KING CHARLES was within few late yeeres, quietly possest of three flourishing Kingdomes; and for a while, as his subjects seerned to enjoy all the blandishments of peace under his raigne, to the envie of other Nations; so hee appear'd eminently glorious in the inviolable loyalty and obedience of his subjects; [...]o the inciting of envie amongst other Princes.

But to that serene, delightfull calme; a most dismall tempest hath since succeeded; and in so short a traverse of time a more wofull, desperate Catastrophe (then this which now confounds: both King and subjects) was scarce ever brought about in any other Country. All our gamesome Holidayes past, seeme now to us like the sleepe of Ionah in the ship, the trance thereof on­ly lockt up our senses for a while, that we might be betrayed to the greater horror and amazement, when the incursion of un­expected ralamities should immediatly seize us under so dead and stupid a condition. Ireland already is become as sad a [Page 2]spectacle as the ruthlesse hand of war ever made any since Vespasians dayes: and England, though it sinkes a little more slowly, yet is in the posture of sinking, and is not to be suppor­ted but by a divine hand more then ordinary: and lastly, Scotland is but one degree onely more removed from destruction. The greater the Popish faction is in Scotland, and the more potent that Court-party there is, which suggests to it selfe probable advantages out of the shipwrack of broken England, the more inevitably is that Nation owned and destin'd to the same ruine as England; let not dreames infatuate, she must expect the same line to be stretched over her, as England has, if she prevent not her fate by some sisterly assistance, whilest it is thus distant, she shall certainly unpitied perish at its neerer approach.

But the Question is, Whence did these unnaturall broyles spring and arise; Hath the Kings misgovernment, or the Na­tions rebellious disposition, caused these sudden distempers? has all this discord beene stirr'd principally by Ecclesiasticall or Civill Persons? and have their ends been temporall or spirituall? How does that commotion which was in Scotland differ in cause from ours in England; or this in England from that in Ireland? Has it beene the same designe carryed on for many yeeres together, from whose maturity at length all our troubles in all the three Nations have been derived? Or have the Scots occasionally aimed at one thing, the Irish at another, and the English at another? If the Rebels in Ireland, and the Parliament in England have purposes diametrically opposite, how is it that the King protests against both? how comes it, that he wages a war upon the Parliament, that is as favourable to the Irish, as destructive to the English? And if the Scots and the English propose the same thing, how is it that the English are thus implacably Prosecured, whilest the Scots are friendly intreated? How is it, that Papists are so far united, yea, even in Ireland where they pretend for the King, con­trary to the acknowledgement of our Court, yet all of them move undevided, and in England, where they fight for the [Page 3]King, and are accordingly entertained and allowed so to doe; yet still they are unanimous, whereas Protestants hold no per­fect correspondence any where, in Ireland they joyne against Papists, yet favour the Papists cause in England; and in Eng­land they fight under Popish Banners, and by consequence maintaine the Romish faith, both in England and Ireland? And if these miseries have beene not meere late accidentall events, but the studyed and prepared accomplishments and producti­ons of divers former yeeres, then whether is't more probable, that the Parliament, hath beene this long time busie in plotting against the Court, or the Court against the Parliament?

To give satisfaction to all men in all these Queeries, will be difficult; but to give satisfaction to all honest Protestants, and to convince all our most subtill enemies, be they Protestants or Papists, will not be impossible; and therefore my utmost skill shal endevour it. And if this age will not give me credit therein, I am certaine the next will; I will commandingly say, That it shall without dissent and deniall receive and acknowledge these truths which I now deliver.

The sonnes of the Iewes erected Trophyes, and built Monu­ments of honour for those Prophets which had been stoned in the ages before, and yet at the same time, perhaps they mali­ciously murdered the true successors of the same Prophets; such difference is there betwixt the evidence of present and past truth; neverthelesse, I shall for the present lye the lesse obnoxious to contradiction or distrust, because I shall not so much insist upon conjectures or nude averments of my owne, as the censures of strangers and Papists; and the judgements of other Statesmen, whose partiality herein is the lesse to be sus­pected.

The great tyranie and usurpation of Roman Prelates, who (to purchase to themselves an Ecclesiasticall Empire, more large and uncontroleable then any temporall Monarch ever challenged) had perverted Religion and innovated the whole frame of Christianity; began to be discovered to many in Eng­land [Page 4]about 120 yeeres since: Henry the eighth also, so farre as his owne Crowne was concerned therein, was willing to coun­tenance the discovery; but as for a totall reformation of Reli­gion, or redemption of his subjects liberty from popish thral­dome, no such thought ever entred into his breast. 'Twas in­different to him on the same day, and in the same place, to hang a Papist maintaining the Popes supremacy, and to burne a Protestant denying those corruptions of Religion whereupon that supemacy was founded: so indigested and rude a Chaos of Doctrine was that which he sought to authorise and to daub over with his untempered morter. Edward the sixth, by a more blessed illumination, set himselfe to pull downe the whole fa­bricke, and to raze the very foundation of Hierarchy; and had it not been a worke of more yeeres, then it pleased God to adde to his life, hee surely had not left one stone upon another. Queen Mary set her selfe as entirely to repaire the Popes Em­pire, as her brother did to ruine it; yea, even to the effusion of much blood, with a more fierce zeale she laboured in it, and had not death overtaken her, and the hand of God otherwise crossed her, perhaps no hopes had been left for a new restau­ration under her successor. Queen Elizabeth, with as perfect an integrity as either her brothers was in maintenance of truth, or her sisters in maintenance of superstition, applyed her selfe and her utmost power to restore Religion againe in full con­formity to her brother, and opposition to her sister.

Two admirable Councellors she had, Cecyll and Bacon, both cordiall and totally addicted to the Protestant Religion: the honour of whom leaves her honour unquestionable; for as much as to choose good instruments is the noblest testimony of goodnesse: and the influence of Princes upon servants, is greater then that of servants upon Princes. I have heard that the then Earle of Pembrooke being sollicited by other Court Grandees, to erter into a confederacie with them about some alteration in Church and State, he told them plainly, he durst not venture his manner of Wilton in the businesse, unlesse Cecyll [Page 5]and Bacon were first hanged at the Court gate; and to hang them would be a matter not to be compassed, till they with their Rhetoricke in Cheapside should avert the Citizens hearts from them, and that he left as a fond conceit. Neverthelesse, in censure of Queen Elizabeth, some have said that she swept the roome cleane, but yet left all the dust heaped up behind the doore, and did not carry it forth as she ought to have done. Their meaning, I conceive, is, that though she much awed and restrained both Prelates and Papists, so as they durst not at­tempt any thing against the constitution of this State, during her raigne; yet she left them not in so desperate a condition, but that they did recover strength, and reunite againe after her death. This censure seemes to me too harsh: for Prelates without the copulation of Papists to gender a filthy spawne upon them, are not of any considerable danger; and Papists by her long and prosperous raigne, were as much quelled and disabled, as possible they could be. If any dust was left behind the doore, 'twas because her life-time was not extensive enough for the carrying it forth; forthe reduction of Ireland was very late, shee scarce survived it, and yet to make the Irish Pro­testants, was of farre more difficultie, and would consume longer time then to make them subjects.

