe Communicative Ladies. Honeſt Matrons are daily affronted by thoſe domineering Strumpets, whoſe Inſolence they muſt ſuffer patiently, ſince 'twou'd be in vain to contend with the Miſtreſſes of their Maſters. I'm not in the leaſt ſurpriz'd at their Haughtineſs and Pride; but I confeſs I cou'd never have believ'd, without the Teſtimony of my own Eyes, that they had ſo much Liberty, and ſo little Shame. We had no ſooner drop • d Anchor before Leghorn, but we were immediately boarded by a Dozen of theſe Female Pyrates, who, in ſpite of the Captain, carry'd off an equal Number of Prizes; for Mariners look upon this Port as a priviledg'd Place, where they may ramble without controul. 'Tis true, they find Pleaſure is not a cheap Commodity in this place; for theſe Ladies are not ſo Hoſpitable as to entertain Travellers Gratis, and they uſually ſet a very high price on their Favours, eſpecially at Rome, which may be call'd the Centre of Whores. I will not pretend to warrant the Truth of their Opinion, who ſay, That at Rome Whores may ſue a Man for their Hire: But I can aſſure you, that they may and do demand the Aſſiſtance of the Corte, or Watch, who have Orders to protect 'em, and ſee 'em paid, according to the Quality of the Perſon. The Corte is a Band of Sbirri's, who walk the Rounds every Night, to prevent Diſorders; but their Authority is ſo ſmall, and the care they take to ſuppreſs Abuſes ſo ineffectual, that I know not whether the City receives any Benefit by 'em: For ſince they are not permitted to Fire at any Perſon, 'tis eaſie for any Man that has the Advantage of a Nimble Pair of Heels, to avoid falling into their Clutches; and there are ſome roaring Hectors, who not only make Head againſt 'em, but even keep 'em in Awe. I might reckon up a Thouſand Inſtances of ſuch inſolent Villanies; but I ſhall content my ſelf with mentioning one that happen'd very lately: The City was never plagu'd with a more deſperate Villain than a certain Neapolitan Lord, call'd, The Prince de la Matrice, who was Ring-leader of Fifty Bandits that were fit Companions for ſuch a Maſter: He and his Gang made all the Sbirri's in Rome quake, and continu'd their Inſolences above a Year, till at laſt the Pope having iſſu'd out an Order to take him alive or dead, he took Sanctuary in a Church, where he Capitulated with his Holineſs, and was permitted to depart with Bag and Baggage, he and all his Companions. 'Tis certainly a very great Abuſe, that Churches ſhou'd ſerve as places of Retreat for Villains; and ſo long as theſe Privileges remain, the aboliſhing of the Franchiſes will never put a Stop to the reigning Diſorders. But, which is ſtill more intolerable, the Churches are not only ſo many Sanctuaries to ſecure Malefactors from Puniſhment, but the Theatres where they act their Villanies. The other Day, when the People were met to hear Veſper's at the Church of S. Lewis, and were buſie at their Devotion, Fifteen or Twenty Perſons cry'd out on a ſudden, Fly, fly, the Church is falling; and immediately run towards the Door, with ſo many ſigns of Fear, that the People were almoſt perſuaded that the Church was tumbling about their Ears. And ſince on ſuch Occaſions 'tis natural for a Man to think of ſaving himſelf, before he conſider the greatneſs or probability of the Danger, the People in the Church follow'd thoſe whom they ſaw running out, with ſo much haſte and confuſion, that ſeveral Perſons were trodden under Foot, and ſo hurt that they were forc'd to keep their Beds. In the mean time the Rogues were not idle Spectatours of the Fright they had occaſion'd; and ſome began to miſs their Purſes, and others their Silver-hilted Swords, aſſoon as the Tumult was appeas'd, and the Cheat diſcover'd.

During my abode at Rome, I had the fortune to meet with the ſame Prieſt, who, as I told you in one of my preceeding Letters, was impriſon'd at Maſcon on ſuſpicion of Witchcraft: He makes his Court to Cardinal Chigi, whom he ſolicites very earneſtly, and expects to obtain a Benefice from him; but he is certainly an incorrigible Fool, as you may perceive by the Account he gave me of himſelf. He aſſur'd me, that he entertain'd a moſt intimate Fellowſhip and Correſpondence with certain imaginary Inhabitants of the Air, by whoſe Aſſiſtance he pretends that one may eaſily ſurmount all Difficulties, and wou'd have perſuaded me, that theſe Spirits open'd the Doors of the Priſon when he was in danger of being condemn'd as a Sorcerer. I was ſo ſurpriz'd at the Novelty and Oddneſs of his Opinion, that I reſolv'd to diſcourſe ſeriouſly with him about it, and ask'd him how he came acquainted with that Airy People, and why they wou'd not diſcover themſelves to the reſt of Mankind. He reply'd, that they communicated their Favours only to thoſe who are willing to hearken to 'em, and to enter into a Society with 'em; adding, that they have many Correſpondents in the World who live unknown, and conceal themſelves with all poſſible Care, to avoid the Fate of ſo many Honeſt Perſons, that have been burnt alive for Witchcraft in ſeveral places of the Kingdom. He deny'd poſitively that there were any Witches, ſaying, That God was too Juſt and Good to give ſo much Power to the Devil, who, according to his Opinion, lies bound in Hell, from whence he ſhall never be releas'd. But I ſoon perceiv'd that there was as much Confuſion in his Brain as in his Diſcourſe, and that he was a meer Fantaſtical Enthuſiaſt.

I know not what Credit ye will give to this Man's Relation concerning his imaginary Acquaintances in the Air; but you may firmly believe the Story with which I am going to conclude my Letter, ſince I was an Eye-witneſs of all that paſs'd. A certain Florentine Soldier in this City, without pretending to be invulnerable, undertook for a Wager of a Crown to ſtand as a Mark till four Bullets were ſucceſſively ſhot at him, and perform'd his Undertaking without receiving the leaſt hurt, tho' the Man who diſcharg'd the Gun ſtood but fifty Paces from him, and cou'd neither be ſuſpected of Colluſion, nor want of Skill, ſince all the four Bullets pierc'd the Door againſt which the Florentin ſtood. You will doubtleſs look upon this as a very odd and ſurprizing Accident: I was ſo amaz'd at it, that I know not whether I cou'd have believ'd it if I had not ſeen it: Yet I can aſſure you, that the Florentin is no Magician, and that his Secret only conſiſts in ſhifting his place aſſoon as he perceives the flaſhing of the Powder: And the Account he gave me of the eaſineſs of his Undertaking, has conſiderably leſſen'd my Surprizal at the Succeſs of it: However, I wou'd not for 10000 Piſtols try the Experiment any otherwiſe than by ſhooting a Bullet into the Sea. The Soldier found out this way to give me ſome Satisfaction; and I obſerv'd that the Bullet remain'd ſo long in the Air, that a Man might eaſily have avoided it.

Our Captain having taken in all his Lading, expects only a fair Wind; and by good fortune, the third part of the Cargo belongs to Malta; ſo that I ſhall have the pleaſure of ſpending at the leaſt Fifteen Days in that celebrated Iſland.

THo' I promis'd in my laſt to excuſe you from ſharing with us in the Inconveniencies of the Sea, and to bring you from France to Turkey, without meeting with one Storm; I cannot forbear giving you account of one that overtook us in the height of Sardinia. And I have even the confidence to think that you will not complain of my breach of Promiſe, ſince we had all the Trouble, and you will only have the Pleaſure; if there be any truth in the common Obſervation, That Men uſually take delight in hearing a Relation of diſtant Misfortunes.

The pleaſure of our Voyage was not diſturb'd for the firſt two Days, tho' we made no great Progreſs; but on the Third, about ſeven in the Morning, there aroſe on the ſudden a moſt furious North-Eaſt Wind, which burſt our Sails as if they had been made of Paper; and between the Wind on one ſide, and the South-Weſt Surges on the other, our Ship was ſo violently toſs'd, that our Mariners durſt not ſtir from the Sides of the Ship, for fear of being waſh'd off by the Waves. Never was there any Object more capable of ſtriking Terrour into the Spectatour; never any Noiſe more frightful and amazing than that which was occaſion'd by the tumbling of the Casks and Boxes, the Wind, Thunder, and Sea, the cracking of the Ship, and the howling of ſome Women that were on board. A horrid Gloom turn'd the Day into Night, and was ſucceeded by a Flaſh of Lightning that cover'd our Ship for above a Minute, and was accompany'd with a terrible and ſtupefying Crack. I know not what we did in the mean time, nor was there one among my Fellow-Paſſengers that cou'd inform me what was done in that dreadful Minute: For we were all ſo ſtunn'd, that there were hardly any Signs of Life left in us. All the Account I can give you is, that when we recover'd our ſenſes, we perceiv'd that the Lightning had left a thick and black Smoak, accompany'd with a ſulphureous and noiſom Stench, that wou'd have kill • d us if it had laſted a quarter of an Hour; but it was diſſipated in a Moment. We found alſo that we were remov'd from the places where we were when the Lightning fell; which Change, doubtleſs, proceeded from the violent Motion and Agitation of the Ship. Among the reſt, one of the Ship-Boys who lay ſculking in the Fore-Caſtle, was thrown upon the Hatches in the other end of the Ship, and ſo bruis'd, and black with Contuſions, (tho' I may ſay more properly, that there was only one Contuſion, which cover'd his whole Body) that we have ſtill reaſon to doubt of his Recovery. The Mariners concluded that the Devil was the Author of all theſe Diſorders, and that there was ſome Perſon in the Company under a Sentence of Excommunication: For (you know) extraordinary Accidents are uſually eſteem'd Miracles by the ſuperſtitious Vulgar. 'Tis true, the throwing of the Boy ſo far may at the firſt View ſeem to be above the Power of Nature; but an attentive Conſiderer will not be much ſurpriz'd at this Effect of the Tempeſt, ſince this is not the firſt time that a Hurricane has ſnatch'd up Men, and even whole Ships. This puts me in mind of a Story almoſt of the ſame Nature, which I heard at Guernſey, a little Iſland, ſubject to the Crown of England. It happen'd one Day, that during a violent Storm, a Flaſh of Lightning ſet fire to the Powder in the Caſtle, and blew it up, with the whole Garriſon. Only Ten or Twelve Perſons eſcap'd, among whom the Governour had the good fortune to be preſerv'd in a very ſingular manner: They aſſur'd me that he was carry'd thro' the Air in his Bed, and laid down upon the Caſtle Wall, the Foot of which is bath'd by the Sea; and that not knowing how to get down, becauſe the Wall was equally ſteep on both ſides, he remain'd there till the Weather began to grow calm, and then made ſigns to the People of the Town, who came to his Aſſiſtance.

This furious Tempeſt was ſucceeded by pretty fair Weather, which we enjoy'd during the reſt of our Voyage to Malta, where we arriv'd ſix Days after, and in nine Days from Leghorn; ſo that we made above a hundred Miles a Day, for the diſtance betwixt theſe two Places amounts to about a Thouſand Miles. We had no reaſon to complain of the ſlowneſs of our Paſſage, tho 'we might have perform'd the Voyage much ſooner if the Wind had been conſtantly favourable: For the Captain aſſur'd me, that the Great Maſter of Malta, having ſent an expreſs to Aix in Provence, the Ship on which the Meſſenger embark'd, met with ſo ſtrong an Eaſterly Wind, that ſhe was carry'd nine hundred Miles in three Days, and arriv'd at the Port of Marſeilles, where finding another Ship ready to ſet ſail for Malta, he took Poſt for Aix, and having diſpatch'd his Buſineſs, return'd the ſame Night to Marſeilles, where he embark'd in that Veſſel, which immediately ſet ſail with a moſt favourable Weſterly Gale, and in three Days arriv'd at Malta: So that in Seven Days he perform'd a Voyage of eighteen hundred Miles, travell'd ten Leagues by Land, and diſpatch'd his Affairs. I muſt confeſs few Travellers are ſo fortunate; but that which happens rarely may happen ſometimes.

This Iſland was of old call'd Melita; and its preſent Name is an Abbreviation or Corruption of the former: It lies in the thirty fourth Degree of North Latitude, being ſeventy Miles in compaſs, twenty five long, and ten broad. Under the Reign of Auguſtus, and long before, 'twas govern'd by its own Kings, from whom it was taken by the Saracens, who afterwards loſt it to the Chriſtians. In the Year 1530, Charles V. erected it into a Sovereignty, which he beſtow'd on the Knights of S. John, who eight Years before were driven out of Rhodes by the Turks, and had till then • rov'd as Pyrates upon the Sea. The Conditions of the Donation were, That the Nomination of the Biſhop ſhou'd belong to him; That the Knights ſhou'd preſent him Yearly with a Falcon, as a Mark of Homage; and that they ſhou'd not receive into their Ports any Ships or Veſſels at Enmity with the Crown of Spain, which they punctually obſerve to this Day. But the Spaniard has no reaſon to boaſt of this Cuſtom as a peculiar Mark of Honour or Acknowledgment, ſince his Ships meet with the ſame Treatment with thoſe of other Princes, and are never admitted into the Harbours of this Iſland. I'm ſo loth to ſend you an imperfect Account of this Place, that I cannot forbear taking notice of the famous Siege which it ſuffer'd Ann. 1565. tho' I cannot reaſonably ſuppoſe you to be ignorant of a Tranſaction that made ſo great a Noiſe in the World. Sultan Solyman, reſolving to extirpate the whole Order, ſent a formidable Army againſt 'em, under the command of Sinan Baſſa, who poſſeſs'd himſelf of the Iſland, burnt the Villages, made the Inhabitants Slaves, and deſtroy'd the whole Country with Fire and Sword. But the Caſtle of S. Angelo put a Stop to his Fury, and reſiſted all his Attacks, till upon the News of the approach of the powerful Aids ſent by the Chriſtian Princes, he was forc'd to make a diſorderly Retreat, leaving two great pieces of Cannon, one of which lies at the bottom of the Water in the Port; and the other under the Baraque of Italy, commonly call d, The great Baſilisk, and carrying 120 pound Ball. The next Year the Great Maſter, de la Valette, laid the Foundation of the New City, and call'd it by his own Name. I may venture to ſay, without an Hyperbole, that this is the ſtrongeſt City in the World: I never ſaw ſo many, nor better contriv'd Works; and beſides, the Strength of the Place is very conſiderably augmented by the Advantages of its Situation; for all the Half-Moons and Baſtions are cut out of the Rock, as well as the Counterſcarp that defends 'em; and the Ditches, which in ſome places are ſixty Foot deep, and proportionably broad.

The Caſtle of S. Angelo is in the Old City, which is ſeparated from the other by a double Port, conſiſting of two Harbours, divided by a Neck of Land, which have but one Mouth. At the end of this Iſthmus ſtands the Caſtle of S. Elm, defending the Entry of both Ports, in one of which the Ships that arrive are oblig'd to perform their Quarantain, having the conveniency of a little Iſland, which ſerves as a Lazaretto for the Paſſengers and their Goods. On the other ſide is the great Harbour, frequented by thoſe who are permitted to converſe with the Inhabitants. Both theſe Harbours are ſafe and convenient; but the Entry is extremely dangerous, by reaſon of the Rocks that lie hid under the Water.

The New City, call'd Valette, is ſeated partly on the Top, and partly on the Declivity of a riſing Ground, deſcending to the Shoar. The Streets are ſtreight, running in parallel Lines both thro' the Length and Breadth of the City, and are ſo contriv • d, that the Aſcent is only diſcernable in four or five, the reſt being exactly level. The Houſes are generally fair, built after the Italian Faſhion, with Platforms on the Top; ſo that the Sketch of the New City reſembles perfectly a Rectilinear Amphitheatre. The Old City is not ſo beautiful, and is at preſent only inhabited by the Common People; yet 'tis the Seat of the Biſhop and his Chapter, which may vie with any Society of that Nature in Italy, being compos'd of four and twenty Canons, who wear the Epiſcopal Habit, and have each a Thouſand Crowns a Year.

There is but one publick Place or Square in the City Valette, which is conſiderable for its Beauty, adorn'd with a Fountain in the middle, the Water of which falling into a Basket of Stone ſo artificially cut, that it ſeems to be tranſparent, makes one of the pleaſanteſt Caſcades in the World. The Front of the Great Maſter's Palace makes one intire ſide of the Square. There is nothing admirable either in the Inſide or Outſide of this Structure; 'tis of a Square Figure, and ſeparated from the Neighbouring Buildings by four Streets. 'Tis divided into the Winter and Summer Apartments: The firſt, which is the moſt ancient and leaſt beautiful, is painted throughout with the Repreſentations of Victories obtain'd over the Turks, and particularly the raiſing of the Siege of Malta, accompany'd with Explanatory Inſcriptions. The Summer Apartment was built by the late Great Maſter, Vignacourt, who beautify • d Malta with ſo many Ornaments, and wou'd have certainly made this a very Magnificent Palace, if Death had not interrupted his Deſigns. That which is chiefly remarkable in it is the Hall of Arms, where there are 30000 Muskets, as many Bandaliers, 10000 Cuiraſſes and Helmets, with a proportionable Number of Swords, Pikes, Piſtols, and Scimitars, all rank'd in the fineſt Order imaginable. There is an incredible number of caſt Pieces of Cannon in this City; for tho' I never reckon'd 'em my ſelf, I'm aſſur'd by Perſons of unqueſtion'd Credit, that there are 1060, and all of a conſiderable bigneſs.

The Churches of Malta are incomparably beautiful, the Italian Neatneſs reigns throughout, and they are every where adorn'd with Painting and Gilding. The principal Church is dedicated to S. John Baptiſt, the Patron of the Order: The Proſpect of it is not very pleaſant; but to make amends for the Defects of the Outſide, I never ſaw any thing that cou'd with Juſtice be compar'd to the Richneſs and Beauty of the Inſide. 'Tis as light as an open Field, and all its Ornaments appear with ſo unclouded a Luſtre, and ſo charm the Eye of the Spectatour, that I believe never any Man came out of it without Reluctancy. 'Tis pav'd throughout with large pieces of black and white Marble: The Walls and Columns are lin'd to the very Cornices, with curious Wainſcotting, which hardly obſtructs the Sight; and the Life of S. John is painted in Freſco, on the Vault, by the Hand of the Chevalier Mathias. But the fineſt Work of that Nature in the Church is the beheading of the Holy Baptiſt, repreſented in a Chapel of the ſame Name, by the Hand of Michael Angelo; this Picture was preſented to the Order by one of the Dukes of Florence, and may be reckon'd a very conſiderable Complement, ſince the Princes of that Family are ſeldom wont to part with ſuch rare and beautiful Pieces.

The many and magnificent Epitaphs of the Great Maſters, and Grand Croſſes, with their Scutcheons, are none of the leaſt remarkable Ornaments of this Church; and among the reſt, the Great Maſter Vignacourt's Epitaph is extremely beautiful.

Every one of the Seven Languages has a peculiar Chapel in this Church, which they ſtrive to adorn in Emulation of one another. There is not a Church in the World where Veſſels of Gold and Silver are more common than in this. Among other curious Works, there are two Angels of the laſt of theſe Metals, as big as the Life: But the moſt finiſh'd Piece is a golden Sun of Filagram-Work, to receive the Holy Sacrament, of which the Workmanſhip alone coſt 2000 Crowns. The Treaſury is ſo full of Relicks, that 'twou'd be an endleſs Labour to deſcribe • em; and therefore I ſhall only tell you, that the fineſt Piece I ſaw in it is the Biſhop's Mitre, ſet all over with the richeſt Jewels.

The Great Altar in the Nave is eſteem'd one of the moſt magnificent Works of that Nature in Europe: It ſtands by it ſelf, after the Modern Faſhion, like that of Strasburg, which it exceeds both in Largeneſs and Richneſs. I ſaw the Grand Prior of the Order ſay Maſs here in Ceremony, and after the ſame manner as the Pope does at Rome. His Habit is not different from that of a Biſhop; but he is ſerv'd by eight Deacons and Sub-Deacons, with a great deal of State and Ceremony. The place where he ſits while the Epiſtles and Goſpels are read, is on the Right-hand as you go to the Altar, and directly oppoſite to the Great Maſter, who ſits in an arm'd Chair on the Lefthand, unde a Canopy, two Pages ſtanding behind to ſerve him. The Grand Croſſes are ſeated in the middle of the Nave, on a double Row of Benches, with Rails or Backs, which encloſe the place. The Bailiffs and Commanders are plac'd on the Seats behind; and the reſt of the Knights ſit either in the Chapels belonging to their Language, or in any other part of the Church. To return to their manner of Officiating; I obſerv'd two Ceremonies I had never ſeen before, ſince they are Marks of Reſpect that are only ſhow'd to the Pope: For there are two Clerks who fan the Grand Prior's Head and Face all the while he ſays Maſs, with two large Fans of Oſtridge Feathers; and after he has done, he ſits down in his Chair, and the ſame Clerks coming in their Surplices, undreſs him from Head to Foot, pulling off even his Slippers. The Prior is one of the moſt conſiderable Officers of the Order, and is rank'd before the Grand Croſſes, and immediately after the Biſhop and Great Maſter, who only preceed him, tho' he is not choſen out of the Claſſis of Noble Knights. The preſent Poſſeſſour of this Dignity is a Native of Aix in Provence, and is a Perſon of Merit, tho' of mean Birth.

Since I have inſenſibly enter'd upon this Subject, I ſhall take this occaſion to acquaint you with the various Degrees and Dignities of theſe Knights; but you muſt only expect a general Idea of the Order, and I believe you deſire no more.

The uſual Title of theſe Knights is of no older date than their Settlement in this Iſland; for according to their Inſtitution they ought to be call'd Knights of S. John of Jeruſalem. The Deſign of the Foundation was for Hoſpitality, and for the Relief and Aſſiſtance of the poor Pilgrims who came from all the parts of the World to viſit the Holy Places. At firſt the Order was compos'd of Perſons of mean Rank or Quality, living under a Superiour, call'd Gerard, a Frenchman by birth, who had built a Hoſpital in the ſame Place where they pretend Zacharias us'd to perform his Devotions, and dedicated it to S. John Baptiſt. This Gerard, who may be reckon'd the Founder of the Order, was a Man of a very Holy Life, and ſpent his time in doing all the Offices of Hoſpitality, according to his Profeſſion. 'Tis ſaid, that he carry'd Bread every Night to the Chriſtian Army, when Jeruſalem was beſieg'd by Godfrey of Bouillon; and that being ſuſpected, he was narrowly obſerv'd, and at laſt ſurpriz'd in the very act. Immediately he was ſeiz'd, and carry'd before the Governour, with a Burthen of Loaves, which were miraculouſly chang'd into Stones when his Accuſers began to take 'em out of the Bag; ſo that he was fully acquitted.

Sometime after, Godfrey having taken the Town, was not unmindful of his Benefactour; he careſs • d him, and wrote in his Favour to Pope Paſchal II. who confirm'd him and his Religious Company in the Exerciſe of their Pious Occupations, by a Bu • I granted for that purpoſe, and dated Octob. 19. 1113, ordaining that after Gerard's Death, the Rectors ſhou'd be elected by the Members of the Society. By Virtue of this Bull, they made choice of one Roger for their ſecond Rector, whom they afterwards honour'd with the Title of Maſter: 'I was he who contriv'd and eſtabliſh d the Statutes of the Order, and made his Society take up Arms againſt the Infidels: He order d em to wear black Mantles of Camels Skin, in imitation of S. John • s Habit in the Wilderneſs; to which he added a white Croſs with eight Points, to denote the Eight Beatitudes. This Habit is clos d at the Neck, and has two Sleeves ending in a Point, which are thrown backwards, that the Knights may more conveniently ſerve and aſſiſt ſick Perſons. 'Tis not much different from that with which Eſculap • us is cloath'd, in Ancient Paintings. This Inſtitution was confirm d by the Popes, Gelaſius, Calixtus II. and Honorius II. and afterwards, Ann. 1130. by Innocent II. who gave 'em for Arms, Gules, a Croſs Argent. Under Pope Honorius the Pl • beian Knights were not only ſeparated from the Nobles, but almoſt excluded out of the Order, ſince they were only ſuffer'd to remain in it in the Quality of Chaplains or Servants. This is as properly a Religious Order as that of the Carmelites, or Auguſtine Friars; and when the Great Maſter writes to any of the Knights, he directs his Letters thus; For our Dear and Well-beloved, the Religious Brother N... Knight of the Order of S. John. And they are qualify d with the ſame Title in all Publick Writings at Malta.

On the Day of their Profeſſion, they muſt brandiſh a Sword thrice, as it were to defie the Enemies of the Name of Chriſt: Afterwards they take the Vows of Poverty, Chaſtity, and Obedience. In performance of the Firſt, they live in the Inns of their reſpective Languages, enjoying all things in Common, and the Order inherits their Eſtates: The Second hinders 'em from Marrying; and the Third obliges 'em to come to Malta as often as their Appearance is requir'd by the Great Maſter, and to obey all his Orders by Virtue of their Holy Obedience. Thus they content themſelves with a ſeeming Performance of theſe Vows, but their Practice is not in the leaſt anſwerable to their Profeſſion: For, in the firſt place, their Poverty wou'd ſatisfie my largeſt Deſires, ſince moſt of 'em receive conſiderable Penſions from their Relations, beſides Eighty Crowns a Year from their reſpective Inns, which may be reckon'd a very comfortable Maintenance. Nor are they more religious Obſervers of their Second Vow; they are juſt as Chaſt as my ſelf, and I know not what they can pretend to enjoy in Common but Women, whom they have ſo well accuſtom'd to that way of living, that a Faithful Wife is a very ſcarce Commodity in Malta. And as for the laſt Vow, if Obedience conſiſt in Grimaces, they are certainly the moſt Obedient Gentlemen in the World; but if, for Example, the Great Maſter ſhou'd take a Fancy to recall the Chevalier de Noailles, I queſtion very much whether he wou'd obey the Summons. To conclude, I cannot give you a juſter Character of 'em, than in their own Words; They are only Poor when a Curteſan demands her Fees; Obedient at Table, where they are always invited to Eat and Drink heartily; and Chaſt at Church, which is their greateſt Penance.

The Order is compos'd of four different Claſſes; or rather there is only one, which tolerates the reſt out of Charity. The firſt is that of the Noble Knights, who before their Admiſſion muſt prove their Nobility in the preſence of certain Commiſſioners, who are ſent to examine their Pedigree upon the Place. They wear a Croſs of Gold enamell'd, hanging at one of their Button-Holes, as you have doubtleſs obſerv'd in France. The Second is the Claſs of Prieſts, who for the moſt part are not noble, yet wear a Croſs, as the firſt. The Third is that of the Serving Knights, who are not Noble, and only wear a Croſs of white Sattin ſow'd upon their Iuſtaucor, and of a different Figure from that of the Nobles. The Fourth and laſt is compos'd of the Great Maſter's Menial Servants, or of ſome indigent Perſons, to whom he grants that Favour, which brings 'em no other Advantage than the uſual Salary of fourſcore Crowns; and their Croſs is like that of the Serving Knights. Of all the Four Claſſes, the firſt only can aſpire to the Dignities of the Order, that is, to the Title and Office of Commanders, Grand Croſſes, and Great Maſter. The two firſt are given in Order, according to their Seniority; for the oldeſt Knights are in Courſe promoted to be Commanders, and the oldeſt Commanders to be Grand Croſſes. But the Office of Great Maſter is only obtain d by Election, without the leaſt regard to Seniority; ſo that frequently a ſimple Commander is preferr'd before all the Grand Croſſes.