The propogation of the true Faith therefore in Ireland, was a taske which Queen Elizabeth was of necessity to leave to her successors; and 'tis very probable, had they begun where shee desisted, and not deviated from her resolution, that Kingdome had long ere this, afforded as many Protestants as subjects; whereas now it denyes both: for doubtlesse Q. Elizabeth at her decease, left Ireland in better disposition to conforme to Eng­land, then she found England in at her sisters decease to revolt from Rome, and therefore with the same industry her successors might have done the same in Ireland as she had done in England. But alas, no such course was takē there, we have reason to think rather that Popery was cherished and preserv'd in Ireland, to make way for these tragicall divisions, then that there was any [Page 6]designe or undertaking to plant Protestantisme in it, for the esta­blishing further union between the nations: The example of Q. Elizabeth, to whom the protection of God was as constant in saving her from the bloody Emissaries of Rome, did not work so strongly to animate King Iames: as the Apostacie of Henry the French King, whom God deserted for his desertion, did serve to intimidate him. The revolt of Henry the fourth, who gained the Title of Great by his warlike atchievements, and the horrible conjuration of the Powder Traytors here in Eng­land made so strong impression upon the soft and mild temper of King Iames; that to temporise a little with Rome, for better security of his Person, appeared at that time very seasonable; wherefore to dally with Antichrist a little, letters were written to Cardinall Perrone, and answers received about a reconcilia­tion of Religions, and in order thereunto, the rigour of penall lawes was rebated; nay, countenance was shewed to Papists, the grandour of Prelates and pompe of Ceremonies in the Church began to be affected. The neerer also that King Iames his end approached, the more it resembled Salomons, and grew tainted with the foule symptomes of a declination; in so much that scarce any but Papists were admitted to governe his Councels, and then the whole Kingdome began to be exposed as a prey, to Spanish, French, Italian pensioners. It was well observed by the Duke of Roan that no Prince in Europe so much opposed his owne interests, both in civill and religious affaires as King Iames; for, doubtlesse the Pope by his agents in all Church matters, was more potent then the King himselfe; and so was Gundamore in matters of State, had not the French and Duch, and some other Nations interfered with the Pope and Spantard, and given gold for some part in us rather to save us, then that we should be lost to their enemies; doubtlesse we had been disposed of quickly; our happinesse was, that France was liberall enough to buy us from Spain, and Spain liberall enough to buy us from France, &c. though our misery was, that both sides pulled away more from us, then they parted withall from [Page 7]themselves. And now when three Kingdomes are under the subjection of one Prince, who is under the subjection of one lustfull, rash, young Favourite, and that Favourite solely at the devotion of his vitious, opprobrious, mischievous mother, and that mother a meere Votaresse to Rome, utterly forfeited, resigned, and sold to the commands of Jesuites: When our miserable Nations are in this ridiculous, preposterous posture of government, who can wonder that a Spanish or French Match for our Prince should be designed? As great a masse of treasure might have been received with a German Lady, and that with lesse expence (for the portion of Spaine or France can scarse equall the charge of fetching it) all that can be said is, Pistols and Patachoons are more valuable than Dollars, in our judgement. Alliance also amongst Princes, if it be of any, it is of dangerous consequence, it is certaine to produce reall enmitie and emulation: but it is uncertaine to produce so much as a shadow of amitie and union, especially amongst Princes of the Romish Religion. If we negotiate concerning a marriage with the Spanish Infanta, 'tis necessarie that wee keep faire intelligence with France, and capitulate strongly with the German Princes: and if wee break off with Spaine, and treat with the French Lady, 'tis necessarie that wee enter into a new confederacie with Spaine, and prepare a Fleet for the Isle of Rhees. So much weaker than cobwebs are the bonds of matrimony amongst ambitious Monarchs.

Something also may be said against the incestuous extracti­ons of the House of Austria, and the Florentine mixtures of the House of Burbon; whereas the nobilitie, chastitie, and beautie of the German Dames, hath ever been not only be­yond all exception, but also beyond all comparison. Nothing then but Poperie (unlesse wee will add also the manifold mif­chiefes of Poperie) could be aimed at in a Popish Alliance by those devillish Engineers, which were the insolent Lords of our Lords, or rather of our Lords, Lords, Lords.

And if we desire further satisfaction therein, let us consider [Page 8]the substance of the Popes letter written the 20 of April, 1623. to our Prince in Spaine, and our Princes Answer there­unto, as they are faithfully translated, and registred by Du Chesne the French Geographer, in his Book, fol. 1162.

The Popes Rhetorick in briefe flowes thus:

The Answer in short is thus couched.

If this was Court-dissimulation, Gods name was too far used in it, and the dissimulation has extended further than to language; the maine affaires of our Court and Church, for many yeares together, have been conformable to the same ex­pressions. And if here was plaine meaning without dissimula­tion, no words of man can more fully and clearly justifie Po­perie, and protest against the novelties and heresies of the Re­formed Churches than these do. And the Pope, it seemes, su­spected no dissimulation herein, nor his Councellours, and principall Ministers, (and yet they are not usually gulled, or blinded, or out-done in that kind of Craft) and for proofe hereof, I will instance in Father Iohn de Monte-Major of the Societie of Iesus, and I will be verie briefe herein, and confine my selfe only to him. This Jesuite was a subtile States-man ( [...]s we may perceive by his arguments now in print) and in the Iunto at Madrid, when the marriage of the Infanta with our Prince was upon debate, for answer to such difficulties and objections as some other of the Iunto had offered to oppose the marriage, he divers times insisted upon such points as these: Since the Prince is a man settled in his manners, and makes great ac­count of our holy Law, it may with sufficient probabilitie be heped, that by the good example of the most illustrious Infanta, and all her Attendants, both men and women, and by the holinesse and doctrine of her Confessour, he will be easily brought to our holy faith. fol. 6. a. And therefore as we have seene that the Prince and his father have kept their agreement made at the Treatie of peace, for the well using of Catholikes; and we are informed out of England, that this yeare in the holy week within London, there have been at the Communion 4000 Catholikes in the Embassadours house, and that they have made 40 monuments, no body speaking one word to controll them: fol. 7. a. Both the Prince and his father doe extremely desire the friendship of his Holinesse, and of Spaine, which Henry the eighth little did care for: and that's the reason which moveth the Prince and his father to procure this marriage, is to establish the said fried­ship with the Apostolike See, and the Crowne of Spaine, fol. 7. b. [Page 11] Another principall thing to be observed is, that the Prince (at all other English and French Hereticks doe) beleeve that we are saved, keeping the religion of the Church of Rome. fol. 8. b. There are sufficient signes shewing that the King of England is well affected to our Religion, since it appeares hee with such care and paines endevours to match his son with a spouse so much Catholike, daughter to so Catholike Parents, and hee being the only Heire of his King­dome, against the advice of all the Hereticks, and all his Councel­lours, and all the enemies of this Crowne, hath sent him with great danger of his health and life, &c. All which is a great signe, that hee being moved with some great light from Heaven, desires to forsake the new Religion he professeth, and to returne to the old one professed by his Predecessours, for so many ages. The Prince gives cleare te­stimony to be well affected to our holy Law, since hee beleeveth, and hath spoken it to divers persons, that those that follow the same are saved in it, &c. being Grand-child to a Grand-mother that dyed a Martyr. fol. 9. a. Thus great hope may be, that the whole King­dome shall be reduced to the Catholike Faith. fol. 9. b. It is to be no­ted how earnestly this match hath been pursued and treated for, both with his Holinesse and other persons, debated in many Junto's by most learned men. fol. 10. b. There shall be kept a publike Church in London for the Catholikes, a Bishop of that Citie, libertie of con­science, the children shall be brought up by their mother ( the Infanta) till they be fourteene yeares of age, &c.

Where such great Agents of the Hierarchy have not only delivered their judgements so plainly, but also set forth the reasons whereupon their judgements are grounded so clearly, I shall forbeare any further to deliver mine. These things are publike enough in the Spanish tongue. But let us stay no more upon times so long agoe elapsed, let us for brevitie sake omit all discourse concerning the wars in Bohemia, the Palati­nate, Rochell, and other countries, where our false promises of supplyes and aids, purposely (as is thought) destroyed the Protestant cause; let us now lightly passe over the former part of these last twentie yeares, and chiefly fix our discourse [Page 12]upon the alterations and innovations of the latter part therof. Whilst the Queene was verie young, and the plot of our Hie­rarchists not fully ripe, the Babylonish Mysteries were not fit to be revealed: and yet even in those times, the work went on darkly and insensibly, and some use was made of the verie loosnesse and excesse of those times, to help on the perfection thereof.

This violent sharp malady, of which we labour so distres­sedly at this present, began to seize the vitals of this State, long before its violence appeared, and the venome thereof, as if it were of affinitie with that of the Tarantula, whilst it was in its slow growth, caused rather fits of jollitie, than pangs of dolour in us. That which is now murther, rapine, lamentati­on, was within these twentie yeeres masking, triumphing, re­velling; so that hee that writes the storie of our overthrow, must say that we drunk, and danced, and sported our selves to death: some mortall and noxious potions may yet be delicate to the palate, and others of medicinall and salubrious vertue may offend the taste verie much: so it is with times, some a­bounding in dissolute merriment, may yet conduce to a Nati­ons overthrow, whilst others more sad and uncouth may be helpfull towards a recoverie. 'Tis not just therefore in the ene­mies of Parliaments, to ascribe the cause of our present mise­ries to the Parliament, or to exclaime against these times for being as yet miserable: neither ought they so much to boast of that false betraying jollitie, which we seemed heretofore to enjoy. 'Tis now about ten yeares since a Nuntio came over from the Pope, the businesse before was transacted by Sir Toby Mathewes, and some other more privie Instruments; for we must not think that a Nuntio was sent, till his way was be­fore made, and entertainment agreed upon, and that agree­ment also (we must needs think) had its preparations, and pre­vious considerations: but to limit our discourse to these last ten yeares, and to give a verie briefe account of them, from the mouth of such as are not partiall, let us in the first place make [Page 13]use of that Censure and Narrative which hath beene lately published in Print, and is entituled, The Popes Nuntio, &c. The Authour of that Discourse, was a Venetian, and seemes a man equally ingenuous and observing, and because he was a Pa­pist, we may not think he did utter any untruth to the disadvan­tage of his own religion; and because he was imploy'd in state­matters at Court, we may ghesse that what he cōmunicated was for the most part of things within his owne knowledge and pri­vity; the piece also is faithfully translated out of the Italian and French, and was valued and preferred as a thing not fit for vul­gar eyes by great Statesmen of other Nations; and there are few of our owne Nation and Religion that had any sight into Court affaires, but they know well, much more might have been said, and is likely yet to be discovered. However by the light of that Pamphlet, we shall be informed, that the word Popery is of various ambiguous signification; so that he which abjures the Romish Religion, may yet like well of a reconcilia­tion with Rome. And Reconciliation in the next place, is a thing that may admit of such and such degrees and steps both of one side and the other, and such fraud may be used in a Treaty of re­conciliation, that one side may condescend to more then is in­tended, and the other gaine more then is pretended; and in all these points, our Venetian, if he be rightly and throughly un­derstood, will satisfie our doubts, and cleare our ambiguities; I shall desire therefore all impartiall dis-ingaged men, to review our Venetians discourse with me, and to give me leave to de­scant thereupon a little, whilest I fetch my considerations no higher nor further than the method and guidance of that Pamphlet directs me: our Venetian tells us, that King Charles once was heard to say, that Hee could at that time reconcile himselfe to the Church of Rome with much advantage: for our better information therein, and that wee may neither mistake the Kings intention, nor conceale our owne danger, let us make use of our Venetians discourse in these five particulars:

• 1 Let us from hence learne to understand what the reconci­liation was; and how far each side should comply and submit according to the capitulation.
• 2 Who were the parties to be reconciled.
• 3 What were the expedients and meanes of effecting or speeding this reconciliation.
• 4 What that profit and great advantage was, which the King promised to himselfe by this reconciliation.
• 5 What the difficulties and obstacles were which did retard this reconciliation.

1 We shall do well, first to take into our consideration the articles and capitulation betwixt both parties, whereby it was agreed how far the Papists should meete the Protestants, and how far the Protestants should advance towards the Papists; the Pope was to move towards us but very slowly, in a pace ex­ceeding majesticall; his Holinesse was pleased, not without much difficulty to dispence with foure things: First, that mar­riage might be permitted to Priests: Secondly, that the oath of allegeance and supremacie, so far as it concerned the Kings temporall power, with some mild interpretations or alterati­ons might be tollerated for his Majesties security: Thirdly, that the Communion might be administred sub utraque specie: Fourthly, that the Lyturgie might be officiated in the English tongue. These two last articles were for the satisfaction of the people. 'Twas the great zeale of Canterbury to capitulate for these things, to make the entrance of Popery the more smooth at first; and this was about the latter end of August, or the begining of September, 1636. during the residence of Seig­nior Con; and though our Venetian help us not herein, yet this is knowne sufficiently, and can be averred otherwise; neverthe­lesse, we may probably conjecture, that what did concerne the King herein, should have been really performed, so far forth as other Catholike Princes usually injoy, and expect as their due; and so far as the Bishops were to be independent both from King and Pope (which was the maine scope and purpose [Page 15]of the agreement, though not mentioned at all in the articles) there was no feare of breach on the Popes part, but so far as the inferiour Clergie, and the people were concerned, the after performance (it is to be suspected) was to be left to the Popes discretion, the conditions being onely of temporall advantage, rather fit to induce than to confirme Popery. This seemes the more likely to be true, because of the great facility which was in our Divines to comply with the Papists of their owne accord without any allurements, or follicitation at all; the Pa­pists were not so backward in walking towards Calvin, as the Protestants were hasty in running towards the Pope; for even before any Treaty at all, or before any Nuntio sent from Rome, we had condescended to many popish innovations, and altera­tions, both in doctrine and discipline; and 'twas at our intrea­ty, that any Nuntio was dispatched at all. It is not worth while to reckon up here, what novelties had been patronized, and by whom, how far Sparrow had paved the way for auricular confes­sion, Watts for penance, Heylin for altar-worship, Mountague for Saint-worship, Laud for the Masse, and many others; it is not worth while to recite, how far the sanctity of the Sabbath was depraved, and all strictnesse of life under the scandall of Puritanisme disparaged, or how far Arminianisme, Socini­anisme, Atheisme it selfe was countenanced, the easier to de­bosh the Clergie, and people, and to prepare them for altera­tions of any kind, it having beene observed; that to some men irreligion it selfe seemed lesse offensive than the Popish Religion: our Venetians owne words are; The Vniversities, Bishops and Divines of this Realme, doe daily imbrace Catholike opinions, though they professe it not with open mouth, for feare of the Puritanes: for ex­ample, they hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church; that the Pope is superiour to all Bishops; that to him it appertaines to call generall Councels; that it is lawfull to pray for the soules departeds; that Altars ought to be erected; in summe, they believe all that is taught by the Church, but not by the Court of Rome. In another place he reports the King to be much a favourer of Confession, [Page 16]and sayes, that by his countenance, Catholikes did increase daily.

At the Councell of Trent all matters concerning the Court of Rome, which are of themselves but disputable, were deter­mined and enjoyned as points of faith to be believed upon strict paine of damnation; but matters of faith indeed, con­cerning the Church of Rome, were left disputable, and no Ana­thema annexed to them. Now, the Court of England having contrary interests in this respect, was not so far Popish, and therefore Canterbury himselfe would ever professe against these Tridentine Papists, whom onely he hated as Papists properly so called. Neverthelesse, we must not conceive, that the English Laytie had been in a condition any whit better or gentler, be­cause the King and the Clergie here were so stiffe against the Court of Rome; for what the King & our great Primate did deny to the Pope, it was intended to be reserved in the same rigor to themselves. The Papist properly so called in Canterburies sense so much to be abominated, was he which maintained a suprema­cy of the Pope here in England altogether incompatible with the oath of Allegeance, and not agreeing with the Archbishops Metropoliticall power. Without any Treaty, without any dif­ficulty at all, all Popery which was not Popery properly so called; that is, all Popety so far as the people and inferiour Clergie were interessed in it, so it did not savour of the Court of Rome; nay, let it savour of the Court of Rome, so it did not derogate any thing from the King in temporalibus, or the Arch­bishops independecy in spiritualibus; so far it was acceptable to the Prelates, and they would be assisting to recommend, or inforce it on all others. This was the summe of our recon­ciliation with Rome.

2 Secondly, I come now to the two parties which were to be reconciled; and they were the Protestants and Papists, di­vided hitherto by the Puritanes: our Venetian resolves not one­ly who are, but also what are Protestants and Puritanes both; and as for the Papists, the third great faction, they need no de­scription at all: if we desire to know who are Protestants, our [Page 17] Venetian tels us, They consist of the King, the Nobles Titular, that is, the Court Lords, and Gentlemen, or such of the Peerage and Gen­try, as are enobled and raised to more than ordinary favours, and honors, besides almost all the Prelates, and both the Vniversities: If we desire to know what it is that denominates them Protestants, tis intimated in this that they hate Puritanes more than they hate Pa­pists, that they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritanes, that they are such as have not so ingaged themselves to the Reformed Religion, but that they have since set themselves to reduce them­selves againe to the old practise of their forefathers: that they are only very opinative in excluding the Popes supremacy, and by this meanes have occasioned the Catholicks, which frequented Protestant Churches for 12 yeares after the Reformation to sequester them­selves. If we desire to know who are Puritanes, He tels us, they consist of some Bishops, all the Gentry and Communalty, and there­fore are the most potent of all the three parties: If we desire to know what Puritanes are, and what is intended in that deno­mination; he tels us, They are such as received the discipline of the French and Netherlanders, & hold not the English Reformation to bee so perfect, as that which Calvin instituted at Geneva: That they hate Catholick more than they hate Protestants, that they would be casily quitted were it not for some great Patrons of theirs at Court, who for private ends take them into Protection.