The Grand Croſſes are ſo call'd from a large Croſs of white Sattin, that covers their whole Breaſt, from their firſt Button-Hole to the Belly. 'Tis ſew'd upon a kind of Sleeveleſs Veſt, meeting on the ſide, which in Winter is made of black Cloth, and in Summer of Silk. All the reſt of the Knights wear a red Veſt of the ſame Faſhion when they go to War, but the Croſs is white, and of the ſame Figure with that which they wear at their Button-Holes; but the Croſs of the Serving Knights is of a Circular Figure.

All the Employments and Offices of Honour and Profit are at the Diſpoſal of the Great Maſter, who is oblig'd to chuſe one of the Nobles: But there are few even of that Claſſis who dare aſpire to the Dignity of Captain of the Galleys, by reaſon of the vaſt Charge that attends it, ſince the Order only allows him a Set of Plate, which he muſt reſtore when he quits that Employment. But to make amends for that Inconveniency, the Captains of the Galleys are ſoon after promoted to a Commandery; for tho' I told you that theſe Places are uſually given to the Senior Knights, yet there are a conſiderable Number of 'em at the Great Maſter • s diſpoſal, who beſtows 'em on his Favourites. Theſe are call'd Commanderies of Grace, or Favour, which exclude not the Poſſeſſors of 'em from enjoying the Commanderies that fall to 'em by right of Seniority: And beſides, there are certain particular Offices belonging to each Language, ſuch as that of Treaſurer, Maſter of the Artillery, &c. The Three Sovereign Juriſdictions of Malta belong to the College of the Grand Croſſes. The Firſt is the Great Council, compos'd of all the Members of the College: The Second is the Council of the Treaſury; and the Third of the Marine, or Admiralty; conſiſting each of three Members. Beſides, the Great Maſter chuſes every Year a Captain of the Verga, who muſt be a Native of Malta, and conſequently no Knight: His Office is to adminiſter Juſtice to the Inhabitants of the City and Country. This right of Seniority which gives a Title to the Offices of Commanders and Grand Croſſes, is a great Mortification to thoſe who are not made Knights in their Youth: And therefore they who deſign to obtain that Dignity for their Children, procure 'em to be receiv'd into the Order as ſoon as they are born, that they may not wait too long for Preferrment. In the mean time, thoſe who have no Eſtates live in their reſpective Inns, of which every Language has one. The Seven Languages are thoſe of Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Arragon, Germany, and Caſtile. Over every Language there is a Grand Croſs, to whom the Order allows eighty Crowns for each Man.

The Members of the Second Claſs ſerve at the Altar, and are only capable of Eccleſiaſtical Preferment: Thus they may obtain the Offices of Vicars, Canons, and Grand Prior, which is the higheſt Dignity within the reach of their Ambition.

The Serving Knights are incapable of being promoted to the Dignity of a Grand Croſs, or of enjoying a Commandery by right of Seniority; but they may poſſeſs Commanderies of Grace, which the Great Maſter ſometimes beſtows on 'em, either as a particular Mark of his Kindneſs, or as a Reward of their Valour. They may rigg out Privateers under the Banner of the Order; but none of this Claſſis can be made Captain of the Galleys, ſince the Noble Knights wou'd not ſubmit to his Authority.

As for the Great Maſter's Knights, who compoſe the Fourth Claſs, they receive no other Honour or Advantage by their Admiſſion into the Order, but a Salary of Eighty Crowns a Year, and the Title of Knights of S. John.

To theſe Four Claſſes I might add a Fifth, I mean the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, who wear a Croſs of Gold Potency; but ſince they are not acknowledg'd by the Knights of Malta, and have no other Patents than what they receive from the Fathers Obſervants, who are at preſent Guardians of the Sepulchre, I will not trouble you with a farther Account of 'em.

Having given you a general Idea of the Four Claſſes, and of all the inferiour Offices, I ſhall in the next place proceed to conſider the Supreme Dignity of the Order. The Great, Maſter is very careful to preſerve the Reſpect due to his Character, and ſeldom Converſes familiarly with the Knights, nor even with the Grand Croſſes. When he goes to Church, all the Knights whom he meets in the Square, and by the Way, join in his Train; and when he returns they make a double File, thro' which he paſſes. All the Officers of his Houſhold are Noble Knights, even the very Pages, of whom he entertains twenty four. His principal Officers are the Maſter of the Horſe, the Major Domo, and the High Chamberlain. The preſent Great Maſter is deſcended from the Illuſtrious Houſe of Caraffa: He is a large and thick Man, of a good Mien, but very old: He keeps a Table for a hundred Knights, whom he chuſes to be partakers of his Bounty, and who by that means may ſave the Penſion they receive from the Order.

The Habits of the Knights are very different at Malta: The French, Italians, and Spaniards retaining the Modes of their reſpective Nations. The Garb of the laſt is ſo odd, that I cannot forbear giving you ſome Account of it: They wear a Doublet ſlit before and behind, and the Sleeves are alſo ſlit, and cloſe at the Wriſts; an old-faſhion'd Collar, narrow Breeches faſten'd with Buttons; and, in a Word, I cou'd not chuſe a more Comical Habit if I were going to act the Spaniard in a Mask. The Italians are dreſs'd exactly like ſo many Scaramouchi • s.

The Order takes care to preſerve ſome external Marks of Hoſpitality, which, as I told you, was the Deſign of their Inſtitution: They keep a Magnificent Hoſpital, endow'd with a Revenue of 50000 Livres. The Commandery of it belongs to the French Language, and is one of the principal Offices of the Order: The Magnificence of the Structure does not appear on the Outſide, but the Apartments are very fine. There are five Halls, capable of containing four hundred ſick Perſons, who are ſerv'd by the Knights when they Eat or Drink, the Servants of the Hoſpital taking care of the reſt. The Veſſels are generally of Silver; the Beds are good, and the Linen is chang'd pretty often. And beſides, the diſeas'd are ſo plentifully furniſh'd with all things that are proper for their Entertainment and Cure, that the Knights themſelves ſcruple not to lodge here when they are ſick. 'Tis true, they are not laid in the ſame Rooms with ſo many dead and dying Perſons, whoſe Company alone wou'd infect the ſoundeſt Man in the World with their Diſtempers: For they lie in ſeparate Halls, and are ſerv'd apart. Catholicks of all Nations, without exception, are receiv'd into the Hoſpital; but theſe Acts of Charity are not very Chargeable to the Order, ſince their Gueſts are ſeldom very Numerous.

Theſe few Obſervations may ſuffice to give you an Idea of the Order of Malta. My next ſhall contain an Account of the Iſland in general, and of the Manners and Cuſtoms of its Inhabitants: In the mean time I wiſh you good Night, and am,

WE ſail'd from Malta, June..., and leaving Sicily on our Left-hand, enter'd the Archipelago. After a Voyage of fifteen Days, without any remarkable Diſturbance, we arriv'd at the Height of Troy, and our Veſſel ſtanding in to Tenedos, both by reaſon of the contrary Wind, and to take in ſome freſh Proviſions, I took this Occaſion to viſit the Ruines of that famous City, which are at preſent ſo obſcure and inconſiderable, that unleſs a Man's Mind were full of the Idea of it, he might view it all over without perceiving the leaſt reaſon to conclude that ever any Town ſtood in that place. Yet by a Curious Search, an inquiſitive Traveller may find enough to convince him, that 'twas formerly of a prodigious Extent: And I obſerv'd ſome Marks of it in four or five different Places, two of which were about twenty Miles diſtant. The next Day we ſet ſail with a favourable Wind, and enter'd the Canal of Conſtantinople, otherwiſe call'd the Helleſpont, at the Mouth of which we found two Caſtles, one in Europe, and the other in Aſia, ſeparated by the Canal or Strait, which is about a Mile and a half broad in this Place, and retains the ſame breadth almoſt throughout. The European Caſtle is a Maſs compos'd of three great Towers, ſurrounded with a weak and inconſiderable Wall, after the manner of a Falſe-bray, at the Foot of which there are twenty Pieces of Cannon level with the Water. 'Tis ſaid that they carry a fifty Pound Ball of Stone; and indeed their Mouths are ſo wide, that the very ſight of 'em is terrible: Nevertheleſs, I'm apt to believe that they are not fit for Service, and even that they cou'd not bear above one diſcharge, both by reaſon of their thinneſs, and becauſe they are not mounted on Carriages. There is a Mountain behind the Caſtle that overlooks and commands it.

The other Caſtle, which is ſeated upon the Aſian Shore, is of a Square Figure, according to the Ancient manner of Building, defended only with ſome ſmall Towers join'd to the Wall; and without there is a Battery of Cannons behind a Wall, as in the other. The Captain was oblig'd to ſtop at this place, and one of the Officers of the Cuſtom-Houſe came on board our Ship, and accompany'd us to Conſtantinople. Having paſs'd the Canal, we enter'd into the Sea formerly call'd the Propontis, and at preſent Marmora, from the Name of an Iſland which contains a great quantity of very fine Marble. Twenty Miles from thence we diſcover'd Conſtantinople, and had the pleaſure of viewing the fineſt Landskip that ever I beheld; for it ſtrikes all thoſe who look upon it with Wonder and Aſtoniſhment. Imagine you ſee a great City ſtretch'd along the Shore for above ſix Miles, and ſo ſituated ſloping towards the Sea, that you perceive at once an infinite Number of Moſquees, adorn'd with little Domes cover'd with Lead, and high Turrets, which altogether make one of the moſt lovely Proſpects in the World: Whilſt the Eye is buſy'd in contemplating this charming Variety of Objects, 'tis agreeably diverted with the ſight of the Caſtle of the Seven Towers, and of the Seraglio, which are particularly remarkable not only for their largeneſs, but for a vaſt Number of gilt Globes and Spires, reſembling little Steeples. The nearer I approach'd, I ſtill diſcover'd new Ornaments; and after I had conſider • d at leiſure ſo many Wonders, I was at laſt agreeably ſurpriz'd with the Beauty of the Port: 'Tis three Miles long, and almoſt one broad, clean and deep throughout, even to the Shoar, the largeſt Ships coming up cloſe to the Land, ſo that one may go on board without making uſe of a Boat. 'Tis ſtrange that the Harbour is never fill'd up, eſpecially near the Shore, ſince all the Filth of the City is caſt into it, without the Advantage of a Tide to carry it away. At the Entrance into the Port there is a high ſquare Tower, commonly call'd The Tower of Leander, from a Perſon of that Name, who, according to the Story, us'd to ſwim thither every Night to ſee his Miſtreſs, who was impriſon'd in the Tower. There is a Fountain on the Rock, with ſome Pieces of Cannon, which might defend the Entry in caſe of Neceſſity.

As ſoon as we arriv'd, I went with the Captain to ſalute the Baron de Chaſteau-neuf, Ambaſſador of France, who receiv'd me very civilly. He has a good Mien, and is Maſter of a great deal of Wit: He was formerly Councellor in the Parliament of Paris, and was ſent to the Port about the end of the laſt Year, in the room of Monſieur de Girardin, who died here. He is a Savoyard by birth, but a very zealous Promoter of the Intereſts of Franee: He ſpares nothing to gain the Turks; he endeavours to win 'em with Preſents, Careſſes, and Entertainments; his Table is always full of 'em; but his principal Care is to oblige thoſe whom he knows to be the Favourites of the great Officers. I know one among the reſt, call'd Soliman Aga, who is extremely debauch'd, and ſince he always finds excellent Win • at the Ambaſſador • s Table, he goes thither very often, and is ſtill receiv'd with all imaginable Demonſtrations of Love and Kindneſs. After I had the Honour to Sup with the Ambaſſadour, I went to lodge at a Tavern, or Victualling-Houſe. If I had reſolv'd to have ſtay'd long in the Country, I wou'd have boarded in ſome Family, for Strangers are very ill accomodated in theſe Publick-Houſes. Every Nation is permitted to have three; ſo that there wou'd be nine in all, if the Engliſh and Dutch thought fit to make uſe of their Privilege: 'Tis ſtill more difficult to obtain a Permiſſion to keep an Oven: One muſt procure a ſpecial Mandamus from the Sultan for that effect, and pay a Thouſand Avanies to the Baſſa and Cadi; and there is only one allow'd for the uſe of each Nation in every Town; for the Turks are ſo extremely afraid of Fire, that they ſuffer very few Ovens to be kept in their Cities. They are alſo very careful to prevent the Exportation of Corn; for 'tis a Capital Crime to carry it out of the Country, or even to ſell it to private Families: And for the more effectual Execution of theſe Orders, there are certain Officers appointed to over-ſee the Markets, who ſuffer no Man to buy above Somewhat more than 20 Quarters. Four Muids at a time, nor even the leaſt quantity, without a Licence from the Nais. Offences of this Nature are puniſh'd with ſo much Rigour, that if a Peaſant were convicted of ſelling his Corn to a Chriſtian, 'twou'd coſt him more than 500 Baſtinado's. But before I proceed to deſcribe the Manners and Cuſtoms of the Inhabitants, I ſhall give you a ſhort Account of the City of Conſtantinople.

'Tis ſeated in Europe, on a Point or Tongue of Land that juts out into the Sea of Marmora, in a Triangular Figure, ſix Miles long, and fourteen in compaſs, two of its ſides being waſh'd by the Sea. 'Twas founded by Pauſanias, King of Sparta, who gave it the Name of Byzantium, which it retain'd till Conſtantine the Great, reſolving to make it the Metropolis of the World, order'd it to be rebuilt with all imaginable Magnificence; after which it took the Name of Conſtantinople, or Conſtantine's Town; but the Turks call it Stambol. The French, in Conjunction with the Venetians, took it in 1203. and fifty Years after ▪twas re-taken by the Greeks, who remain'd Maſters of it till the Year 1453, when it fell into the Hands of Mahomet II. 'Tis at preſent the Capital City of the Ottoman Empire, as it appears by the Grand Signior's Titles, who ſtiles himſelf, The Ruler of Kings, Diſtributer of Crowns, Lord of the White and Black Seas, of Bagdat, Grand Cairo, Aleppo, &c. and particularly of the fain City of Stambol the well-defended, which is the Deſire of the Kings and Princes of the Earth.

The Air is extremely pure, and ſo wholſome, that the Inhabitants are never ſubject to any reigning Diſeaſe but the Plague, which viſits 'em every Year, and makes a dreadful Havock among 'em. I'm apt to think that they wou'd live till they dropt into their Graves through meer Age and Weakneſs, if their Days were not ſhorten'd by this Infectious Malady; and they are ſo little acquainted with any other mortal Diſtemper, that when a Frenchman aſſures 'em that the Plague is hardly known in his Country, they uſually cry, What d'ye die of then? The Climate is ſo Temperate, that the Winters are never exceſſively Cold, and the Summer-Heats are uſually allay'd with a pleaſant Brieze, beſides the drinking of cool Liquors, which, in my Opinion, is one of the greateſt Pleaſures of this Life.

In the Account I have given you of the Situation and Bigneſs of Conſtantinople, I ſpeak only of the City which properly bears that Name; for there are four other Towns join'd together, call'd Caſſum Pacha, Galata, Pera, and Tophana, which may be conſider'd as a part, or rather as the Suburbs of the City, ſince they are only ſeparated from it by the breadth of the Port, which is ſo ſmall a diſtance, that a Man who cries aloud, tho' without extending his Voice to the utmoſt, may be eaſily heard on the other ſide. In theſe Towns, and particularly in Pera, the Ambaſſadors and all the Franks live; for they are not permitted to reſide at Conſtantinople. And 'tis to be obſerv'd, that the Name of Franks is given indifferenly to Men of all Nations who wear Hats. Theſe four Cities are about eight Miles in compaſs; ſo that if they, together with the Village of Scutaret, and ſome other Suburbs, be added to the City of Conſtantinople, and all join'd together to make one vaſt Town, Conſtantinople, in this ſenſe, wou'd be found to be double of Paris. But there is a great variety of Opinions in this Caſe: Some comprehend all the above-mention'd places under the Name of Conſtantinople, others cut off the four Cities; and there are ſome who include the City within the compaſs of its own Walls; ſo that almoſt every Traveller gives a different Account of its Extent from all others.

The Walls with which 'tis at preſent ſurrounded, are the ſame that were built by Conſtanſtine the Great, except in ſome places where they have been repair'd. They are double on the ſide next the Land, with Battlements, after the Oriental faſhion, and Towers from place to place; and beſides, they are defended with a lin'd but ſhallow Ditch: Theſe, with the Caſtle of the Seven Towers, are all the Strength of Conſtantinople; for the Number of its Inhabitants deſerves not to be reckon'd among its Advantages, ſince thoſe Turks who are never accuſtom'd to War, are ſo unfit to reſiſt an Enemy, that they wou'd only ſerve to conſume the Proviſions, and haſten a Famine: And beſides, I'm perſuaded that Bombs wou'd do more execution here than in any other City in the World; for the Houſes are generally of Wood, and the Streets ſo narrow, that in the greateſt part of 'em two loaded Horſes cannot go a-breaſt. But this is not the greateſt inconvenience of their manner of Building; for their Houſes jut out ſo far near the Top, that in ſeveral places one may ſtep from one Window to another, and croſs the Street without going down from his Chamber. This Contrivance of their Houſes does not proceed from want of Room, for the City is full of Gardens, and large Courts, that are perfectly uſeleſs. But tho' I cannot acquaint you with the reaſon that makes 'em ſo fond of this manner of Building, I can aſſure you that it expoſes 'em to all thoſe fatal Inconveniencies that are occaſion'd by Fire, which breaks out very frequently, and proceeds with irreſiſtable Fury, till it meets with ſome Garden, or empty Place, where there are no Houſes to be burnt. Among ſo many Inſtances of this Nature, I ſhall only take notice of one that happen'd in the Year 88, which made ſo terrible a Havock in the City, that there were above 3000 Houſes laid in Aſhes. But beſides the dangerous Conſequences of this kind of Architecture, 'tis alſo very offenſive to the Eye; for the Streets are extremely disfigur'd by this Irregularity: Nor are there any external Ornaments on the Houſes to make amends for this Defect, ſince they are only daub • d over with a naſty red Paint, laid upon the rough Wood, which is neither plan'd, nor cut with any other Inſtrument than an Axe or Saw; ſo that the Houſes are all very ugly. Judge, Sir, what reaſon I had to be ſurpriz'd, when after I had view'd with Amazement the magnificent Proſpect of the City from the Sea of Marmora, I ſaw all my Expectations baulk'd, and inſtead of ſo many Wonders, found only ſome Moſques, and a few Monuments of Antiquity. Not that I wou • d diſcourage any Curious Perſon from undertaking this Voyage; for tho' the Manners and Cuſtoms of the Inhabitants ought never to be propos • d for Imitation, they are ſo odd and ſingular, that an Inquiſitive Traveller may employ his Time and Curioſity with a great deal of Pleaſure in obſerving 'em. The Turks are oppoſite to us in almoſt all reſpects: We content our ſelves with one Wife, They marry ſeveral Wives; Our Habit is ſhort, Theirs long; We wear our Hair long, and our Beards ſhav'd, They ſhave their Hair, and ſuffer their Beards to grow; We write in a ſtreight Line from Left to Right, and They in a crooked from Right to Left. I cou'd eaſily add ſeveral other Inſtances of the ſame Nature, ſince the Oppoſition reaches even to the meaneſt Actions, ſuch as the eaſing of Nature; for they crouch down to Piſs, like Women, and when they have done, rub their Privities on a Wall, which they think purifies 'em.

Two Days after our Arrival at Galata, the Captain and I went to ſee Conſtantinople, with the French Interpreter, who accompany'd us on purpoſe to ſhow us all the Curioſities. There are always ſo many Boats paſſing from one ſide to another, that the Port is uſually cover'd with 'em, and their Fare is only an Aſper. We took Boat at the Cuſtom-Houſe, and enter'd the City at the Gate of Galata, or the next Gate to the Seraglio, which we kept on our Left-hand, and went ſtreight to the Beſeſtin, which is a diſtinct Canton of the City, enclos'd with Gates and Walls, where all the Merchants keep Shops. This is the fineſt and moſt regular place in Conſtantinople, not unlike to the places that are appointed for the keeping of Fairs among us, ſuch as that of S. Germain at Paris: The Streets are divided after the ſame manner, and cover'd above with Planks join'd together upon Rafters, which form a kind of Roof, ſufficient to ſecure the place againſt all the Inconveniences of bad Weather, tho' there are Holes left to let in the Light. Here all the fineſt and moſt precious Wares of Conſtantinople are to be ſeen; for every Merchant keeps a Shop in this Place, as it were for a Pattern of all the Goods contain'd in his Ware-houſe; and the Shops are rank'd and diſpos'd in ſuch excellent Order, that the Buyer may diſpatch his Buſineſs in leſs than a quarter of an Hour; for all the Trades are ſeparated, and confin'd to their proper places. Thus one part of the Beſeſtin is poſſeſs • d by the goldſmiths, whoſe Work, indeed, is not ſo fine, nor their Shops ſo well furniſh • d as in France or England; but I only ſpeak here of their Order and Regularity: Another place is ſet apart for the Drapers, or thoſe who ſell Dutch, French, and Engliſh Cloth: Not far from thence are the Sellers of Silk Stuffs, and Gold and Silver Brocado's; the Makers of Talpo, or Head-Dreſſes for Women, which are very magnificent; the Babouchi, or Shoo • -makers, the Taylors, Grocers, and all ſort of Shopkeepers, have alſo their diſtinct Streets. The Gates are ſhut every Evening at Ten a Clock, by Perſons who are hir • d for that purpoſe, and thoſe who have occaſion to paſs this way later, muſt give two or three Pence to the Porters, who wait conſtantly at the Gates. This is the only place in Conſtantinople where there are Shops; for the reſt of the City conſiſts only of little and narrow Streets, which for the moſt part are ſo deſolate that one may paſs thro' the Town without meeting ſo many Perſons as Streets, unleſs in the Publick Places, ſuch as the Hyppodrome, whither we went after we had view'd the Beſeſtin. This ſpacious Place was built by the Emperour Conſtantine, for Exerciſes on Horſe-back, and is ſtill call'd by the Turks, the Place of Horſes. 'Tis an Oblong Square, 400 Paces long, and about 200 broad. Towards the End oppoſite to the Seraglio, there are two Obelisks; the firſt conſiſting of one Stone, is ſeventy Foot high, adorn'd with ſeveral Hieroglyphical Figures in Relief, and plac'd on a ſquare Marble Pedeſtal. On one of the Faces of the Pedeſtal, there is a Latin Inſcription, ſo ancient and worn, that all that can be learn'd by it is, that it was built by Theodoſius: The ſecond contains a like Inſcription in Greek: The third is adorn'd with the Figure of the Emperour ſeated on a Throne, and accompany'd with his great Officers; and in the fourth there is a Repreſentation of a Battle, in Memory of ſome Victory obtain'd over that Prince's Enemies. The other Obelisk is a ſharp pointed Pyramid, built of Free-Stones, without any Inſcription, and begins to decay extremely. Near theſe Obelisks there is a Brazen Pillar of a conſiderable height, commonly call'd the Serpentine Column, becauſe it conſiſts of three Serpents wreath'd and twiſted together, with their Tails faſten'd in the Ground, and ending at the Top in three gaping Heads, which ſeem to hiſs, and threaten the three parts of the World that were known in that Age. Some pretend that this Column is a Hieroglyphical Repreſentation of the united Empires of the Eaſt and Weſt, extending their Dominion over the whole Univerſe: But the moſt common Opinion is, that in the time of the Emperour Leo Iſaurus, who was a great Magician, there were three Monſtruous Serpents, who made ſo prodigious a Havock in the Country about Conſtantinople, that the People were forc'd to abandon their Habitations; and that the Emperor drew theſe Serpents by Enchantment into a large Ditch, which he made in the middle of the Hippodrome, where they were kill'd, and cover'd with Earth. The Story adds, that to prevent a like Misfortune for the future, this Column was erected by the ſame Prince, as a Taliſman againſt Serpents, of which there are at preſent very few in the Country. One of theſe Heads wants the the Nether-Jaw, and 'tis ſaid that Sultan Morat broke it off with his Hand. The Turks boaſt much of the wonderful Strength of that Emperour, as a Memorial of which, they preſerve in the Caſtle of Grand Cairo, ten great Bucklers pierc'd with a Stake, or Wooden Javelin, which they pretend he darted at 'em; the Stake ſticking ſtill in the Bucklers, and keeping 'em all joyn • d together.

The Story of the Serpentine Column is not the only fabulous Tradition concerning the Emperour Leo. The Greeks, eſpecially, who are without Contradiction the moſt ſuperſtitious People in the World, and moſt addicted to Miracles, take pleaſure in relating a Thouſand Wonders of the Life of that Prince. For Example: They tell us that he made two Torto • ſes, by Art Magick, of a ſurprizing bigneſs, which drew his Chariot, and both Eat and Drank, tho' they were not natural Animals; adding, that theſe Tertoiſ • s are ſtill to be ſeen in the Grand Sign • or's Garden, but that they have remain'd immoveable ever ſince his Death. They pretend alſo that the ſame Emperour made a Tree with its Franches and Leaves ſo artificially contriv • d, that they ſeem • d to be perfectly Natural, and that the Boughs were fill'd with a hundred Magical Birds of different kinds, who upon the leaſt breath of Wind, warbl'd out their various Notes, and all together made a moſt charming Melody. Theſe are ſome of the Tales with which the Greeks are wont to talk Men aſleep.

There are two other Columns in Conſtantinople, one call'd the Hiſtorical, and the other the Burnt Column; for the laſt was actually burnt. Adjoining to theſe we ſaw a large Court, appointed for the uſe of Archers: The Maſter of the Sport preſented us with a Bow, and we had the Pleaſure to ſhoot ſome Arrows at the Mark, which was faſten'd on a Wall, and contain'd ſeveral leſſer Marks, gradually decreaſing, ſo that the leaſt was not bigger than a Dutch Skelling; and yet I ſaw ſeveral Perſons who hit at every Shoot, tho' they ſtood 100 Paces off.

In our return to Galata we paſs'd by Sancta Sophia, which is at preſent the principal Moſque of the City. There are ſeveral Doors that lead into a Portico, which brought us immediately into the Moſque. 'Tis 120 Paces long, and 80 broad: The Walls are Square, but the Vault or Roof is Round, and ſo artificially contriv'd, that ſo large a Structure is ſupported without any Columns; for thoſe Rows of Columns that form the two lower Portico's, ſerve only for Ornament, and are ſo plac'd that they cannot be ſuppos'd to carry any other weight than that of two Galleries; and even the greateſt part of theſe Columns are ſo old, that they are forc'd to bind 'em about with great Iron Hoops, to prevent their falling. I know not what cou'd occaſion all thoſe Chinks that are obſerv'd in 'em, for they are built of a very hard and poliſh'd Stone, which ſome think is a kind of Marble, tho' others believe it to be the Serpentine Stone. There are thirty on each ſide, about ſixteen Foot high, with very fine Cornices: The Vault of the Moſque retains almoſt all its ancient Beauty; 'tis enrich'd with a very fine Moſaick Work, conſiſting of little gilt Stones ſo exactly join'd together, that they remain almoſt perfectly entire after ſo many Ages.