If this be a true account given (as it seemes to me beyond all doubt) the greatest part of the Gentry and Communalty of England, under the odious terme of Puritanes is to be op­pressed, and destroyed meerely because they honour Calvin, and are averse from the Pope. The name of Protestant also is to be appropriated to the King, the Nobilitie, the Pre­lates, and Vniversities, meerely because they hate the Gentry and Commonalty, or the Generality therof more then they hate Papists: and lastly the Papist and the Protestant that they may be more fully incorporated, both of them shall be grati­fied, and their Vnion solemnized, as it were with the ruine of the third and most Potent party of the Kingdom.

This was that great and godly worke which was so mag­nified [Page 18]by Doctor Heylin and and other Court Chaplaines of late; this was that rare bloudy machination which his Grace of Canterbury and the other Grandees of our Church recom­mended to us, as the pious inclination of the times, and as a more beautiful restoration of the Gospel, then that w ^ch Luther and Calvin labour'd to advance. Rome had not such pregnant hopes of regaining England fifty yeares agoe: for then (as a great Romanist complained) opposition was made, not onely by a puritan-City, and a puritan-Parliament, but a puritan-Queene also. It should seem the City of London was puritani­call from the beginning, and so was the Parliament; in which two is comprized all that is noble and worthy in the king­dome of England: but who would imagine that so inconside­rable a party as the Papists and semi-Papists were in Queene Elizabeths dayes, should dare to asperse, not only the whole kingdome, but even the Queene her selfe? and who can wonder, if in these times, London and the Parliament have new brands of disgrace, worse then that of Puritane fixed up­on them, (The King himselfe now appearing against them) if they could not goe unbranded when that unparallell'd Lady professed with them? yet we cannot ascribe this so much to the policy of the Clergy, as the blockishnesse of the Laity, that the Hierarchy prevailes so far: for if whole Cities, whole Parliaments, whole Nations, are to be conquered with the meere calumnious words of Puritane, Roundhead, Anabap­tist. &c. Who is able to stand before them? can it be imagi­ned that the same faction should forbeare to call us Round­heads which upbraided Q. Elizabeth as a Puritane, especially, when by their comming upon the King they have gotten that advantage now? Which then they had no hopes to get, nor can it be imagined that that party will fall from its prefer­ment and hopes, rather then to satisfie so sottish a generati­on, it will take the paines to invent one reviling term of scur­rility? surely the world for these many ages has had better experience both of the malice and subtilty of Rome.

3 Thirdly, the meanes used for the effecting of this reconcili­ation, [Page 19]and for the sure transacting and close carrying of it on, are now to be considered. The King it should seeme thought that without all scanda [...]l he might receive an Embassadour from the Pope, as well as from other Catholick Princes, and upon the proposition of the same by Panzani himselfe to the Queene, and to some others of power about the King by Panzani's friend; the thing seemed very reasonable, so that the Nuntio to be sent over were no Priest: howsoever for more privacies sake, it was ordered, that the Nuntio should addresse himself to the Queen, and not to the King immedi­ately; and that the pretended businesse of his addresse should be to mediate a reconciliation betwixt the Regulars and Se­culars in England. This would better blinde the jealous Pu­ritanes, and make the true intent of the negotiation the more involved: and the case of Dr. Smith the Bishop of Chalcedon expelled by the persecution of the Iesuites, for claiming ju­risdiction as Vniversal ordinary in England, served well at this time for a specious colour. Reason of state none could be al­ledged for any intercourse betweene England and Rome, therfore the Church affairs must be the subject of our Embas­sie, the Iesuites and the Seculars were imbroyled in some con­testation, & twas for the benefit of Rome to appease the heat of it. Without all doubt the Romish Councell De propaganda side would not entertaine agents from us to settle union be­tweene Calvinists and Lutherans, or betweene Remon­strants and Contra-Remonstrants: but we that have no such councell nor no such designe, instead of nourishing enmity amongst our adversaries, allay it, and in stead of allaying enmity amongst friends, nourish it. Nothing can more cleerely shew, that the Court of England stands not disaffe­cted to the prosperity of Rome, then this endevour of making atonement betwixt the opposite Champions of that religion, and yet this was but the shell of the designe, the kernell had more mischiefe in it: for we may understand by our Venetian, that Panzani out of his great circumspection and finenesse, ha­ving matured the businesse of generall reconciliation, so well [Page 20]for the further covering of his true designe, he did apply him­selfe after, to his pretended negotiation. And therefore upon the 22 of November 1635, almost a yeare after his arrivall here procured some accord betwixt the Seculars and Regulars, though the Iesuites would not come in. The truth is, the Ie­suites were then the principall body of the Regulars, govern­ing them (as they do still also) the best families of England, nay the very Court it selfe, and so they not submitting to the accord, 'twas but nugatory, and a meere umbrage to all the world, except the phlegmaticall dull English. Nay it is suffi­ciently proved by our Venetian, that all pacification betwixt the Iesuites & Regulars is impossible, wherupon if Con comply with the Iesuites, it is the same thing as if he did abandon the Seculars, and it is to be doubted that the businesse of Religion will be rather hindered than promoted thereby. And what greaterinstance need we of the Iesuites predominance in Eng. than this, that notwithstanding the distast of Canterb. and his deare, confident Chichester, they can excite the Popes ordinary here, nay, & without all regard to the Colledge of Sorbona, & to the Popes own interest, they dare inveigh not only against the person of some, but against the function of all Bishops? Wherefore the accommodation betwixt Seculars and Regulars, being so useles to Protestants, & so hopeles to Papists; we must not doubt but some designe of more consequence was obscured under that pretext, for when we heare that the Pope and Cardinall Barbarini dispat­ched so many persons, of such quality hither, & that the King stood bare at their audience, and manifested so much grace in their reception, and that the Q [...]. and all the great Lords and Ladies, with extraordinary presents, and frequent visits, both given and taken, studied to do such honor to them, the matter in hand cannot seem ordinary. Tis true, the Arch-bishop would not personally treat with Panzani; Windebank his crea­ture was to intervene therin, neither could Panzani treat with the Archbishop, but by Franscis a Sanct Clara his friend on the other side, but this was meerely for secrecies sake; for we know well what factions soever were in our Court, Panzani was not [Page 21]unacceptable to any, by the meanes of Windebank he obtained grace with Canterburies party and by the meanes of Cottington he held correspondency with that party which was adverse. Panzani though not addicted to the Regulars, yet wanted no acceptance a­mongst the Cottingtonians, and Con though in grace with the Iesuites, yet lost no esteem with the Canterburians. All sides conspire to undo Puritanes, as if our Saviour were again to be crucified; Herod in this busines can lay aside all emulations & variance with Pilate, and Pilate can as peaceably shake hands with Herod. It may be justly surmised also, that when there was so amicable & generall a concurrence betwixt Canterbury, Chichester and the other 8. Bishops, (amongst whom we may boldly nominate Glocester) as also Portland, Cotting. Windebank and so many other Lay Grandees cooperating in this zealous work of Reconciliation, the order of the Iesuites was not in truth so odious to the Canterburians as was pretented openly at other times.