At the four Corners of the Building where the Vault begins to be round, the four Beaſts mention'd in the Apocalyps, are painted in Moſaick; only the Turks have disfigur'd their Faces, as they have alſo done to an Image of Our Saviour, which is over the principal Door, repreſented after the Greek Faſhion, upon a Throne, with his Hand lifted, and two of his Fingers ſtretch'd out, to bleſs a Saint, who lies proſtrate before him, with his Face on the Ground, the Virgin appearing on the other ſide. Over the ſame Door there is alſo a Baſſo-Relievo, repreſenting the Holy Ghoſt in the form of a Dove, which the Turks have not in the leaſt disfigur'd. The Tomb of Conſtantine remains alſo intire, which the Turks hold in great Veneration; as well as the Stone on which the Virgin waſh'd Our Saviour's Linnen. This Temple is pav'd with very fine Marble, and the Floor is cover'd with Mats; not to keep it from being foil'd, for they always put off their Babouche's, or Shooes, before they enter; but by reaſon of the coldneſs of the Marble, which might incommode thoſe who come to perform their Devotions in this place, eſpecially ſince they kneel or crouch down, almoſt after the ſame manner as they ſit upon their Sopha's. The Keeper of the Temple was eaſily brib'd to permit me to ſatisfie my Curioſity with a diſtinct view of all the Curioſities I have deſcrib'd: But theſe Officers are not always in ſo good a Humour; for ſometimes they are very civil, and ſoon prevail'd with to admit a Stranger into the Temple; but at other times they are ſo Surly and Obſtinate, that one can hardly procure that Satisfaction at the rate of ten Piſtoles. 'Tis true, indeed, they are expreſly forbidden to grant that favour to Chriſtians; and the permiſſion which is ſometimes given to Franks, is only an effect of their Indulgence: For if a Greek or Iew were found in the Moſque, he wou'd either be immediately put to Death, or conſtrain'd to ſave his Life by renouncing his Religion.

Sophia is a Greek Word, ſignifying Wiſdom, and this Temple was ſo call'd by the Emperor Juſtinian, who conſecrated it to the Sovereign Wiſdom. I ſhall briefly acquaint you with the Hiſtory of its Foundation, as I had it from the Greeks. You may depend upon the fidelity of my Relation; but I dare not undertake to juſtifie the Credit of my Authors.

The Emperor Iuſtinian being dangerouſly ſick, his Phyſician, call'd Samſon, whoſe Mind was no leſs enlighten'd by the Inſpirations of the Holy Ghoſt, than by the Knowledge of Philoſophy, and of the Art which he profeſs'd, told him, that his Diſtemper was of ſuch a Nature, that it cou'd not be cur'd by the Precepts of Phyſick, and that he muſt depend wholly upon the Aſſiſtance of Heaven, adviſing him to make ſome Religious Vows, and encouraging him with ſome Aſſurances that God wou'd hear his Prayer. The Devout Prince cheerfully embrac'd his Counſel, and vow'd to build a Temple which ſhou'd ſurpaſs all the Churches of the World in Magnificence. God was pleas'd with the ſincerity of his Devotion; he rewarded his Faith, and reſcu'd him from the Jaws of Death: Nor was Iuſtinian unmindful of his Duty to his Gracious Deliverer. In order to the performanc • of his Vow, he fram'd the Model of the Church of Sancta Sophia, ſuch as 'tis at preſent, and employ'd a vaſt Number of Workmen on the intended Building: But he had the Misfortune to ſee all his Treaſures exhauſted before the third part of the Work was compleated; ſo that he cou'd neither proſecute his Deſign, nor ſo much as pay 50 Days Wages which he ow'd to the Workmen; for Chriſtian Emperors had not then aſſum'd the power of impoſing Taxes on their Subjects, without an indiſpenſable Neceſſity. He was ſo overcome with Sorrow when he ſaw that he cou'd neither finiſh ſo pious a Work, nor, do Juſtice to the poor Men whom he had imploy'd, that he burſt forth into Tears, and retir'd to his Cloſet, where he was breathing out his Complaints in the preſence of his God; when a ſudden Light ſhone thro' the Room, and diſcover'd a Youth of incomparable Beauty, who aſſur'd the ſorrowful Emperour that God had ſeen his Tears, and heard his Prayers, and told him that he might quickly be happy if he wou'd ſend ſome of his Servants and 50 Camels along with him. Juſtinian's Heart was fill'd with Joy at the hearing of ſuch welcome and unexpected Tidings: He commanded twenty of his Servants, with fifty Camels, to attend the bright Meſſenger, who carry'd 'em out of Conſtantinople to a Field, where they found a ſtately Palace, tho' there was never any Building ſeen in that place either before or ſince. The Beauteous Youth, or rather Angel, (for ſo it ſeems he was) open'd the Gates of this Magnificent Structure, and led 'em to a Hall, where they ſaw vaſt Heaps of Gold, Silver, and all ſorts of Jewels: He orderd 'em to load their Camels; and then both he and the Palace diſappear'd, only the Treaſure remain'd, which the Emperor receiv'd with all the Marks of a joyful Gratitude, and employ'd it in building and adorning the Church of Sancta Sophia in ſo admirable a manner, that the Temple of Solomon in its higheſt Glory, was neither more Beautiful nor Magnificent. He built alſo with the ſame Money a large and ſtately Hoſpital, where Perſons of all Nations were charitably entertain'd. And ſince there was ſtill a great quantity of Treaſure left, which the Emperor's Piety wou'd not ſuffer him to employ in prophane Uſes, he order'd the Jewels to be ſamp'd to Powder, and the Gold and Silver to be melted, and mixing 'em all together, he made the moſt precious Table that ever adorn'd a Temple, and plac'd it on the High Altar, to ſerve at the daily Conſecration of the Sacrament, where it remain'd till the Venetians carry'd it away with thoſe admirable Brazen Gates, which are at preſent to be ſeen at S. Mark's. But God wou'd not ſuffer ſo Holy a Piece to become a Prey to thoſe who cou'd not pretend any right to it; the Galley that carry'd it open'd miraculouſly at the Mouth of the Canal, in the Sea of Marmora, where it ſunk, and was never afterwards found.

This, Sir, (if you have Faith enough to believe it) is the Original of Sancta Sophia, which was formerly a Chriſtian Church, and is now a Turkiſh Moſquee. 'Tis at preſent the only Ancient Structure of that Nature in Conſtantinople; for all the reſt were built in this and the laſt Age, by the Sultans or Sultaneſſes, whoſe Names they bear. There are ſeven or eight particularly remarkable, I mean thoſe of the Sultans Mahomet, Achmet, Solyman, and Selim, with thoſe of Chazadet, and Validé, and ſome others, built after the ſame Model, and differing only in the largeneſs of the Structure, the Number of the Fountains, and variety of the Painting; ſo that the Deſcription of one will give a juſt Idea of all the reſt, and therefore I ſhall make choice of that of Valide, which is the neweſt and moſt beautiful Moſque I have yet ſeen: 'Twas built by the Sultaneſs Validé, Mother of Sultan Mahomet IV. and is ſeated in the midſt of a large ſquare Court, reſembling a vaſt Cloyſter, becauſe of the arch'd Roofs that inviron it in form of Portico's; under which there are many Fountains with Cocks, where thoſe who are polluted may waſh themſelves before they enter the Moſquee. It has but one Gate, ſurrounded with a Portico of a conſiderable height, pav'd with white and black Marble, and ſupported by ſixty four Columns of red Marble, eight of which are of Porphyrie, plac'd near the Entry, but of no very regular Deſign, becauſe the bigneſs of the Pieces is preſerv'd entire: The Plafond is adorn'd with Painting and Figures, after the Turkiſh manner, of which afterwards you may expect a more particular Account. The Portico is cover'd with little Domes, with a very large one in the middle, over-topping the reſt; the whole Structure conſiſting of Maſon's-Work cover'd with Lead. At the four Corners of the Building there are four Turrets, call'd Minarets, built of Free-Stone, and ſo ſmall that there is juſt room enough within for a little Winding-Stair-caſe, reaching to three fourth parts of the Height, which the Muezans, or Marabouds, aſcend every Morning and Evening, to give the People notice of the appointed times of Prayer, ſhouting till they are out of Breath, with an extremely harſh and diſagreeable Tone; for they begin with a very low Voice, and raiſing it by degrees, end in a very loud Shriek, ſo that 'twou'd be impoſſible to underſtand 'em, if the People were not already acquainted with what they ſay. As they cry, they clap their Hands upon their Ears, and go round the Turret in a little Balcony, that their Voice may be heard thro' the whole Town, repeating theſe Words; Allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, eſchadou in la illah, illallah, hi alle ſalla, hi alle ſalla, allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, la illah, illallah. God is Great, God is Great, God is Great; give teſtimony that there is but One God: Come yield your ſelves up to his Mercy, and pray him to forgive you your Sins. God is Great, God is Great, God is Great, there is no other God but God. Theſe Turrets are very high, and for the moſt part end in a Globe or Creſcent, which is ſometimes Gilt. This is a brief Repreſentation of the external Architecture of Valid • , and conſequently of the other Moſquees. Within they are either vaulted, or cover'd with a Plafond: That of Validé is vaulted, and adorn'd with a great Number of Lamps, and Globes of Glaſs. When they ſay Prayers, they turn their Face towards a large Frame at the end of the Moſque, in the ſame place where the High-Altar ſtands in Roman-Catholick Churches. There is no Figure repreſented on this Frame or Table, only the Name of GOD is written on it in Arabick Characters; and over-againſt it ſtands two Brazen Candleſticks, with a Taper of Virgin-Wax in each, bigger than a Man's Thigh. In the Moſquees that are founded by Emperôrs, there is uſually a Turbé, or little Chappel, in which they are bury'd. Some Sultans have built Turbe's apart, reſembling little Moſquees. Thoſe of Amurat and Solyman I. are thè fineſt: The Body of the laſt lies in a Coffin, like thoſe that are us'd in France, cover'd with a large piece of Tapiſtry, with a Turbant on his Head, in which there are two fine Aigrets. In the Turbé of Amurat there are Eleven of his Children plac'd round him, with two of his Wives; and at the Head of the Coffin there is a little Cupboard or Preſs, where his Prayer-Books are kept, which, are adorn'd with Gold and Precious-Stones, appearing thro' a Latten Grate, and all Muſſulmen are permitted to read there, for the Repoſe of the Souls of the deceas'd. The Keepers of the Turbé are alſo oblig'd to pray for 'em at certain Hours of the Day. This Sepulchre is not very magnificent.

Having ſeen all the above-mention'd places, we return'd to Galata, reſolving to ſpend another Day in viſiting the reſt of the Curioſities at Conſtantinople, which will furniſh me with Matter for another Letter. In the mean time I am,

THere are ſo few Palaces or other remarkable Buildings in Conſtantinople, that in two Days I compleated my Walk thro' the City; and the Obſervations I made are ſo inconſiderable, that I ſhall eaſily be able to finiſh, in this Letter, the Deſcription which I began in the laſt.

The Grand Signior▪s Arſenal is at the End of the Port, beyond Caſſum Pacha and Galata. I found the Building better than I expected, after what I had ſeen in the reſt of the City; and beſides, it contains a conſiderable extent of Ground: The Galleys are laid up under 120 Arches, and 'tis ſaid there are Arms in it for 60000 Men. But the Magazins are inacceſſible to Chriſtians, and they are only permitted to ſee the Baths where the Sultan's Slaves are ſhut up; the Number of theſe Wretches amounts to ſeveral Thouſands; and their Lodgings are ſo miſerable, that I repented the Curioſity that engag'd me in ſo unpleaſant a Viſit. The Captain Baſſa lives in the Arſenal, with all the Officers of the Admiralty, that they may be always ready upon the Spot to receive his Orders.

Conſtantinople is full of certain Houſes, which the Poverty and ill Cuſtoms of the place have render'd neceſſary, I mean the Hans and Karavanſeraïs. The Hans conſiſt of four Sides of Building, encloſing a large ſquare Court, in which there is always a Fountain, either in the midſt, or in ſome other part of it. The Walls are very ſtrong, and the Windows well barr'd, to ſecure the Goods that are laid in the Ware-Houſes. The Roof conſiſts of little Domes cover'd with Lead, like thoſe of the Moſquees. Theſe Houſes are appointed for the Entertainment of Foreign Merchants: They contain only two Stories, divided into Rooms, which have not the leaſt Communication with one another. The lower Story is compos'd of Ware-Houſes for the Goods, and the upper is divided into little Chambers, where the Merchants Lodge, but they muſt take care to furniſh themſelves with Beds, Pots, Diſhes, &c. for they are only accommodated here with four bare Walls; and after they have provided their Furniture, they muſt buy their Meat at the Market or Bazar, and Dreſs it themſelves, ſince otherwiſe they might ſtarve with their Pockets full of Money. And, in the general, the way of Travelling in this Country is ſo inconvenient and troubleſome, that this Conſideration alone may ſerve to diſcourage any Man that loves his Eaſe from viſiting it out of pure Curioſity. For in the firſt place you muſt neither expect Coach, Waggon, Boat, Horſes, nor any other convenient Carriage. If your Affairs oblige you to undertake a Journey, tho' not above 100 Leagues, you muſt wait three Months for a Caravan, which, after all, will not Travel above four Leagues a day, and carry no other Proviſions but Rice, Bisket, and Salt Beef, on which you muſt make a ſhift to live, and encamp every Night till you arrive at your Journies end, where, if you have not the conveniency of Lodging with a particular Friend, 'twill be in vain to enquire for the King's-Head, the White-Croſs, or the Golden-Lyon: You muſt e'en creep into a Han with a hundred Wretches, whoſe Brutiſhneſs is altogether inſupportable, and reckon your ſelf happy when ye can find ſuch a Lodging, which, after all, is better than Encamping with the Caravan.

You will, perhaps, think it impoſſible to repreſent a more frightful Idea of Travelling; but I can aſſure you, that all theſe Inconveniencies are not comparable to thoſe which they who Travel to Perſia, or croſs the Deſarts of Arabia, muſt reſolve to undergo. They muſt Travel ſix Months together expos'd to all the Inconveniencies of bad Weather, and for the moſt part in burning Sand, where there is neither a Stalk of Graſs, nor a Spring to quench their Thirſt. Beſides, they are perpetually in danger of being ſurpriz'd by the Arabs, who rob and kill all that come in their way. But all theſe Incommodities may be either more eaſily avoided or ſupported than thoſe terrible Diſtempers that uſually ſeize European Travellers, who are not accuſtom'd to ſuch hot Climates and fatiguing Journeys. I ſhall take this occaſion to relate a Story of one of my Friends who return'd, not long ago, from Poland, whither he went about the beginning of the laſt Year by the King's Order, in the quality of an Interpreter with Monſieur de Chateauneuf's Chancellor, call'd Beaucheſne. He was ſeiz'd by the way with a violent Fever and Looſeneſs, which brought him ſo low, and made him ſo troubleſome to the Caravan-Bachi, or Captain of the Caravan, that his Companions wou'd have left him to periſh without aſſiſtance, if that Officer had not been afraid to run the hazard of offending the Ambaſſador; yet he aſſur'd me that all their reſpect to Monſieur Chateauneuf cou'd not have protected him, if the Fever had ſeiz'd on his Head, and ſo made him incapable of ſitting on Horſeback. But theſe are not the only diſadvantages which Travellers ſuffer in this Country; they are expos'd to a thouſand other vexatious Accidents, and are conſtantly plagu'd with the Brutiſh Humours of the Camel-drivers. We are wont to complain of the Sawcineſs of Carriers and Coach-men; but I aſſure you they wou'd be reckon'd very mild and tractable in this Country, where every Camel-driver is as haughty as a Lord, and the poor Traveller muſt keep in his Poſt under pain of a Baſtanado, which he muſt take very patiently, for if he ſhou'd offer to return the Blow, I wou'd not enſure his Life for all the Money in the Caravan.

I thought my ſelf oblig'd to give you a faithful Account of all theſe Inconveniencies, which moſt Travellers ſtudy to conceal; that, if any of your Friends have a mind to undertake the ſame Voyage, they may at leaſt have the advantage of knowing what they are to expect, which they cou'd not have done if I had only given you a view of the pleaſant and bright ſide of a Traveller's Entertainment. For my part, I muſt confeſs I had ſo ſtrong an Inclination to Travelling, that I know not whether I ſhou'd have ſtopt on this ſide China, if I had not met with ſo many diſcouraging Rubs: But my Curioſity is wonderfully abated of late, and I'm ſo perfectly cur'd of my gadding Humor, that I'm reſolv'd to confine my ſelf hereafter to Europe, and to Travel only in ſuch Places where I may find, at leaſt, a piece of Beef, and a pair of clean Sheets at Night.

Since I had occaſion to mention Beaucheſne's Journey to Poland, 'twill not be improper to give you a ſhort account of the cauſe of it.

The Turks being informed of the great Loſſes which the French ſuſtain'd during the Campaign of 1689. and of the ill-fortune that attended His Majeſty's Arms in Flanders, where the Mareſchal D' Humiere was unſucceſsful in the only attempt he made, began to give leſs credit to the French Ambaſſador's ſmooth Harangues, and to deſire a Peace with the Emperour. The Grand Viſier ſpoke of it ſeveral times to Sir William Trumbal and Monſieur Collier, the Engliſh and Dutch Ambaſſadors, and ſent Orders to His Maſter's Envoys at Vienna to haſten the deſir'd Accommodation. And certainly the Grand Signior had reaſon to wiſh for a Peace, for his Affairs were in a very hopeleſs condition. At the beginning of the Campaign his Troops ſuffer'd a conſiderable diſadvantage in Croatia, where they loſt above 2000 Men, with ſeveral Enſigns, and the Baſſa who Commanded 'em. The Prince of Baden afterwards Routed 'em thrice in three memorable Battels, and they ſaw themſelves expos'd to all the Inſults of the Imperialiſts, who talk'd of nothing leſs than of Beſieging Conſtantinople. Temeſwaer, Caniſſa, and Waradin, the only places they poſſeſt in Hungary, were cloſely Block'd up without any hope of Relief. Thus 'twas plainly the Intereſt of the Turks to accept of the Propoſals that were made by their Victorious Enemies: But the King's Intereſt was on this occaſion directly oppoſite to that of his Allies. He dreaded the fatal conſequences of ſuch a Reſolution and left no means uneſſay'd to prevent its taking effect. He cajol'd the Grand Signior more than ever, and flatter'd him with the hope of making a ſeparate Peace with the Polanders, ſince they had already enter'd into a Negotiation with the Tartars, and had ſent Deputies for that effect to Count Tekeli, who was to perform the Office of a Mediator between 'em. This Stratagem produc'd the deſir'd effect, and the Turk was the more eaſily deluded, becauſe he knew that not long before there happen'd a ſort of Quarrel between the Courts of Poland and Vienna. For the Emperor had granted his Protection to the Moldavians, and on that ſcore was to receive the ſame Tribute which they formerly paid to the Turks. The King of Poland pretended a right to that Province, as an ancient Fief of his Crown: But the Emperor wou'd not give him any ſatisfaction, and even refus'd to anſwer the Poliſh Ambaſſador's Remonſtrances on that ſubject. In the mean time the French and Turkiſh Ambaſſadors at the Court of Poland, were not idle Spectators of ſo favourable a Juncture, they endeavour'd to foment the difference, and Beaucheſne was diſpatch'd thither with ſeveral Inſtructions both from the King his Maſter, and from the Grand Viſier. But all their Negotiations were unſucceſsful, for they cou'd not prevail with the King of Poland to break his Confederacy with the Emperor.

I will not trouble you with an Apology for the length of this digreſſion, into which the way of Travelling in Turkey has inſenſibly engag'd me. For ſince at the beginning of our Correſpondence I reſolv'd to entertain you from time to time with a familiar account, not only of my own Obſervations, but of what I ſhou'd learn from others; I ſee no reaſon why the proſecution of that deſign ſhou'd oblige me to a nice obſervance of an exact and regular Method.

I have already told you, that there are two ſorts of Public Houſes in Conſtantinople; the Hans, and the Karavanſeraïs: And I ſhall take this occaſion to add a ſhort deſcription of the Second to the larger account I gave you of the Firſt.

They are both built after the ſame manner, only the Hans are enclos'd with good thick Walls, whereas the Stone-work in the Karavanſeraïs reaches no higher than the firſt or lower Story, the ſecond being built of Wood, and cover'd with Bricks. They have only one Gate, as well as the Hans, and ſerve to lodge poor Strangers, and the Servants of the Caravans; for which reaſon they are call'd Karavanſeraï, or the Houſes of the Caravans. All Indigent Perſons reſort to 'em, paying from half a Crown, to a Crown a Month, according to the fineneſs of the Houſe, or the advantages of its Situation.

After we had taken a ſlight view of ſeveral of theſe Houſes, we went to the Grand Signior's Seraglio, which I cannot deſcribe exactly, ſince I was not ſuffer'd to go further than the ſecond Court, tho' I was accompany'd by an Aga of the Janiſaries, to whom I had been effectually recommended, and without whoſe aſſiſtance I muſt have contented my ſelf with a view of the firſt. The Seraglio is built on a Point of Land that juts out into the Sea, which I had occaſion to mention when I deſcrib'd the ſituation of the City. 'Tis ſurrounded with high Walls of a greyiſh Stone, with a Parapet at the top, and Battlements like thoſe of the City. It contains a vaſt extent of Ground, almoſt four Miles in compaſs, the greateſt part of which is taken up with Gardens. The Structure is irregular, and very unſutable to the boaſted Magnificence of its Maſter: For 'tis only a vaſt heap of Buildings not unlike to ſome old Caſtles in Chriſtendom; and you ſee nothing on the outſide but a confus'd medley of Houſes, adorn'd with thoſe little gilt Spires and Globes I mention'd in my laſt, in which all its Beauty conſiſts. The reſt of the Building is ſo mean, that a Man wou'd never imagine it to be the Seraglio, that admir'd Palace of the Grand Signior. The principal Entry is near Sancta Sophia, and exactly reſembles the Gate of an old paltry Town, without either Architecture or Ornament: Yet 'tis carefully guarded by the Capigi, who keep their Court of Guard under it, and ſit on Benches of Stone. This Gate led us into a large Court, where on the right hand we obſerv'd the Apartments for the Sick, with large Matted Sopha's along the Walls, where the Diſeas'd Perſons are plac'd, and lodg'd as poorly as if they were in a Hoſpital. On the left hand are Magazines containing Arms for a Thouſand Men, that in caſe of neceſſity the Grand Signior may arm his Domeſtic Servants for the ſecurity of his Perſon. But notwithſtanding this Precaution, Ibrahim was Strangled, Mahomet Dethron'd, and Solyman Poiſon'd, not to mention the Tragical Ends of ſo many other Princes of the ſame Line, whoſe Guards cou'd not protect 'em from the fury of a Seditious Multitude. From this Court we paſs'd into another, border'd with two large Portico's. The Grand Signior's Kitchens are on one ſide, which are not kept very hot at preſent, ſince he chuſes to reſide at Adrianople: Yet I obſerv'd ſome Perſons preparing Pilo, Paſties, and Fiſh, for the Women in the old Seraglio. On the other Side are the Stables, where there is Room and Accommodation for a hundred Horſes. If your Curioſity be not ſatisfy'd with ſo imperfect an Account of ſo famous a Place, you muſt conſult thoſe who were permitted to enter farther.

Very near this Seraglio, and within the ſame Encloſure, there is another Edifice, commonly call'd The Old Seraglio. 'Twas erected by one who was no Lover of ill-contriv'd Structures, I mean Conſtantine the Great; and yet 'tis certainly a very ugly Maſs of Building, ſurrounded with Walls of an unuſual Heighth, without any Windows on the Outſide. I will not undertake to juſtifie the Deſign of the Founder, tho' we may be allow'd to ſuppoſe that he had ſome ſecret Reaſons for contriving it after this Manner. Beſides I only ſaw the Back of it, and perhaps the Front may be more regularly built. Here the reigning Sultan ſhuts up the Wives of his Predeceſſours, who at their Entrance into this Place may bid adieu to all the Pleaſures of this Life.

The preſent Sultan's Wives are lodg'd in a Third Seraglio, which is join'd ſo cloſe to that of the Grand Signior, that he may paſs from one to the other without expoſing himſelf to the Rain. I need not tell you with what ſeverity they are guarded by the white and black Eunuchs, who never permit 'em to enjoy the leaſt Shadow of Liberty. All the Relations of Travellers are full of Stories and Reflexions on this Subject, and therefore inſtead of repeating the Obſervations of others, I ſhall only add, that 'tis a Capital Crime to look upon one of theſe Women. I ſaw a Turk at Galata whoſe Father was ſtrangl'd for ſo dangerous a piece of Curioſity, under the Reign of Amurath, whoſe Memory will not be eaſily forgotten in the Places that were ſubject to his Dominion; for he was certainly one of the ſevereſt and moſt vigilant Princes in the World. 'Twas his daily Cuſtom to walk in Diſguiſe thro' the City, that he might be an Eye-witneſs of the Care that was taken to put the Laws in Execution; and he ſeldom or never walk'd the Rounds without leaving ſome headleſs Monuments of his Juſtice: beſides he frequently obſerv'd what was done in the City from his Seraglio, by the help of ſome excellent Proſpective-Glaſſes, with which the Venetians had preſented him. One day as he was making his uſual. Obſervations, he perceiv'd a Man in Pera, who had alſo a Proſpective-Glaſs, and was viewing the Sultaneſſes, who were walking in the Garden. Immediately he call'd a Capigi, and commanded him to go with four Mutes to ſuch a Houſe, and hang a Man, whom he deſcrib'd, at the Window; which the Capigi executed, and Amurath ſaw him and was ſatisfy'd.

From the Account I have given you of the Sultan's Palace, you may reaſonably conclude that the great Officers of the Empire are but meanly lodg'd. Moſt of their Houſes are inclos'd in a kind of Park, which contains a Garden, and a large Court border'd with Stables on one ſide, and Kitchens on the other. The fineſt I have yet ſeen is that of Haly Baſſa, Kaimacan of Conſtantinople, whither I attended the Ambaſſadour, when he receiv'd the firſt Audience of that Miniſter, which was perform'd with the following Ceremonies.

Firſt march'd ſixteen Livery-Men, in Red Coats, with a broad Gold Galoon on the Seams, the Steward walking before 'em. They were follow'd by the

MY unexpected ſtay in this City has procur'd me the ſplendid, or rather the mortifying ſight of Sultan Solyman's Triumphant Entry into Conſtantinople, at the end of ſo ſucceſsful a Campaign. The Turks are ſo puff'd up with the advantageous Progreſs of their Arms this Summer, and both their Contempt and Hatred of the Imperialiſts are ſo extreamly heighten'd that they look upon 'em as dead Doggs, ripe for deſtruction, and flatter themſelves with the Chimerical Hope of ſeeing Vienna once again Beſieg'd the next Campaign. The ſight of ſo great a quantity of Booty which was brought from Hungary, and is ſold almoſt for nothing in this City, has ſwoln their Pride to ſuch a height, that they uſually treat Chriſtians with intolerable Inſolence, except the French, whom they call their Friends and Allies. When they accidentally meet a Frank, whom they know not, their firſt Queſtion is, What Countryman are you? and if he anſwers,

I'm a French-man. Sono Franceſe, immediately they embrace him, and patting him gently on the Shoulder, reply,We are Brothers. Siamo Fratelli.

The Inhabitants of this City have not ſeen theſe many Years a more Magnificent Ceremony than the late Entry of the Grand Signior, which was made in the following Order: Firſt march'd 200 Capigi, or Keepers of the Grand Signior's Gate, with tapering Caps, and a Cone, or ſharp-pointed piece of Cloth hanging down to their Noſes; they were Commanded by the Capigi-Bachi. After 'em came the Sorlaques, or Foot-Guards of the Body, conſiſting of, old pick'd Soldiers who expect Preferment: They wore tuck'd up Gowns, carrying their Bows in their Left-hand, and Quivers on their Shoulders: Their Caps were of Cloth, like thoſe of the Capigi, but inſtead of a Cone they were only adorn'd with Plumes of Feathers. A Thouſand Janiſaries march'd after 'em, Clad in Red, with Zercola's on their Head, made of a large piece of Felt a Foot broad, which falls back on their Shoulders, with a Cone or ſharp point like that of the Capigi: Every one of 'em carri'd a great Reed or Cane, eight foot long and three round, with an Ivory Ball on the top, and their Aga walk'd before 'em.