4 We are now to consider the advantage, which was the maine motive or allurement to invite the King to this Recon­ciliation. That cup of fornication which the Circe of Rome, (as the Scripture describes it) mingles and prepares for the Ks. of the earth, must needs be very delicious to the sense, aswell as it is pernitious to the understanding; it must needs please, as well as intoxicate, or else why should the great Potentates of the world be more apt to yeeld to the infatuation of it than common persons? That it does inebriate or debosh the un­derstanding, must be consented to by all that consent to the truth of Scripture, and that there is a purpose of mischiefe in that strumpet, whose intoxications are so strong to captivate, and delude, cannot be doubted; the maine knot & difficulty is, what the ingredients are, which render the Composition so ra­vishing and sweet to the palate of Princes. Our Venetian con­ceives, That the allurement or advantage is something temporal, and not religious, for in his censure great Princes & Polititians in their soules make no account of Religion, though in shew they always indea­vour to appeare extreamely zealous, and severely inflict exemplary [Page 22]punishments upon all such as temerate the purity of it; some men, he admits, may embrace Religion in sincerity, as it leades to true happi­nesse, but tis hard for him to imagine that mighty Monarchs, & their nearest privados should honor it at all, but for its secular commodities as it inclines the people to subjection, and preserves States from com­motion. Neither must we censure this censure, as utterly causles and injurious, for Paganism, Mahome anism, Iudaism, Papism, Socinianisme, divide all the world amongst them, except one final inconsiderable remainder, & divide that remainder into 10 parts, and scarce one of those 10 is indued with that true power and tincture of Religion, which Scripture names rege­neration; and if we yet make another subdivision, the mighty, the politick, the honorable of this world will scarce make up the 10 of that tenth part. The maine bulk of mankind, either makes no profession at all to regard Religiō, or else professeth a regard meerely for the tēporall conveniences which attend religion, or else falsly & hypocritically, rest in the meere sha­dow or ex ernal formalities of it. Our K. has been always bred up in the Prot▪ relig▪ and with deep vows has exprest often his sincere adherence to it, though our Venetian therefore being a Papist censured according to the principles of a Papist; for my part I shall nevertheles have none but charitable thoughts of our Kings hearty esteeme of Religion in general, and of the Protestant religion in particular. Tis not credible to me, that all religions should be indifferent, or of the like efficacy in the esteem of our King, or that the Romish religion should seem spiritually more efficacious to him, than Protestantisme, some advantages (I conceive) of a secular, political nature might have the force to dispose his heart to a reconciliation with Rome, but I am most confident, that no spiritual advantage was aimed at therein. For if the advantage had been celestiall, and such as did appertaine immediatly to the soule, then all times had bin alike opportune for reconciliation with the Church of Rome; nay the first opportunity was most to be embraced; but in this speech or the Kings cited by our Venetian, a fitnes of season seems to be impli'd for the inviting to a present reconciliatiō. [Page 23]There is no doubt then remaining, nor nothing fit for our inqui­ry but what temporall advantage it was, which the K. expected and promist to himself, & what kind of reconciliation it was w ^ch he thought fit to conclude with Rome. As for the reconciliation that has been already spoken to, and as it is uncertaine what the K. intended in his own breast, & how far he resolved to comply with the Pope; so it is most certain, that the Bish. & those Coun­sellors of his, which were most intimate with him, and most a­ctive in the negotiation with Panzani, &c. intended a totall alre­ration of religion, & that he was grossely abused & deceived by them, if he himself intended otherwise. This has bin made suffi­ciently manifest; I am now to make it as manifest, if I can, that e­ven in those temporal advantages also, wherby the King was so­licited, and incited to descend to any agreement at all with the Pope in any degree whatsoever, he was as grossely abused & de­ceived also. The sacerdotall Empire of Rome, though it be foun­ded upon nothing else but meere delusions & incantations (as the holy S. of God himselfe perpetually inculcates to us) yet to flesh & bloud those delusions & incantatiōs are so powe [...]ful, that we may truely say it is a Throne very cunningly erected, and as firmely under-propped. The Romish Potion at first had only spiritual ingredients in it, the Bishops were compelled to act san­ctity even almost to the life, before Princes would subject them­selves, & at that time nothing but heauen was the allurement to d [...]spose Mon [...]rhs to such subjectiō. Nevertheles though we may wonder that innocent, wel affected Ks. & Emperors should be so blinded with abūdance of zeale, as to think that they could not sufficiently glorify God with their royalty, unles they disrobed thēselves of some part of it, to communicate the same to Priests, who must needs grow the more tēporal, & not the more spiritual therby; yet that error was more excusable then ours is in these lat­ter times. Prin. now adays (except some very few that are excee­ding weak in their intellectuals) do not suffer thēselves to be de­mentated & made drunk with any conceits of the Popes holines, if the Pope did not further sweeten his cup with promises of grandour & safety, and other temporal additions, 'twould scarce rellish in these depraved, yet quick-sighted times.

Can any man imagine that Hen. 4, in France did totally, or King Iames in Eng. partially comply with Rome for conscience sake? no, tis impossible that such fine spirits & firme intellects, should be so far transformed by any Circean compound drink whatso­ever; doubtlesse that which drew them in, to carouse was some­thing proper, and peculiarly qualified for their rellishes, and in probability it was respect of safety and security, rather than ad­dition of power and supremacy. That power which Princs first parted with to the Pope, for religious reasons, inabled him to frame a great party of Clergy-men, and Regular Orders, and to himself al that were eminent for learning, policy, & reputed pie­ty; & being thus inabled, such Princes as were not to be beguild by his pretences, he after oppressed by treachery. Wherefore now some Princes stoop to him for feare of damage, ut non no­ceat; others for hope of benefit ut prosit, and though his Empire be now in a great declination, and the world begins both to for­tifie themselves against his powder, poyson & poynards on the one side; and to discover the falsity of his promises on the o­ther side; yet still his industry never failes him. Howsoever those Princes which submit to the Pope for feare, are more worthy of blame, than those which submit for gaine; for scarce ever did God leave any just Prince to the cruelty of the Popes Emissaries, nor scarce ever was it known, that they came to time­ly ends, which succumbed to the Pope out of feare, as Hen. the 4 did, and as King Iames may be suspected to have done. But tis advantage that is the Popes maine bayte, especially where Prin­ces value Religion for the generall profit which redounds from it, to humane society, than for any other excellence discerned in it; as our Venetian observes. And yet the misery and mischief rests not here, for as our great Potētates are not religious enough to addict themselves to divine worship, without respect of secular ends, so neither are they wise enough to pierce into the reality & truth of those ends. To serve the Pope does not so really advāce the Pre­rogative of Princes, as to remain under Gods allegiance, yet the Pope gaines that obedience by empty promises, which God cannot receive by full assurances.

Amongst other Princes; it seems (at least propable out of this discourse of our Venetian) King Charles hath inclined his ear in some part, to the delusory bewitching allurements of Rome in this point of temporall advantage, for though Popery un­der the grosse notion of Popery, (I believe) was never appro­ved of by our King, yet under the masque of qualifying, and dulcifying distinctions, it is to be feared it found some accep­tance, as being a profession more disposing Subjects to secu [...]i­ty, and blind obedience, then Prostestantisme.

This is the Popes sole fortresse, upon this impregnable rock shis throne planted, it is not so much his pretended predeces­sour Peters confession, as this delusion that he builds upon, so that now the gates of Hell are not formidable to him. So long as Princes covet to be absolute, and so long as Popery is belie­ved to favour absolute dominion, so long the See of Rome thinks it self secure, against all mines and barteries whatsoever. Neverthelesse it is the dull sollie of Princes to expect tem­porall advantages from Rome, or to suppose the Reformed Re­ligion is more adverse to Monarchy, then the Popish. Our Ve­netian tells us that the intentions both of the Court of Rome, and the Court of England, are contrary, and that in Secular things es­pecially, for (saith he) it is not so much for the extirpation of other heresies, as for the establishing his own Supremacy, that the Pope strives in pursuance of his old pretences, and whereas on the con­trary, the Court of England aimes not at any alteration in faith, so much as the toleration of the oath of Supremacie, this the Pope knowes to be contrary to his Maximes, and inconsistent with his temporall grandour, and therefore no accord can be possible be­twixt them upon these terms: wherefore our great negotiators which were to treat with Panzani, Con, and Rosetti, what did they else, but abuse the King, proposing to him such tempo­rall advantages, as they well knew were uncompassable? and contracting with another partie who might gain much, but was certaine to lose nothing. But some will say, are not the Prin­ces of Spaine, France, Germany, &c. more unlimited in their [Page 26]power over their subjects then the Princes of England, Den­marke, Holland, &c. And is not this a good demonstration that the Catholick religion favours royalty more then the Protest­ants? I answer no; for this proves that subjects are more miser­able, but not that Princes are more absolute amongst the Pa­pists, for as much as where the Pope prevailes, there is a Co­dominion and rivalty in rule, and this Protestant Princes are freed from.

Neither is this Co-dominion so light a thing as some men think, for the Popes yoke is a hard yoke, and the Popes bur­then is a heavy burthen, he is Antichrist in this, as in all other things, that is, contrary to Christ.

A late Venetian Embassador being in discourse here at his owne table, about entertaining of the Popes Nuntios, ex­postulated openly in this manner; What wonder is this that the King being freed from Rome, should be so inclineable to subject his neck to the yoake againe? Could we at Venice once fully acquit our selves of this bondage, we should be sufficiently carefull and re­solved to keep our selves for ever free. And this speech was the more remarkable, in regard that the Venetians better know what the Popes claimes are in spiritualibus, & in ordine ad spi­ritualia, then our English doe; and yet though of all Catholicks they are the wisest, and have best rampired themselves against the excesse of the Popes jurisdiction; yet we see there is still some thing remaining in the spirituall yoke, that grievs their necks and drawes some regret from them, the secret of all is but this, (for to the Great Lords of the earth, it remaines still a secret and unfathomable, though to true Protestents it be a plaine ordinary naked truth) Popery as it doth more counte­nance and uphold cruell tyranny in Princes, so it doth also more foment dissention, and rebellion in subjects then the re­formed Religion.

And there is no contradiction at all in this (none but halfe witted men will think so) for whilst Princes will allow the Pope more then is his due, he will assist in any oppression whatso­ever, [Page 27]but let any thing be denied to him, and then he present-looseneth the bonds of allegiance, making Subjects as unjust scourges to their Lords, as he had made the Lords before to their Subjects, what countreyes doe not abound with stories of this kind? it would be meere losse of time to set forth what seas of bloud have been shed in Europe, by unnaturall civil broils, raised betwixt Subjects and their Lords in the Popes quarrells meerely, I shall desire all true English men to read Mr. Prinne ^cs late treatises, concerning this subject, and to compare them with histories of other countries. The Popes promises to Kings, are like the tempters to our Saviour, all these royalties and glories will I bestow upon you, but with this proviso, that you then prostrate your selves to serve me, but what is that service which he requires? that they may endure a baser vassallage under him then their Subjects do under them.

On the contrary the Protestant Religion seasons us, with such unstained loyalty, that Princes do presume thereupon, & fear the lesse to grieve, & provoke us, as by Contzens the Jesuits ad­vertisements, & the practice of divers Princes in Europe of late is testified too clearly, well may we wonder then at the front­lesse impudence of such Papists as upbraide Protestants with disobedience to Magistracy, especially when they charge it as a sin resulting, & issuing out of the Protestant principles, them­selves. What doth Barclay imagine of his readers stupidity, when in his book contra Monarchomachos, he inveighes against his countrey man Buchanan, as injurious to Royalty, and im­putes this, as an effect, or product of the Protestant Religion?

His Relgion was ever infamous for excommunicating, murthering, deposing Princes, and imbruing nations in unnatu­all, treasonable, execrable warres, whereas the Protestant Re­ligion equally abhorres both cruelty in princes, and disloyalty in Subiects, aiming at nothing but that Kingly prerogative and popular liberty, may be even ballanced; and yet this foule rai­ler, here inverts nature, calling white black, and black white.

The King of England hath some Subiects wherein none hath an interest, but himself, and he hath other Subiects wherein the Pope hath an interest as well as himself, the first are Eng­lish, the second are Irish, in whether Nations loyalty he may rather confide I cannot tell, (for at this present he bends him­self with more violence against the Englsh, then Irish) but the end will reveal to the confusion of his malignant seducers, that there was nothing but fidelity in English Protestants, nor nothing but perfidie in Irish Papists, I shall use no other instan­ces: If there be any curse impendent over the Nation, both King and People, it is this, that this truth is not yet sufficiently credited and acknowledged.

But to our present negotiation again, it seemed to our Vene­tian, that the King aimed at such a dispensation from the Pope, as that his Catholick Subiests might resort to our Protestant Church­es, and take the oath of Supremacy, and fidelity, and that the Popes iurisdiction here should be declared, to be but of humane right, &c. but what needed the King to seek these things from the Pope? or what hope was there to obtaine them at all? and if they were to be obtained, but not without the losse of other things, ten times more precious, and profitable to the King, what advantage was in them?

We cannot apprehend that the King should expect any good from Rome of himself, some strong inchanting solicitation there must be, to induce him, and that by such, as aimed not at his, but their own interests, and this our Venetian layes open and makes clear enough for he tells us that the Court of Rome treated according to its own maxime, and in pursuance of its old pretences. The Popes end was temporall grandour, and what co [...]ld all the Popes vassalls, here more expect then his ad­vancement? but the Pope and his party, were but Treaters of one side, the question is, who were Treaters on the other side, and what it was, which they were to treate for. This question is without question, for the Merchants of our side, were our Pre [...]ates, some whereof being single, were to be made Cardi­nalls, [Page 29]and others were to receive pensions from Rome, as our Vene­tian tells us. The Protestant Religion doth not so much affect the outward opulence, pomp, and splendour, of the Church, (that is of Clergy men) as the Popish doth, and therefore the main body of the Clergy, and the Universities have been long conspiring to alter Religion, at least in that point, and rather then faile in that, they care not how they debosh the Church inducing an hotohpodge (as Mr. Cheynell has well observed of Arminianisme, Popery, Socinianisne, any thing rather then a plaine Gospell. If Canterbury may not be allowed to be Alte­rius Orbis Papa, as some of his predecessors were called, and as able to give check to the Crowne of England, and if Schol­ars generally may not insult and lord it in Church and state, as the use was amongst our ignorant forefathers, they will make a league with Rome, nay with hell it self, rather then endure it. The Religion of Scotland is a nasty invention, the discipline of Ge­neva is a profaine confusion, the City of London is a nest of Ana­baptists, the Parliament a croud of croundheads: All Protestants that are not for beautified Altars, gilt Organs, clinquant copes, are worse Christians then the Romish Catholicks: how soever the true Protestant desires not to see the Clergy despicable, or the house of God to be without bread, or order confounded in the Church, these are scandals invented to make all men odious that are not addicted to the Popish gaity & tyranny of Priests. That Reformation which the Parliament aimes at will avoide all unjustice and extreames, and if the Clergy stand not in their own light, Religion will flourish and the Church prosper bet­ter then they have done hitherto: for the Vine which is the most naturall resemblance of the Church that can be, proves equally unfertile by luxuriance, when her branches for want of pruning spread abroad too wildly, as it does by indurance when shee bleeds two prodigally under the dres­sers knife, And this cannot be unknowne to the Parliament.

5 We come now to vew the true obstickles and impe [...]ch­ments of this Reconciliation, one hindrance was Sr. Toby [Page 30] Mathewes his ambition, who thinking his imployment lessned, and his person cheapened by the comming over of feig. Pan­zani, and not finding such compliance from Panzani, as he ex­pected, openly expressed himselfe an adversary to his under­takings. the great stomack also of the Jesuites, who before had the sway at Court; did not well brook a lay Legate here in England, and if the reconciliation thrived, they did perhaps feare that the English Nation might rather incline to favour the seculars then themselves. Then the Pope doubtlesse (with reverence be it spoken to his infallibility) was a little too ma­jesticall at first in his moving towards us, he saw us so precipi­tate in our pace towards him that he thought he himself might safely stand upon rigorous punctilio's. The King required from the Pope onely such naturall allegiance of his subjects as other Catholicke Princes use to have paid them, without futher dist­inguishing, and yet his holinesse did conceive it was too much to tolarate this oath for the assurance of that. His holinesse thought it rather fit that the very words formerly conceived and enacted by the states of the whole kingdome, should be presently expunged or altered: and though the King was con­tented to qualifie and correct the letter of the law, by a mild­er declaration, and interpretation, yet even that was not held satisfaction enough.