The Janiſaries were follow'd by 500 Chiauox's which are Horſe Guards, the laſt of 'em carrying the Standards and Colours that were taken from the Imperialiſts. They had large Caps or Turbants above two Foot in circumference: They were very well Mounted, and led by the Chiaoux-Bachi. After 'em march'd the Mutefaraca's, who are a ſort of Officers that never go to the War, almoſt like our Reformades. Next came the Kiſler Aga, accompani'd by the White and Black Eunuchs, who walk'd on each ſide of him, to Guard the Sultaneſſes, who rode in eight very fine Coaches, but cou'd not be ſeen by reaſon of a piece of Silk with which the Glaſſes were cover'd.

After them appear'd the unfortunate Prince Mahomet IV. who, with his two Sons, was plac'd in a Coach cloſe barr'd like a Priſon-Window, and guarded by twelve Chiaoux's. Immediately after came the Sultan's Great Officers, to the number of above 200 Perſons, all richly Cloath'd in Embroider'd Veſts, and Turbants, enrich'd with precious Stones: Their Horſes were alſo adorn'd with Silver Bridles, and very fine Foot Cloaths, either Embroider'd, or of Cloth of Gold, trailing on the Ground.

The ſeven Viſiers of the Bench brought up the Rear of this Magnificent Troop, and were follow'd by the Mufti, who was mounted on a white Horſe (but not ſo ſtately as the reſt) and attended by four Officers on Foot. Then came the Selictar carrying the Grand Signior's Sword bare. At laſt the Sultan himſelf appear'd ſeated in a triumphal Chariot, open on all Sides, and cover'd all over with ſilver-gilt Plates, enrich'd with counterfeit Jewels, which nevertheleſs caſt a great Splendour. The Chariot was drawn by Eight ſpotted Horſes, cover'd with Red Velvet, embroider'd with Gold, and adorn'd with gilt Buckles. The Inſide of the Chariot was lin'd with Velvet of the ſame Colour, embroider'd alſo with Gold; and in it there was a little Sopha, with a large Cuſhion of a very rich Stuff, on which the Sultan ſate. This place of the Chariot was cover'd with a very rich Canopy, like that of a Coach, and rais'd ſo high, that the Grand Signior might be eaſily ſeen by the Spectatours. He is about fifty Years old, of a ſevere Aſpect, and no very fine Shape. He wore a large Turbant, almoſt like that of the Chiaoux's, adorn'd with two very magnificent Aigrets, enrich'd with precious Stones: His Veſt was of a very fine Stuff adorn'd with Pearls, but much inferiour to the Coat that coſt Fifteen Millions, which the King puts on when he receives Ambaſſadours. About and after the Chair march'd a hundred Aga's on Foot, with their Officers and Commanders; and in the laſt place came Three hundred Spahi's.

At Night there were great Illuminations in the Seraglio and all the Moſquees: and the People expreſs'd their Joy by Feaſts, Bone-fires, and repeated Shouts, crying, without Intermiſſion, Long live our Emperour, the Reſtorer of Monarchy, and the Prophet's Darling.

Monſieur de Chateauneuf, who omits no occaſion of pleaſing the Turks, gave 'em ſo many and ſo expenſive Marks of the Share he took in their Joy, that his Charge cou'd not be much leſs than theirs. His Palace was almoſt cover'd with Garlands of Myrtle; and at Night almoſt all the People of Conſtantinople flock'd thither to admire the Beauty of his Fire-Works. The French Ships ſignaliz'd their Zeal and Affection to the Ottoman Intereſt, according to the Orders they receiv'd from the Ambaſſadour, both by the Illuminations of which their Maſts and Ropes were ſo full, that they ſeem'd at a diſtance to be on fire, and by repeated Diſcharges of their Artillery. Beſides the Ambaſſadour prepar'd a ſplendid Feaſt for ſeveral Turkiſh Lords; among whom was the Prince of Moldavia: There were two Tables for twenty Perſons each, thoſe who ſate at one being entertain'd by himſelf, and thoſe at the other by his Secretary Pelleran. The Gueſts were regal'd with all imaginable Magnificence both at Dinner and Supper; and two Fountains run Wine in the Court, all the while the Feaſt laſted, whither all the Renegado's, Greeks, and Mariners, came to drink the Healths of the Two Glorious Emperours, Lewis and Solyman, ever Great, and ever Victorious, pronouncing the Word Vivat, according to the Cuſtom of the Country, with loud and repeated Acclamations, which is the ſame thing with the Engliſh Huzza.

But among all thoſe Expreſſions of Joy, that which ſcandaliz'd me moſt, was a Pyramid of Fire, forty Foot high, which burnt in the Court till the Morning. For there was an Illumination on the Top of it repreſenting on one Side the Arms of France, and on the other, a Shield charg'd with Three fiery Creſcents. The Turks were extremely pleas'd to ſee with how much Ardour the French eſpous'd their Intereſts; and ſince that time have look'd more favourably upon our Countrymen than before. 'Tis true that they have been of late ſo much oblig'd to France, that they might juſtly be reckon'd the moſt ungrateful People in the World, if they were not ſenſible of ſo many good Offices. For without inſiſting on the powerful Diverſion made by our Forces on the Rhine, which has contributed ſo effectually to the Succeſs of their Arms; they have, to my certain Knowledge, receiv'd Supplies of Money from them, which, without pretending to determine the preciſe Sums, I can aſſure you amount to a very conſiderable Value; for it has been obſerv'd in Ships that brought 100000 Piaſters, there were not 20000 for the uſe of the Merchants.

The Ambaſſadour has the moſt convenient way that cou'd be deſir'd, to receive the Sums that are deſign'd for ſecret Service: for all the Money that comes over to the Merchants muſt be carry'd to his Houſe, where the Owners muſt afterwards receive it; ſo that People are not at all ſurpriz'd, when at the Arrival of a Ship they ſee Cheſts of Gold and Silver carry'd to him. And beſides, who knows whether the King ſends not over Engineers, Gunners, and Officers: I have ſeen ſeveral Perſons of that Character here, and I my ſelf refus'd a Place which Monſieur de Chateauneuf wou'd have given me in a Company of French Granadiers, conſiſting of 200 Men, who are publickly levy'd in this City.

This puts me in Mind of a remarkable Accident that happen'd lately at Theſſalonica. Two Engineers arriv'd in that Port, pretending to be French Gentlemen, and that they travell'd purely out of Curioſity: the Conſul receiv'd 'em with the higheſt Demonſtrations of Civility, and invited 'em to lodge at his Houſe; for 'tis the uſual Cuſtom of all the Conſuls in the Levant to ſhew a great deal of Reſpect and Kindneſs to Strangers that ſeem to be Perſons of Note or Quality. But having other conceal'd Deſigns, they addreſs'd themſelves two Days after their Arrival, to a Greek that wore a I • ruggoman's Cap, and pray'd him to carry 'em to the • aſſa, and to interpret for 'em, without acquainting the Conſul. The Greek, who was glad of any Opportunity to earn Money, embrac'd their Propoſal very chearfully, and accompany'd 'em to the Baſſa's Houſe, where they declar'd their Profeſſion, and offer'd him their Service, but without intimating in the leaſt that they were willing to renounce their Religion. The Turkiſh Officer receiv'd 'em very favourably, and promis'd to recommend 'em to ſome Perſon at Conſtantinople, who wou'd quickly procure 'em an Employment ſuitable to their Inclinations. Thus they return'd to the Conſul's Houſe very well ſatisfy'd with the Baſſa's Civility: but the Interpreter's Conſcience not permitting him to have a Hand in aſſiſting the declar'd Enemies of his Religion, he diſcover'd the whole Intrigue to the Conſul, without concealing the Arguments and earneſt Intreaties they us'd to oblige him to Secreſie. Immediately the honeſt Conſul believing that 'twou'd be an acceptable Piece of Service both to God and the King, to prevent the wicked Deſigns of his Gueſts, order'd 'em to be apprehended, and ſent back to France in Fetters. 'Tis plain that his Intentions were good, and that he could not be juſtly blam'd for taking that Courſe; but he quickly found, to his Coſt, that they had more potent Friends than he imagin'd, for after they had made their Complaints, he receiv'd a ſevere Reprimand from the Marqueſs de Seignelay, and was in danger of being turn'd out of his Office.

The Number of Deſerters that come over to the Turks is almoſt incredible. There are at preſent ſo many of 'em in the Service, that there might be ſeveral compleat French Regiments in the Ottoman Army. I know that ſuch a Deſign has been ſeveral times propos'd to the Ambaſſadour by the Grand Viſier, Kopergli Oglou, but the little Regard he ſtill preſerves to the external Rules of Decency, has hitherto to reſtrain'd him from giving his Conſent. Neither do I ſee any Reaſon why the Turks ſhou'd be offended at his ſeeming Niceneſs, ſince 'tis not at all prejudicial to their Intereſt: For while their main Deſign is ſerv'd, they may very well diſpenſe with a needleſs Piece of Formality, and the French Soldiers fight as well when they are diſpers'd among the Ottoman Troops, as if they were all united in a diſtinct Body. That which allures 'em to come over in ſuch vaſt Numbers, is the favourable Treatment they receive at their Arrival: about eight Days ago I ſaw a hundred and fifty of 'em march thro' this City, with Drums beating, and Colours flying, I mean a Piece of White Cloth, which in this Countrey, as well as upon the Sea, is reckon'd the Banner of France. Priſoners of all Nations, except the Germans, enjoy the ſame Priviledges, provided they claim his Majeſty's Protection. 'Tis true there are ſeveral pretended Deſerters, who carry on their hidden Deſigns under ſo ſpecious a Diſguiſe: Nor have the Turks yet learn'd Circumſpection, tho' they have been ſo often deceiv'd. I cou'd tell you twenty Stories of this Nature, but I ſhall content my ſelf with relating one Inſtance, to convince you that the Emperour has as good Spies as the King of France.

About the End of the laſt Year, immediately after the Death of the Ambaſſadour Girardin, one Vanel came over as a Deſerter to the Grand Viſier's Army in Hungary, pretending to be a French Gentleman, who was taken Priſoner on the Rhine, and forc'd to ſerve as a Voluntier in the Emperour's Army, which he left, aſſoon as he found a favourable Occaſion to make his Eſcape. But not contenting himſelf to remain as a Spy in the Army, he had the Confidence to aſſume the Character of Agent of France, till the Arrival of the Ambaſſadour whom the King had nam'd. The Grand Viſier ſeeing a Man whoſe very aſpect ſeem'd to anſwer for his Honeſty; and beſides, perceiving that he made a great Figure, was ſo far from ſuſpecting him, that he own'd him as Agent: So that during the whole Winter he manag'd the King's Affairs with as much Authority as if he had been empower'd with a Commiſſion from Verſailles. 'Tis true, he ſeem'd to be very jealous of the Honour and Intereſt of the Nation; but in private he endeavour'd to perſwade the Grand Viſier that the only way to preſerve the Ottoman Empire, was to haſten the concluſion of a Peace with the Emperour; and in the mean time he found out ways to acquaint the Court of Vienna with all the Tranſactions at the Port.

This cunning Spy had the Art to play ſo difficult a Game with ſo much dexterity and ſucceſs, that he gain'd the eſteem and affection both of the Grand Viſier and Sultan, from whom he receiv'd conſiderable Preſents. And even the French had at laſt ſo good an Opinion of him, that they ſcrupl'd not to addreſs themſelves to him on all occaſions, as they wou'd have done to an Ambaſſador. So that he thought his Credit ſo well eſtabliſhed, that he might boldly expect the arrival of Monſieur de Chateauneuf, who was coming to perſwade the Viſier to continue the War againſt the Empire. Vanel went to meet him a days Journey beyond Sophia, and told him, that ſince Fortune had engag'd him in the Ottoman Service, during the Vacancy of the Embaſſy, he thought himſelf oblig'd by the Honour he had to be a French Gentleman, to do what Service he cou'd to the Nation, as he had actually done for ſeveral Months, and was ready to give him an exact account of all his Proceedings. Afterwards he went with the Ambaſſador to the Viſier, who gave him ſo favourable a Character, that Monſieur de Chateauneuf either did not, or ſeem'd not to doubt of his Zeal and Affection to the King's Service. However, 'tis probable, that he was not entirely ſatisfi'd with his Conduct, and that he wrote to ſeveral Places for better Information concerning him. For having one Evening receiv'd a Pacquet in Vanel's Preſence, that ſubtle Spy fearing that the Intelligence might concern him, adventur'd to peep over the Ambaſſador's Shoulder, while he was reading the Letters, and perceiving that they gave a very ſuſpicious Account of him, he reſolv'd to prevent the danger that threaten'd him by a ſudden Flight. Next Morning he roſe as ſoon as the day began to appear, and went immediately to one D' Etanchot, a French Captain in Count Teckely's Troops, who was his intimate Friend: He accoſted him with a Melancholic Air, and intreated him to carry him to Count. Teckely's Army, where he had ſome buſineſs to diſpatch that requir'd all poſſible expedition. D' Etanchot reply'd, That he was ready to ſerve him, and that he would immediately go along with him after he had receiv'd the Ambaſſador's Orders. Vanel, who dreaded nothing more than the diſcovery of his Deſign, conjur'd his Friend not to inſiſt on that piece of Formality; and to engage him the more effectually to comply with his Deſires, he offer'd him 1000 Piſtoles, promiſing to give him as much more at the end of his Journey. D' Etanchot was extreamly ſurpriz'd at his Earneſtneſs and Impatience, and perceiv'd by the great Offers he made him, that the buſineſs was of greater Importance than at firſt he imagin'd: His Fidelity to his Prince was ſtronger than his Affection to his Friend, and at laſt he told him plainly, that he wou'd not go with him unleſs he wou'd ſuffer him to ask the Ambaſſador's Permiſſion before his departure. Then Vanel ſeeing himſelf diſcover'd, and fearing Torture more than Death, which he knew was inavoidable, leſt he ſhou'd not be able to endure the extream violence of the Pain, without divulging his Secret, he reſolv'd to be his own Executioner; and ſuffering D' Etanchot to walk ſome paces before him, without ſpeaking a Word, he pull'd a Piſtol out of his Pocket, charg'd with three Bullets, and ſhot himſelf thro' the Head. His Friend ſurpriz'd at the unexpected noiſe, look'd back, and ſeeing him lie groveling on the Ground, and wallowing in his own Blood, run immediately to acquaint the Ambaſſador with the Tragical Accident, who at firſt cou'd not believe him, but afterwards ſuſpecting him to be the Murderer, order'd him to be ſecur'd: Then he went with ſeveral of his Servants, to the place where this unfortunate Perſon lay, and finding him ſtill alive, tho' very weak, he ask'd him, How he was; Optimé, reply'd Vanel, for they us'd to diſcourſe in Latin. Then the Ambaſſador enquir'd, who put him in that condition, I did, anſwer'd he: What mov'd you to ſuch an act, reply'd the Ambaſſador; Becauſe, ſaid he, I was weary of Life. Afterwards the Ambaſſador ask'd him ſeveral Queſtions concerning the place of his Birth, and his deſign in coming hither, but cou'd not obtain any ſatisfactory Anſwer; and (which is hardly credible) he endur'd the moſt exquiſitely cruel Torments they cou'd invent, without making the leaſt diſcovery, and even was ſo little daunted, that while he lay under the extremity of the Torture, 'Tis in vain, ſaid he to the Ambaſſador, to torment me thus, you ſhall never know more than I have already told you. In ſhort, he gave ſo many Marks of an invincible Courage and Reſolution, that I cou'd hardly forbear comparing him to Socrates, or Minutius Scaevola, if I had not a natural reluctancy to praiſe Men of his Profeſſion. Thus he died of his Wounds, and left no Papers of conſequence, that cou'd diſcover his Intrigue: But the Ambaſſador and his Men ſeiz'd on ten or twelve good Horſes, and above 25000 Livres in Gold that were found in his Poſſeſſion.

I ſhall conclude this Letter with telling you, that I'm reſolv'd to depart with the firſt fair Wind for Alexandria, in a Veſſel belonging to Ciotad, Commanded by Captain Carbonneau, who is an old Seaman, and perfectly well acquainted with all the parts of the Mediterranean. But I'm afraid he will ſtand in need of all his Experience to bring us ſafe to our deſign'd Harbour; for this is the moſt dangerous ſeaſon of the Year. However, I have ſtay'd ſo long in Conſtantinople, that, tho' the Voyage were more hazardous, I cou'd willingly adventure on't.

I Cannot expreſs my Amazement at the ſight of thoſe ſtately Monuments that make Cairo the moſt admirable City in the World, and convince the Beholder of ſo many Wonders, that the ancient Kings of Egypt were the moſt powerful Monarchs in the Univerſe. We are uſually fill'd with a high Idea of the Roman Grandeur, becauſe we view it at a leſs diſtance: But how vaſtly inferiour are the Pantheon, Collieſeum, Capitol, and all the other celebrated Structures of Rome, to theſe Magnificent Sepulchres which have for ſo many Ages ſtood firm againſt all the Attacks of Time and Age, and piercing the Sky with their lofty Tops, ſeem to be Copies of the Tower of Babel. At leaſt 'tis plain, that the Founders of theſe Egyptian Monuments were acted by the ſame Deſigns that mov'd Nimrod to erect that famous Tower. They ſaw that all things were ſubject to the irreſiſtible Power of Fate, which deſtroys in a Moment the moſt illuſtrious and potent Empires, and annihilates even the Memory of their Grandeur. Their Souls were too elevated to ſubmit to the common Deſtiny of other Mortals; and the ſublimity of their Courage inſpir'd 'em with the noble and glorious Reſolution of making themſelves Immortal in ſpite of Death. This was the deſign of thoſe Egyptian Hero's, and 'tis to their Heroical Ambition that we owe the Poſſeſſion of theſe Wonders of the World. How often do I wiſh you had been an Eye-witneſs and Partaker of my Happineſs, when I ſtood gazing on ſo many Beauties that are not to be found any where elſe, and might juſtifie the Curioſity of a Traveller, tho' he ſhou'd come from the remoteſt part of the Univerſe to admire 'em.

Theſe Monuments are of ſeveral kinds, but there are none ſo admirably magnificent as the Pyramids, which are ſo highly celebrated by ancient Hiſtorians. Two of the three principal Pyramids are ſhut, the other which appears biggeſt is open: 'Tis ſeated (I mean the laſt) very near the other two, three Leagues from Cairo, if that name be confin'd to the New City, or two Leagues and a half, taking in the Old. 'Tis a vaſt artificial Mountain, compos'd of Free-Stones of different bigneſs; for we cannot ſuppoſe it poſſible, that there cou'd have been a ſufficient quantity of Stones found exactly of the ſame Dimenſions, for the building of ſo prodigious a Maſs; but the ſmalleſt are a Foot thick, and two Foot long; ſome being three Foot thick, ſix long, and four broad. Its heighth amounts to 520 Feet, and the breadth of each Face to 682.

The Aſcent conſiſts of between 200 and 210 Steps. The Top appears like the point of a Spire to thoſe that are below; but when they go up to it, they are ſurpriz'd to find a Platform 24 Foot ſquare; and their Wonder is ſtill encreas'd, when they obſerve that ſo large a ſpace is pav'd only with 12 Stones; for 'tis hardly conceivable how Stones of that Bulk cou'd be rais'd to ſo vaſt a heighth. From thence you have the Proſpect of Boulac, old and new Cairo, the Ruines of Memphis, the Mountain and the Deſarts of Egypt: But he who can look to the bottom of the Steps without Amazement, may juſtly boaſt of the ſtrength of his Head; for my part, I muſt confeſs I was ſtruck with ſo much horror when I caſt my Eye downward, that I was hardly ſenſible of any Pleaſure in viewing ſo great a variety of Objects. There were formerly Steps on every ſide, but Time that conſumes all things has ſo waſted ſome of the Stones, that in ſeveral Parts there are dreadful Precipices; and therefore Strangers dare not venture to aſcend without the aſſiſtance of Guides that are acquainted with the ſafeſt ways. At the bottom of the Pyramid there is a heap of Sand that reaches to the ſixteenth ſtep, where there is a little door, thro' which (after you have drunk a refreſhing Cup) you may enter into a ſort of deſcending Alley, 30 paces long, about three Foot and a half high, and of equal breadth, ſo that a Man cannot walk in it without bowing his Body extreamly. At the end of this Alley you muſt lie down upon your Belly, and creep thro' a little Wicket, which is even with the Ground, and brings you into another little Alley like the former, only in this you muſt aſcend, whereas you deſcended in the other. This Alley ends in two others; that on the Right-hand has no inclination, and leads to a little Vaulted Chamber 18 Foot long, and 12 broad. At the entrance into this Alley there is a very deep Pit or Well without Water: Some Travellers go down into it, but I did not follow their Example: For I thought I had already done enough to ſatisfie my Curioſity, by creeping thro' thoſe Caves which are darker than Hell it ſelf, and in all reſpects a fit Habitation for the Dead. Beſides, they are ſo full of Bats that flutter about perpetually, and blow out the Candles, that 'twou'd be very dangerous to venture in without a Tinder-Box. Directly oppoſite to the laſt Alley, there is another which begins ſo high in the Wall, that we were forc'd to climb up to it; but to make amends for that inconveniency, 'tis much higher and broader than any of the reſt. After I had walk'd 70 Paces, ſtill aſcending, I found a ſort of Hall 32 Foot long, and 16 broad, pav'd with nine Stones, the length of which is equal to the breadth of the Room. The Walls are of a very fine and precious kind of Porphyry; and at one end there is an empty Tomb of the ſame Porphyry, ſeven Foot long and three broad.

I went afterwards to take a view of the two other Pyramids, the leaſt (and according to all appearances the moſt ancient) of which was formerly over-laid with Porphyry. 'Tis only 150 Foot high, and each of its Sides or Faces is 200 Foot broad. The common Opinion is, That 'twas Founded by a Young Woman call'd Rhodope, who was Aeſop's Fellow-Slave in Egypt; and that the Munificence of her Lovers enabl'd her to build ſo vaſt a Work. The other is almoſt as great as the firſt; for its height amounts to 510 Feet, and the breadth of each Face to 630. Theſe three Pyramids are of a quadrilateral Figure, and I obſerv'd the Ruines of an ancient Temple before each of 'em; for 'tis not at all probable, that there were ever any Palaces in that Place; and the huge Idol of Stone that ſtands very near thoſe decay'd Structures, is, I think, an evident confirmation of the truth of my Conjecture. The People of the Country ſay, that 'twas heretofore famous for Oracles, and I believe 'tis no fabulous Tradition; for there is a very deep Hole in the Head of the Idol, where the Prieſts might lie conceal'd, and return anſwers to thoſe who came to propoſe Queſtions. 'Tis a Coloſſus cut in the Rock, repreſenting a Woman, and is 26 Foot high, tho' it ſcarce reaches down to her Boſom, ſo that 'tis one of the moſt monſtrous Figures in the World.

Three hours Journey from thence there is a Village call'd Sacara, in which there are Catacombs or Sepulchral Vaults, but of a different Contrivance from thoſe at Rome and Alexandria. For theſe are diſtinct ſubterraneous Chambers, built of Free-Stone, without the leaſt Communication between one another: There is an opening above, thro' which you are either let down with a Rope, as into a Well, or muſt go down a Ladder, according to the various Depth of the Caves. They were heretofore full of the Bodies of ancient Egyptians, ſo skilfully embalm'd, that they were preſerv'd entire, perhaps above 4000 Years, with their Epitaphs, Coffins, and curious and magnificent Dreſſes. The Coffins were enrich'd with Hieroglyphics, and the Figure of the Deceas'd in Relievo; and ſometimes there were Idols and Jewels found in 'em. But the Curioſity of the Franks has at laſt exhauſted 'em; tho' 'tis thought there are ſome that were never open'd, and that the difficulty of finding 'em proceeds from the Avarice of the Moors, who only know where they are, and keep the Price of ſuch Rarities very high. Yet I made 'em let me down into two or three, where I ſaw ſome Pieces of Mummy, but ſo ſpoil'd, that 'twas impoſſible to preſerve any of 'em.

This Place is ſo full of Pyramids, that I believe there are above a hundred; but they are not comparable to thoſe I mention'd. Yet I obſerv'd one that wou'd be as big as the firſt, if it were finiſh'd: there are alſo aſcending and deſcending Alleys in it, at the end of which there are three Rooms in different Places. I will not trouble you with a Deſcription of it, ſince the only remarkable Difference between it and the firſt, is, that this is only rais'd to half the intended Heighth, if I may judge by its Proportion to the reſt, whereas that is compleatly finiſh'd.

On the other Side of the Nile, directly oppoſite to this Place, are the Ruines of the ancient City of Memphis, extended along the River, till you come overagainſt Old Cairo. They are ſo confus'd at preſent, that I ſpent half a Day in viewing 'em, without finding any thing remarkable.

I confeſs, Sir, that in purſuance of the Niceties of an exact Method, I ſhou'd have made you acquainted with the City of Cairo, before I had carry'd you to viſit the Rarities in its Neighbourhood. But I cou'd not forbear giving the firſt place to that which I moſt admir'd; and beſides an Account of Cairo will be as uſeful and perhaps as acceptable to you at the End, as in the Beginning of my Letter.

The Obſervation I made concerning the Variety of Opinions about the Extent of Conſtantinople, is equally applicable to this City, which is divided into three Parts, Boulac, and Old, and New Cairo. Some Travellers ſcruple to comprehend theſe three Towns under one Name, becauſe they are ſeparated by Gardens and Fields: but if thoſe Gentlemen were to write to an Inhabitant of any of theſe Diviſions, they wou'd certainly direct their Letters to Cairo, and not to Boulac, &c. And 'tis as impertinent a Piece of Nicety to make a Diſtinction between Places that are divided by ſo ſmall a Diſtance; as 'twou'd be abſurd and improper, according to that Opinion, to give the City the Title of Grand Cairo. But not to trouble you with more Arguments, I ſhall only tell you that I think fit to join all the three Parts together; and that in this Senſe Cairo contains four large Hours Journey in Length, and twelve in Compaſs.

'Twas taken from the Soldans of Egypt, Ann. 1517. by Sultan Selim I. who put to death all the Mammelucks with their Soldan: and ſince that it has been ſtill ſubject to the Turks, who in all probability will not be ſoon nor eaſily driven out of it. 'Tis the Metropolis of Egypt, and the moſt conſiderable Baſſaſhip in Turkey: and ſince 'tis a City of a vaſt Extent, the three Parts that compoſe it are differently ſituated. Boulac is the Port of Cairo on the Nile, and is alone as large as Rennes in Bretagne, or the Hague in Holland. The New City lies further in the Country, at the Foot of a great Hill, and the Old Cairo a little beyond it, on the Banks of the Nile. Thus the New City is depriv'd of the advantageous Neighbourhood of the River, and receives all its Water by a Khaalis or Canal, like that of Alexandria. All the reſt of the Cities of Egypt are alſo furniſh'd with ſuch Aqueducts, without which they wou • d be wholly deſtitute of Water. This is the Inconveniency, or rather the Miſery of the Country; for the Heat is very troubleſome during the Summer: and ſo much the more inſupportable, becauſe all the Ground is cover'd with Sand, which grows burning hot, and makes the Air ſo ſultry, that one can ſcarce breathe in it. Judge, Sir, what a Pleaſure 'twou'd be in that Seaſon, to drink a Cup of cold and freſh Water; and yet the poor Inhabitants muſt content themſelves with the naſty Puddle that has ſtood about a Year in the Ciſterns, or (which is almoſt as bad) with the Water that is carry'd about the Streets to be ſold in Pitchers made of Goats Skins, by the Moors. For the Khaalis is dry for the Space of ſix Months, and begins not to be fill'd till the Month of Auguſt, when the Nile is almoſt come to its greateſt Heighth. Then they cut the Dam or Bank, that kept out the Water, which immediately guſhes into the Canal, and continues to flow during the Encreaſe of the River, that is, till near the End of October, after which it decreaſes by degrees. The Day of the Opening of the Khaalis is obſerv'd in this City as a Feſtival, with extraordinary Marks of Joy: but ſince I have neither ſeen, nor am like to ſee that Ceremony, you may conſult ſome other Travellers for an Account of it. The Khaalis paſſes thro' the New City, and fills a vaſt number of Ciſterns and Baſons for Gardens. The Inundation of the Nile is the only Cauſe of the Fruitfulneſs of Egypt; for without that 'twou'd be one vaſt Deſart, as thoſe Parts are, which are depriv'd of that Advantage by reaſon of their Diſtance from the River. Theſe Floods, which are occaſion'd by the Melting of the Snow in the Mountains, fatten the Soil more effectually than the beſt Dung in the World cou'd poſſibly do: and indeed thoſe Spots of Ground that are waſh'd by the Inundation are admirably fertil. I cannot leave this Subject without taking Notice of the Vulgar Errour, That it never rains in this Country; for during the little time I have ſpent in it, I have obſerv'd ſome Showers; tho' I muſt confeſs it rains not ſo frequently here as in other Countries.