In the next place also our Prelates were contented to allow the Pope a priority above all Bishops, but a superiority seemed more then due, especially in England the Arch Bishop was re­solved to be the supream Ordinary himself, and yet his holines did not thinke it agreeable to his Vice-Godship to admit of that honour as due to the Arch-Bishop. The dispute was not whether the Arch-Bishop should execute that office in his own name and right, or by allowance and deputation from the Pope, nor was there any clause of salvo jure to either of them, as yet thought on. these were tender points not to be insisted on too roughly, at such a time as this, when bothsides were so far re­solved of a reconciliation before hand. There must be a more [Page 31]mind and easie way of composing things then so: for as the Pope had rather we should remaine Protestants, and so despe­rate of salvation, then that his supremacy should be too farre im­peached; so Canterbury had rather we should not turne Papists then that his Primacie should be too farre disabled. The bar­gain therefore at first unqualified was thus. The Pope demand­ed to have a Legate in England that should be a Bishop, and not favour the oath of Allegiance, on the other side the King here would have the oath of allegiance favoured, and the Bi­shops thought it needlesse, for the Pope to have any other a­gents, or deputies here besides themselves. This difference could hardly be composed all the time of Seig. Panzani, but at last the Bishops durst not wholly neglect the Kings interest, and so the oath of allegiance was included in the bargain, and the King would not oppose the Bishops interest, and so a lay Legate was agreed upon, and it was for the Popes honour that a Legate should be for the saving of his authority, and therefore because the Pope could not withstand both King, and Bishops, such a Legate was agreed upon as should favour the oath, yet be no Bishop. It was pressed home to the Pope, that the Archbishop and his party, were passionate seekers of this Reconciliation. and in order, and preparation thereunto, had already brought in many Rites, Ceremonies, and Do­ctrines, nearly approching the Church of Rome, and that if the work were not speeded during his life time, greater difficulties and re-incounters were likely to interpose after his death, and yet for a good space the Pope thought the conditions too unequall. So little weight and proportion did the soules of mil­lions hold, in comparison of one temporall flower, of the popes garland, and therefore Panzanies skill, and industry, for a whole yeare could scarce master these animosities, and facili­tate the businesse for his next successours: neverthelesse, the Pope at last, grew more a Courtier, and stooped a little to a smoothy cōpliance by his more crafty ministers, Con, & Rosetti and now the plot of the agreement is perfected, and there wants nothing, but the putting of it into execution. Without a [Page 32]effected but by their utter subversion, the wished reconciliati­on could not yet be consummated, and the Puritanes being the greater part of the Kingdome by farre, this taske must needs be very cumbersome, Confession (as our Venetian heard say) was a thing held fit to be urged upon us by violence, but fear of commoti­on hindered it, and we may very probably conjecture that some other grosser points of Popery had been obtruded upon us also by the higher powers, but that the cursed indisposition of the Puritanes was such, that there was great hazzard in the attempt Howsoever our stout Prelates were not out of all hope of carrying their designe, either by fraud or force, or a mixture of both, and therefore seeing things so equally poized in England Scotland and Ireland, they were resolved that no meere haz­zard should wholly deter them from adventuring the utmost. Scotland appeared wholly almost puritanicall, but to counter­poise that, Ireland appeared as generally Popish, and for Eng­land, though the major part there was puritanicall, yet the more potent in place and authority▪ and the more exquisite in subtilti [...], or rather treachery was Popish or Protestant, that is inclined to combine with Papists, and therfore in all this there was little odds, to disanimate them, neither was their any feare of forraign forces: for under the deceitfull pretence of our head-ship and association, the Protestants in Germany and France were allready much weakned and betrayed, and made jealous of adhering to us, they being brought to such a condi­tion that they could not helpe themselves at home, much lesse annoy enemies abroad. Also the King of Denmarke and Prince of Aurange, though Protestants, yet were Polititians, and ther­fore the interest of Royalty, would questionles prevaile more with them, then the interest of Religion. It would please them better to see the Prerogative gained in England, to the damage of Religion, then religion to prosper, by the diminution of Prerogative. It onely remains then that in England they plot­ted Reconciliation be first put in execution, and advanced by as slow insensible degrees, as may be, and great art must be u­sed, when Churches, Altars, &c. beg in to be decored; [Page 33]be made to believe, not that popery is to be induced, but that a faire reconciliation between both Churches is to be procured; and not that Protestantisme is to be at all in any considerable matter changed, but that Puritanisme be exterminated. Also when not onely faire allurements, but the two great Carnificines of the Land, The Star-Chamber and High-Commission have by rigor prevailed as far as may be; and when by all other meanes the English are inured, and familiarized to some popish rites under the faire pretence of conforming to Reverend Antiqui­ty. Then the Scots (who are not so apt to be inamoured with the splendor and pomp of Church-men as we are) must be by all meanes assailed, and urged to union and conformity with the Church of England.

And because it is expected that the Scots should be more jea­lous of the least incroachments of Poperie, and more adven­turous to secure themselves in such jealousie, and more unani­mous in their adventure; therefore their countrey is to be made the first Scene of the war. And since it would be too grosse to impeach the whole Nation of Puritanisme, therefore their crime must be rebellion; and the better to imbarque the English in the quarrell, that in the Scots they might destroy themselves, some new disguise must be put upon the war; it must be di­vulged, that in stead of settling Bishops in their Sees, and bringing in the English Lyturgie, the King has need to be esta­blished in his Throne, and Scotland to be preserved from Anar­chie. All the dispute is; Whether Subjects may make re­sistance by force of Arms against a just, pious, clement Prince, the name of Bellum Episcopale is dis-owned: the Title of the Lords annoynted will better support the envie of these broyles; and it is suggested to the English, that both the Lawes and Na­tives of Scotland are more Antimonarchicall then those of England.

All these traines, notwithstanding the Puritane faction in England (that is, all cordiall Protestants) abominated the grounds of that war, and in conclusion, the popish faction, and the Bi­shops, [Page 34]Nobility, Universities and Clergie, which onely chal­lenge the name of Protestants, were not able to put the King in­to such a condition of strength, but that he was driven to give the Scots their demanded satisfaction. Hereupon likewise a re­solution is taken to summon a Parliament in England, as is pre­tended for the disbanding of the two Armies, and composing these Nationall breaches; but some thinke, for the turning one or both these Armies another way, and raising farther divisions in the bowels of England; but God so over-ruled the matter, that the Scots did peaceably retire, and our souldiers disband without attempting any thing against the Parliament.

And now to recover life againe in this so foil'd an enterprise, nothing will serve, but that the Irish, (who were placed as in Ambuscado for the purpose) must rise all in Armes, and most perfidiously execute a secret bloody massacre upon all the Bri­tish Protestants in that Kingdome. Doubtlesse (if ever Rome shewed her excellent skill) 'twas in that silent deepe conspira­cie, if ever she shewed her fiery zeale, 'twas in that horrid in­fernall Tragedie: If ever she discovered her selfe to the Chri­stian world in her lively colours of whore, witch, murtheresse, 'twas in this unparallel'd villany. By this meanes the Popish affaires are in better state than ever; for Scotland stands gazing on, as if she were lost, in admiration, and Ireland is become not onely intire for the businesse for its owne strength, but is back'd also with some supply out of Flaunders, and other Coun­treyes; and even the Kings party in England (though they hold not open intelligence with them) yet act all the parts of per­fect friends and allyes to them.

The Irish Rebells are secured by the diversion of our Cava­liers here, and our Cavaliers here are secured by the diversion made there by the Rebels; both sides professe and avow the same cause, and draw their swords against the same Parliament Round-heads; and were it not that our shipping did prevent their meetings, doubtlesse our Cavaliers would procure some forces from Ireland, and the Irish would be supplyed with other [Page 35]necessaries out of England; and yet 'tis advantage to the popish abettors here, to disclaime the advantage of Communion with their popish abettors there.

That very Army also (which to the great exhausting of the good party in England levied to oppugne the Rebels) is solli­cited to joyne against those, by whom it is levied; and supplies sent for Ireland by the Parliament of England are intercepted by the Kings forces, and thus the Parliament (more unfortu­nate than the Pelican) makes wounds in her owne breast, to draw out blood, not for her friends, but for her enemies advan­tage. In this strange confluence of unexpected mischiefs, whilst the Parliament finds her selfe so relinquish'd by her friends, so surrounded with enemies of contrary factions and pretences, and so undermined with daily new treasons, Shee makes her mos [...] humble addresse to the King to settle the Posse or Militia of this Kingdome, in faithfull well reputed hands; the King at first, in great darknesse, neither grants, nor seemes to deny the request, he professeth no dislike to the persons nominated, but alledgeth, that by this meanes, the Commissioners should nei­ther be authorised solely by his Commission, nor should be discharged at his meere pleasure. The Scots had obtained this due righteous satisfaction before, and doubtlesse had taken it as an utter defiance, or invasion, had they not obtained it; but England is denyed so much right (even after its example, and the good consequence thereof in Scotland) yet remaines too insensible of their owne danger in this fatall sad denyall. Neverthelesse, the contrary faction takes this as the certaine trump of war; and leaving us to our deepe melancholly, be­stirs it selfe towin the City of London, and all military persons to the King; and though the City will not prove unfirme to the Parliament, yet the Cavaliers all flocke to the Court (and there caressed by the Queene) vow themselves to any designe whatsoever.

Something also is plotted both against the Citie and Parlia­ment, but proving uneffectuall, because both are so safe against [Page 36]the Popish partie and the Cavaliers: therefore it is preten­ded, that they are unsafe to the King and his Children, and it is spred abroad, that the King is in danger of being surprized by those, who should have been surprized by his, if God had not otherwise provided.

The King is counselled in the next place therefore to retire to some remote Port Towne of strength, commodious for re­ceit of Forces both forraine and domesticall; and his eye is upon Hull, where a great Magazine of Armes is, but in that he is fore-stalled by the Parliament. This gives the King oc­casion to levie men at York, for the safegard of his person, whilst all intentions of an Army were solemnly abjured by himselfe; and the same seconded by the Lords subscriptions: and this was a good help to encrease his Gard into the propor­tion of an Army, and to give good hope that hee might not only remaine safe in York, but also march forth to storme Hull. But soft, I am not to passe the storie of that march, that was the Rubicon of this war, and it is beyond my purpose to trace the businesse any further; what hath since followed on both sides, was enforced by these beginnings.

I must now leave off my discoverie, Venit Hespe [...]us; the day it selfe would faile mee, if I should prosecute these things too far. He which takes all these premises into just consideration, can want nothing else to convince and satisfie, who were the chiefe Incendiaries of this war, and who were the persons that did commence and continue all our broyles. That the people of these our Kingdomes have of late yeares, since Queene Eli­zabeths death, so prodigiously degenerated, as of honourable to become generally dishonourable, of loyall to become univer­sally disloyall, of naturall to become totally unnaturall, is monstrous to beleeve. But that King Iames and King Charles have varied from the government of Queene Elizabeth, and to hold a good understanding with Rome, have not been so fixedly devoted to the true interests of the reformed Religion, and their subjects prosperitie, as that blessed Lady was, is a truth that [Page 37]Heaven and earth will give testimony to. That ambitious Prelates have been our prime Fire-brands is manifest also; for without their strong inchantments, our Kings would not have been so far alienated from us, and without that alienation, the Papists could not have so far trampled upon us. To compasse to themselves an Empire above Princes, 'tas beene ever the charme of Priests to make promises and assurances, that they will elevate Princes as far above their Subjects, by an additi­on of royaltie, and enlargement of prerogative. In this, all Priests conspire, that prefer earth before Heaven, be they Pro­testant or Popish, be they English or Romish, the difference is only this: the English Prelate affects Poperie for Tyrannies sake, whereas the Romish prelate affects Tyranny for poperies sake; but both affect both for their owne preferments sake: for without Tyranny poperie cannot be enforced, and without poperie Tyranny cannot be supported; and as both cannot be establisht, but by a conspiracie of both parties, so neither is that conspiracie sufficient, unlesse the King also be won by it. Therefore in the Scots war it was suggested to the King, that the Crowne could not stand without the Myter, and therupon amongst the Plebeians it was dispersed and maintained, that the Bishops fought to maintaine the Kings Crowne, not that the King fought to uphold the Bishops Myter. And what diffe­rence is there now in our case? Is not this war in England a meere reviving of that war which was in Scotland? Did not our prelats as openly imbark the King in their quarrell then, as they do now? And do not our prelats struggle and stir as una­nimously now, and stand for the same ends, and adhere to the same confederates, the papists, as they did then? One drop of water is not more like another, than the Scottish war is like this. And if it be objected, that the prelates now incense not the King against the Scots, and therefore there is something new in the difference, more than was in that: and further, that they disclaime and abhor the Irish rebellion, and therfore they combine not with papists. This answer is readily given. The [Page 38]Scots, 'tis true, are fairely entertained in words, but in deeds, all the hostilitie offered to us is aimed at them, and will reach them in the next place, their ruine is most inevitably invol­ved in ours, and the Stoccado that pierces it, will easily find a passage thorow our bodyes into theirs. I am sure they are too wise a Nation to apprehend otherwise: so also for the Irish re­bels 'tis as true, they are ignominiously entertained in words, but indeed all the hostility offered to us, is amity to them, 'tis armes, monies, supplies sent to them; their protection is involved in our destruction, and our graves are their strongest bulwarks. But oh! how is it, that I am constrained to menti­on that detestable word Ireland? How is it, that that habita­tion of Zim and Ohim should enter my mind, to make there as dismall a mansion of horror as it selfe? Had I such fountains of teares in my head as Ieremiah had, to power out upon the slaine Protestants there, 'twould be some relaxation of griefe to me; or had I the bitternesse of soule which David had, when the Image of Iudas, traytorously imbrued in his Lord and Saviours blood represented it selfe to him, that I might power out all his Pro­pheticall execrations upo [...] them, and their posterities, who have animated and enabled the rebels there; (especiall, if any of them were Protestants, or of the British race, or in high place of authority) that, perhaps, would disburthen the too too pres­sing agonies of my spirit. But alas, alas, perhaps it is more seasonable for me, to pray that the Celestiall groanes of Ma­nasses, than the infernall tortures of Iudas may be given by God to those deeplingaged sinners, upon whom this woful guilt lies. I now wander, and am lost; I must returne to the businesse in hand: I heare some say, that the Parliament did first plot and contrive against the Court of England; and that all this in the Court hath beene but a defensive contriving or counter­plotting. Nothing more absurd, nothing more impossilbe, no­thing more inconsistant with the meanes, nothing more repug­nant to the ends of Parliaments: we must suppose that there are about ten Anabaptists now in Parliament, that first ex­pelled [Page 39]the major and better part there, and then overcame the major and better part of such as remaine unexpelled; then by authority of Parliament, and the help of some few other Ana­baptists in the City, they master and inslave the major and bet­ter part also by far, and then by some tumults there raised, they drive the King and all his popish prelaticall courtly and mili­tarie Adherents from the Citie; then they impose taxes upon the Kingdome, for the maintaining of divers Armies, and thereby tyrannize as the Decemviri did in Rome, in spite of King, in spite of Nobilitie, in spite of Gentrie, in spite of Commonaltie, in spite of Protestants, in spite of Papists, in spite of their owne Armies. And then not being sufficiently disconsonant to reason and nature, we must suppose that these ten Anabaptists have been in travaile with this designe almost 40 yeeres before King Iames began to comply with Prelates and Papists, and before Prelates and Papists began to conspire against Protestants, under the names of Puritans, these Anabaptists were consulting in a close Iunto, how to get themselves chosen of a Parliament, then how to get a Parliament call'd, then how to preserve that Parliament from being ever dissolv'd, then how to effect all these divine miracles, by such meanes as none but themselves should ever be able to discerne or comprehend. Is not this a rare subject for our great wits at Coutt to work into Proclamations and Declarations? 'Tis reported that the Lord Digby of late, being at Mr. Knightley's house in Nor­thampton-shire in a parlour there, whilst his Souldiers were busily searching, and plundring, and rifling other roomes, hee smote his hand upon the table, and swore; That that was the table whereat all these civill wars had been plotted at least a dozen yeares before. It should seeme Mr. Pym had sojourned sometime in that house and that was sufficient for an inference, that the nest of Anabaptists had been there too, and that that nest had studied something, which neither our Kings Cabinet Councellours, nor the Iunto's of Italy or Spaine could make defeisable. But if there were some meanes for Parliaments thus [Page 40]to debase Prerogative, and disable Monarchy. To what end should they attempt it? Is it for the felicitie of Parliaments, to subject themselves to ten unlimitable Anabaptists, rather than to endure one most admirably bounded Prince, and rather to make the whole Land a stage of bloud, horrout, and cruel­tie, than to be presidented by the loyaltie, policie, and religion of their Ancestours? Other men have spoken and written of this sufficiently. And besides, if it were possible, if it were profitable for Parliaments to turne publike oppressours, yet sense and experience tels us, that this Parliament hath not used any oppression, but with much difficultie been redeemed from oppression. But of this sufficiently also hath been written and spoken.

It remaines therefore, that we compare the means, the ends, the practices of Parliaments, with those of Princes, Papists, Prelates, &c. and taking a view of what hath been already set forth in this Discourse, parallel the same with that which is objected by the other side, and it cannot be denyed, but pre­lates and papists have been formerly conspirers and drawers on of the Scotch war, and other alterations in Church and State, as is here discovered. Then the question is, whether or no they have since desisted, or changed their resolutions: some change perhaps there is, but not such as may secure us; for before they did combat against us de victoria, now de vita; hope of victorie before inflamed them, but feare of ruine now exa­sperates them; and in this respect our danger is not the lesse, but the more.