The Nile is very near as broad as the Rhine: it croſſes the whole Country of Egypt; and during the time of its Inundation, it overflows for the ſpace of two Months, all the neighbouring Fields, which only are inhabited, the reſt of the Land being cover'd with dry and burning Sands. It falls into the Mediterranean by two Mouths, about 80 Miles diſtant. 'Tis famous over all the World for its Crocodiles, and it muſt be acknowledg'd that it contains a great number of very large ones, but they are neither venomous, nor ſo terrible as they are uſually repreſented.

If I ſhou'd tell you that there are 23000 Moſquees in this City, you'd certainly laugh at my Credulity, that cou'd ſwallow ſuch a monſtrous Fable. However, Sir, 'tis held by all the Inhabitants as a moſt certain Truth; and they are no leſs firmly perſuaded that there are as many diſtinct Quarters or Wards, containing ſeveral Streets each, according to which Computation there are at leaſt 100000 Streets in the City. 'Tis true, they are extremely ſmall and narrow, but I dare not poſitively aſſure you that there is ſuch a prodigious Number of 'em, eſpecially ſince I never counted 'em. 'Tis alſo ſaid that when the Plague rages in this Place, it ſweeps away 10000 Perſons a-day; nor do I think this Story ſo incredible as the other: for the City is extremely populous, and there is as great a Concourſe of People at the Bazar or Market every Thurſday, as at the moſt crowded Fairs in Europe. This Bazar is the only to lerable Street in Cairo, and the Beſeſtin at one of the Ends of it is at leaſt as fine and rich as that of Conſtantinople. At the other End there is a Market of Slaves, where a Man may be always accommodated with a pretty Girl, at the Rate of 100 or 150 Piaſters. All the Houſes are of Wood, with Platforms on the Top, after the Turkiſh Faſhion: The Outſide is as mean, as the Inſide is ſaid to be beautiful. 'Tis true, I never view'd 'em within, and therefore will not deſire you to believe that they deſerve the laſt part of that Character; for it depends entirely upon the Teſtimony of the Franks, who are guilty of an unaccountable Prejudice, in magnifying the Turkiſh Magnificence. This is certainly a very great and inexcuſable Weakneſs; and I know not whether it is more unreaſonable to admire all things or nothing. We ought indeed to do Juſtice to every thing that is either Good or Beautiful: but I know no Reaſon that obliges us to extoll the moſt ordinary Beauty, or rather Deformity it ſelf, eſpecially in a Place that may juſtly boaſt of ſo many incomparable Wonders, among which I may venture to reckon the ancient and vaſt Caſtle of Cairo. 'Tis true, it may be ſaid to be a mere Heap of inhabited Ruines: but theſe Ruines are extremely Magnificent, and ſuitable to the Glory and Power of Pharaoh, who is reputed to be the Founder both of this Structure, and of the great open Pyramid. It ſtands directly in the Middle of the City, between the Old aud New Town, on ſo large and ſteep a Rock, that one wou'd think it was purpoſely fram'd by Nature to ſecure and command Grand Cairo. 'Tis above two Miles in Compaſs, and was formerly ſurrounded with thick Walls, like thoſe of Alexandria; flank'd at the end of every hundred Paces with great and very ſtrong Towers. It has four Gates which lead into a fine open Place, and from thence to ſeveral Streets; ſo that it ſeems rather to be a Town than a Caſtle. The Turks have profan'd theſe venerable Monuments, by disfiguring 'em with their Cottages, which look like ſo many Rats-Neſts. Some Parts of Pharaoh's Palace remain ſtill to be ſeen: The Room call'd Joſeph's Hall, is enrich'd with Gold and Azure, and adorn'd with thirty fine Columns of Porphyry. That of his Steward or Intendant, is not ſo entire, and is only remarkable for twelve Columns of Thebaic Marble, which are not much inferiour to the former in Beauty. But the entireſt and moſt admirable Work in this Place, is the celebrated Well of Joſeph. 'Tis cut or hollow'd in the hard Rock, a hundred and ſix Foot deep, of a ſquare Figure, each Side containing eleven Feet, without reckn'ning the Stair-Caſe, which is ſeven Foot broad, and cut out of the ſame Rock. It turns round the Well, and conſiſts of twelve ſeveral Windings, ſix of which contain eighteen Steps a-piece, and the other ſix, nineteen; ſo that the total Number of the Steps amounts to to Two hundred twenty two. The Stairs are ſo eaſie and commodious, that they make two Oxen go down every day to the Bottom of the Well, which is dry, and from thence to a little ſquare Room, where there is a Spring, out of which they draw Water continually, by a certain Contrivance of Wheels hung round with Buckets, that diſcharge the Water into a Baſon or Ciſtern in the midſt of the dry Pit or Well; from whence 'tis rais'd up in Buckets faſten'd to Ropes, that are let down and drawn up again by the turning of other Wheels. Round the Stair-Caſe on the Inſide there are Walls that ſerve inſtead of Rails, and ſecure thoſe that go down from falling. At the Bottom of the Well there is a Door on the Right-hand, and another on the Left, both cut out of the Rock: and 'tis commonly believ'd that one of 'em leads to the Red-Sea, and the other to the Pyramids. The firſt is impoſſible, for the Sea is above thirty Leagues diſtant: but the ſecond is not at all improbable, conſidering the great Works that were undertaken and perform'd by the ancient Egyptians, and the Care they took to dig ſubterraneous Paſſages to ſecure their Retreat in caſe of Neceſſity. 'Tis true, the Greatneſs of the Diſtance, and Hardneſs of the Rock cou'd not but make this Attempt very difficult; but after all 'tis not near ſo vaſt a Work as the Pyramids, and there muſt be ſome Paſſage that begins at this Place: for tho' the Doors are at preſent wall'd up, 'tis plain they were deſign'd for ſome Uſe. You will not be ſurpriz'd at the Magnificence of this Well, nor wonder what made the Egyptians beſtow ſo much Time, Pains and Coſt on the digging of it, if you conſider how precious and valuable Water is in this Country. For (as I told you in my laſt) there are but two Springs in all Egypt, This, and That of Maltharea, of which I ſhall give you ſome Account before I finiſh my Letter. And it ſeems the Egyptian Monarchs were afraid that theſe two Fountains ſhou'd at laſt be dry'd up; for they took care to bring Water from the Nile in a very fine Aqueduct, beginning betwixt Old Cairo and Boulac, and reaching as far as the Caſtle. Not far from Joſeph's Palace there is a dreadful Priſon, conſiſting of ſeveral Dungeons cut out of the Rock. It bears the Name of the ſame Patriarch, becauſe 'twas here, according to the common Opinion, where he interpreted the Dreams of the Bu • ler and Baker: if this Tradition be true, it muſt be acknowledg'd, that he was in a lamentable Condition, for this is certainly a very diſmal Place.

Maltharea is a Place about a large League diſtant from the City, whither the Franks often walk to enjoy the pleaſant Shade of its fine Orange-Trees, and refreſh themſelves with its delicious Water. There is alſo a little Chapel in the ſame place, which, 'tis ſaid, the Bleſſed Virgin choſe for her Abode, when ſhe fled to Egypt with her Son Jeſus; but the Circumſtances of the Story are ſo improbable, that it ſeems to be of the ſame Stamp with other fabulous Legends. For they pretend that while ſhe liv'd in that little Houſe, perceiving at a great diſtance the Men whom Herod had ſent after her, and, not knowing where to flee, an old Sycamore burſt open to receive her and the little Jeſus, and cloſing again ſecur'd 'em from the Rage of their Enemies. Aſſoon as the Danger was over the miraculous Tree let 'em forth, and remain'd open ever afterwards; but 'tis extremely decay'd at preſent, and part of it is fall'n away. However I ſpent two Hours near it with a great deal of Pleaſure; for the Sun ſhone very bright that Day, and the Verdure of the Myrtle, Orange, and Limon-Trees was extremely agreeable.

There is another little Chapel in Old Cairo, where the Virgin reſided for ſome time: and near that there are large Store-houſes for Corn, which are thought to be the ſame that Joſeph built when he laid up Proviſions againſt the ſeven Years of Famine.

Thus, Sir, I have entertain'd you with an Account of ſome of the Aegyptian Rarities. 'Tis true, there are many other remarkable Monuments in this Country, that are worthy of a Traveller's Curioſity; but the very Sight of thoſe howling Deſarts deterr me from undertaking a Journey that wou'd expoſe me to ſo many Dangers and Inconveniencies. Beſides 'twou'd require a great deal of Money, and I begin already to perceive that I muſt take more than ordinary care to Husband my Stock. I find alſo that the ſame conſideration will not ſuffer me to proſecute my deſign of viſiting the Holy Land, tho' 'tis not without an extream reluctancy that I'm forc'd to deprive my ſelf of the fight of a place which the Saviour of the World hallow'd with his preſence. But the Journey is prodigiouſly chargeable, and I'm reſolv'd to deny my ſelf that ſatisfaction rather than to put my ſelf in a condition that might oblige me to return to France. I intend then to Embark on a Greek Saique, which in few days will ſet Sail for Smyrna, where, I hope, I may eaſily find an occaſion for Venice.

YOU might juſtly accuſe me of Lazineſs, or want of Complaiſance, if I ſhou'd not employ the leiſure I enjoy at preſent in recollecting my Obſervations concerning the Government, Religion, Manners, and Cuſtoms of the Turks. I ſhall endeavour therefore to ſatisfie your Curioſity, by entertaining you with a ſhort account of theſe Subjects, avoiding all impertinent Repetitions of thoſe obvious and common Remarks that are to be met with in almoſt every Book of Voyages. And I hope the Points I propoſe to handle will furniſh me with ſufficient Matter for Three Letters; the firſt of which ſhall treat of the Government, the ſecond of the Religion, and the third of the Manners and Cuſtoms of the Turks.

The Turkiſh Empire, according to the primitive and fundamental Conſtitution of the Government, is abſolutely and entirely Deſpotic; that is, a Supream and Arbitrary Power is lodg • d in the Perſon of the Emperor, whoſe Will is the only Law by which he Rules, and who acknowledges no other Maxim of Government than Sic volo, ſic jubeo. He is not curb'd by any written Law or Cuſtom, and thoſe whom he Oppreſſes have not ſo much as a right to Complain. He may take away any Man's Eſtate, and either keep it, or give it to another. Sometimes he paſſes by the moſt ancient Baſſa's, and in one day advances a ſimple Chiaux, or even a Cook, to the Dignity of Grand Viſier. He ſends for the Heads of thoſe whom he has a Mind to be rid of, who are Murder'd without any Trial or Form of Juſtice, and even without knowing the Reaſon of his Diſpleaſure. In one Word, his Pleaſure is the ſupreme and uncontroulable Law. This unlimited Power of the Sultan is founded on the Mahometan Religion, which enjoins a blind Obedience to all his Commands under Pain of Damnation. But the Turks of late have render'd their Slavery more tolerable; for tho' they have made no Alteration in the Conſtitution of the Government, their Practices are very different from what they were heretofore.

The Grand Viſier is the Chief Miniſter of State, and is call'd King by the Turks, to ſhew how much the Sultans ſlight and undervalue that Title, in Imitation of the Old Roman Emperours, who beſtow'd Kingdoms on their Favourites. This is the Reaſon why the Grand Signior ſtiles himſelf The Protector of Perſecuted Kings, and the Diſtributer of Crowns; tho' he wears none himſelf, not even on the Day of his Public Inauguration, for the only Badge of his Imperial Dignity is a magnificent Sabre, enrich'd with precious Stones, which the Mufti girds to his Side. The Grand Viſier is entruſted with the whole Management of Affairs, and his Power is almoſt equal to the Sultan's. He is in a great meaſure the Arbiter of Peace and War, and creates the Fortune of all the Great Officers in the Empire. 'Tis true, he ought not to do any thing without the Advice of a Council, compos'd of ſeven Baſſa's, call'd the Viſiers of the Bench: but they have only a Shadow of Authority, which ſcarce deſerves to be mention'd.

The next in Order, are the Baſſa's, who are a ſort of Vice-Roys in the Provinces. Their Office is to adminiſter Juſtice exactly, and to keep the People in Subjection to the Government. They are alſo oblig'd to pay a yearly Tribute to the Grand Signior, both of Money and Slaves, without reck'ning the Carache, Cuſtoms, and other Impoſts that are uſually exacted. This is the utmoſt Extent of the Legal Authority of the Baſſa's; but they commonly abuſe their Power, and are more arbitrary Tyrants than the Grand Signior himſelf. Their principal Aim is to raiſe their Fortune ſpeedily; and in order to that they rob the Widow and Orphan, and fill the Land with Spoil and Oppreſſion, never ſcrupling to commit a gainful Crime, tho' attended with the baſeſt Circumſtances. The Sultan is forc'd to diſſemble his Knowledge of theſe Diſorders, for want of Power to ſuppreſs 'em: for every Baſſa maintains ſome ſtanding Forces at his own Charge, whoſe Aſſiſtance he may command upon all Occaſions, if their Payment be not wholly neglected. Whereas the Sultan, who for the moſt part wants Money to pay his Army, and perhaps does not ſhew himſelf twice in his Life to the Soldiers, is ſo far from being Maſter of 'em, that he is almoſt always conſtrain'd to ſubmit to their Authority. This is the fatal Source of all thoſe Seditions that have ſo often ſhaken, and will at laſt overturn the Empire. For how can we ſuppoſe that Subjects will either love or fear a lazy Prince, that takes no Share in the Buſineſs of State or War: a Prince, that contents himſelf with a Chimerical Show of Grandeur and Power, and ſeems rather to be a Mock-King in a Farce than a Ruler of Kingdoms? 'Tis plain both from Reaſon and Experience, that a great Monarch, who wou'd be the abſolute Maſter of his Subjects, ought to apply himſelf to the Execution and Reformation of the Laws, and above all, to gain the Eſteem and Affection of his Soldiers, whom he ought to look upon as the ſureſt Prop and Support of his Authority. An Army in a State cannot remain indifferent; they muſt and will have a Maſter; and will either continue faithful to the Crown, or eſpouſe the Intereſt of ſome deſigning Subject: And therefore it ought to be the Prince's Care to diſcover their Inclinations, and to act accordingly. Kings are as feeble Creatures as other Men, and as unable to perform any Great Action by their own Power: but when they are at the Head of 100000 Men, all devoted to their Intereſt, 'tis then they become the Terrour of the World, and their Power is almoſt as boundleſs as their Ambition. The Fate of Monarchs depends on their Armies, and without theſe neither Alexander, Caeſar, nor Lewis XIV. cou'd have gain'd one Inch of Ground. This is ſo evident and certain a Truth, that never any Perſon had the Confidence to controvert it: and I believe the Ottoman Emperours are of the ſame Opinion, tho' all their Actions ſeem to be grounded on very different, and even oppoſite Maxims. A Prince that wou'd ſecure the Loyalty of his Forces, muſt take care of 'em himſelf, viſit 'em often, give out all Orders, preferr Men of known Merit, keep both the Officers and Soldiers under an exact Diſcipline, and pay 'em as punctually as he can. The Grand Signior obſerves not one of theſe Maxims, and therefore he may blame himſelf for the Unrulineſs of his Army. But the Government is guilty of another Blunder, which, in my Opinion, is no leſs fatal than the former; I mean the uſual way of appeaſing Seditions, which break forth oftner than once a Year. For every Tumult that ſhakes the Sultan's Throne, coſts him the Heads of a hundred of his Principal Officers: The Grand Viſier is commonly made the firſt Sacrifice, and afterwards that important Charge is entruſted to ſome young and unexperienc'd Perſon, as if a Miniſter of State cou'd ſpring up in a Night like a Muſhroom. This Cuſtom is directly oppoſite to common Sence, which teaches us that no Man ought to be advanc'd to ſo high a Poſt, but one that has been long accuſtom'd to State-Buſineſs, and has ſpent his whole Life in fitting himſelf for the Management of ſo great a Truſt. Theſe Conſiderations give me an Idea of the Turkiſh Empire, which I cannot expreſs better than by comparing it to a Coach drawn by a Sett of ungovernable Horſes, each of which pulls a contrary Way.

If we deſcend lower, and take a more particular View of the Government, we ſhall every where find the diſmal Effects of theſe Diſorders. The Diſtempers of the Head are uſually communicated to the Inferiour Members: And I never ſaw a Country, where Juſtice is ſo often and ſo impudently perverted, by thoſe who are entruſted with the Execution of it. I know 'tis the Cuſtom of ſome Travellers to magnifie the Turkiſh way of adminiſtring Juſtice: but ſuch a groundleſs Conceit is only the Effect of the powerful Inclination moſt Men have to admire every thing that is unuſual or extraordinary. And I'm confident that a bare Account of their Method of Judging Civil and Criminal Cauſes, will give you a very different Notion of their boaſted Juſtice; You, I ſay, who are not tainted with thoſe common Prejudices, but are always wont to judge of things as they are in themſelves, without conſidering whether they are rare or common.

They have no written Laws but what are contain'd in the Alcoran, which they hold to be the Rule of Faith, and Standard of Juſtice, and every thing that it forbids is eſteem'd unlawful and puniſhable. Nevertheleſs the Baſſa's and Cadi's judge as they pleaſe, for the Book is very ſhort, and beſides a great deal fuller of Dreams and Abſurdities than of Laws or Moral Precepts; and thoſe few it contains are ſo ambiguouſly expreſs'd, and deliver'd in ſo looſe a Manner, that theſe greedy Officers cannot deſire a more favourable Opportunity to ſatisfie their Avarice. Beſides they judge without Appeal, and cauſe the Sentence to be executed upon the Spot. 'Tis true, ſome highly injur'd Perſons have recourſe to the Grand Signior's Divan; but then the Injuſtice muſt be very plain and inexcuſable, or 'tis in vain to expect Satisfaction; and that is ſo ſeldom obtain'd, that few prudent Men will venture on ſo troubleſome and expenſive a Journey: for ſince 'tis not the Cuſtom to record either the Pleadings, or the Sentence, the Judge may eaſily elude all the Arguments of his Accuſers. 'Tis true, the Number of the Plaintiffs is uſually ſo great, and the Informations of other Officers ſo poſitive, that the Truth is at laſt diſcover'd, and the Offenders are puniſh'd. But tho' few Cadi's leave the Office with Honour, there is not the leaſt Care taken to repair the Loſſes of thoſe whom they have ruin'd. For, beſides what I intimated before, that their Proceedings are not regiſter'd, the new Cadi is uſually as great a Rogue as his Predeceſſour; ſo that the poor oppreſs'd People muſt bear their Miſfortunes as patiently as they can, without the leaſt hope of Redreſs.

The Cadi's are mere Beggars when they are firſt advanc'd to that gainfull Poſt, and their Commiſſion laſts but a Year: yet in leſs than three Months theſe tatter'd Scoundrels exchange their Rags for gawdy Habits, and a magnificent Equipage, and at the End of the Year are Maſters of vaſt Eſtates. We exclaim againſt our Lawyers in France, and will not ſuffer thoſe who have ſpend 20 or 30 Years in a perpetual Hurry of Buſineſs, to enjoy the Fruit of their Labours in Peace, tho' the Fortunes they acquire are for the moſt part ſo ſmall, that they can hardly ſubſiſt without Employment. But I'm confident a little Acquaintance with the Cuſtoms of this Country wou'd quickly ſtop the Mouths of our Grumblers: for if the Cadi of a conſiderable City were permitted to hold his Office Ten Years, he wou'd be richer than a Preſident au Mortier. He that went laſt from Smyrna gain'd above 40000 Crowns; and you may eaſily judge how miſerably the Inhabitants were oppreſs'd by a Judge that cou'd in one Year heap up ſo great a Treaſure. 'Tis true he durſt not expect the Coming of his Succeſſour, but march'd off eight days before, without ſtaying to take leave of his Friends, according to the prudent Cuſtom of his Brother-Rogues. For they are oblig'd to give an Account of their Adminiſtration to the ſucceeding Cadi's, who make a Report to the Grand Signior's Divan, and even ſecure their Perſons when the Comlaints againſt 'em are very numerous and grievous. But they are too conſcious of their Guilt, to ſtand a Trial which they know wou'd infallibly ruine 'em; and therefore to avoid ſo terrible a Danger, they go immediately to their Patron at the Port, who receives his Share in the Booty, and grants 'em his Protection, without which they wou'd be puniſh'd without Mercy. Yet ſome of 'em chuſe rather to buy their Peace of the new Cadi, who, for 8 or 10 Purſes, which amounts to 12 or 15000 Livres, gives 'em as favourable a Certificate as they can deſire.

All Civil Affairs are judg'd by the Cadi according to the Depoſition of Witneſſes, without any regard to Writings. For ſuppoſe you had lent 1000 Piaſters to a Man upon his Note or Bond, if he can but ſuborn two Men to affirm that they ſaw him pay you ſuch a Summ, you muſt infallibly loſe your Money. This Cuſtom gives a fair Opportunity to Men of diſhoneſt Principles to abuſe their Creditors; ſince they may eaſily find Witneſſes to prove any thing, and even without giving themſelves the trouble to enquire after 'em. One word, or a Sign to the Cadi is ſufficient, who always keeps a Score of Knights of the Poſt ready to ſerve him or any of his Friends on ſuch Occaſions. After the two contending Parties have pleaded their own Cauſe as well as they can, for there are no Barriſters in Turkey, one of 'em clutches his right Fiſt, and ſtretches out one, two, or three of his Fingers, ſignifying, that he intends to preſent the Cadi with a like number of Purſes: Then his Adverſary makes the ſame Sign, and offers more or leſs, as he thinks fit. At Night the Cadi ſends for the higheſt Bidder, and having receiv'd his Preſent, requites his Compliment very civilly the next Day, with a favourable Sentence; after which he that is caſt muſt either pay the Debt immediately, or go to Priſon. And (which is ſtill more unjuſt) if you are not able to maintain him, and pay the Fees of thoſe who arreſted him, you muſt reſign the third Part of your Debt; in Conſideration of which the poor Wretch is kept rotting in the Gaol, till an exact Enquiry be made into his Eſtate. And if it be found that the Debt exceeds the Value of his Goods and Poſſeſſions, the Payment is chang'd to a Corporal Puniſhment, and he receives as many Baſtinadoes on the Soals of his Feet as he owes Piaſt • rs, unleſs the Summ exceed 500; for they ſtop there, becauſe the ſtrongeſt Man cou'd not endure a greater number of Blows without manifeſt Danger of his Life.

The Judgment of Criminal Affairs belongs to the Baſſa, who proceeds after the ſame manner: for Money clears the moſt barbarous Malefactor, and without that, Juſtice degenerates to Cruelty. The Stake and the Gibbet ſeem to be only made for poor Villains; nor can there be a greater Sign of Poverty, than when a Man is proſecuted for Murder or Robbery: for ſince the Baſſa and Vaivode are always ſure of 40000 Aſpers, the uſual Price of Blood, which they exact of thoſe before whoſe Doors the Murder was committed; they ſeldom or never take care to execute Juſtice on the Murderer. I have ſeen a Janiſary, who had kill'd above 30 Men, walk thro' the Streets unmoleſted, and with as much Confidence as the moſt innocent Perſon in Town. Nor are theſe corrupt Tribunals leſs favourable to the Robbers that infeſt the Country, and commit ſuch frequent Diſorders, that no wiſe Man will venture to travel one day's Journey without being compleatly arm'd, and extremely well accompany'd. 'Tis true, the Grand Signior from time to time ſends ſuperiour Baſſa's, attended with ſome Companies of Soldiers, to ſearch after unpuniſh'd Malefactors. 'Tis not above two Months ſince one of 'em came to this City, and put to Death about 20 Criminals: but after all, theſe Great Inquiſitors are only terrible to thoſe who are unable to buy their Favour, and even he whom I mention'd had above fifty Cuſtomers of this Sort. Among the reſt I ſhall only take notice of one Inſtance of his mercenary Clemency; and I hope I ſhall eaſily obtain your Pardon for a Digreſſion which will not only divert you, but give you a clearer Idea of the Genius of the Turkiſh Officers of Juſtice.

A Man that us'd to work in a Dutch Merchant's Garden, was ſeiz'd for a Murder, which he had committed 7 or 8 Years before, and finding himſelf to be in a very hopeleſs Condition, ſent to beg the Merchant's Aſſiſtance, who was too generous to ſuffer one that had ſerv'd him to be hang'd for wan • of 2 or 300 Piaſters. The poor Man relying upon his Maſter's promis'd Kindneſs, began immediately to treat with the Baſſa for his Ranſom, which at laſt was fix'd at 100 Turkiſh Pieces of Gold, commonly call'd Scherifi, worth 2 1/4 Piaſters each. The Bargain being thus concluded, the Merchant gave the hundred Scherifi to the Baſſa's Kiaia, who deliver'd but ninety to the Treaſurer, having kept the other ten for himſelf. Now you muſt know that there are in Turkey a ſort of Men who pretend to be Mahomet's Kinſmen, and are highly reverenc'd by all Perſons: They wear green Turbants, and are call'd Scherifi, which (you may remember I told you) is the Name of the Pieces of Gold. When the Trial came on, after the Witneſſes were examin'd, the Baſſa perceiving that there were Ten Pieces wanting of the promis'd Summ, and imagining that Defect to be a deſign'd Breach of the Agreement, ſeem'd to be very nice and inexorable, and proteſted that he cou'd not acquit a Man who was poſitively charg'd with Murder by ſo many Witneſſes. But the Secretary, who by good Fortune was acquainted with the whole Tranſaction, told him, That tho' theſe Witneſſes declar'd him Guilty, there were 100 Scherifi arriv'd, who aſſerted his Innocencey, and that their Teſtimony was much more convincing. I thought, ſaid the Baſſa, I ſaw but 90; 'Tis true, reply'd the Secretary, but there were Ten more, who by reaſon of their great Age, could not come up to your Preſence, and therefore ſtaid below with the Kiaia. The Baſſa, who was neither Deaf nor Dull, underſtood the Meaning of thoſe Expreſſions, and declar'd the accus'd Perſon innocent.

There are ſeveral ſorts of Puniſhments inflicted on Malefactors in this Country; ſuch as Beheading, Drowning, Hanging, Strangling, Burning, Impaling, and the Strappado. The two laſt are the moſt Cruel, and are appointed only for Turks that renounce the Mahometan Faith, or Renegado's that return to the Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion, or for thoſe who are convicted of ſome very enormous Crimes. Robbers and Murderers are hang'd, Women are drown'd, thoſe who are found guilty of Rebellion or Sedition are beheaded, and Burning is the Puniſhment of Chriſtians for blaſpheming againſt Mahomet or the Alcoran, or for lying with a Turkiſh Woman. Not long ago an Engliſh Merchant at Conſtantinople very narrowly eſcap'd Suffering for the laſt of theſe Crimes. He kept a fair Turk with all imaginable Secrecy, and never ſaw her at his own Houſe. To prevent Suſpicion, he procur'd a very pretty Yacht, in which he went with her almoſt every day, to take the Air on the Sea of Marmora, or in the Canal of the Black Sea, and uſually ſtaid abroad till Night. But at laſt the whole Intrigue was diſcover'd by the Indiſcretion of a Servant; and they were both apprehended by an Order from the Grand Viſier, who at firſt threaten'd to burn the Merchant, but was afterwards prevail'd with to accept a Fine of 10000 Piaſters, which he paid upon the Spot. Several Travellers have particularly deſcrib'd the Puniſhments call'd Impaling, and the Strappado, as well as the Manner of giving the Baſtonnado; and therefore I ſhall forbear troubling you with an Account of what I ſuppoſe you know already.

The Government of the Cities is manag'd by Five Kinds of Officers, the Baſſa, Sub-Baſſa, Vaivode, Cadi, and Receiver of the Cuſtoms. The Baſſa is properly the Governor, and judges criminal Cauſes; and the Sub-Baſſa is as it were his Deputy. The Vaivode takes care of regulating Affairs in the City; he walks the Round twice a-week, to examine the Weights and Meaſures, to obſerve whether unlicens'd Tipling-Houſes are kept, to puniſh Drunken Perſons, and all thoſe in the general who commit any Diſorders in the City. Thoſe who are found guilty of theſe or any other Abuſes, muſt immediately ſubmit to the Baſtonnado, eſpecially Drunkards, who are always very roughly handl'd. The Function of the Sub-Baſſa is not much different. The Cadi is the Judge of all Civil Suits; and the Receiver of the Cuſtoms, who in France is only a private Perſon without any Authority, is in this Country empower'd to take Cognizance of all fraudulent Practices relating to Pecuniary Duties, in all which Caſes he is both Judge and Party.

The Jealouſie that reigns among theſe Officers is ſo furious and extravagant, that they make it their principal Buſineſs to diſcredit and ruine one another. 'Tis a Pleaſure to hear the Characters which they mutually give of each other; and aſſoon as they are acquainted with a Man, they begin to entertain him with a Harangue on that Subject. The Vaivode of this Place, with whom I have contracted a ſort of Friendſhip, has told me a thouſand Stories of the Baſſa's and Cadi's, which, as diverting as they are, I ſhall rather chuſe to relate, than to write to you: and therefore you muſt even content your ſelf at preſent with one, for a Taſte of the pleaſant Entertainment you may expect at our next Meeting.

One who had as little Money as Honeſty, that is, none at all, was ſent in the Quality of a Cadi, to a certain Town, where he hop'd the Wranglings of the Inhabitants wou'd quickly ſupply all his Wants. But, as ill Luck wou'd have it, his Predeceſſors had quite ſpoil'd his Market; and Oppreſſion, which makes ſome wiſe Men mad, had made theſe Fools, wiſe. They heard he was a very hungry Devil, and they reſolv'd to ſtarve him out-right; wiſely conſidering that 'twas both their Duty and Intereſt to live in Peace, or at leaſt to refer all their Differences to the Arbitration of honeſt Friends, rather than by tearing out their own Bowels to feed their Greedy Devourer. And it ſeems they ſhow'd as much Firmneſs in purſuing, as Wiſdom in making ſo advantageous a Reſolution: for the Cadi ſpent ſix Weeks or two Months after his Arrival, without any Employment but Fretting, Curſing, and biting his Thumbs out of meer Spite, becauſe he could find nothing elſe to exerciſe his Teeth upon. One day as he was walking in the Streets, meditating no doubt on his wretched Fate, he perceiv'd a Baker, who was drawing a good Fat Gooſe out of his Oven; and the ſavoury Vapours aſſaulting his Noſe, rais'd a furious Commotion in his empty Stomach: his Mouth water'd at the delicious Obj • ct, and his Guts began to rumble with a more than ordinary Violence. In a Word, he was ſo little Maſter of himſelf, that he cou'd not forbear begging a Piece; but the Baker told him that the Gooſe belong'd to one of his Neighbours, who had ſent it to him to be bak'd. Come, reply'd the Cadi, take my Advice: We'll eat the Gooſe, and when the Man comes to fetch it, tell him that as thou wert bringing it out to ſee whether 'twas ready, a Flock of Geeſe happen'd to fly by the Door, and that his Gooſe perceiving its old Companions, wou'd not be perſuaded to ſtay behind 'em. If he will not be ſatisfy'd with ſo fair an Anſwer, let him e'en take his Courſe; for he muſt bring thee before me, and I'll find a Way to ſave thee harmleſs. There was no need of more Arguments, for the Baker's Stomach was on the Cadi's Side, and his Conſcience made no long Reſiſtance: and therefore aſſoon as he had ſignify'd his Conſent, the Cadi began to beſtir his Chaps ſo vigorouſly, that by the Aſſiſtance of his Friend the Buſineſs was diſpatch • d in an Inſtant. Two Hours after the Man came for his Gooſe, and the Baker repeated his Leſſon very gravely: but the Jeſt was ſomewhat too groſs, and the Man was ſo offended at the Baker • s Inſolency, that he took him immediately by the Neck, and told him that he muſt either reſtore his Gooſe, or go before the Cadi; for there are no Sergeants or Bailiffs in this Country. Theſe Threatnings made no great Impreſſion upon the Baker, ſince he knew that he was to be judg'd by his Fellow-Rogue; ſo that he was as free from Fear, as the other was full of Anger and Revenge and walk'd very peaceably along with his Accuſer. But they had not gone far when they were ſtopp'd by the Lamentations of a poor Mule-Driver, whoſe Mule was fall'n under her Load, and lay ſprawling on the Ground. The Baker was mov'd with Compaſſion at the poor Man's Misfortune, who came to beg his Aſſiſtance, and took hold of the Mule's Tail, while the Man himſelf endeavour'd t • raiſe her Head: but the Load was ſo heavy, tha • the Baker finding more Reſiſtance than he expected, and pulling with all the Force of a Brawny Arm, at laſt pluck'd the Tail off at the Root. The Owner of the Mule was ſo enrag'd at this unlucky Accident, which made him incapable of following his uſual Occupation, that not regarding the Baker's charitable Intention, he ſeiz'd him by the Collar, and help'd the other Man to hale him along, for he was ſo far from going willingly as before, that conſidering the Cadi was not at all concern'd in this Affair, and not daring to rely too much on his Friendſhip, leſt he ſhould be oblig'd to pay the Price of the Mule, he made a ſhift to get looſe; and thinking to make his Lſcape, ran into a Houſe not far from the place where he met the Mule-Driver. But, as Miſchances never come ſingle, it happen'd that there was a Woman ſix Months gone with Child, ſtanding in the Court of the Houſe where he thought to ſecure himſelf, who was ſo terrify'd at the ſight of a Man running, with two others purſuing him furiouſly at his Heels, that ſhe miſcarry'd immediately. Thus the poor Baker had the Mortification to ſee the Number of his Enemies encreas'd; for the Woman's Husband join'd with the other Two, and all together carry'd him before the Cadi, whom they acquainted with the Reaſon of their Coming, expreſſing their ſeveral Complaints in a very mournful Tone, to move their Judge to Compaſſion.

I'm a very poor Man, ſaid he who had receiv'd the firſt Injury, and all the Town knows that I had but one Gooſe, which I intended to eat with my Wife and Children, in Peace and Joy, as I hope for the Bleſſing of the Prophet. But alas! this wicked Man has ſtoll'n her from me, and wou'd put me off with a ridiculous Story: he has the Impudence to tell me that • y Gooſe after ſhe was bak'd, ſpy'd a Flock of other Geeſe, and flew away with 'em.

I had but one Mule, cry'd the Second, which maintain'd me and all my Family; I had but one, and now, alas! I may ſay I have none: for the poor Creature had the Misfortune to fall under her Burden, and this Man happen'd to paſs by as I was endeavouring in vain to relieve her. I intreated him to help me, but inſtead of raiſing her up, he pluck'd off her Tail.

Ah! Wou'd I had no more Reaſon to complain than either of the reſt, ſaid the Third. I have but one Wife, and that a very bad one. We have been marry'd theſe three Years, and I have toil • d Night and Day to get her with Child: At laſt, by the Bleſſing of the Prophet I did the Feat, and in a little time expected to ſee the Fruit of my Labours. But that Traitour has this Day deſtroy'd what I cou'd hardly get in three Years: he put my Wife into ſuch a Fright, that ſhe miſcarry'd three Months before the Time.

Judge, Sir, with what Impatience and Fear the Baker expected his Doom, and how the Cadi was puzzl'd to bring him off in Spite of ſo many clamorous Accuſers. Yet the Difficulty of the Caſe ſerv'd only to ſhow the Dexterity of the Judge, as you will eaſily perceive by his Anſwers to the Three Plaintiffs.

I cannot, ſaid he to the Firſt, oblige a Man to reſtore a Gooſe, which, he affirms, flew out of his hands. I confeſs the Story is very ſurprizing and improbable, but we muſt always give credit to an honeſt Man's Word: And therefore ſince thou canſt produce no Witneſſes to diſprove it, thou muſt e'en reſolve to bear thy Mifortune patiently.

As for thee, ſaid he to the Second, 'tis another Caſe: He has pluck'd off thy Mule's Tail, and made her unfit for Service. And therefore 'tis juſt that be ſhou'd be oblig'd to keep her at his own Charge till her Rump be heal'd.

But thou, poor Man, ſaid he, turning to the Third▪ art more to be pity'd than either of the reſt. Thou ſay'ſt (and I believe thee) that it coſt thee three Years Labour to get a Child: and after all thy Toil, this Man by an unlucky Accident has made thy Wife caſt her Bantling three Months before the Time. I condemn the Rogue to take her home with him, to • ill her Belly again, and to keep her till ſhe be in the ſame Condition, and the Child as old as when he made her miſcarry.

I will not ask your Opinion of this Story, till you have heard both Parties: for the Cadi thinks himſelf as honeſt a Man, and as worthy of your Audience as the Vaivode; and therefore you muſt e'en be ſatisfy'd to hear his Tale next.

A very Rich Man dy'd, and left his Son Heir to his whole Eſtate, except 1000 Piaſters, which he bequeath'd to the Tyrant of the Country. Now you muſt know that the Turks are very religious Obſervers of the Laſt-Wills of their Relations: and this Young Man it ſeems was very nice in that Point. His Ignorance of his Father's Meaning made him extremely uneaſie; for he concluded that if he ſhou'd detain another Man's Right, againſt his Father's poſitive Command, 'twou'd certainly bring the Curſe of the Prophet upon him. After he had ſpent ſome time in conſidering where to beſtow the Legacy, he reſolv'd to carry it to the Baſſa, whom he addreſs'd thus: Sir, My Father order'd me by his Laſt-Will, to give 1000 Piaſters to the Tyrant of the Country, without mentioning the Name of any particular Perſon. I was extremely troubl'd at the Obſcurity of theſe Words, and not being able to unriddle the Myſtery, I thought my ſelf oblig'd to bring the Money to you not as to a Tyrant, but as to the moſt powerful Perſon in the Country. The Baſſa, who by chance was an honeſt Man, reply'd very calmly, My Son, I neither am, nor will be a Tyrant, carry the Money to the Cadi, for he has more Right to it than I. The Young Man perceiving that 'twou'd be in vain to urge him to accept it, went according to his Advice, and made the ſame Complement to the Cadi, whom he found to be as generous as the Baſſa; for he told him he cou'd not take it without injuring the Perſon for whom it was deſign'd, and deſir'd him to carry it to the Receiver of the Cuſtoms. But that Officer was as jealous of his Honour as either of the reſt, and ſent the young Heir to the Vaivode, who hearing that he had been with the other three, and what Anſwers he had receiv'd from 'em, told him that as his Conſcience oblig'd him to eaſe a Neighbour of a Burthen that ſeem'd to be ſo troubleſome to him, ſo it wou'd not permit him to receive it abſolutely gratis. Let us, added he, make a feign'd Bargain; you ſhall buy all the Snow in my Court for 1000 Piaſters, and then I can take the Money with a ſafe Conſcience. The Young Man, who had been bandy'd about ſo often, and was glad to be rid of the Money on any Terms, conſented immediately to the Propoſal. As ſoon as the Bargain was concluded, and the Deed of Conveyance written, the Vaivode's Secretary demanded his Fees; for in this Country the Purchaſer muſt always pay for the Contract. The Young Man was both vex'd and ſurpriz'd at the Impudence of theſe Blood-ſuckers, and upbraided 'em with their Injuſtice and Barbarity; adding, That he did not expect to be troubl'd with their litigious Tricks after he had freely preſented 'em with ſo conſiderable a Summ: But neither his Anger nor Arguments cou'd prevail, for he was forc'd at laſt to give the Secretary Ten Piaſters more; after which he went home with a Reſolution to return no more to a place where he had been ſo ill treated. But three Days after the Vaivode ſent to acquaint him that 'twas time for him to remove his Commodity. The Young Man imagining that they intended only to put a Jeſt upon him for his fooliſh Bargain, bid the Meſſenger tell his Maſter, that he might keep both the Goods and the Money. But he was quickly convinc'd, that he had beſtow'd the Legacy on the Man who had the beſt right to it: For the Vaivode forc'd him to remove all the Snow that was in his Court.

I know not whether you can read theſe Stories without Sleeping: But I durſt almoſt lay a Wager, that if I ſhou'd add a Third, you wou'd throw away my Letter without ſtaying to hear that

I Proceed now to give you an account of the Manners and Cuſtoms of the Turks, which (you may remember) was the laſt of the three Subjects I undertook to Diſcourſe of. I told you once before, and I ſhall take this occaſion to repeat it as an undoubted Truth, that they are oppoſite to us almoſt in every thing: And this Oppoſition appears in nothing more plainly, than in their obſtinate adhering to their ancient Cuſtoms. In our Country we are never at reſt till we have Invented ſome new faſhion; and Beauty it ſelf wou'd hardly pleaſe us without the Charms of Novelty. Hence the Turks accuſe the Franks of Fickleneſs and Inconſtancy, and boaſt of their own ſtrength of Mind that fixes ſteddily on ſolid Enjoyments, without deigning to take notice of Trifles. I confeſs I was at firſt ſomewhat ſurpriz'd at the difference I obſerv'd between their Temper and ours, but after I had taken all poſſible care to free my ſelf of thoſe Prejudices that are wont in ſuch caſes to put a biaſs upon the Judgment, and ſeriouſly conſider'd the Genius of that Nation; I found that what they call Strength of Mind, Conſtancy, or Solidity, is at the bottom nothing elſe but a pure inſenſibility, and a Weakneſs that is altogether inexcuſable in any reaſonable Creature. And you will certainly be of the ſame Opinion when I have told you, that they are ſo far from ſtudying to improve their Underſtandings, that in a manner they profeſs and glory in their Ignorance; and that their Curioſity is confin'd within ſo narrow a compaſs, that they never undertake a Voyage without ſome covetous or ſordid Deſign. Beſides, their Indifference and Unconcern'dneſs for the Public Intereſt; the almoſt Monaſtical Solitarineſs of their Life, and the Lazineſs of their Temper are convincing Proofs of the truth of my Aſſertion. 'Tis true indeed, this Character muſt not be extended ſo far as to comprehend the Principal Officers of State, or thoſe who are engag'd in Court-Intrigues: But as for all the reſt, they ſcarce ever look beyond the Sphere of their own Families: And provided their Wives be handſome, their Horſes well Curry'd, and their Servants Submiſſive and Reſpectful, they never give themſelves the trouble of enquiring after the Affairs of the reſt of the World. Contented with their Lot, they ſit whole Days on a Sopha, without any other Occupation than drinking Coffee, ſmoaking Tobacco, or careſſing their Wives: So that their whole Life is a continual Revolution of Eating, Drinking, and Sleeping, intermixt with ſome dull Recreations. Yet they cannot be accus'd of Luxury in Eating, for a Hen boil'd with Rice, Coriander-ſeed, and Sugar is the beſt Diſh that comes before a Man of 20000 Livres a Year, and 'tis this they call Pilo. The reſt of the Meal is made up with a Diſh of Fiſh, and ſome Sweet-Meats, in which there is always more Honey than Sugar. When the Hour of Dinner comes, they lay upon the Sopha an Octangular or Hexagonal Table of Olive-Wood or Walnut-Tree, inlaid with Ivory, &c. and uſually not above a Foot and a half in Diameter. Then having laid the Cloath, they ſerve up all the Diſhes one after another: There are no Napkins laid upon the Table, but a Servant ſpreads 'em on his Maſter's-Knees', and ſtands behind him to cut his Meat; for 'tis beneath the Turkiſh Grandeur to do any thing for themſelves. All their Veſſels are of Earth; only the Great Men uſe Porcelain: For they reckon it a very heinous Sin to eat in Silver, tho' the Trappings of their Horſes are uſually of that Metal. They never drink at Meals, tho' they are wont to ſit a conſiderable while; but aſſoon as the Table is remov'd, the Servants bring a Cup of Sorbet, and then Coffee, and Tobacco, with which they divert themſelves all the reſt of the Day, unleſs they take a fancy to go to the Women's Apartment, or to play at Shells with one of their Servants, who muſt always ſuffer himſelf to be beaten, as he wou'd avoid a worſe Beating with a Cudgel. At Night there is a Mat brought, with Sheets and a Coverlet; and they Sleep all Night in the ſame place where they Eat, Drunk, Play'd, and Doz'd all the Day: For they are altogether ignorant of the uſe of dark Alcoves, and Beds with double Curtains. This is their conſtant manner of Living, after they ceaſe to be Youths; for betwixt the Years of Fifteen and Twenty, they ſpend their Time in Riding, Archery, throwing Darts, and other Exerciſes of that nature in which they uſually attain to a great Perfection. I do not think that we have any Grooms or Jockeys in Europe that exceed 'em, tho' if you ſaw 'em on Horſeback, you wou'd think they cou'd not ſit a moment. For their Stirrups are ſo ſhort, that they muſt almoſt bend their Legs as much as when they ſit upon a Sopha: Their Boots are of Spaniſh or Goat's-Leather, ſo wide and ill-made, that nothing can be more troubleſome to a Horſeman: and all the Furniture of their Horſes is ſtill more incommodious. Their Saddles are as large and high as a Pack-ſaddle, eſpecially before, and faſten'd on the Horſe's back, with a broad Girth or Surcingle drawn over it, without which 'twou'd be impoſſible to keep it from falling off, by reaſon of its weight. Inſtead of Bridles they uſe Snaffles that wou'd be thought bad enough for a Cart-Horſe in France, if they were not richly gilded. Judge, Sir, what a Figure a Man can make on the back of a Horſe Trapp'd after ſuch a manner, and what Command he can have over him. Yet I aſſure you the Turks rule their Horſes as they pleaſe, without either Spur or Whip, inſtead of which they only uſe a Stick or Batoon three Foot long, and as big as a very large Cane, which they hold in the middle, ſtriking the Horſe ſometimes with one end, and ſometimes with the other, according as they wou'd have him turn to either ſide. I never ſaw Horſes run ſo faſt as theſe, nor ſtretch their Bodies to ſo great a length, for their Belly almoſt touches the Ground. The Turks have an admirable dexterity at throwing Darts on Horſeback; for riding at a full Gallop, they Dart their Sticks at a Turbant, which is ſet up as a Mark, without once miſſing their Aim. And which is ſtill more ſurprizing, they throw their Batoon as far before 'em as they can, then putting their Horſe to the ſwifteſt Gallop they take it up with their Hand without ſtopping. You will eaſily perceive the extraordinary difficulty of ſtooping ſo low to take the Stick from the Ground, if you remember what I told you of the extraordinary heighth of their Saddles and lowneſs of their Stirrups. None but Turks are able to perform this Feat of Activity, for the Franks are ſo far from being capable of Learning it, that they can hardly ride the Horſes of this Country. One of our Merchants, newly come to this place, met with an Accident t'other Day, that confirms the truth of what I was ſaying; for his Horſe ran away with him ſo furiouſly, that he cou'd not poſſibly pull in his Head; and I believe he wou'd have certainly broke his Neck, if he had not been ſtop'd by a Greek who happen'd to meet him. This proceeded from his Ignorance of the way of ſtopping a Horſe in this Country; for when a Horſe runs away with a Man, he muſt never pull the Bridle, ſince that wou'd only make him go the faſter; but take hold of one of the Reins, and turn his Head to the Right-hand, ſtriking him with the Rod on the other ſide.

'Tis none of the leaſt Conveniencies of this Country, that the Keeping of a Horſe is ſo cheap, that the Charge of one does not amount to above 30 Piaſters a Year: 'Tis true they muſt be very carefully tended, and the Turks make it their principal Buſineſs to look after 'em. They viſit 'em very often, and when they find 'em in a good Condition, the Saïs is always rewarded with ſome Careſſes; but if there be any thing amiſs, he may certainly expect the Baſtonnado.

Nor are their Servants more chargeable to 'em than their Horſes. Their Valets de Chambre coſt 'em not above 40 Piaſters a year, for Wages, beſides their Entertainment, which is inconſiderable: and the Servants without the Houſe, ſuch as the Saïs, Porters, and Gardeners, have but 25. As for their Entertainment, the Rate of their Board-Wages is fixt at a Paras a day, beſides Bread. The Paras is a ſmall Piece of courſe Silver, not exceeding the Value of five Dutch Liards: and yet ſome of 'em are ſuch admirable Husbands, that they make a ſhift to ſave part of ſo poor an Allowance.

I ſhall in the next place proceed to give you an Account of the uſual Habit of the Men. Their Breeches are long and wide, reaching down to their Heels, and cloſe both behind and before, with leathern Stockings or Socks faſten'd to the lower part of 'em: and all this is call'd the Chaſcir. Their Shirts are of very fine Cotton Cloth, made exactly like a Woman's Smock, only they are much wider, eſpecially at the Sleeves, which are always left open. Over this, inſtead of a Waſt-Coat, they wear a Cafetan, which is a kind of a long Caſſock with narrow Sleeves, button'd at the Wriſts, like the Sleeves of our Doublets. In the Summer the Cafetans are made of very white Cotton Cloth, and in Winter of Silk Stuff quilted with Cotton. Beſides, they are girt about the Waſte with a Silken Scarf, reſembling Brocard, that ſerves to hang their Gangiare or Poniard, the Handle of which is pretty large, and oftentimes made of Ivory, the Teeth of a certain Fiſh, or Silver, and enrich'd with Jewels either true or counterfeit. They never appear with a Sword or Sabre, but when they go into the Country: nor are the Franks ſuffer'd to wear one, except the Ambaſſadours and Conſuls.

Their upper Habit is a Cloth Gown, which they call a Veſt. In Summer 'tis only lin'd with Taffeta; but in Winter 'tis furr'd with a Skin, call'd Samour, which is ſo coſtly that Great Perſons have ſome that are worth 1000 Crowns a piece. The Hair of it is black, fine, and ſo long, that one may hide an Egg in it; I ſpeak only of the beſt ſort; for there are ſome of all Prices. Beſides they ſometimes furr their Veſts with Ermins, or with the Skin of a bluiſh ſort of Weaſel, or of the Muſcovia Fox; and the poorer ſort with Kid, Foine, or Lambs Skin. They never put any Gold or Silver on their Cloaths, unleſs on Days of Ceremony, ſuch as the Grand Signior's publick Entry, their Wedding-Day, or ſome ſuch Solemnity: and even then 'tis the peculiar Privilege of the Baſſa's and Grandees of the Port, to wear Ornaments of that Nature. You ſee what a Difference there is between the Cuſtoms of this Place, and of France, where even the Footmen are gilt all over from Head to Foot.

Beauty is the Object of the reigning Paſſion of the Turks: and when they ſpeak of a handſome Woman they ſeem to be all tranſport and extaſie. Yet they are oblig'd to court their Miſtreſſes by Proxy, and even muſt be contented to take a Character of 'em from 〈1 page〉 Continency, are forc'd to make uſe of the Privilege of Keeping Concubines, or buying Slaves. For a Man muſt not expect to live upon Charity here, tho' the Women are not at all guilty of Cruelty: but want of Opportunity hinders 'em from beſtowing their Favours, and 'tis impoſſible for a Gallant to thrive among ſuch cautious Husbands. There is no Slavery equal to that of the Turkiſh Women; for a Servant may live Twenty Years in a Family without ſeeing the Face of his Miſtreſs. The Door of the Womens Apartment is a Ne plus ultra for every thing that looks like a Man, and the utmoſt Limit of the Womens Liberty; I mean Women of Quality, who have Baths in their Houſes; for the meaner Sort muſt go to the public Baths at leaſt once a Week. Notwithſtanding this cloſe Confinement, I'm inform'd that they ſometimes venture upon a little Recreation; but they are ſeldom ſo bold, and the Motion muſt always proceed from themſelves. When they are in the Humour, and have choſen a promiſing Play-fellow, they ſend him a Declaration of Love by ſome old Confident. But wou'd you not be ſurpriz'd inſtead of a Billet-doux to find nothing but Bits of Charcoal, Scarlet Cloth, Saffron, Aſhes, and ſuch like Traſh, wrapt up in a Piece of Paper. 'Tis true theſe are as ſignificant as the moſt paſſionate Words; but 'tis a Myſtical Language that cannot be underſtood without a Turkiſh Interpreter. I know a Frank that once receiv'd ſuch an Invitation, and was extremely puzzl'd to know the Meaning of it. After ſeveral ſucceſsleſs Trials to unriddle the Myſtery, he entruſted the Secret to one of the Ambaſſadour's Interpreters, who told him that ſuch a Baſſa's Wife deſir'd him to viſit her ſuch a day, when her Husband wou'd be gone from home, and that the Woman who brought him the Meſſage wou'd introduce him to her Apartment. At the ſame time he advis'd him not to go, and us'd all the Arguments that his Experience or Prudence cou'd ſuggeſt to diſſwade him from expoſing himſelf to ſo terrible and unavoidable a Danger. But the Frank had ſuch a longing deſire to taſte ſo delicious a Bit as he fanſi'd his Unknown Miſtreſs to be, that he reſolv'd to ſacrifice all to the Dear Expectation, and went boldly to the Baſſa's Houſe at the time appointed, where he really found a kind and beautiful Lady, who put him in poſſeſſion of his expected Delight, and entertain'd him with all the Joys of Love, for two days; at the end of which his Strength being quite exhauſted by the laborious Pleaſure, and finding himſelf altogether unfit for the Service, he ask'd leave to be gone, and was extremely ſurpriz'd when his Requeſt was deny'd, in a very harſh and uncivil Manner. Then beginning to reflect on the Interpreter's wiſe Admonition; he walk'd about the whole Apartment, ſearching in every Corner for a place where he might eſcape unperceiv'd. At laſt he came to the Laundry or Waſhing-Houſe, where he found a Woman-Slave, who perceiving his Melancholy, and gueſſing the Cauſe of it, began to condole his Misfortune in a manner that made him utterly deſpair of Relief. For ſhe told him that 'twas her Miſtreſs's conſtant Practice to ſecure her own Reputation by the Death of her Lovers; adding, that to her certain Knowledge above Twenty of 'em had been ſtrangl'd ſince ſhe came into the Family, and that he cou'd not reaſonably expect a milder Treatment than his Predeceſſors had met with before him. Yet, ſaid ſhe, ſince we are both Chriſtians, I'll endeavour to ſave your Life, if you do not force me to hate you by refuſing to grant me one Favour. I have been ſhut up in this place theſe Twenty Years, and in all that time have not ſeen the Face of a Man: Oblige me but once, and afterwards I ſhall find a way to ſet you at Liberty. The Terms were ſomewhat hard for a Man in his Condition; but ſince his Life was at ſtake, he made a Vertue of Neceſſity, and perform'd as well as he cou'd. The poor Woman, who had been a Stranger ſo long to the Pleaſure of Love, was raviſh'd with the unaccuſtom'd Delight; and having given him a thouſand Bleſſings, help'd him to make his Eſcape thro' the Chimney, which brought him to a Platform, from whence he leap'd into the Street, and has never ſince found the leaſt Inclination to make Love to a Turkiſh Lady; which is certainly the moſt dangerous Recreation that a Frank can chuſe. The Turks require ſo much Modeſty and Diſcretion in their Wives, that they wou'd never pardon 'em if they ſhou'd ſuffer a Man to ſee 'em, or ſpeak to 'em: and I ſhall never forget what an Aga once ſaid to Monſieur de Chateauneuf's Secretary. This Gentleman was telling the Aga after the French way, that is very indiſcreetly, that he had ſeen and ſpoken with one of Mahomet the Fourth's Odaliſche's, who was turn'd out of the Seraglio after that Prince's Misfortune. The Turk, who cou'd not hear him longer with Patience, reply'd very angrily, that ſhe was a baſe Woman, and unworthy of her former Dignity. Then the Secretary endeavour'd to perſuade him that ſhe had no ill Deſign in what ſhe did, and that 'twas only an innocent Curioſity that made her willing to be inform'd of the French Cuſtoms, of the Beauty of the Ladies in that Country, and of their Way of Living. But the Aga, inſtead of being pacify'd, continu'd to rail again the Odaliſche ſo vehemently, that the Secretary began to repent his Freedom, and to ſwear and proteſt that ſhe was one of the moſt vertuous Perſons in the World, and that ſhe was not guilty of the leaſt criminal Thought. At laſt the Aga, loſing all Patience, reply'd in a Rage; Sir, All that you have ſaid ſignifies nothing. If ſhe had been honeſt, ſhe wou'd never have ſuffer'd you to ſee her, much leſs to ſpeak to her. If a Man ſhou'd put his Hand into your Pocket, wou'd you excuſe him for ſaying that he did it out of pure Curioſity.

Since I have had occaſion ſo often to mention the Turkiſh Women, 'twill not be improper to give you ſome Account of their Habit, which is not much different from that of the Men, only 'tis a great deal richer. They wear a Cafetan of Gold-Brocard, faſten'd before with large Pearls, or little Knots of Diamonds. It covers their Shoulders entirely, but 'tis cut ſo deep before, that their whole Breaſts wou'd remain naked, if their Smock, and a little fort of Waſte-Coat that comes over it, did not hide a part of 'em. This Waſte-Coat ſits very cloſe to the Body, and keeps up the Breaſts, which is a great Conveniency to thoſe whoſe Breaſts are naturally looſe and ſwagging: ſo that all Defects are conceal'd, and the moſt curious Eye can perceive nothing but enchanting Beauties. Above the Cafetan they wear a Leathern Girdle, cover'd with Plates and Studs of Gold and Silver, and enrich'd with precious Stones that caſt a great Luſtre. Their Smock is always of the fineſt flower'd Silk, and hangs over their Chacſir, which in Summer is only made of the ſame Silk, by reaſon of the exceſſive Heat. Every prudent Chriſtian ought to keep his Eyes from glancing that way; if it be poſſible for any Man to preſerve his Reaſon at the Sight of the enflaming Object, for this Stuff, which is no thicker than Tiffany or Gawze, gives the raviſh'd Beholder an almoſt unclouded View of all the moſt charming Beauties that are ſo carefully conceal'd by our Ladies. Their upper Veſt is either of Cloth or Velvet embroider'd, or of ſome rich ſort of Cloth of Gold: In Summer 'tis furr'd with Ermin, and in Winter with Samour. Their Head-Dreſs is ſo magnificent and becoming, that you can hardly form a ſuitable Idea of it unleſs you had ſeen it; tho' the following Deſcription may in ſome meaſure ſatisfie your Curioſity. Their Talpo is a pretty long Velvet-Cap, made of Eight Pieces, the outward Circle being juſt large enough to receive the Head; but it widens by degrees towards the Top, not unlike to a cloſe Crown. 'Tis adorn'd with the richeſt Embroidery of Gold, Silver, and Pearls: and is ſo long, that it wou'd fall back upon the Shoulders, if it were not very artificially rais'd above the Head, where they pleit and fold it with as much Care as our Ladies do their Fontanges and Top-Knots. 'Tis alſo enrich'd with long Strings of Pearls curiouſly interwoven, and ſtrew'd with Diamonds, Rubies, and all ſorts of Jewels, beſides one or two Aigrets of Diamonds. To keep it up they bind it about the Head with a Frontlet, about two Fingers breadth broad, and ſo rich, that it may be fitly call'd a Diadem; for 'tis cover'd all over with Gold and Precious Stones. Round this Frontlet there are little Gold Chains, with a Diamond hanging at one, an Emerald at another, &c. which dangle upon the Forehead, and on both ſides of the Face. I need not tell you that ſuch magnificent Dreſſes are only us'd by Baſſa's Wives, for tho' Jewels are cheaper here than in Europe, they are ſtill ſo chargeable, that it requires a very conſiderable Eſtate to make ſo great a Figure. However I can aſſure you that every Woman, according to her Ability, decks her ſelf to the beſt Advantage; and the whole Dowry, or the Money that is given by the Father, is laid out on Ornaments for the Bride. But when a Woman's Portion is not ſufficient to purchaſe ſo many Jewels, ſhe muſt content her ſelf with a plain Frontlet of Gold, or Silver-gilt; and ſome that cannot reach ſo high, only tye an embroider'd Handkerchief about their Talpo's, which is the Dreſs of the pooreſt Sort, and even the meaneſt Cobler's Wife will not appear without it. As for their Hair, they make it up into a long Treſs, about the breadth of four Fingers, that falls backward, and ſometimes reaches to their Heels; and they whoſe Hair is not becoming, endeavour to ſupply that Defect, by mixing falſe Hair among it. Beſides, there is a little Curl on each ſide of the Forehead, that runs along the Face: And they are very careful to keep theſe Curls in Order, and to dye 'em Black with a certain Compoſition, that ſerves alſo to dye their Brows, which are always extremely handſome: For they take care to have 'em ſhap'd with a Razor, and afterwards apply to the ſhav'd Parts a certain Paſte, call'd Pilo, which hinders the Hair from growing.

In Turkey, as well as in Europe, the Women generally Paint; for tho' they're aſham'd to acknowledge it, I met with a Greekiſh Woman, who ſcrupl'd not to confeſs that few of her Sex abſtain from that Cuſtom. Their White Paint is a ſort of very thick Greaſe, which I cannot deſcribe, ſince I had not the Curioſity to enquire how they make it. But as for their Red Paint, 'tis nothing elſe but Cochineel, prepar'd with Cream of Tartar, and boil'd ſo long till there remains only a Tenth Part of the Compoſition. They uſe it with ſo much Succeſs, that I believe it might ſerve for Spaniſh Vermilion, and even is, in my Opinion, more natural. They alſo Paint their Nails Red, but not with Cochineel.

The Turkiſh Women are the moſt charming Creatures in the World: They ſeem to be made for Love; their Actions, Geſtures, Diſcourſe, and Looks are all Amorous, and admirably well fitted to kindle a ſoft and laſting Paſſion. Since they have nothing elſe to do, they make it their only Buſineſs to Pleaſe; which they do ſo ſucceſsfully, and in ſo natural and eaſie a Manner, that few Husbands take the benefit of the Law, that allows 'em to divorce their Wives when they pleaſe. This ſeems ſo ſtrange and ſurprizing, that I cannot forbear reckoning it a ſort of Prodigy, when I reflect on the Genius of all other Nations: For Men are uſually quite cloy'd with the Pleaſures of Matrimony in three or four Years; and if a Maid had nothing elſe but her Perſon to recommend her to a Husband, ſhe might e'en deſpair of ever taſting the lawful Joys of the Bed. Whereas in this Country, inſtead of enriching or maintaining their Huſbands, they put 'em to ſo prodigious a Charge, that none but Perſons of high Quality are able to keep four Wives. The extreme Neatneſs of the Turkiſh Women is none of their leaſt conſiderable Charms; and this extraordinary Cleanneſs is an effect of their Bathing at leaſt once a Week; for the nicer ſort bathe twice. I think I told you before that Women of Quality have the conveniency of Bathing at Home; and that the reſt go to the common Baths. I muſt now add, that the Virtue, and even the Modeſty of a Woman is as ſecure in the Public, as in the Private Baths; for Men are forbidden to enter into theſe Sacred Places under pain of Death. Theſe Baths are large Halls built of Marble, and cover'd with vaulted Roofs in form of Domes; on the Top of which there are Glaſs-Windows to let in the Light, without ſuffering the Heat to evaporate. There are no Windows in the Walls, that the Women may undreſs themſelves without fear of expoſing their Naked Beauties to the Obſervation of ſome Curious Enquirer into the Works of Nature; and beſides, they take care to cover their Diſtinguiſhing Parts with a Cloth wrapt about their Belly, and tied on the Back. Then they Sweat a quarter of an Hour or longer; and for the Conveniency of thoſe who are deſirous to bathe in Water, there is in the ſame Place a Va • or Bathing-Tub, which they fill with hot Water by turning a Cock, tempering and allaying it when 'tis exceſſively hot, by turning another Cock that lets in cold Water. There are Waiting-Women always ready to attend thoſe who come to bathe, who for a ſmall Reward crack all the Joynts of their Arms, Legs, and Thighs. At the ſame time they anoint the hairy Parts of the Body with Pilo, which makes the Hair fall off, and leaves the Skin extremely white and ſmooth. The Men have their Baths apart, and are ſerv'd after the ſame manner.

There are three ſorts of Recreations us'd by the Turks; Gaming, Muſick, and Dancing. You may perceive by the Account I gave you of their Games, that they are neither Pleaſant nor Ingenious: And I ſhall take this occaſion to tell you, that their Muſick is rather a hideous Dinn than a regular Harmony, and reſembles exactly the howling Shrieks of a tortur'd Wretch. The firſt time I heard a Turk ſing, I cou'd not forbear ſtopping to look upon him, concluding that he was certainly Mad: For I cou'd not imagine that a Man who had the uſe of his Reaſon, wou'd take pleaſure in diſtorting his Body, and rolling his Eyes in ſo odd and extravagant a manner; tho' they pretend that all thoſe unuſual Motions are only the Marks and Effects of a tender and violent Paſſion. Their Muſical Inſtruments are extremely ſuitable to the Nature of their Harmony: For they have a kind of Violin with three Strings, a Neck as long as a Man's Arm, and a great Belly like the Block of a Hat; ſome ill-contriv'd Flutes; little Timbrels about the bigneſs of one's Fiſt, a Drum, ſome paultry Hautbois, and ſeveral little Brazen Targets, which they hold in their Hands, and knock againſt one another. Judge, Sir, what a mad Conſort they make with the confus'd jangling of ſo many inharmonious Inſtruments. The only tolerable Inſtrument they have is the Pſalterion, which is cover'd with Latten Strings, ſtretcht as upon a Harpſical; and they ſtrike upon 'em with little Sticks, which they hold betwixt their two Fingers. All the Women play admirably well on this Inſtrument, for 'tis their uſual Diverſion in their Chambers, eſpecially the Greeks, whoſe Muſick may be heard with Pleaſure, ſince 'tis a great deal more agreeable than that of the Turks. I ſhall only add on this Subject, that neither of 'em ſing the Notes without the Words; and our way of ſinging Tunes ſeems ſo ridiculous to 'em, that they uſually laugh at the Franks, and ask 'em what their Tartara lera ſignifies.

Their Dances are alſo of different kinds. Thoſe which are us'd by Perſons of Quality are taught by Maſters and Miſtreſſes, the firſt being appointed to teach Men, and the others Women. Tho' they are all very grave, there is a great deal of Action requir'd in the Hands and Arms; and the fineſt part of the Dance conſiſts in the graceful and dexterous Motions of thoſe Parts: For the Beauty and Niceneſs of the Step cannot be well diſtinguiſh'd by reaſon of thoſe troubleſome Chacſirs that hide the whole Legs. The Turks never give any Balls, for they always Dance ſingle; and the Dancing of two Perſons together wou'd be reckon'd a Crime, or at leaſt an indecency among 'em. Thus after one Perſon has entertain'd the Company for ſome time, the Spectators expreſs their Approbation by repeated clapping of Hands. Beſides 'tis to be obſerv'd, that the Women never Dance but when they are invited to the Wedding of ſome of their Relations, or when they make a familiar Viſit to ſome of their She-Friends, which happens very unfrequently. Yet there are ſome Publick Dancing-Women, who go to Private Families when they are call'd, and Dance before 'em in the moſt Laſcivious manner imaginable: For they wriggle their Backs, roll their Eyes, ſeem to ſwoo •

AFter the general Idea I have given you of the Religion and Cuſtoms of the Turks, you will perhaps expect an Account of their Chriſtian Subjects, the Greeks, and read with pleaſure ſome Remarks on a Subject of which I have often obſerv'd that even the more inquiſitive part of our European World have but a very ſlight and confus'd Notion.

The preſent Condition of this Nation is ſo miſerable, and ſo apt to produce all the moſt tender Motions of Compaſſion in thoſe who ſeriouſly reflect upon it, that 'twou'd be needleſs to heighten the Gloomineſs of the Proſpect by comparing it with their former Glory, which after a long and fatal Eclipſe, was reſtor'd to its ancient Splendor by Conſtantine the Great, whoſe Memory will laſt till the final Period of the World. But the Empire of the Eaſt, which he founded, and united to that of the Weſt, was divided again after his Death, and continu'd in a declining Condition till the final Overthrow of the Palaeologi by the Turks, in the Fifteenth Age; ſince which time the Greeks have ſtill been Slaves in a Country of which they were formerly Sovereigns; and to redeem themſelves from the Yoak under which they are born, they are forc'd to pay a yearly Tribute, call'd the Carache, which is only impos'd upon them, and their Fellow-Slaves the Jews. The Carache is a perpetual Poll-Tax, and exceeds not four Piaſters a Man; and yet ſince 'tis a Mark of their Bondage, they have left no Means uneſſay'd to deliver themſelves from it, and have even offer'd to raiſe more conſiderable Summs another way. Beſides, there are oftentimes large Avanies impos'd upon 'em, which they levy among themſelves, according to the proportion of their Eſtates. All their Patriarchs, Biſhops, and Abbots are alſo oblig'd to pay for their Patents; and the Prices that are exacted of 'em cannot but amount to a very conſiderable Summ, ſince there are above five Thouſand Arch-Biſhops and Biſhops in the Turkiſh Empire, who, reckoning one with another, pay above two Thouſand Piaſters a-piece, as a Fine to the Grand Signior. The Greeks are naturally Proud, and lovers of Pomp and Magnificence: Moſt of 'em ſpend higher than their Eſtates will bear, and are very fond of the Title of Chelety or Lord. Yet even the richeſt of 'em, of which there is a conſiderable Number, are look'd upon as Objects of Scorn and Contempt by the Turks. 'Tis true, they are not inſenſible of their Slavery, and perhaps wou'd willingly ſhake off the inſupportable Yoak of their Domineering Maſters; but the Natural Impatience of their Temper is more than ſufficiently curb'd by their Weakneſs, and want of Power; and they muſt e'en content themſelves with repining in ſecret at the reſiſtleſs Tyranny of their Oppreſſors: For they are ſeldom or never able to obtain Satisfaction for the Injuries they receive from the Turks, if the Offenders are not wholly deſtitute both of Friends and Money.

The Habit of the Greeks is very different from that of the Turks. They are not permitted to wear a white Turbant; nor muſt their Turbants be of the ſame bigneſs with thoſe that are us'd by the Turks, nor folded after the ſame manner: For they only wrap a little piece of Courſe Cloth, either blue or ſtrip'd with blue, two or three times about their Caps; and even uſually they wear none at all, but content themſelves with a little red Cap which is not large enough to cover their Ears. Inſtead of a Veſt they have only a plain Waſt-coat, which is very ſhort, and open before; and over that they wear another that meets on the ſide. Neither ought they to wear a Chacſir after the Turkiſh Faſhion; for their Breeches are very ſhort, and reach not below the Knee. And beſides, they are diſtinguiſh'd from the Turks by their red Babouches; for thoſe that are us'd by the Turks are yellow. Thus I have given you a ſhort Account of the Habit of the Greeks; but tho' moſt of 'em do, and all of 'em are oblig'd to wear it, ſome of the richer ſort are ſo far from obſerving theſe Regulations, that they can ſcarce be diſtinguiſh'd from the Turks but by their Turbants: And even all Perſons of Note, whether Franks or Greeks, put on white Turbants when they go out of the City, as I have had occaſion to ſee above fifty times. The Turks have of late conniv'd at thoſe Innovations; but they have ſtill ſuch a veneration for Green, that the Greeks dare not preſume to wear it: nor wou'd it be ſafe for Franks to wear Green in the midſt of Conſtantinople, tho' I have often ſeen 'em make bold with that ſacred Colour. Since the Women are generally inviſible, they are not oblig'd to obſerve theſe Marks of Diſtinction; and the only difference between their Habit and way of Dreſſing, and that of the Turks, is that they muſt, as well as the Men, abſtain from wearing Green. Nor is there a leſs Reſemblance between 'em in their Manners and Cuſtoms, and in their ſolitary way of living; tho' they find ſo much ſweetneſs in the Freedom that prevails among us, that they whoſe Husbands or Fathers have frequent Occaſions to converſe with Franks, are eaſily diſpos'd to renounce their wonted Severity. They are lovers of Pleaſures, Dancing, and magnificent Habits; and will fix a Paſſion upon a Man whether he will or not. But the poor Frank that ſuffers himſelf to be noos'd, muſt reſolve either to be Hen-peck'd, or a Cuckold: He muſt adore his Graecian Spouſe; he muſt furniſh her with the richeſt Habits, and keep a numerous Train of Slaves to attend her; or, if any of theſe things be wanting, 'Ware Horns. For the Franks have an excellent Faculty at curing a handſome Lady of the grumbling Diſeaſe, and are always ready to do a kind Office to a Country-man's Wife.

The Greek Dances are extremely pleaſant, and full of Mirth. They are of two kinds: The firſt is a ſort of Country-Dance or Couranto, danc'd by Pairs; and the ſecond a kind of Gavote or Branle, in which the Men and Women are mingl'd, as at Paſſepied in France; only you muſt hold in your right-hand the Left-hand of your Left-hand Woman, and in your Left the Right-hand of he • that is on your Right-hand. The Man who lead • the Dance holds the Corner of a Handkerchi •• and gives the other to his Lady, that he may hav • room enough to take his Meaſures, and to giv • the Dance what Figure or Turn he pleaſes. A • firſt they begin very gravely with a Saraband-Ste • two Steps forwards and three backwards: The • mending their pace by degrees, they begin to le •• and run, yet ſtill obſerving the Rules of a Harmo • nious Motion; ſo that the Dance becomes very Gay and Amorous: For the Women leaping on • Step forwards, draw their Bodies backwards with a certain pretty Turn that cannot be call'd immodeſt, yet gives a Man occaſion to think of ſomething more than he ſees. And beſides, the Muſick contributes very much to the pleaſantneſs of their Dances, for their Tunes are extremely Brisk and Airy.

The fitteſt time to take the pleaſure of viewing their way of Dancing, is when they are met at a Wedding; for on ſuch Occaſions they give themſelves up to Joy and Pleaſure, drinking, eating, and ſporting, and indulging themſelves in all manner of Diverſions. The next Morning the young Woman's Relations make a Viſit to the newmarry'd Couple, and examine the Bridegroom concerning his Wife's Virginity: Then they take the Bride's Bloody Smock, and expoſe it to the View of all the Company, as if it were ſome rare Curioſity. The Jews obſerve the ſame Cuſtom at the Marriage of a Maid, and are even nicer and more ſcrupulous in this Point than the Greeks; for if the Bride's Honeſty be not confirm'd by the Blood that appears on her Smock, her Reputation is irrecoverably loſt, and ſhe is immediately divorc'd from her Husband. They unanimouſly agree in believing that this is an infallible Mark of Virginity: And this Opinion is ſo generally receiv'd thro' all Aſia and Africa, that if a Man ſhou'd endeavour to contradict it, he wou'd expoſe himſelf to the Laughter and Deriſion of all that ſhou'd hear him. The Italians are alſo perſuaded of the Certainty of this Experiment, tho' they abſtain from making a Shew of the Bloody Smock, for fear of expoſing their own Shame; but the Husband examines his Bride very narrowly, and if he finds her not ſuch as he expects and deſires, 'tis in vain for her to endeavour by the moſt ſolemn Proteſtations to convince him of her Innocency. Nevertheleſs this way of trying the Chaſtity of a Maid is eſteem'd uncertain and ridiculous by the French, and even by Chirurgeons; nor can I reflect without a certain Wonder and Aſtoniſhment on this Diverſity of Opinions concerning a Queſtion that one wou'd think might have been fully decided by ſo many repeated Experiments; for I ſee no reaſon to believe that our Country-Women are fram'd after another manner than the reſt of their Sex. But leaving this Controverſie to be decided by others who are better acquainted with the Works of Nature, I ſhall proceed in the Account I promis'd to give you of the moſt remarkable Graecian Cuſtoms, among which I cannot forbear taking notice of one that ſeems to be peculiar to this Nation. On Eaſter-Day, and during the three following Weeks, they ſalute one another with three Kiſſes, one on the Mouth, and one on each Cheek, at the ſame time repeating theſe Words, Chriſtos aneſti, that is, Chriſt is riſen. At other times their familiar Salutation is the ſame with that which is us'd by the Turks: But when they deſign to ſhew a more than ordinary Reſpect to a Man, they kiſs his Hand, and then lay it upon their Heads. They obſerve the ſame Cuſtom when they receive a Preſent, if it be not either too heavy or bulky: For this Ceremony of laying a Man's Hand upon their Head, is a Mark both of their Reſpect and Gratitude. When a Woman accompanies her Husband in a Viſit to a Perſon of Quality, ſuch as a Conſul, whether they come to treat of Bus'neſs, or only out of Civility, ſhe ſtands directly behind her Husband; and when the Viſiter brings his Daughters along with him, they place themſelves at one another's Back behind their Mother; ſo that the Husband ſtanding in the Front of the File, hides all his Female Train; and when they intend to go out, they make a half-Turn to the Right, and the Daughters march out firſt, to avoid the Indecency of appearing in a Stranger's Preſence.

In purſuance of the Method I propos'd to follow, I ſhall in the next place conſider their Religion. I'm oblig'd to my Friend, the Archbiſhop, for the following Account, which perhaps will give you a clearer Idea of this Subject than you can draw from the Relations of others. For there are ſome who pretend that the Greeks are only Schiſmaticks, or bare Separatiſts from the Romiſh Church; whereas others ſtretch the Point too far on the other ſide, and make their Differences in matter of Doctrine appear greater and more irreconcilable than they really are.

They acknowledge only One viſible Church of God, without which there is no Salvation, unleſs in the Caſe of a ſudden Converſion at the Hour of Death.

They believe that the Apoſtles inſtituted five Patriarchs to govern the Church upon the Earth, who were ſeated at Rome, Alexandria, Conſtantinople, Antioch, and Jeruſalem, and under them ſeveral Archbiſhops, Biſhops, and inferiour Paſtors. All the Members of this Hierarchy have a Right to exerciſe a Spiritual Juriſdiction over thoſe that are ſubordinate to 'em, and to inflict Eccleſiaſtical Cenſures. But the Patriarchs can only admoniſh one another, and can neither be puniſh'd nor depos'd for their Offences but by the Sentence of a General Council. Yet their Power does not extend ſo far as to enable 'em to introduce new Laws into the Church, and they wou'd be laught at if they ſhou'd attempt to grant Indulgencies. The Biſhop of Rome is the firſt of the Patriarchs; nor do any of the reſt pretend to diſpute with him for Precedency: But they refuſe to ſubmit to that abſolute Power he has aſſum'd in the Weſt, by taking Advantage of the Superſtition and Simplicity of the People, and the Connivance of the Princes. 'Tis plain that the Greek Biſhops had Reaſon to refuſe their Conſent to the Introduction and Eſtabliſhment of a Tyrannical Power in the Church, ſince they cou'd not but foreſee that it wou'd produce very fatal and pernicious Conſequences: And yet this is the only Cauſe that made the Pope diſcharge his Thunders againſt 'em, and declare 'em Schiſmaticks; thus violently breaking the ſacred Union of the Church, for the Preſervation of which he ought to have ſpent the laſt Drop of his Blood. For this reaſon the Greeks are not contented with returning the Charge of Schiſm upon the Roman Church, but pretend that they never actually ſeparated from the Communion of Rome, ſince they have not eſtabliſh'd a Fifth Patriarch, and ſtill acknowledge the Pope to be the firſt Biſhop in the World, and that therefore they cannot with the leaſt Shadow of Juſtice be blam'd for the Fault of another, or ſaid to ſeparate from a Church which has violently driven 'em out of her Communion. I know not whether this is the Opinion of the whole Greek Church; tho' I cannot reaſonably decline giving Credit to a Thing which I have heard ſo often confirm'd with repeated Proteſtations by the Archbiſhop of Smyrna, who is eſteem'd one of the moſt learned Doctors of that Church in this Age. However, I took the Liberty to ask him why they did not ſend their Biſhops to the laſt Councils that were held in the Weſt, in which all their Differences might have been amicably terminated. He reply'd, that their Abſence wou'd be eaſily excus'd by thoſe who conſider the Severity of the Yoak under which they groan; and that the ſending of Deputies to the Councils wou'd have given a terrible Umbrage to the Grand Signior, who wou'd have been apt to ſuſpect that theſe Biſhops were ſent to contrive a Rebellion againſt him, and to plot the Ruine of his Empire; and to deliver himſelf from the danger of a Revolt, might have been eaſily perſuaded to have put the whole Nation under Military Execution. This Anſwer ſeem'd ſo reaſonable, and agreeable to the Truth, that I was oblig'd to acknowledge my ſelf intirely ſatisfy'd. Thus I have given a ſhort Account of the Occaſion of the fatal Breach that divides the Eaſtern and Weſtern Churches, and of the Reaſons alledg'd by the Greeks to free themſelves of the Imputation of Schiſm. I ſhall in the next Place examine the Points of Doctrine in which they differ from the Romans.

The Difference between theſe Churches may be reduc'd to five Articles, of which only two are Fundamentals: For tho' the other three are of conſiderable Moment, they wou'd not be ſufficient to excuſe a Separation. The firſt is the Proceſſion of the Holy Ghoſt, who in their Opinion proceeds not from the Son, but only from the Father. To illuſtrate and confirm this Doctrine, the Archbiſhop told me, that the Three Perſons of the Trinity were only diſtinguiſh'd by their different Operations and Attributes; That the Property of the Father was to beget without being begotten; That of the Son, to be eternally begotten, without begetting; and that of the Holy Ghoſt to inſpire and ſanctifie our Hearts. I reply'd, That it did not neceſſarily follow, becauſe the Son was begotten, that he cou'd not co-operate with the Father in the Proceſſion of the Holy Ghoſt: But he wou'd not acknowledge the force of this Reaſon, pretending that we cou'd not aſcribe to the Son the Attribute of Generation, that belongs only to the Father, without overturning the Order, and confounding the Perſons of the Trinity. Then he repeated what he had ſaid before, that the Perſons were only diſtinguiſh'd by their Attributes; f • om whence he concluded that the latter cou'd not be confounded without confounding the former. And for a farther Confirmation of his Opinion, he ſhew'd me a large Volume of S. Athanaſius, printed at Venice, with the Latin on one ſide, and the Greek on the other, and made me take Notice of two Paſſages, which I tranſcrib'd, but have unhappily loſt the Paper. However, tho' I cannot at preſent call to Mind the very Words of the Author. I remember that in the firſt Paſſage he ſpoke of the Holy Ghoſt's proceeding from the Father, without mentioning the Son. I reply'd, that the Queſtion was not whether the Holy Ghoſt proceeded from the Father; and that the Author whom he cited did not deny his Proceſſion from the Son. But I was oblig'd to acknowledge that the ſame Anſwer wou'd not ſerve to elude the poſitive Authority of another Paſſage which he ſhew'd me in the Nicene Creed, where 'tis expreſsly ſaid, à ſolo Patre procedens. Thus my Mouth was ſtopt on this Subject, as well as on the former; and I muſt leave the Deciſion of this Controverſie to thoſe whoſe Profeſſion obliges 'em to ſearch into theſe Myſteries.

The ſecond difference between the Romiſh and Greek Churches, is concerning the Doctrine of Purgatory, which the latter expreſsly denies, affirming, with us, that 'tis abſolutely injurious to the Merit and Satisfaction of Chriſt: Yet they pretend there is a certain Baptiſmal Fire, through which every one muſt paſs before he can be admitted into Paradiſe. They believe that the Souls of Juſt Perſons at their Separation from the Body, go into a Third Place, of the ſame Nature with the Romiſh Limbo's, where they muſt remain till the Day of Judgment, at which Time a ſudden Fire ſhall diſſolve the World in an Inſtant, and purifie the Souls of the Righteous, who after their final Judgment, ſhall be receiv'd into everlaſting Glory. To confirm this Doctrine, they alledge that Paſſage of the Scripture which ſpeaks of the Souls that reſt under the Altar: But after all, this Opinion ſeems not to be ſo well grounded as the former; for if the Dead are not in a ſuffering Condition, I know not what Reaſon they can give to juſtifie their praying for 'em.

The third Point is the Communion under both kinds: for they give the Sacrament to the People in a Spoon, in which the Bread and Wine are mixt together.

The Fourth is concerning Leaven'd Bread, which they uſe in the Conſecration of the Sacrament.

The Fifth and laſt Point in which they differ from thoſe of the Romiſh Perſuaſion is the Celibacy of the Clergy: For a ſimple Prieſt is allow'd to marry once, but muſt never proceed to a ſecond Marriage. The Prieſts wear the Violet-colour'd Habit of a Biſhop, and a Cap of the ſame Colour, with a little blue Turbant; and behind their Cap there hangs a piece of Cloth of the ſame Colour about half a Foot long and broad, which falls back on their Shoulders. Beſides theſe Prieſts, there are certain Religious Perſons under a Vow of Chaſtity; and out of their Number the Biſhops, and even the Paſtors, are choſen, whom they call Papa's: They eat no Fleſh, and wear long Hair, without ever touching it with Sciſſors: They alſo ſuffer their Beards to grow without ſhaving or clipping 'em, which disfigures their Faces, and makes 'em ſeem very ugly. They wear a large black Gown or Robe, not much different from our Night-Gowns; only their Sleeves are wider, and button'd before; and the Neck is like that of a Caſſock. Their Caps are made of Felt, flat beneath like the Block of a Hat, and wou'd be very deep, if they were not cut before; ſo that the whole Face appears, but the Ears and hinderpart of the Head are cover'd. Over this they wear a Kerchief of black Serge, which hangs over their Shoulders. This Habit is generally us'd by all religious Perſons, Paſtors, Biſhops, and Archbiſhops, without any Mark of Diſtinction; only the Biſhops carry in their Hands a Paſtoral Staff of Ebony, eight Foot long, with an Ivory Ball on the Top. The Biſhops are not uſually rich, but they are no leſs reſpected by their Clergy than our French Prelates are by theirs. Their Churches are built after the manner of ours, but without the leaſt appearance of Pomp or Grandeur. They have a Quire where the Prieſts place themſelves, with thoſe that come to confeſs; and a Place for the Church-Wardens, with a Crucifix, or a Saint, to which every one preſents an Offering. The Biſhops do not obſerve ſo much State as in France; for my Curioſity having one Day carry'd me to ſee 'em Officiate, the Archbiſhop roſe up to ſalute me, and made me ſit down by him on one of the Seats in the Quire, whither a Prieſt conducted me by his Order; after which they brought me ſome Frankincenſe, as they do to all Perſons of Note of their own Nation. Their Pontifical Habit is ſo ſingular and odly contriv'd, that 'twou'd be a hard Task to repreſent it diſtinctly; and therefore I will neither undertake the Deſcription of that, nor of their Ceremonies and Rites of Worſhip. I ſhall only add, that when they enter the Church, they take ſome Holy-Water, and make five large Signs of the Croſs, at each of which they make a very low Bow, repeating the ſame Ceremony when they go out, to commemorate the five Wounds of our Saviour.

It has been ſo poſitively aſſerted by ſo many celebrated Divines, that the Doctrine of Tranſubſtantiation is not acknowledg'd by the Greek Church, that I dare hardly venture to contradict 'em. However, ſince neither Intereſt not Authority ought to deterr us from owning the Truth, I'm reſolv'd at all Adventures to undeceive you of ſo vulgar an Error. 'Tis plain that the Authors of thoſe Relations, on whoſe Credit that Opinion is grounded, were either deceiv'd themſelves, or intended to deceive their Readers; unleſs perhaps to ſoften the harſhneſs of that Cenſure you had rather believe that they ſpeak of ſome obſcure Sect, which is not known in thi • Countrey: For I can aſſure you that the Greeks at Conſtantinople and Smyrna are as firmly perſwaded of the truth of that Doctrine as the moſt zealous Romaniſts; and the only reaſon why they do not kneel at the Elevation of the Hoſt, is becauſe their manner of Adoration is different from ours. Nor do they worſhip the Sacrament leſs devoutly by bowing their Body, and ſmiting their Breaſt, tho' they ſtand all the while on their Feet, than we do by proſtrating our ſelves on the Ground; and therefore we ought rather to conſider the Intention of their Mind than the Poſture of their Body. But this is not all; for they have a Cuſtom which may ſerve for a convincing Proof of their Belief of that Opinion. On Good-Friday they walk in Proceſſion to the French Church, to adore the Sacrament which is expos'd there, and even pay five hundred Piaſters to the Turks that they may be ſuffer'd to perform their Devotions there on that Occaſion: So true it is that they are not willing to be ſeparated from the Church of Rome. You may depend upon the Certainty of this Story; for I can aſſure you of the Truth of it on the Faith of an Eye-Witneſs.

They have a great Number of Images; and their Devotion to 'em is not at all inferior to that which prevails in the Church of Rome. But I muſt confeſs there is a great Difference in the Structure and Workmanſhip of the Images; for whereas in our Country they may, for the moſt part, be reckon'd ſo many Maſter-pieces of Art, whether we conſider the Regularity of the Deſign, the Diſpoſition of the Lights and Shades, or the Beauty of the Colours. The Greeks are of Opinion, and ſcruple not to ſay, that the Pictures of the Saints, as they are repreſented in the Roman Churches are more proper to raiſe Criminal Deſires, than to inſpire the Minds of the Spectators with Devotion. And therefore to avoid the dangerous Conſequences of that Abuſe, they confine themſelves to a certain Antick way of Painting, which is extremely unnatural, eſpecially in their Figures of Virgins, who are almoſt all repreſented black, and ſo muffled up in Kerchiefs and Gowns, that you can ſcarce diſtinguiſh their Faces. And their Painters are ſo ignorant, and ſo little acquainted with the Beauties of the Art they profeſs, that they cannot ſo much as copy a Head. Nor am I at all ſurpriz'd at the Unskillfulneſs of theſe pretended Artiſts; for their Method is directly oppoſite to that of our Painters: Firſt they lay on the Shades, and deſign the entire Figure, after which they proceed to the Diſpoſition of the Light; which is the moſt prepoſterous Method cou'd be imagin'd.

The Armenians are not ſo ſcrupulous in this Point, tho' they profeſs almoſt the ſame Articles of Faith; for they make uſe of the modern way of Painting; and there is at preſent on their High Altar an Image of the Virgin, made by a French-man, which ſhews ſo much of her Breaſts that I ſhou'd be almoſt Jealous if my Miſtreſs were painted after that Manner. Nevertheleſs you muſt not ſuſpect them of Libertiniſm; for I never heard of any Religious Order, except the Monks of Trape, that obſerve ſuch mortifying Faſts. They keep four Lents, which laſts one half of the Year, like thoſe that are obſerv'd by the Greeks:. But the Armen • • ns do not allow themſelves ſo much Liberty as the 〈◊〉 of their Fellow Chriſtians; for they abſtain from eating Fleſh, Fiſh, and even Shell-Fiſh, Butter, Milk, Cheeſe, and every thing that has or ever had Life; which may be juſtly reckon'd a very ſevere piece of Mortification. Their Biſhop has put himſelf under the Protection of France, to deliver himſelf from the inſupportable Exactions of the Turks; and 'tis but a very little while ago ſince he was freed from Priſon, where he had lain ſix Months. He is a very honeſt and civil Perſon, and diligent in performing the Duties of his Function. His Habit is almoſt the ſame with that of the Greek Biſhop, only he wears a Hood or Cawle at the Neck of his Gown, and carries in his Hand a Croſs, like that which is us'd by the Roman Biſhops, only 'tis made of Wood. This puts me in Mind of what a certain Author ſaid concerning the Ancients, That they were Golden Biſhops tho' they wore Wooden Croſſes; and I may ſafely venture to apply that Saying to this Prelate.

To return to the Greeks; I had almoſt forgot to take Notice of one of their Opinions in which they differ from thoſe of the Romiſh Perſuaſion. You have doubtleſs obſerv'd that the Romaniſts have an extreme Veneration for thoſe Perſons whoſe Bodies remain free from Putrefaction after their Death; and that the Incorruption of the Body is reckon'd a convincing Mark of the Holineſs of the Deceas'd, and is one of the moſt conſiderable Proofs that can be offer'd for the Canonization of the Saint; whereas the Greeks pretend that 'tis only an Effect of Excommunication; and when they find a Body in that Condition, they never leave praying for the Soul of the dead Perſon, till his Body be putrefy'd and corrupted.

The Interrment of dead Bodies is perform'd with almoſt the ſame Ceremonies that are obſerv'd in the Church of Rome. All the Clergy meet together, and ſing the de profundis, and Prayers for the Soul of the Deceas'd. Several Perſons march before with lighted Candles, after whom the Body is carry'd in an open Coffin, dreſt in its fineſt Clothes, with a little Cotton in its Mouth; ſo that oftentimes the Perſon ſeems to be alive. Then comes the Husband or Wife, accompany'd with the Children and Slaves of the Deceas'd, all bellowing out their Grief in ſo diſmal and terrible a Manner, that one wou'd conclude they thought themſelves irrecoverably ruin'd. The Women eſpecially ſignalize their Love by all the wildeſt Marks of Deſpair, toſſing their Bodies ſo furiouſly from ſide to ſide, that they wou'd certainly break their Necks if they were not ſupported by two Perſons who are appointed to attend 'em. Their uſual Song is Hai agamimont, hai mathiamont; Ab my Eyes! ah my Love! And the Slaves echo back the howling Muſick with ſo hideous a Noiſe, that one wou'd think they deſign'd to ſcare the Devil. Thoſe who have not a ſufficient Number of Slaves to make a Noiſe ſutable to the Quality of the Deceas'd, may ſupply that Defect by hiring Weeping-Women, who for an Jſallote, which is worth about forty Pence, howl and cry, as if they were acted by the moſt furious Tranſports of Rage and Deſpair. 'Tis true, the Frace is too groſs and viſible; for there is ſomething ſo moving in true Sorrow that it can never be counterfeited; neither is it poſſible for the moſt dextrous Mimick to imitate the tender Motions of Nature. And even when thoſe pretended Mourners ſeem to be tranſported with Fury and Deſpair, running about like Mad-Women, with diſhevell'd Hair, the Artifice is eaſily diſcernible. And particularly I obſerv'd, that when they pretend to tear their Hair, they hold it faſt with one Hand near the Roots, and then pull as hard as they can with the other. To co • clude, an unconcern'd Spectator wou'd be tempted to imagine that all this Mummery is acted in deriſion to the deceas'd; for as ſoon as he is interr'd, they make a Feaſt on his Grave at his own Charge; and his Wife and Children take care that nothing be wanting to the Company, who eat and drink and laugh, as if they were carouſing in a Tipling Houſe. This is certainly a very extravagant way of expreſſing their Affection to their dead Friends; nor cou'd they treat a Man worſe whoſe Memory they deſign'd to affront. I have alſo had occaſion to ſee the Funeral Solemnities of the Jews, which in my Opinion are leſs inconſiſtent with the Rules of Decency; for tho' they uſe thoſe Affected Howlings as well as the Greeks, their Deſign is to Mourn and not to Feaſt. Among the Ceremonies that are us'd by the Iews at the Death of their Relations, I took notice of one which ſeems to be very Troubleſome and Inconvenient, I mean their keeping of the Dead Body Three Days unbury'd: And I leave you to judge what a ſad Companion that muſt be to the Widow and Children, who are oblig'd to weep without Intermiſſion till the Body be interr'd.

Since the Deſcription of the Greekiſh Funerals has given me an Occaſion to mention the Jews, I ſhall conclude this Letter with a brief Account of that Nation. 'Twou'd be needleſs to entertain you with an Abridgement of their Ancient Hiſtory, and therefore I ſhall only obſerve, that after the Romans became Maſters of Paleſtine, theſe unhappy Fugitives were diſpers'd, and ſcatter'd thro' the whole World, and have liv'd ever ſince like hated Vagabonds, without King or Head, expecting the Meſſiah with an Impatience that has frequently made 'em give Credit to Impoſtors. About Thirty Years ago there aroſe a falſe Prophet or Meſſiah in this Country, call'd Sabatai Sevi, who was very learned, and had diligently ſtudy'd the Cabala, by which means, 'twas thought, he came to the Knowledge of certain Magical Secrets, which he afterwards made Uſe of to abuſe the Credulity of his Followers. I have heard a Thouſand Stories of him, but ſhall content my ſelf with telling you that he manag'd the Cheat with ſo much De • terity and Succeſs, that he was follow'd by a great Multitude of People, and began to exerciſe ſo great an Authority over the Jews, that the Grand Signior himſelf, growing jealous of his Power and Credit, order'd him to be apprehended, and brought in Chains to Conſtantinople, where this pretended Meſſiah turn'd Turk to ſave his Life. The Scandal of this Example, which ought to have taught the Jews more Caution for the future, cou'd not keep 'em from falling not long after into another Error of the ſame Nature. You muſt know that during the Feaſt of Tabernacles, the young Women of that Nation are oblig'd to lie abroad under Tents in a place appointed for that purpoſe; and they have an old Tradition that the Meſſiah ſhall be conceiv'd in the Womb of a Virgin during that Feſtival. Now it happen'd that a certain Maid, who it ſeems was weary of that Denomination, reſolv'd to make uſe of ſo favourable an Opportunity of taſting the forbidden Delight, and to conceal her Fault, ſpread abroad a Report that God came to viſit her every Night, and that ſhe was to be the Mother of the Meſſiah. Theſe acceptable News were receiv'd with Joy by the whole Synagogue, who appointed ſeveral Days of Solemn Thankſgiving to be kept with all imaginable Secreſie, for fear of offending the Turks. But their Joy was at laſt turn'd into Shame and Confuſion, when inſtead of their expected Deliverer, the pretended Virgin was brought to B • d of a Daughter.

The Levantine Jews are extremely Cunning and Deceitful, and ſo dextrous in the Art of Wheedling, that thoſe who deal with 'em ought to be always upon their Guard. Cheating is the Trade by which they live, as others do by Labour or Traffick; and 'tis uſually ſaid here, that a Jew never eats his Breakfaſt till he has cheated a Chriſtian. However, 'tis certain that he who truſts 'em muſt either betray his Ignorance or Imprudence; for by a modeſt Computation, I may venture to aſſure you, that among Twenty Jews there are always Nineteen Knaves. There cannot be a more convincing Argument to prove that Religion is not always attended with Honeſty; for if it were, the Jews wou'd be the honeſteſt Men in the World. They obſerve the Precepts of their Law with an incredible exactneſs; and wou'd not do the leaſt Work on the Sabbath to prevent the Ruine of the Univerſe. 'Tis not yet a Fortnight ſince we had an eminent Inſtance of the Power of Superſtition, on occaſion of a Fire which broke forth in the Jews Quarter in this City on the Sabbath Day; for they ſuffer'd it to conſume their Houſes without endeavouring to quench it; and one among the reſt ſeeing his Child juſt ready to be devour'd by the Flames, contented himſelf with tearing his Hair, inſtead of breaking the Window of his Houſe, tho' there was no other Way to ſave the Life of his miſerable Infant, which wou'd have been certainly burnt alive, if it had not been ſeaſonably reſcu'd by ſome Greeks, whoſe Compaſſion drew 'em to its Aſſiſtance. This Fire made a prodigious Havock, for it deſtroy'd above a Hundred Houſes, in the greateſt part of which there were Warehouſes.

The Jews are no leſs jealous of their Wives than the Turks, and are very careful in keeping 'em under a cloſe Confinement. 'Tis true, they are permitted to ſee and viſit one another; but if a Woman ſhou'd walk a Quarter of a League out of the City without her Husband or Brother, ſhe wou'd infallibly be divorc'd.

They wear a large Gown of black Cloth, made almoſt like that of the Papa's; and their Shooes are of a Violet Colour. Their Caps are of Felt, cover'd with Violet-colour'd Cloth, and reſemble a long Block of a Hat. Round their Caps they tye a ſmall ſtrip'd or Violet-colour'd Turbant, which they call a Tandour. They are oblig'd to pay the Carache as well as the Greeks, and are treated with more ſcorn and Contempt: But they are naturally of ſo intrigueing a Temper, that they thruſt themſelves into all ſorts to Bus'neſs, and are at preſent the only Managers of Trade; for there are no other Brokers in the Levant.

I know not whether you will complain of the unuſual Length of this Letter; but I can aſſure you that the writing of it has fatigu'd me ſo extremely, that, tho' I had not finiſh'd my Subject, I ſhou'd have been forc'd to break off abruptly.

JUſt now I'm inform'd that five Barbary Veſſels anchor'd this Morning at Foſche, which is a little Harbour at the Mouth of the Gulph. If this be true, we muſt expect to ſee the Streets always full of thoſe inſolent Scoundrels, from whom the Franks receive a Viſit once every Year, tho' they wou'd gladly diſpence with ſo troubleſome a piece of Civility. I have not yet had Experience of their Deportment; but the Accounts I have receiv'd from others have extremely abated my natural Curioſity to be acquainted with the Cuſtoms of Strangers: And I had much rather hear a Deſcription than be an Eye-Witneſs of the Diſorders they committed in this City, which are ſtill ſo freſh in the Memory of the People, that they hardly talk of any thing elſe. I know not whether you cou'd hear without Diſturbance a Relalation of thoſe Abuſes, if you were in a place where you might ſhortly expect to ſee 'em repeated: But ſince you are at ſo great a Diſtance from the Scene of the Tragedy, you may venture to read it without fearing to be made a Spectator of it: And beſides, there can be nothing more proper to give you a clear Idea of the Weakneſs of the Turkiſh Government.

About a Year ago the ſame Barbary Ships touch'd at the Port where they have now caſt Anchor, which is only four or five Leagues diſtant from this place; and ſince theſe Sea-Monſters are not reſtrain'd by the leaſt ſhadow of Diſcipline, one half of 'em was perpetually in the City. Theſe pretended Soldiers are a meer Rabble of Murderers, Robbers, and the moſt deſperate Villains, who, to avoid the juſt Puniſhment of their Crimes, flock from all parts of Africk to the Sea-Coaſt, where they find on board the Ships, a Sanctuary that ſecures 'em from being made accountable for their paſt Offences, and are at the ſame time privileg'd to re-act their former Barbarities without controul; ſo that they are equally dreaded by the Turks, Greeks, and Franks, tho' the Storm falls heavieſt upon the laſt, eſpecially ſince the Bombarding of Algiers, which has inſpir'd 'em with a horrible Averſion againſt the French, and againſt all other Franks for their ſake.

Two or three Days after their Landing, two of 'em drinking in a Tipling-Houſe pick'd a Quarrel with a Frenchman, who ſeeing 'em advance towards him with naked Poniards, diſcharg'd his Piſtol at 'em, and then made his Eſcape. Immediately the two Barbarianss one of whom had receiv'd a ſlight Wound by the Shot, being reinforc'd by ſome of their Fellows, ran thro' the Streets, ſwearing like enrag'd Furies, and threatning to murder all the French without exception. In the Heat of their Rage they met three Mariners of Provence coming out of a Barber's Shop, whom they inſtantly aſſaulted, and dragg'd by the Hair along the Street to the Bazar, where they butcher'd 'em with their Poniards in a moſt barbarous manner. The French Conſul being alarm'd at the News, commanded thoſe of his Nation to keep within Doors all that Day, and ſent for Soldiers and Arms from on board the Ships that were in the Port, to ſecure him from the Inſolency of the incens'd Rabble. Next Morning he order'd forty Men, arm'd with Carabines and Piſtols, to bring off the Bodies of the three Seamen that had lain all the while in the Street. As ſoon as the Barbaria • s heard of their Deſign, they reſolv'd to oppoſe the Execution of it; but ſince they had no Fire-Arms, and are extremely afraid of Shot, they fled after the firſt Diſcharge, and left the Bodies to the French, who carry'd 'em off without any Oppoſition. In the mean time the Conſul had ſent a Meſſage to the other two Conſuls of England and Holland, to beg their Aſſiſtance in the Common Cauſe of the Three Nations: But theſe Gentlemen did not think fit to irritate an enrag'd Mobb that had not poſitively declar'd againſt any other Nation but the French. And it appear'd by the Event, that they acted wiſely in ſo nice a Juncture; for the Neutrality they obſerv'd, and the Care they took not to kindle the Fury of the Barbarians by appearing too much in the Streets, had ſo good an Effect, that the Engliſh and Dutch receiv'd not the leaſt Injury during the Tumult, except ſome affronting Words. The French Conſul being diſappointed of the Aſſiſtance he expected from the two Nations, and not knowing to what Saint he ſhou'd make h • s next Addreſs, reſolv'd at laſt to demand Protection from the Cadi. Immediately he ſent two Merchants, and as many Interpreters to complain to that Officer of the Injuries he had receiv'd from the Barbarians, and to aſſure him that if the Tumult were not quickly appeas'd, he wou • d ſeek Redreſs at the Port, and in the mean time wou'd Arm thoſe of his Nation in their own Defence. But inſtead of the Aid he expected, he had the Mortification to receive only a faint Excuſe; for the moſt favourable Anſwer his Meſſengers cou'd obtain from the Cadi was, that he had not Forces ſufficient to ſuppreſs the ſeditious Multitude; and that the beſt Advice he cou'd give his Maſter, was to defend himſelf as well as he cou'd. The Conſul perceiving that this was in effect an abſolute Denial, diſpatch'd an Expreſs to Monſieur de Chaſteauneuf, to acquaint him with the extreme Danger that threaten'd the Nation, and to intreat him to uſe his Int'reſt at the Port for the procuring a Grand Mandamus againſt the Barbarians.

Before I proceed farther, 'twill not be improper to inform you, that a Grand Mandamus is an expreſs Order from the Sultan, which he never grants but in Caſes of great Neceſſity, and of the higheſt Importance. Thoſe who refuſe to ſubmit to it are declar'd Rebels againſt the Grand Signior; and the Law ordains that ſuch Perſons ſhall be treated as Infidels: So that theſe Orders may be call'd the Grand Signior's Thunders; as Excommunications are ſaid to be the Thunders of the Vatican.

The Conſul waited with an extreme Impatience for the Return of his Expreſs, and during the ſpace of three Weeks which that Meſſenger ſpent in his Journey, and in diſpatching his Bus'neſs, the French were forc'd to ſuffer the Inſolency of the Barbarians, whoſe Fury was ſo far from being appeas'd, that it wanted little of its firſt impetuoſity; for they continu'd ſtill to beat and affront all the Frenchmen that came in their Way. Nor cou'd the Greeks and Jews eſcape their Rage, for as many of 'em as were found with yellow Babouches, long Breeches, or any ſort of Habit or Ornament prohibited by Law, were ſure of the Baſtinado; theſe Villains pretending that they wou'd reſtore Juſtice in the City, and reform the Abuſes that had crept into the Government. One Day they happen'd to meet an old Drogue-man with a Chacſir, after the Turkiſh Faſhion, and immediately ask'd him by what Authority he wore that Habit: The poor Man reply'd, that he wore it as Interpreter of France; but this Anſwer inſtead of pacifying 'em, irritated 'em ſo extremely, that after a ſevere Beating they took away his Chacſir, and ſent him home with a bare Breech. At laſt the Grand Mandamus came, forbidding the Barbarians under pain of Rebellion to moleſt the French; and ordaining the Cadi, and all the Inhabitants of Smyrna, to ſhut up their Shops, and be ready to aſſiſt the French in caſe of any Tumult or Diſturbance. The Conſul was extremely proud of this Order, and after he had notify'd it to the Cadi, thought himſelf as ſecure as if he had obtain'd a ſtrong Reinforcement: But the Barbarians, who had receiv'd Advice of it from the Cadi, inſtead of ſubmitting to the Sultan's Command, began to Rage with more Violence than before. The firſt who felt the Fury of this new Storm, were a Chirurgeon and another Frenchman, who receiv'd three Wounds with a Poniard. Afterwards they beſieg'd the Conſul's Houſe, and wou'd have ſet Fire to it, if they had not been prevented by fifteen or twenty Janiſaries, whom he had call'd to his Aſſiſtance. The Cadi ſeem'd to be an unconcern'd Spectator of all theſe Diſorders; for when the Conſul ſent to require his Aſſiſtance, according to the Order he had receiv'd from the Port, he anſwer'd him in plain Terms, that he neither wou'd nor durſt incenſe the Barbarians, and that he was reſolv'd to expect the Event without interpoſing in other Mens Affairs. In the mean time the Inhabitants of the City ſhut up their Shops, according to the Grand Signior's Order; but they were ſo far from aſſiſting the French, that they had not the Courage to appear in the Streets: And if by good Fortune the Captain Baſſa had not arriv'd with ſeven Galleys, 'tis hard to divine what might have been the iſſue of theſe Diſturbances. You may eaſily conclude, that our Country-men, after ſuch late and fatal Experience of the Barbarity of thoſe Infidels, are extremely alarm'd at the News of their Arrival: And their Fears are encreas'd by the Advice they have receiv'd from Conſtantinople, that there were two Frenchmen murder • d by 'em there in their own Houſes. 'Tis true, the two Proteſtant Nations have hitherto ſuffer'd nothing but Words; but who can ſecure 'em from the Danger of being made Sharers in the common Calamity, if another Tumult ſhou'd happen. 'Tis impoſſible to reflect without Horror on their manner of attacking a Chriſtian that has the Miſfortune to come in their way. As ſoon as they perceive him at a Diſtance, they draw their Poniards, and with a Howling and Wolviſh Noiſe, run bellowing out theſe Words, alla, alla, alla, in the ſame Tone they uſe when they board a Ship. In ſuch Caſes 'tis in vain to think of Reſiſtance; and as ſoon as a Man ſees 'em coming, he muſt place his only Confidence in the Swiftneſs of his Legs; For if a Turk ſhou'd offer to ſtop 'em, they wou'd infallibly turn their Poniards againſt him.